Stormlord Rising

Now on sale at alibris.com

( 4.6/5.0 ★ | 194 downloads )
-- Click the link to download --

https://click.linksynergy.com/link?id=*C/UgjGtUZ8&offerid=1494105.26
539780316069144&type=15&murl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.alibris.com%2Fsearch%2
Fbooks%2Fisbn%2F9780316069144
Stormlord Rising

ISBN: 9780316069144
Category: Media > Books
File Fomat: PDF, EPUB, DOC...
File Details: 17.8 MB
Language: English
Website: alibris.com
Short description: Good Size: 4x1x6;

DOWNLOAD: https://click.linksynergy.com/link?id=*C/UgjGtUZ8&
offerid=1494105.26539780316069144&type=15&murl=http%3A%2F%2F
www.alibris.com%2Fsearch%2Fbooks%2Fisbn%2F9780316069144
 Stormlord Rising

• Click the link: https://click.linksynergy.com/link?id=*C/UgjGtUZ8&offerid=1494105.2653978031606914

4&type=15&murl=http%3A%2F%2Fwww.alibris.com%2Fsearch%2Fbooks%2Fisbn%2F9780316069144 to do
latest version of Stormlord Rising in multiple formats such as PDF, EPUB, and more.

• Don’t miss the chance to explore our extensive collection of high-quality resources, books, and guides on
our website. Visit us regularly to stay updated with new titles and gain access to even more valuable
materials.
.
contingents from surrounding ayllus to assist the neighbor in
distress. There were similar arrangements when the completion or
repair of any public work was urgent. The most cruel tax on the
people consisted in the selection of the Aclla-cuna, or chosen
maidens for the service of the Inca, and the church, or Huaca. This
was done once a year by an ecclesiastical dignitary called the Apu-
Panaca,[1216] or, according to one authority, the Hatun-uilca,[1217]
who was deputy of the high-priest. Service under the Inca in all
other capacities was eagerly sought for.
The industry and skill of the Peruvian husbandmen can scarcely
alone account for the perfection to which they brought the science of
agriculture. The administrative system of the Incas must share the
credit. Not a spot of cultivable land was neglected. Towns and
villages were built on rocky ground. Even their dead were buried in
waste places. Dry wastes were irrigated, and terraces were
constructed, sometimes a hundred deep, up the sides of the
mountains. The most beautiful example of this terrace cultivation
may still be seen in the “Andeneria,” or hanging gardens of the valley
of Vilcamayu, near Cuzco. There the terraces, commencing with
broad fields at the edge of the level ground, rise to a height of 1,500
feet, narrowing as they rise, until the loftiest terraces against the
perpendicular mountain side are not more than two feet wide, just
room for three or four rows of maize. An irrigation canal, starting
high up some narrow ravine at the snow level, is carried along the
mountain side and through the terraces, flowing down from one to
another.
Irrigation on a larger scale was employed not only on the desert
coast, but to water the pastures and arable lands in the mountains,
where there is rain for several months in the year. The channels were
often of considerable size and great length. Mr. Squier says that he
has followed them for days together, winding amidst the projections
of hills, here sustained by high masonry walls, there cut into the
living rock, and in some places conducted in tunnels through sharp
spurs of an obstructing mountain. An officer knew the space of time
necessary for irrigating each tupu, and each cultivator received a
flow of water in accordance with the requirements of his land. The
manuring of crops was also carefully attended to.[1218]
The result of all this intelligent labor was fully commensurate with
the thought and skill expended. The Incas produced the finest potato
crops the world has ever seen. The white maize of Cuzco has never
been approached in size or in yield. Coca, now so highly prized, is a
product peculiar to Inca agriculture, and its cultivation required
extreme care, especially in the picking and drying processes. Ajï, or
Chile pepper, furnished a new condiment to the Old World. Peruvian
cotton is excelled only by Sea Island and Egyptian in length of fibre,
and for strength and length of fibre combined is without an equal.
Quinua, oca, aracacha, and several fruits are also peculiar to
Peruvian agriculture.[1219]
The vast flocks of llamas[1220] and alpacas supplied meat for the
people, dried charqui for soldiers and travellers, and wool for
weaving cloth of every degree of fineness. The alpacas, whose
unrivalled wool is now in such large demand, may almost be said to
have been the creation of the Inca shepherds. They can only be
reared by the bestowal on them of the most constant and devoted
care. The wild huanacus and vicuñas were also sources of food and
wool supply. No man was allowed to kill any wild animal in Peru, but
there were periodical hunts, called chacu, in the different provinces,
which were ordered by the Inca. On these occasions a wide area was
surrounded by thousands of people, who gradually closed in towards
the centre. They advanced, shouting and starting the game before
them, and closed in, forming in several ranks until a great bag was
secured. The females were released, with a few of the best and
finest males. The rest were then shorn and also released, a certain
proportion being killed for the sake of their flesh. The huanacu wool
was divided among the people of the district, while the silky fleeces
of the vicuña were reserved for the Inca. The Quipu-camayoc kept a
careful record of the number caught, shorn, and killed.
 FROM HELPS.
[Cf. Humboldt’s account in Views of Nature, English transl.,
393-95, 407-9, 412. Marcoy says the usual descriptions of
the ancient roads are exaggerations (vol. i. 206).—Ed.]

