199362
199362
This report has not been published by the U.S. Department of Justice.
To provide better customer service, NCJRS has made this Federally-
funded grant final report available electronically in addition to
traditional paper copies.
INTRODUCTION
forbe” (Bittner 1970) to control citizens’ behavior and ensure public order. While the
authority to use such force is not a problem, its proper application is “the central problem
problem, however, is scarce. This is particularly true at the organizational level. Most
previous studies on citizen complaints have been conducted at the individual level and
focused on a limited number of jurisdictions, and the measures have not been consistent
m across studies (Dugan and Breda 199 1;Kerstetter 1985; Littlejohn 198 1 ;Pate and
Hamilton 1991;Toch 1995; Wagner 1980; Wagner and Decker 1993; Worden 1995).
The current report includes two empirical studies examining the two related issues of
police brutality at the organizational level: citizen complaints about police use of physical
Police use of excessive force is also called police brutality. Both terms refer to
any unnecessary use of force by police. Reiss (1971:334) defines police brutality as any
practice that degrades citizen status, “that restricts their freedom, and that annoys or
harasses them,” or that uses unnecessary and unwarranted physical force. Building on
Reiss, Decker and Wagner (1 982) modi@ the definition of police brutality as the citizens’
judgment that they have not been treated with full rights and dignity by police as expected
in a democratic society. The current study will use this definition to examine two
of police power*.
While estimates vary, the incidences of police brutality are infrequent (Dugan and
Breda 1991; Fyfe 1995; Kerstetter 1985; Klockars 1996; Littlejohn 1981; Pate and
Hamilton 1991;Wagner 1980; Wagner and Decker 1993; Worden 1995). Even so, police
use of excessive force is a serious problem, both for citizens who might be subjected to
such force and for officers who employ it. Many riots of this century were caused by the
public perceptions concerning the police misues of force, from the Chicago disturbance of
1919 to the Los Angeles riots followed the trial of police officers in the Rodney King
incidence. Police use of excessive force reduces public confidence in the police,
depresses officer morale, and generates conflict between police and residents
(Langworthy and Travis 1994). The police agency’s image can be tainted significantly
by the conduct of its officers (Son et al. 1997). Johnson (198 1) argues that perceptions of
police brutality have been at the heart of citizen distrust of and complaints about the
police. Investigations done by the Christopher Commission (1 991) reveal that brutality is
one manifestation of the often troubled relationship between the police and the
1988), since the organization is at risk of outside interference, and the police chief is at
risk of losing his or her job. Still another important point is that whenever police violate
either the spirit or the letter of the law, the line between totalitarian and democratic
and theories about minimizing police misconduct are widely available, empirical research
in this area is limited, particularly at the organizational level. At the individual level,
Reiss (1 97 1) has done a classic participation analysis of police use of force. Others have
studied the extent and nature of citizen complaints (Dugan and Breda 1991 ; Kerstetter
1985; Littlejohn 1981; Pate and Hamilton 1991; Wagner 1980; Wagner and Decker
1993). More recently, Griswold (1994) did a multivariate analysis of the three factors on
the disposition of complaints. Kerstetter et al. (1996) studied the impact of race on the
investigation of excessive force allegations against police. Dunham and Alpert (1995)
did a case study on controlling police use of excessive force in Miami. All these studies
are informative and help to understand police brutality. However, few of studies report
correlation of citizen complaints at the organizational level. While Griswold (1994) and
West (1988) notice the paucity of empirical research regarding the factors that are related
to the disposition of complaints and call for additional research, at the organizational
level less research has been undertaken either about the nature of the problem or about the
The current study contributes to filling this gap primarily through reanalysis of
national survey of law enforcement agencies on the matter of police use of excessive
force, Pate and Fridell’s final report (1993) does not fully use the information they have
collected. The report covers three major topics: the extent of police use of physical force
as recorded by police departments, the extent of citizen complaints about police use of
physical force as recorded by police departments, and the legal consequences of using
graphics. These tables and figures contain the raw numbers and sometimes percentages
of these interests. The independent variables are largely two: agency types and agency
size. It is doubtful, however, all these bi-relationships will endure the scrutiny of
multiple regression analysis. For example, city police have the highest citizen complaint
rate, and a lower percentage of officers with college degrees and a higher percentage of
black officers (Pp. 99-105). Whether the effect of police education on the citizen
complaint rate will be significant once the percentage of minority officers is controlled
for remains to be tested. Other information gained in their survey, including civilian
test various theses on controlling police use of physical force and abuse of police power.