The means of communication in so mountainous a country were

an important department in the administration of the Incas. Excellent
roads for foot passengers radiated from Cuzco to the remotest
portions of the empire. The Inca roads were level and well paved,
and continued for hundreds of leagues. Rocks were broken up and
levelled when it was necessary, ravines were filled, and excavations
were made in mountain sides. Velasco measured the width of the
Inca roads, and found them to be from six to seven yards,
sufficiently wide when only foot passengers used them. Gomara
gives them a breadth of twenty-five feet, and says that they were
paved with smooth stones. These measurements were confirmed by
Humboldt as regards the roads in the Andes. The road along the
coast was forty feet wide, according to Zarate. The Inca himself
travelled in a litter, borne by mountaineers from the districts of Soras
and Lucanas. Corpa-huasi, or rest-houses, were erected at intervals,
and the government messengers, or chasquis, ran with wonderful
celerity from one of these stations to another, where he delivered his
message, or quipu, to the next runner. Thus news was brought to
the central government from all parts of The empire with
extraordinary rapidity, and the Inca ate fresh fish at Cuzco which had
been caught in the Pacific, three hundred miles away, on the
previous day. Store-houses, with arms, clothing, and provisions for
the soldiers, were also built at intervals along the roads, so that an
army could be concentrated at any point without previous
preparation.
Closely connected with the facilities for communication, which
were so admirably established by the Incas, was the system of
moving colonies from one part of the empire to another. The evils of
minute subdivision were thus avoided, political objects were often
secured, and the comfort of the people was increased by the
exchange of products. The colonists were called mitimaes. For
example, the people of the Collao, round Lake Titicaca, lived in a
region where corn would not ripen, and if confined to the products of
their native land they must have subsisted solely on potatoes,
quinua, and llama flesh. But the Incas established colonies from their
villages in the coast valleys of Tacna and Moquegua, and in the
forests to the eastward. There was constant intercourse, and while
the mother country supplied chuñus or preserved potatoes, charqui
or dried meat, and wool to the colonists, there came back in return,
corn and fruits and cotton cloth from the coast, and the beloved coca
from the forests.
Military colonies were also established on the frontiers, and the
armies of the Incas, in their marches and extensive travels,
promoted the circulation of knowledge, while this service also gave
employment to the surplus agricultural population. Soldiers were
brought from all parts of the empire, and each tribe or ayllu was
distinguished by its arms, but more especially by its head-dress. The
Inca wore the crimson llautu, or fringe; the Apu, or general, wore a
yellow llautu. One tribe wore a puma’s head; the Cañaris were
adorned with the feathers of macaws, the Huacrachucus with the
horns of deer, the Pocras and Huamanchucus with a falcon’s wing
feathers. The arms of the Incas and Chancas consisted of a copper
axe, called champi; a lance pointed with bronze, called chuqui; and a
pole with a bronze or stone head in the shape of a six-pointed star,
used as a club, called macana. The Collas and Quichuas came with
slings and bolas, the Antis with bows and arrows. Defensive armor
consisted of a hualcanca or shield, the umachucu or head-dress, and
sometimes a breastplate. The perfect order prevailing in civil life was
part of the same system which enforced strict discipline in the army;
and ultimately the Inca troops were irresistible against any enemy
that could bring an opposing force into the field. Only when the
Incas fought against each other, as in the last civil war, could the
result be long doubtful.
 PERUVIAN METAL WORKERS.
[Reproduction of a cut in Benzoni’s Historia del Mondo
Nuovo (1565). Cf. D. Wilson’s Prehistoric Man, i. ch. 9, on
the Peruvian metal-workers.—Ed.]

PERUVIAN POTTERY.
[The tripod in this group is from Panama, the others are
Peruvian. This cut follows an engraving in Wilson’s
Prehistoric Man, ii. 41. There are numerous cuts in Wiener,
p. 589, etc. Cf. Stevens’s Flint Chips, p. 271.—Ed.]

The artificers engaged in

the numerous arts and on
public works subsisted on the
government share of the
produce. The artists who
fashioned the stones of the
Sillustani towers or of the
Cuzco temple with scientific
accuracy before they were fixed
in their places, were wholly
devoted to their art. Food and
clothing had to be provided for
them, and for the miners,
weavers, and potters. Gold was
obtained by the Incas in
immense quantities by washing PERUVIAN DRINKING
the sands of the rivers which VESSEL.
flowed through the forest-
covered province of Caravaya. [After a cut in Wilson’s Prehistoric
Silver was extracted from the Man, ii. 45; showing a cup of the
Beckford collection. “There is an
ore by means of blasting- individuality in the head, at once
furnaces called huayra; for, suggestive of portraiture.”—Ed.]
although quicksilver was known
and used as a coloring material, its properties for refining silver do
not appear to have been discovered. Copper was abundant in the
Collao and in Charcas, and tin was found in the hills on the east side
of Lake Titicaca, which enabled the Peruvians to use bronze very
extensively.[1221] Lead was also known to them. Skilful workers in
metals fashioned the vases and other utensils for the use of the Inca
and of the temples, forged the arms of the soldiers and the
implements of husbandry, and stamped or chased the ceremonial
breastplates, topus, girdles, and chains. The bronze and copper
warlike instruments, which were star-shaped and used as clubs, fixed
at the ends of staves, were cast in moulds. One of these club-heads,
now in the Cambridge collection, has six rays, broad and flat, and
terminating in rounded points. Each ray represents a human head,
the face on one surface and the hair and back of the head on the
other. This specimen was undoubtedly cast in a mould. “It is,” says
Professor Putnam, “a good illustration of the knowledge which the
ancient Peruvians had of the methods of working metals and of the
difficult art of casting copper.”[1222]
Spinning, weaving, and dyeing were arts which were sources of
employment to a great number of people, owing to the quantity and
variety of the fabrics for which there was a demand. There were rich
dresses interwoven with gold or made of gold thread; fine woollen
mantles, or tunics, ornamented with borders of small square gold
and silver plates; colored cotton cloths worked in complicated
patterns; and fabrics of aloe fibre and sheeps’ sinews for breeches.
Coarser cloths of llama wool were also made in vast quantities. But
the potters art was perhaps the one which exercised the inventive
faculties of the Peruvian artist to the greatest extent. The silver and
gold utensils, with the exception of a very few cups and vases, have
nearly all been melted down. But specimens of pottery, found buried
 with the dead in great
profusion, are abundant. They
are to be seen in every
museum, and at Berlin and
Madrid the collections are very
large.[1223] Varied as are the
forms to be found in the
pottery of the Incas, and
elegant as are many of the
designs, it must be
acknowledged that they are
inferior in these respects to the
specimens of the plastic art of
the Chimu and other people of
the Peruvian coast. The Incas,
however, displayed a
considerable play of fancy in
their designs. Many of the
vases were moulded into forms
to represent animals, fruit, and
UNFINISHED CLOTH FOUND corn, and were used as
AT PACHACAMAC. conopas, or household gods.
[After a cut in Wiener, Pérou et Others took the shape of
Bolivie, p. 65.—Ed.] human heads or feet, or were
made double or quadruple,
with a single neck branching from below. Some were for interment
with the malquis, others for household use.[1224] Professor Wilson,
who carefully examined several collections of ancient Peruvian
pottery, formed a high opinion of their merit. “Some of the
specimens,” he wrote, “are purposely grotesque, and by no means
devoid of true comic fancy; while, in the greater number, the endless
variety of combinations of animate and inanimate forms, ingeniously
rendered subservient to the requirements of utility, exhibit fertility of
thought in the designer, and a lively perceptive faculty in those for
whom he wrought.”[1225]
 There is a great deal more to learn respecting this marvellous
Inca civilization. Recent publications have, within the last few years,
thrown fresh and unexpected light upon it. There may be more
information still undiscovered or inedited. As yet we can understand
the wonderful story only imperfectly, and see it by doubtful lights.
Respecting some questions, even of the first importance, we are still
able only to make guesses and weigh probabilities. Yet, though there
is much that is uncertain as regards historical and other points, we
have before us the clear general outlines of a very extraordinary
picture. In no other part of America had civilization attained to such
a height among indigenous races. In no other part of the world has
the administration of a purely socialistic government been
attempted. The Incas not only made the attempt, but succeeded.

CRITICAL ESSAY ON THE SOURCES OF

INFORMATION.

T
HE student of Inca civilization will first seek for information
from those Spanish writers who lived during or immediately
after the Spanish conquest. They were able to converse with
natives who actually flourished before the disruption of the
Inca empire, and who saw the working of the Inca system before the
destruction and ruin had well commenced. He will next turn to those
laborious inquirers and commentators who, although not living so
near the time, were able to collect traditions and other information
from natives who had carefully preserved all that had been handed
down by their fathers.[1226] These two classes include the writers of
the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The authors who have
occupied themselves with the Quichua language and the literature of
the Incas have produced works a knowledge of which is essential to
an adequate study of the subject.[1227] Lastly, a consideration of the
publications of modern travellers and scholars, who throw light on
the writings of early chroniclers, or describe the present appearance
of ancient remains, will show the existing position of a survey still far
from complete, and the interest and charm of which invite further
investigation and research.
Foremost in the first class of writers on Peru is Pedro de Cieza de
Leon. A general account of his works will be found elsewhere,[1228]
and the present notice will therefore be confined to an estimate of
the labors of this author, so far as they relate to Inca history and
civilization. Cieza de Leon conceived the desire to write an account of
the strange things that were to be seen in the New World, at an
early period of his service as a soldier. “Neither fatigue,” he tells us,
“nor the ruggedness of the country, nor the mountains and rivers,
nor intolerable hunger and suffering, have ever been sufficient to
obstruct my two duties, namely, writing and following my flag and
my captain without fault.” He finished the First Part of his chronicle in
September, 1550, when he was thirty-two years of age. It is mainly a
geographical description of the country, containing many pieces of
information, such as the account of the Inca roads and bridges,
which are of great value. But it is to the Second Part that we owe
much of our knowledge of Inca civilization. From incidental notices
we learn how diligently young Cieza de Leon studied the history and
government of the Incas, after he had written his picturesque
description of the country in his First Part. He often asked the
Indians what they knew of their condition before the Incas became
their lords. He inquired into the traditions of the people from the
chiefs of the villages. In 1550 he went to Cuzco with the express
purpose of collecting information, and conferred diligently with one
of the surviving descendants of the Inca Huayna Ccapac. Cieza de
Leon’s plan, for the second part of his work, was first to review the
system of government of the Incas, and then to narrate the events
of the reign of each sovereign. He spared no pains to obtain the best
and most authentic information, and his sympathy with the
conquered people, and generous appreciation of their many good
and noble qualities, give a special charm to his narrative. He bears
striking evidence to the historical faculty possessed by the learned
men at the court of the Incas. After saying that on the death of a
sovereign the chroniclers related the events of his reign to his
successor, he adds: “They could well do this, for there were among
them some men with good memories, sound judgments, and subtle
genius, and full of reasoning power, as we can bear witness who
have heard them even in these our days.” Cieza de Leon is certainly
one of the most important authorities on Inca history and civilization,
whether we consider his peculiar advantages, his diligence and
ability, or his character as a conscientious historian.
Juan José de Betanzos, like Cieza de Leon, was one of the
soldiers of the conquest. He married a daughter of Atahualpa, and
became a citizen at Cuzco, where he devoted his time to the study of
Quichua. He was appointed official interpreter to the Audience and to
successive viceroys, and he wrote a Doctrina and two vocabularies
which are now lost. In 1558 he was appointed by the viceroy
Marquis of Cañete, to treat with the Inca Sayri Tupac,[1229] who had
taken refuge in the fastness of Vilcabamba; and by the Governor
Lope Garcia de Castro, to conduct a similar negotiation with Titu Cusi
Yupanqui, the brother of Sayri Tupac. He was successful in both
missions. He wrote his most valuable work, the Suma y Narracion de
los Incas, which was finished in the year 1551, by order of the
Viceroy Don Antonio de Mendoza, but its publication was prevented
by the death of the viceroy. It remained in manuscript, and its
existence was first made known by the Dominican monk Gregorio
Garcia in 1607, whose own work will be referred to presently. Garcia
said that the history of Betanzos relating to the origin, descent,
succession, and wars of the Incas was in his possession, and had
been of great use to him. Leon Pinelo and Antonio also gave brief
notices of the manuscript, but it is only twice cited by Prescott. The
great historian probably obtained a copy of a manuscript in the
Escurial, through Obadiah Rich. This manuscript is bound up with the
second part of Cieza de Leon. It is not, however, the whole work
which Garcia appears to have possessed, but only the first eighteen
chapters, and the last incomplete. Such as it is, it was edited and
printed for the Biblioteca Hispano-Ultramarina, by Don Márcos
Jiménez de la Espada, in 1880.[1230]
The work of Betanzos differs from that of Cieza de Leon, because
while the latter displays a diligence and discretion in collecting
information which give it great weight as an authority, the former is
imbued with the very spirit of the natives. The narrative of the
preparation of young Yupanqui for the death-struggle with the
Chancas is life-like in its picturesque vigor. Betanzos has portrayed
native feeling and character as no other Spaniard has, or probably
could have done. Married to an Inca princess, and intimately
conversant with the language, this most scholarly of the conquerors
is only second to Cieza de Leon as an authority. The date of his
death is unknown.
Betanzos and Cieza de Leon, with Pedro Pizarro, are the writers
among the conquerors whose works have been preserved. But these
three martial scholars by no means stand alone among their
comrades as authors. Several other companions of Pizarro wrote
narratives, which unfortunately have been lost.[1231] It is indeed
surprising that the desire to record some account of the native
civilization they had discovered should have been so prevalent
among the conquerors. The fact scarcely justifies the term “rude
soldiery,” which is so often applied to the discoverers of Peru.
The works of the soldier conquerors are certainly not less
valuable than those of the lawyers and priests who followed on their
heels. Yet these latter treat the subject from somewhat different
points of view, and thus furnish supplemental information. The works
of four lawyers of the era of the conquest have been preserved, and
those of another are lost. Of these, the writings of the Licentiate Polo
de Ondegardo are undoubtedly the most important. This learned
jurist accompanied the president, La Gasca, in his campaign against
Gonzalo Pizarro, having arrived in Peru a few years previously, and
he subsequently occupied the post of corregidor at Cuzco. Serving
under the Viceroy Don Francisco de Toledo, he was constantly
consulted by that acute but narrow-minded statesman. His duties
thus led Polo de Ondegardo to make diligent researches into the
laws and administration of the Incas, with a view to the adoption of
all that was applicable to the new régime. But his knowledge of the
language was limited, and it is necessary to receive many of his
statements with caution. His two Relaciones, the first dedicated to
the Viceroy Marques de Cañete (1561), and the second finished in