Multivariate analysis is superior to the bivariate analysis because it provides various means
to control for spuriousness, interpretation, and multiple causes. Not all statistical
complex world, the causes of a particular social phenomenon is seldom unitary. The
multivariate model helps account for the part of variation that is due to other factors.
Finally, with the statistical controls, the multivariate model helps eliminate, or at least
review of the literature on causes of police behavior, Sherman (1 980) concludes that very
few of the bivariate relationships between police misconduct and its various correlations
have been elaborated into multivariate relationships with any of the other independent
various programs on the rate of citizen complaints, and thus fills the gap by extending
that arise from policing in a democratic society. Given the importance of the issue in
improving police and community relations, many theories have been proposed for curbing
controlling police misconduct: the professional model and the bureaucratic model. The
professional model works by ensuring that only the best-trained, most honest candidates
are employed as police officers. The bureaucratic model depends on the issuance and
enforcement of rules and regulations through close supervision of police officer activities.
suggests that professionalism, by focusing on the individual officer, ignore the social and
citizen control, since by definition a professional is one who has special knowledge and
skills that the average person lacks. Instead, Lundman (1 980) maintains that most police
not individual behavior, but organizational climates. According to this thesis, police
departments may have different rates of citizen complaints. The difference varies with
enforcement. Goldstein (1977) argues for positive approaches to control police behavior:
reward proper behavior and provide appropriate role models. He also stresses the
importance of specific training aimed at preventing improper conduct and for avenues of
All these theories point out various ways that law enforcement officers' use of
empirical studies so far, however, have tested the validity of these theories. Thus, their
utility is still assumed, not verified. Reiss (1 971) has done a classic participation analysis
of police use of force. Others have studied the extent and nature of citizen complaints
(Decker and Wagner 1982; Dugan and Breda 1991; Kerstetter 1985; Littlejohn 1981;Pate
and Hamilton 1991; Wagner 1980; Wagner and Decker 1993). Griswold (1994) did a
multivariate analysis of the three factors on the disposition of complaints. Kerstetter et al.
(1996) studied the impact of race on the investigation of excessive force allegations
against police. Dunham and Alpert (1995) did a case study on controlling the police use
characteristics of the officers and citizen complaints. All these studies are very
At the organizational level, empirical research has not been undertaken either
about the nature of the problem or about the efficacy of proposed solutions. Studies on
citizen complaints have focused on a limited number of jurisdictions and the measures
have not been consistent across studies (Dugan and Breda 1991;Pate and Hamilton 1991 ;
Walker and Bumphus 1991; Wagner and Decker 1993). Many of these studies use a
been used to predict citizen complaints against police use of excessive physical force.
Sherman (1980) proposed that more research at the organizational level is needed since
theoretically the macro level of explanation ought to be the most powerful level. Echoing
Sherman, Wagner and Decker (1993; 1997) also argued that citizen complaints are most
level is partially due to the lack of data in this regard. As Pate and Fridell (1 993) noted,
police use of excessive force is low-visibility act, many victims do not report such
incidents, and many police departments do not collect information on such events.
Further, from the police stand of view, complaints concerning the use of unnecessary
force may be due to the fact that subjects have been arrested for a legitimate offence, or
who have lurked by the potential of winning a big law suit. However, studies on the
citizen complaints indicate that citizens did not file a complaint simply for a.persona1
revenge motive (Russell 1978). There are obstacles to complaints, such as personal fear
of reprisal, complex and cumbersome filing procedure, and the highlighted possibility of
criminal prosecution for making a false report (The National Advisory Commission on
Criminal Justice Standards and Goals 1973). Although not all citizens who are subject to
unnecessary force will file a formal complaint which will end up in the police department
and not all recorded complaints are legitimate, Bailey and Mendelsohn (1969) observed
what they expect to gain from it. Therefore, citizen complaints should be looked as a
indicators of public perception of the agency” (The United States Commission on civil
’ Rights 1981).
In this study, we use data collected by Pate and Fridell (1993), which were
matter of police use of excessive force. Their data provide a national picture of police use
of force as reflected by official records. Their own study, however, only provides
comparison of simple percentages and bivariate analysis. Theories and hypotheses are
not tested against each other in the iiiultiple variate analysis. Further, Pate and Fridell
(1993) attempt to cover a much wider variety of topics, from citizens’ complaints about
physical force, to internal complaints about physical force, to verbal abuse of power, and
to litigations.