1570,[1232] are in the form of answers to questions on financial
revenue and other administrative points. They include information
respecting the social customs, religious rites, and laws of the Incas.
These Relaciones are still in manuscript. Another report by Polo de
Ondegardo exists in the National Library at Madrid,[1233] and has
been translated into English for the Hakluyt Society.[1234] In this
treatise the learned corregidor describes the principles on which the
Inca conquests were made, the division and tenures of land, the
system of tribute, the regulations for preserving game and for forest
conservancy, and the administrative details. Here and there he points
out a way in which the legislation of the Incas might be imitated and
utilized by their conquerors.[1235]
Agustin de Zarate, though a lawyer by profession, had been
employed for some years in the financial department of the Spanish
government before he went out to Peru with the Viceroy Blasco
Nuñez to examine into the accounts of the colony. On his return to
Spain he was entrusted with a similar mission in Flanders. His
Provincìa del Peru was first published at Antwerp in 1555.[1236]
Unacquainted with the native languages, and ignorant of the true
significance of much that he was told, Zarate was yet a shrewd
observer, and his evidence is valuable as regards what came under
his own immediate observation. He gives one of the best
descriptions of the Inca roads.
The Relacion of Fernando de Santillan is a work which may be
classed with the reports of Polo de Ondegardo, and its author had
equal advantages in collecting information. Going out to Peru as one
of the judges of the Audiencia in 1550,[1237] Santillan was for a short
time at the head of the government, after the death of the Viceroy
Mendoza, and he took the field to suppress the rebellion of Giron. He
afterwards served in Chile and at Quito, where he was commissioned
to establish the court of justice. Returning to Spain, he took orders,
and was appointed Bishop of the La Plata, but died at Lima, on his
way to his distant see, in 1576. The Relacion of Santillan remained in
manuscript, in the library of the Escurial, until it was edited by Don
Márcos Jiménez de la Espada in 1879. This report appears to have
been prepared in obedience to a decree desiring the judges of Lima
to examine aged and learned Indians regarding the administrative
system of the Incas. The report of Santillan is mainly devoted to a
discussion of the laws and customs relating to the collection of
tribute. He bears testimony to the excellence of the Inca
government, and to the wretched condition to which the country had
since been reduced by Spanish misrule.
The work of the Licentiate Juan de Matienzo, a contemporary of
Ondegardo, entitled Gobierno de el Peru, is still in manuscript. Like
Santillan and Ondegardo, Matienzo discusses the ancient institutions
with a view to the organization of the best possible system under
Spanish rule.[1238]
Melchor Bravo de Saravia, another judge of the Royal Audience at
Lima, and a contemporary of Santillan, is said to have written a work
on the antiquities of Peru; but it is either lost or has not yet been
placed within reach of the student. It is referred to by Velasco. Cieza
de Leon mentions, at the end of his Second Part, that his own work
had been perused by the learned judges Hernando de Santillan and
Bravo de Saravia.
While the lawyers turned their attention chiefly to the civil
administration of the conquered people, the priests naturally studied
the religious beliefs and languages of the various tribes, and
collected their historical traditions. The best and most accomplished
of these sacerdotal authors appears to have been Blas Valera,
judging from the fragments of his writings which have escaped
destruction. He was a native of Peru, born at Chachapoyas in 1551,
where his father, Luis Valera,[1239] one of the early conquerors, had
settled. Young Blas was received into the Company of Jesus at Lima
when only seventeen years of age, and, as he was of Inca race on
the mother’s side, he soon became useful at the College in Cuzco
from his proficiency in the native languages. He did missionary work
in the surrounding villages, and acquired a profound knowledge of
the history and institutions of the Incas. Eventually he completed a
work on the subject in Latin, and was sent to Spain by his Jesuit
superiors with a view to its publication. Unfortunately the greater
part of his manuscript was burnt at the sack of Cadiz by the Earl of
Essex in 1596, and Blas Valera himself died shortly afterwards. The
fragments that were rescued fell into the hands of Garcilasso de la
Vega, who translated them into Spanish, and printed them in his
Commentaries. It is to Blas Valera that we owe the preservation of
two specimens of Inca poetry and an estimate of Inca chronology.
He has also recorded the traditional sayings of several Inca
sovereigns, and among his fragments there are very interesting
chapters on the religion, the laws and ordinances, and the language
of the Incas, and on the vegetable products and medicinal drugs of
Peru. These fragments are evidence that Blas Valera was an elegant
scholar, a keen observer, and thoroughly master of his subject. They
enhance the feeling of regret at the irreparable loss that we have
sustained by the destruction of the rest of his work.
Next to Blas Valera, the most important authority on Inca
civilization, among the Spanish priests who were in Peru during the
sixteenth century, is undoubtedly Christoval de Molina. He was
chaplain to the hospital for natives at Cuzco, and his work was
written between 1570 and 1584, the period embraced by the
episcopate of Dr. Sebastian de Artaun, to whom it is dedicated.
Molina gives minute and detailed accounts of the ceremonies
performed at all the religious festivals throughout the year, with the
prayers used by the priests on each occasion. Out of the fourteen
prayers preserved by Molina, four are addressed to the Supreme
Being, two to the sun, the rest to these and other deities combined.
His mastery of the Quichua language, his intimacy with the native
chiefs and learned men, and his long residence at Cuzco give Molina
a very high place as an authority on Inca civilization. His work has
remained in manuscript,[1240] but it has been translated into English
and printed for the Hakluyt Society.[1241]
Molina, in his dedicatory address to Bishop Artaun, mentions a
previous narrative which he had submitted, on the origin, history,
and government of the Incas. Fortunately this account was
preserved by Miguel Cavello Balboa, an author who wrote at Quito
between 1576 and 1586. Balboa, a soldier who had taken orders late
in life, went out to America in 1566, and settled at Quito, where he
devoted himself to the preparation and writing of a work which he
entitled Miscellanea Austral. It is in three parts; but only the third,
comprising about half the work, relates to Peru. Balboa tells us that
his authority for the early Inca traditions and history was the learned
Christoval de Molina, and this gives special value to Balboa’s work.
Moreover, Balboa is the only authority who gives any account of the
origin of the coast people, and he also supplies a detailed narrative
of the war between Huascar and Atahualpa. The portion relating to
Peru was translated into French and published by Ternaux Compans
in 1840.[1242]
The Jesuits who arrived in Peru during the latter part of the
sixteenth century were devoted to missionary labors, and gave an
impetus to the study of the native languages and history. Among the
most learned was José de Acosta, who sailed for Peru in 1570. At the
early age of thirty-five, Acosta was chosen to be Provincial of the
Jesuits in Peru, and his duties required him to travel over every part
of the country. His great learning, which is displayed in his various
theological works, qualified him for the task of writing his Natural
and Moral History of the Indies, the value of which is increased by
the author’s personal acquaintance with the countries and their
inhabitants. Acosta went home in the Spanish fleet of 1587, and his