Our study, in contrast, focuses on citizen complaints against the police use of
excessive physical forces and abuse of power. All aspects of police brutality defined by
Reiss (1971) and modified by Decker and Wagner (1982) are included in the measures of
police use of excessive physical force and abuse of power. Thus, the two measures
include citizen complaints of police physical force, improper investigation, illegal search,
Since both Wilson (1968) and Lundman (1 980) suggested that organizational
behavior and organizaitonal characteristics are potentially related to the citizen complaint
rate against the police, we will test their theories. From Wilson’s professionalism control
sets of hypotheses.
field training officer programs, and the length of probationary period tend to reduce
citizen complaint rate against police use of physical force and abuse of power.
field training and throughout an officer’s career. Hiring the best qualified officers as a
control is advocated by Wilson (1968) in his professional model, and also by Alpert and
Fridell (1 992) in their recommendation for hiring suitable officers to defend against
police use of excessive force. These arguments are more rhetorical than empirical (see
Swanson 1977; Bowker 1980; and Sherman 1980). Our first set of hypotheses captures
force within a police department, regular reviews of the use of force, written policy on the
use of less lethal weapon, and the reporting requirement for the use of force are
Our second set of hypotheses target the bureaucratic model in controlling police
excessive physical force. Wilson (1968) and Goldstein (1 977) advised police agencies to
recently, Alpert and Fridell (1 992) called for competent training to minimize the police
use of excessive force. We shall test the effectiveness of these in-service training
brutality has not been clearly defined by the court (Alpert and Smith 1994) or by many
police departments. Evidence regarding police use of the deadly force suggests that
implementation of more restrictive policies decreases the use of deadly force (Meyer
1980; Sherman 1983). Since some police departments have Written policy on the use of
less lethal force and others don’t, and some have mandatory reporting systems on the use
of force while others don’t, we shall expect those with written policy and those with
mandatory reporting system to have fewer citizen complaints. The above four variables
measure Wilson’s bureaucratic model that the police misconduct could be controlled by
complaint rate.
The control of police use of excessive force through civilian review board is
widely hailed as a cure by a number of scholars (Goldstein 1977; Lundman 1980; Reiman
1985). West (1988: 1OS), for example, stated that the closed system (or bureaucratic
model of control), where police investigate the police, is contrary to “the rules of natural
justice and is, by definition, imperfect.” Some researchers doubt the effectiveness of
civilian review board (Langworthy and Travis 1994). Its empirical efficiency has yet to
citizen complaint rate. The larger the proportion of female and African-Americans in the
10
longer the average service years a police department is, the lower the citizen complaint
rate becomes.
Individual-level data provided evidence that women officers may act to reduce the
detentions and made fewer felony and misdemeanor arrests (Sherman 1975), and they are
significantly less likely to have a citizen complaint (Lersch and Mieczkowski 1996).
officers. While minority group officers are found to be less antagonistic to the public and
display greater ties to the community than their white colleagues (Berg, True, and Gertz
1984), they were more likely to use force, but less likely to use improper force in dealings
with citizens (Worden 1995). Since gender and racial issues are at the core of our
criminal justice system (Henderson et al. 1997; Cao, Frank, and Cullen 1996; Browning
and Cao 1992; Browning et al. 1994), our study will test these associations at the
organizational level.
Further, ever since August Vollmer, the police chief and reform advocate at the
turn of the century, the education of police officers has become an increasingly important
issue. In recent decades, there has been a concerted effort to raise the educational level of
police recruits. The federal government has expended millions of dollars on law
enforcement education (see Jeffery [ 19901 for a detailed discussion). It is argued that
college-educated police officers are more sensitive to citizens, can communicate better,
and are more effective (Hoover 1989). Past research indicates that average service years
11
Finally, our model controls for the environment of the police work in. It is
expected that the population size and the arrest rate are both positively associated with the
METHODS
Sample
Pate and Fridell’s survey in 1992 is by far the largest and most complete survey on
citizens’ complaints against the police misuse of force. Pate and Fridell used stratified
sampling techniques to survey all state, county and local police agencies. Their data have
been archived at NIJ Data Resources Program, the Institute of Social Research at the
University of Michigan in the disk form (D000143) or CD form. They can also be
downloaded directly into the personal computer from ICPSR’s website (ICPSR 6274).