first care, on his return to Spain, was to make arrangements for the
publication of his manuscripts. The results of his South American
researches first saw the light at Salamanca, in Latin, in 1588 and
1589. The complete work in Spanish, Historia Natural y Moral de las
Indias, was published at Seville in 1590. Its success was never
doubtful.[1243] In his latter years Acosta presided over the Jesuits’
College at Salamanca, where he died in his sixtieth year, on February
15, 1600.[1244] In spite of the learning and diligence of Acosta and
of the great popularity of his work, it cannot be considered one of
the most valuable contributions towards a knowledge of Inca
civilization. The information it contains is often inaccurate, the details
are less complete than in most of the other works written soon after
the conquest,[1245] and a want of knowledge of the language is
frequently made apparent. The best chapters are those devoted to
the animal and vegetable products of Peru; and Feyjoo calls Acosta
the Pliny of the New World.[1246]
The Licentiate Fernando Montesinos, a native of Osuna, was one
of the most diligent of all those who in early times made researches
into the history and traditions of the Incas. Montesinos went out in
the fleet which took the Viceroy Count of Chinchon to Peru, arriving
early in the year 1629. Having landed at Payta, Montesinos travelled
southwards towards the capital until he reached the city of Truxillo.
At that time Dr. Carlos Marcelino Corni was Bishop of Truxillo.[1247]
Hearing of the virtue and learning of Montesinos, Dr. Corni begged
that he might be allowed to stop at Truxillo, and take charge of the
Jesuits’ College which the good bishop had established there.
Montesinos remained at Truxillo until the death of Bishop Corni, in
October, 1629,[1248] and then proceeded to Potosi, where he gave
his attention to improvements in the methods of extracting silver. He
wrote a book on the subject, which was printed at Lima, and also
compiled a code of ordinances for mines with a view to lessening
disputes, which was officially approved. Returning to the capital, he
lived for several years at Lima as chaplain of one of the smaller
churches, and devoted all his energies to the preparation of a history
of Peru. Making Lima his headquarters, the indefatigable student
undertook excursions into all parts of the country, wherever he heard
of learned natives to be consulted, of historical documents to be
copied, or of information to be found. He travelled over 1,500
leagues, from Quito to Potosi. In 1639 he was employed to write an
account of the famous Auto de Fé which was celebrated at Lima in
that year. His two great historical works are entitled Memorias
Antiguas Historiales del Peru, and Anales ó Memorias Nuevas del
Peru.[1249] From Lima Montesinos proceeded to Quito as “Visitador
General,” with very full powers conferred by the bishop.
The work of Montesinos remained in manuscript until it was
translated into French by M. Ternaux Compans in 1840, with the title
Mémoires Historiques sur l’ancien Pérou. In 1882 the Spanish text
was very ably edited by Don Márcos Jiménez de la Espada.[1250]
Montesinos gives the history of several dynasties which preceded the
rise of the Incas, enumerating upwards of a hundred sovereigns. He
professes to have acquired a knowledge of the ancient records
through the interpretations of the quipus, communicated to him by
learned natives. It was long supposed that the accounts of these
earlier sovereigns received no corroboration from any other
authority. This furnished legitimate grounds for discrediting
Montesinos. But a narrative, as old or older than that of the
licentiate, has recently been brought to light, in which at least two of
the ancient sovereigns in the lists of Montesinos are incidentally
referred to. This circumstance alters the aspect of the question, and
places the Memorias Antiquas del Peru in a higher position as an
authority; for it proves that the very ancient traditions which
Montesinos professed to have received from the natives had
previously been communicated to one other independent inquirer at
least.
This independent inquirer is an author whose valuable work has
recently been edited by Don Márcos Jiménez de la Espada.[1251] His
narrative is anonymous, but internal evidence establishes the fact
that he was a Jesuit, and probably one of the first who arrived in
Peru in 1568, although he appears to have written his work many
years afterwards. The anonymous Jesuit supplies information
respecting works on Peruvian civilization which are lost to us. He
describes the temples, the orders of the priesthood, the sacrifices
and religious ceremonies, explaining the origin of the erroneous
statement that human sacrifices were offered up. He also gives the
code of criminal law and the customs which prevailed in civil life, and
concludes his work with a short treatise on the conversion of the
Indians.
The efforts of the viceroys and archbishops of Lima during the
early part of the seventeenth century to extirpate idolatry,
particularly in the province of Lima, led to the preparation of reports
by the priests who were entrusted with the duty of extirpation, which
contain much curious information. These were the Fathers Hernando
de Avendaño, Francisco de Avila, Luis de Teruel, and Pablo José de
Arriaga. Avendaño, in addition to his sermons in Quichua, wrote an
account of the idolatries of the Indians,—Relacion de las Idolatrias
de los Indios,—which is still in manuscript. Avila was employed in the
province of Huarochiri, and in 1608 he wrote a report on the idols
and superstitions of the people, including some exceedingly curious
religious legends. He appears to have written down the original
evidence from the mouths of the Indians in Quichua, intending to
translate it into Spanish. But he seems to have completed only six
chapters in Spanish; or perhaps the translation is by another hand.
There are still thirty-one chapters in Quichua awaiting the labors of
some learned Peruvian scholar. Rising Quichua students, of whom
there are not a few in Peru, could undertake no more useful work.
This important report of Avila is comprised in a manuscript volume in
the National Library at Madrid, and the six Spanish chapters have
been translated and printed for the Hakluyt Society.[1252] Teruel was
the friend and companion of Avila. He also wrote a treatise on native
idolatries,[1253] and another against idolatry,[1254] in which he
discusses the origin of the coast people. Arriaga wrote a still more
valuable work on the extirpation of idolatry, which was printed at
Lima in 1621, and which relates the religious beliefs and practices of
the people in minute detail.[1255]
Antiquarian treasures of great value are buried in the works of
ecclesiastics, the principal objects of which are the record of the
deeds of one or other of the religious fraternities. The most
important of these is the Coronica Moralizada del orden de San
Augustin en el Peru; del Padre Antonio de la Calancha (1638-1653),
[1256] which is a precious storehouse of details respecting the
manners and customs of the Indians and the topography of the
country. Calancha also gives the most accurate Inca calendar. Of less
value is the chronicle of the Franciscans, by Diego de Cordova y
Salinas, published at Madrid in 1643.
A work, the title of which gives even less promise of containing
profitable information, is the history of the miraculous image of a
virgin at Copacabana, by Fray Alonso Ramos Gavilan. Yet it throws
unexpected light on the movements of the mitimaes, or Inca
colonists; it gives fresh details respecting the consecrated virgins, the
sacrifices, and the deities worshipped in the Collao, and supplies
another version of the Inca calendar.[1257]
The work on the origin of the Indians of the New World, by Fray
Gregorio Garcia,[1258] who travelled extensively in the Spanish
colonies, is valuable, and to Garcia we owe the first notice of the
priceless narrative of Betanzos. His separate work on the Incas is lost
to us.[1259] Friar Martin de Múrua, a native of Guernica, in Biscay,
was an ecclesiastic of some eminence in Peru. He wrote a general
history of the Incas, which was copied by Dr. Muñoz for his
collection, and Leon Pinelo says that the manuscript was illustrated
with colored drawings of insignia and dresses, and portraits of the
Incas.[1260]
The principal writers on Inca civilization in the century
immediately succeeding the conquest, of the three different
professions,—soldiers, lawyers, and priests,—have now been passed
in review. Attention must next be given to the native writers who
followed in the wake of Blas Valera. First among these is the Inca
Garcilasso de la Vega, an author whose name is probably better
known to the general reader than that of any other who has written
on the same subject. Among the Spanish conquerors who arrived in
Peru in 1534 was Garcilasso de la Vega, a cavalier of very noble
lineage,[1261] who settled at Cuzco, and was married to an Inca
princess named Chimpa Ocllo, niece of the Inca Huayna Ccapac.
Their son, the future historian, was born at Cuzco in 1539, and his
earliest recollections were connected with the stirring events of the
civil war between Gonzalo Pizarro and the president La Gasca, in
1548. His mother died soon afterwards, probably in 1550, and his
father married again. The boy was much in the society of his
mother’s kindred, and he often heard them talk over the times of the
Incas, and repeat their historical traditions. Nor was his education
neglected; for the good Canon Juan de Cuellar read Latin with the
half-caste sons of the citizens of Cuzco for nearly two years, amidst
all the turmoil of the civil wars. As he grew up, he was employed by
his father to visit his estates, and he travelled over most parts of
Peru. The elder Garcilasso de la Vega died in 1560, and the young
orphan resolved to seek his fortune in the land of his fathers. On his
arrival in Spain he received patronage and kindness from his paternal
relatives, became a captain in the army of Philip II, and when he
retired, late in life, he took up his abode in lodgings at Cordova, and
devoted himself to literary pursuits. His first production was a
translation from the Italian of “The Dialogues of Love,” and in 1591
he completed his narrative of the expedition of Hernando de Soto to
Florida.[1262]
As years rolled on, the Inca
began to think more and more
of the land of his birth. The
memory of his boyish days, of
the long evening chats with his
Inca relations, came back to
him in his old age. He was as
proud of his maternal descent
from the mighty potentates of
Peru as of the old Castilian
connection on his father’s side.
It would seem that the
appearance of several books on
the subject of his native land
finally induced him to HOUSE IN CUZCO IN WHICH
undertake a work in which, GARCILASSO WAS BORN.
while recording its own [After a cut in Marcoy, i. 219. Cf.
reminiscences and the Squier’s Peru, p. 449.—Ed.]
information he might collect, he
could also comment on the statements of other authors. Hence the
title of Commentaries which he gave to his work. Besides the
fragments of the writings of Blas Valera, which enrich the pages of
Garcilasso, the Inca quotes from Acosta, from Gomara, from Zarate,
and from the First Part of Cieza de Leon.[1263] He was fortunate in
getting possession of the chapters of Blas Valera rescued from the
sack of Cadiz. He also wrote to all his surviving schoolfellows for
assistance, and received many traditions and detailed replies on
other subjects from them. Thus Alcobasa forwarded an account of
the ruins at Tiahuanacu, and another friend sent him the
measurements of the great fortress at Cuzco.
The Inca Garcilasso de la Vega is, without doubt, the first
authority on the civilization of his ancestors; but it is necessary to
consider his qualifications and the exact value of his evidence. He
had lived in Peru until his twentieth year; Quichua was his native
language, and he had constantly heard the traditions of the Incas
related and discussed by his mother’s relations. But when he began
to write he had been separated from these associations for upwards
of thirty years. He received materials from Peru, enabling him to
compose a connected historical narrative, which is not, however, very
reliable. The true value of his work is derived from his own
reminiscences, aroused by reading the books which are the subjects
of his Commentary, and from his correspondence with friends in
Peru. His memory was excellent, as is often proved when he corrects
the mistakes of Acosta and others with diffidence, and is invariably
right. He was not credulous, having regard to the age in which he
lived; nor was he inclined to give the rein to his imagination. More
than once we find him rejecting the fanciful etymologies of the
authors whose works he criticises. His narratives of the battles and
conquests of the early Incas often become tedious, and of this he is
himself aware. He therefore intersperses them with more interesting
chapters on the religious ceremonies, the domestic habits and
customs, of the people, and on their advances in poetry, astronomy,
music, medicine, and the arts. He often inserts an anecdote from the
storehouse of his memory, or some personal reminiscence called
forth by the subject on which he happens to be writing. His
statements frequently receive undesigned corroboration from
authors whose works he never saw. Thus his curious account of the
water sacrifices, not mentioned by any other published authority, is
verified by the full description of the same rite in the manuscript of
Molina. On the other hand, the long absence of the Inca from his
native country entailed upon him grave disadvantages. His boyish
recollections, though deeply interesting, could not, from the nature
of the case, provide him with critical knowledge. Hence the mistakes
in his work are serious and of frequent occurrence. Dr. Villar has
pointed out his total misconception of the Supreme Being of the
Peruvians, and of the significance of the word “Uira-cocha.”[1264]
But, with all its shortcomings,[1265] the work of the Inca Garcilasso
de la Vega must ever be the main source of our knowledge, and
without his pious labors the story of the Incas would lose more than
half its interest.
The first part of his Commentarios Reales, which alone concerns
the present subject, was published at Lisbon in 1607.[1266] The
author died at Cordova at the age of seventy-six, and was buried in
the cathedral in 1616. He lived just long enough to accomplish his
most cherished wish, and to complete the work at which he had
steadily and lovingly labored for so many years.
Another Indian author wrote an account of the antiquities of
Peru, at a time when the grandchildren of those who witnessed the
conquest by the Spaniards were living. Unlike Garcilasso, this author
never left the land of his birth, but he was not of Inca lineage. Don
Juan de Santacruz Pachacuti Yamqui Salcamayhua was a native of
the Collao, and descended from a family of local chiefs. His work is
entitled Relacion de Antigüedades deste Reyno del Peru. It long
remained in manuscript in the National Library at Madrid, until it was
edited by Don Márcos Jiménez de la Espada in 1879. It had
previously been translated into English and edited for the Hakluyt
Society.[1267] Salcamayhua gives the traditions of Inca history as
they were handed down to the third generation after the conquest.
Intimately acquainted with the language, and in a position to
converse with the oldest recipients of native lore, he is able to record
much that is untold elsewhere, and to confirm a great deal that is
related by former authors. He has also preserved two prayers in
Quichua, attributed to Manco Ccapac, the first Inca, and some
others, which add to the number given by Molina. He also
corroborates the important statement of Molina, that the great gold
plate in the temple at Cuzco was intended to represent the Supreme
Being, and not the sun. Salcamayhua is certainly a valuable addition
to the authorities on Peruvian history.
 Note.—The title-page of the fifth decade Herrera, showing
the Inca portraits, is given above. Cf. the plate in Stevens’s
English translation of Herrera, vol. iv., London, 1740, 2d
edition.—Ed.