The stratified random sampling results in the final sample size of 1,111 law enforcement
agencies with complete answers, representing the overall response rate of 67.2 percent
(for a detailed discussion of the sample procedure, see Pate and Fridell [ 19931). The data
provide a national picture of police use of force as reflected in official records and citizen
complaints about the six categories of alleged police misuse of force. For our purpose,
we only utilize the data of the municipal police departments. The response rate of their
survey was 72.4 percent for city police departments (for a detailed discussion of the
12
police as recorded by each police department because the police own records of the use of
force are extremely incomplete. For example, once information on the level of force
reached “neck restraints,’’ fewer than 70 percent of all police departments required a
mandatory report. Such behaviors, as handcuffs and firm grip, ‘have missing data as high
as 90 percent (see Pate and Fridell 1993: 66-60). In contrast, information on citizen
complaints about police brutality have only about 25 percent missing data (Pate and
municipal police departments employ the majority of the American police, and it is at the
city level that most citizens’ complaints are generated (Pate and Fridell 1993) and that
a most citizens have contacts with their police (Langworthy and Travis 1994). Compared
with centralized police system in continental Europe and Eastern Asia, American police is
highly decentralized and is held for local accountability (Langworthy and Travis 1994;
West 1988). It is, therefore, most appropriate to examine citizen complaints against the
Schafer’s Norm is used to handle the missing data3. Although Schafer (1 997)
claims that the program is capable of dealing with missing data up to 50 percent, it is
decided to be conservative on the issue and only included variables with missing data for
fewer than 32 percent. After running the Norm, no missing data are assumed in the
regression analyses.
this approach is adopted for analysis of citizen complaints against police use of force in
behavior were created from Pate and Fridell’s data to test Wilson’s professionalism
Measures
range, and percentages of missing data of the ten variables. Also, percentage distribution
They are the rate of citizen complaints about police abuse of their power per thousand
0fJicer.s in a police department and the rate of citizen complaints against police use of
standardized estimates for each police department, the citizen complaint rates are
calculated, using the total number of citizen complaints in 1991 as the numerator and the
total number of the sworn officers in a police department in that year as the denominator.
The unfounded complaints are included in the analysis because to do otherwise would
The first dependent variable, police abuse of their power, is an index variable
formed by five items taping the police abuse of power. The five items are 1) total number
complaints about illegal search or seizure, 3) total number of citizen complaints about
authority, and 5 ) total number of citizen complaints about improper language. To provide
14
thousand sworn officers is calculated for each of the complaint item, using the total
number of citizen complaints in 1991 as the numerator and the total number of the sworn
officers in a police department in that year as the denominator. The index variable
’ consisted of the above five items yields a reliability of .69. The final number of city
The second dependent variable measures the citizen complaint rate about police use
of excessive physical force per hundred officers. This only includes the complaint rate of
police excessive, undue or unnecessary use ofphysical force. Pate and Fridell(l993) use
the number of citizen complaints as one of the major dependent variables in their study
while this study focuses on the rate of citizen complaints. For our purpose, we select a
a subsample of large city police departments with a cutting point at fifty employees or more
(Crank and Wells, 1991). This further selection is warranted since large police
departments are generally considered more bureaucratic and having better records than
small- and medium-size police departments. The final number of city departments
To correct the skewed distribution of the citizen complaint rate against police use
of excessive physical force, “1” is added to the dependent variable and it is then
transformed into natural log form. The transformation reduces the effect of outliers and
the hypotheses: pre-service psycho exam, Field Training Officer Program, length of
15
Pre-service psycho exam is a dummy variable with those police departments that
require a psychological or psychiatric evaluation for all pre-service officers as 1 and those
that do not require it as 0. The length of academy measures themumber of months for
whether the department has a formalized Field Training Officer for the recruit with those
having one as 1 and those not having one as 0. These three variables capture the concept
that only the best qualified persons are recruited and they would receive prolonged and
best available training before they become independent officers on their own.
training programs in the areas of use of the non-lethal force, use of deadly force, use of
non-lethal weapons, and firearm requalification. This is an index variable and the
Cronbach’s alpha for this index is .84. The regular review is a dummy variable, asking
whether the police department reviews and investigates use of force reports by officers
policy for the use of less-than-lethal force as 1 and those that don’t have such a written
mandatory for an officer to report the incidents of using force in a police department
regarding the use of twist lock, bodily force, unholster weapon, swarm, firm grip, neck
restraint, handcuff/leg restraint and come-alongs. The Cronbach’s alpha for this index is
.69.