While so many soldiers and priests and lawyers did their best to
preserve a knowledge of Inca civilization, the Spanish government
itself was not idle. The kings of Spain and their official advisers
showed an anxiety to prevent the destruction of monuments and to
collect historical and topographical information which is worthy of all
praise. In 1585, orders were given to all the local authorities in
Spanish America to transmit such information, and a circular,
containing a series of interrogatories, was issued for their guidance.
The result of this measure was, that a great number of Relaciones
descriptivas were received in Spain, and stored up in the archives of
the Indies. Herrera had these reports before him when he was
writing his history, but it is certain that he did not make use of half
the material they contain.[1268] Another very curious and valuable
source of information consists of the reports on the origin of Inca
sovereignty, which were prepared by order of the Viceroy Don
Francisco de Toledo, and forwarded to the council of the Indies. They
consist of twenty documents, forming a large volume, and preceded
by an introductory letter. The viceroy’s object was to establish the
fact that the Incas had originally been usurpers, in forcibly acquiring
authority over the different provinces of the empire, and
dispossessing the native chiefs. His inference was, that, as usurpers,
they were rightfully dethroned by the Spaniards. He failed to see
that such an argument was equally fatal to a Spanish claim, based
on anything but the sword. Nevertheless, the traditions collected
with this object, not only from the Incas at Cuzco, but also from the
chiefs of several provinces, are very important and interesting.[1269]
The Viceroy Toledo also sent home four cloths on which the
pedigree of the Incas was represented. The figures of the successive
sovereigns were depicted, with medallions of their wives, and their
respective lineages. The events of each reign were recorded on the
borders, the traditions of Paccari-tampu, and of the creation by Uira-
cocha, occupying the first cloth. It is probable that the Inca portraits
given by Herrera were copied from those on the cloths sent home by
the viceroy. The head-dresses in Herrera are very like that of the
high-priest in the Relacion of the anonymous Jesuit. A map seems to
have accompanied the pedigree, which was drawn under the
superintendence of the distinguished sailor and cosmographer, Don
Pedro Sarmiento de Gamboa.[1270]
Much curious information respecting the laws and customs of the
Incas and the beliefs of the people is to be found in ordinances and
decrees of the Spanish authorities, both civil and ecclesiastical.
These ordinances are contained in the Ordenanzas del Peru, of the
Licentiate Tomas de Ballesteros, in the Politica Indiana of Juan de
Solorzano (Madrid, 1649),[1271] in the Concilium Limense of Acosta,
and in the Constituciones Synodales of Dr. Lobo Guerrero,
Archbishop of Lima, printed in that city in 1614, and again in 1754.
The kingdom of Quito received attention from several early
writers, but most of their manuscripts are lost to us. Quito was
fortunate, however, in finding a later historian to devote himself to
the work of chronicling the story of his native land. Juan de Velasco
was a native of Riobamba. He resided for forty years in the kingdom
of Quito as a Jesuit priest, he taught and preached in the native
language of the people, and he diligently studied all the works on
the subject that were accessible to him. He spent six years in
travelling over the country, twenty years in collecting books and
manuscripts; and when the Jesuits were banished he took refuge in
Italy, where he wrote his Historia del Reino de Quito. Velasco used
several authorities which are now lost. One of these was the
Conquista de la Provincia del Quito, by Fray Marco de Niza, a
companion of Pizarro. Another was the Historia de las guerras civiles
del Inca Atahualpa, by Jacinto Collahuaso. He also refers to the
Antigüedades del Peru by Bravo de Saravia. As a native of Quito,
Velasco is a strong partisan of Atahualpa; and he is the only historian
who gives an account of the traditions respecting the early kings of
Quito. The work was completed in 1789, brought from Europe, and
printed at Quito in 1844, and M. Ternaux Compans brought out a
French edition in 1840.[1272]
Recent authors have written introductory essays on Peruvian
civilization to precede the story of the Spanish conquest, have
described the ruins in various parts of the country after personal
inspection, or have devoted their labors to editing the early
authorities, or to bringing previously unknown manuscripts to light,
and thus widening and strengthening the foundation on which future
histories may be raised.
 WILLIAM ROBERTSON.
[After a print in the European Mag. (1802), vol. xli.—Ed.]

Robertson’s excellent view of the story of the Incas in his History

of America[1273] was for many years the sole source of information
on the subject for the general English public; but since 1848 it has
been superseded by Prescott’s charming narrative contained in the
opening book of his Conquest of Peru.[1274] The knowledge of the
present generation on the subject of the Incas is derived almost
entirely from Prescott, and, so far as it goes, there can be no better
authority. But much has come to light since his time. Prescott’s
narrative, occupying 159 pages, is founded on the works of
Garcilasso de la Vega, who is the authority most frequently cited by
him, Cieza de Leon, Ondegardo, and Acosta.[1275] Helps, in the
chapter of his Spanish Conquest on Inca civilization, which covers
forty-five pages, only cited two early authorities not used by
Prescott,[1276] and his sketch is much more superficial than that of
his predecessor.[1277]
The publication of the Antigüedades Peruanas by Don Mariano
Eduardo de Rivero (the director of the National Museum at Lima)
and Juan Diego de Tschudi at Vienna, in 1851, marked an important
turning-point in the progress of investigation. One of the authors
was himself a Peruvian, and from that time some of the best
educated natives of the country have given their attention to its early
history. The Antigüedades for the first time gives due prominence to
an estimate of the language and literature of the Incas, and to
descriptions of ruins throughout Peru. The work is accompanied by a
large atlas of engravings; but it contains grave inaccuracies, and the
map of Pachacamac is a serious blemish to the work.[1278] The
Antigüedades were followed by the Annals of Cuzco,[1279] and in
1860 the Ancient History of Peru, by Don Sebastian Lorente, was
published at Lima.[1280] In a series of essays in the Revista Peruana,
[1281] Lorente gave the results of many years of further study of the
subject, which appear to have been the concluding labors of a useful
life. When he died, in November, 1884, Sebastian Lorente had been
engaged for upwards of forty years in the instruction of the Peruvian
youth at Lima and in other useful labors. A curious genealogical work
on the Incarial family was published at Paris in 1850, by Dr. Justo
Sahuaraura Inca, a canon of the cathedral of Cuzco, but it is of no
historical value.[1282]
Several scholars, both in Europe and America, have published the
results of their studies relating to the problems of Inca history.
Ernest Desjardins has written on the state of Peru before the Spanish
conquest,[1283] J. G. Müller on the religious beliefs of the people,
[1284] and Waitz on Peruvian anthropology.[1285] The writings of Dr.
Brinton, of Philadelphia, also contain valuable reflections and useful
information respecting the mythology and native literature of Peru.
[1286] Mr. Bollaert had been interested in Peruvian researches during
the greater part of his lifetime (b. 1807; d. 1876), and had visited
several provinces of Peru, especially Tarapaca. He accumulated many
notes. His work, at first sight, appears to be merely a confused mass
of jottings, and certainly there is an absence of method and
arrangement; but closer examination will lead to the discovery of
many facts which are not to be met with elsewhere.[1287]
A critical study of early authorities and a knowledge of the
Quichua language are two essential qualifications for a writer on Inca
civilization. But it is almost equally important that he should have
access to intelligent and accurate descriptions of the remains of
ancient edifices and public works throughout Peru. For this he is
dependent on travellers, and it must be confessed that no
descriptions at all meeting the requirements were in existence before
the opening of the present century. Humboldt was the first traveller
in South America who pursued his antiquarian researches on a
scientific basis. His works are models for all future travellers. It is to
Humboldt,[1288] and his predecessors the Ulloas,[1289] that we owe
graphic descriptions of Inca ruins in the kingdom of Quito and in
northern Peru as far as Caxamarca. French travellers have
contributed three works of importance to the same department of
research. M. Alcide D’Orbigny examined and described the ruins of
Tiahuanacu with great care.[1290] M. François de Castelnau was the
leader of a scientific expedition sent out by the French government,
and his work contains descriptions of ruins illustrated by plates.[1291]
The work of M. Wiener is more complete, and is intended to be
exhaustive. He was also employed by the French government on an
archæological and ethnographic mission to Peru, from 1875 to 1877,
and he has performed his task with diligence and ability, while no
cost seems to have been spared in the production of his work.[1292]
The maps and illustrations are numerous and well executed, and M.
Wiener visited nearly every part of Peru where archæological
remains are to be met with. There is only one fault to be found with
the praiseworthy and elaborate works of D’Orbigny and Wiener. The
authors are too apt to adopt theories on insufficient grounds, and to
confuse their otherwise admirable descriptions with imaginative
speculations. An example of this kind has been pointed out by the
Peruvian scholar Dr. Villar, with reference to M. Wiener’s erroneous
ideas respecting Culte de l’eau ou de la pluie, et le dieu Quonn.[1293]
M. Wiener is the only modern traveller who has visited and described
the interesting ruins of Vilcashuaman.
The present writer has published two books recording his travels
in Peru. In the first he described the fortress of Hervay, the ancient
irrigation channels at Nasca on the Peruvian coast, and the ruins at
and around Cuzco, including Ollantay-tampu.[1294] In the second
there are descriptions of the chulpas at Sillustani in the Collao, and
of the Inca roof over the Sunturhuasi at Azangaro.[1295]
The work of E. G. Squier is, on the whole, the most valuable
result of antiquarian researches in Peru that has ever been presented
to the public.[1296] Mr. Squier had special qualifications for the task.
He had already been engaged on similar work in Nicaragua, and he
was well versed in the history of his subject. He visited nearly all the
ruins of importance in the country, constructed plans, and took
numerous photographs. Avoiding theoretical disquisitions, he gives
most accurate descriptions of the architectural remains, which are
invaluable to the student. His style is agreeable and interesting,
while it inspires confidence in the reader; and his admirable book is
in all respects thoroughly workmanlike.[1297]
 CLEMENTS R. MARKHAM.
[After a photograph kindly furnished by himself at the
editor’s request.—Ed.]

Tiahuanacu is minutely described by D’Orbigny, Wiener, and

Squier, and the famous ruins have also been the objects of special
attention from other investigators. Mr. Helsby of Liverpool took
careful photographs of the monolithic doorway in 1857, which were
engraved and published, with a descriptive article by Mr. Bollaert.
[1298] Don Modesto Basadre has also written an account of the ruins,

with measurements.[1299] But the most complete monograph on

Tiahuanacu is by Mr. Inwards, who surveyed the ground,
photographed all the ruins, made enlarged drawings of the
sculptures on the monolithic doorway, and even attempted an ideal
restoration of the palace. In the letter-press, Mr. Inwards quotes
from the only authorities who give any account of Tiahuanacu, and
on this particular point his monograph entitles him to be considered
as the highest modern authority.[1300]
Another special investigation of equal interest, and even greater
completeness, is represented by the superb work on the burial-
ground of Ancon, being the results of excavations made on the spot
by Wilhelm Reiss and Alphonso Stübel. The researches of these
painstaking and talented antiquaries have thrown a flood of light on
the social habits and daily life of the civilized people of the Peruvian
coast.[1301]
The great work of Don Antonio Raimondi on Peru is still
incomplete. The learned Italian has already devoted thirty-eight
years to the study of the natural history of his adopted country, and
the results of his prolonged scientific labors are now gradually being
given to the public. The plan of this exhaustive monograph is a
division into six parts, devoted to the geography, geology,
mineralogy, botany, zoölogy, and ethnology of Peru. The
geographical division will contain a description of the principal
ancient monuments and their ruins, while the ethnology will include
a treatise on the ancient races, their origin and civilization. But as yet
only three volumes have been published. The first is entitled Parte
Preliminar, describing the plan of the work and the extent of the
author’s travels throughout the country. The second and third
volumes comprise a history of the progress of geographical discovery
in Peru since the conquest by Pizarro. The completion of this great
work, undertaken under the auspices of the government of Peru, has
been long delayed.[1302]
The labors of explorers are supplemented by the editorial work of
scholars, who bring to light the precious relics of early authorities,
hitherto buried in scarcely accessible old volumes or in manuscript.
First in the ranks of these laborers in the cause of knowledge, as
regards ancient Peruvian history, stands the name of M. Ternaux
Compans. He has furnished to the student carefully edited French
editions of the narrative of Xeres, of the history of Peru by Balboa, of
the Mémoires Historiques of Montesinos, and of the history of Quito
by Velasco.[1303]
The present writer has translated into English and edited the
works of Cieza de Leon, Garcilasso de la Vega, Molina, Salcamayhua,
Avila, Xeres, Andagoya, and one of the reports of Ondegardo, and
has edited the old translation of Acosta.
Dr. M. Gonzalez de la Rosa, an accomplished Peruvian scholar,
brought to light and edited, in 1879, the curious Historia de Lima of
Father Bernabé Cobo. It was published in successive numbers of the
Revista Peruana, at Lima.

MÁRCOS JIMÉNEZ DE LA ESPADA.