16
reporting. Clinic requirement for filing a complaint is measured with those departments
requiring as 1 and others as 0. Fifty-four of the departments have such requirement (see
Table 1).
The civilian review board is a dummy variable with those police departments that
have it as 1 and those that do not have it as 0. The composition of the police
officers, the percentage of black officers, and the percentage of officers with at least a
B.A. or B.S. degree in a law enforcement agency. Length of services or the average age
assesses the average number of years served or the average age of all sworn officers in a
Finally, the two control variables are arrests and population size. The number of
arrests refers to the average number of arrests an officer made with regard to the seven
index crimes (excluding arson) plus weapon possession in 1991. The population size is
an ordinal variable with the proximate population covered by a police department with 1=
under 10,000 residents and 4=above 50,000 residents. More than half of police
departments serve the population larger than 50,000 residents (see Table 1).
Research Design
The Tobit model was employed to do the analysis of the citizen complaint rate
against police use of excessive physical force or abuse of power since about twenty-three
percent of police departments have no citizens’ complaints. Ordinary least squares model
gives inconsistent estimates when the dependent variable has many zero values. Tobit is
17
formulas to predict values of the dependent variable - one for cases at the limit value
(zero in our case) and another for cases above the limit (Cao, Zhao and Van Dine 1997;
RESULTS
about the abuse of power and against police use of excessive physical force. The mean
rate about the abuse of power is 7.5, ranging from zero to 82 per 1000 sworn officers (see
Table 1). The mean complaint rate against police use of excessive physical force is 6 per
100 sworn officers, ranging from zero to 82 percent (see Table 1).
To capture the variation of the citizen complaint rate about the abuse of power,
the Tobit analysis is utilized. The results of the analysis are reported in Table 2. There
are two equations in the table. In Equation 1, Wilson’s professionalism control thesis
was tested with eight variables plus two control variables. In Equation 2, variables
derived from Lundman’s organizational product thesis were added into the model, and the
complaints about police abuse of power. This result contradicts the theory prediction,
which hypothesized that the more strict the requirement, the fewer citizen complaints.
Clinic requirement significantly reduces the citizen complaints. That is, those police
departments that require a citizen to have clinic evidence before filing a complaint have
fewer citizen complaints. The rest of the variables from Wilson’s thesis are not
18
the predicted direction of the theory. One of the two control variables-population
power, and the other control variable-the arrest rate-is not significant. The larger the
population the police serve, the higher the citizen compliant rate is.
thesis were added into Wilson’ professionalism control model. It is found that,
while clinic requirement continues to be negatively related to the citizen complaint rate.
Among the five variables from Lundman’s organizational product thesis, the
the police. Police departments with an older average age tend to have a lower citizen
degrees--are not significantly related to the citizen complaint rate. The control variable of
population served remains significant. The larger the population the police serve, the
The other dependent variable--the rate of citizen complaints against police use of
excessive physical force-is also analyzed with the Tobit regression. The results of the
analysis are reported in Table 3. There are two equations in the table. In Equation 1, the
unique variables of Lundman’s organizational product thesis is tested with two control
19
is tested.
’ on the rate of citizen complaints, but in the opposite direction as the theory would predict.
That is, the establishment of civilian review boards tends to be associated with a higher
effect on the rate of complaints. Gender and length of service all are significantly related
to the rate of complaints. The larger percentage of females in a police department tends
to reduce the rate of complaints, and the longer the average length of service in a police
department is, the lower the citizen complaint rate. Race is significant too, but its effect
associated with increased complaints. Both control variables, arrests and population
served, are positively associated with the rate of citizen complaints. The more arrests a
police officer has to make per year, the higher is the citizen complaint rate, and the larger
the population served by the police, the higher the citizen compliant rate.
tested with data. It is found that civilian review board and percentage of blacks continue
to affect the rate of citizen complaints positively, and length of service is associated with
the rate of citizen complaints negatively. The effect of gender on complaints is washed
out. As predicted by the theory, formalized field training officer programs and in-service
training programs are both negatively associated with the rate of citizen complaints. The
police departments with formalized field training officer programs tend to have the lower
20
The rest of the independent variables, pre-service psycho exam, regular review, reporting
related to the rate of citizen complaints. Both control variables I;emain significant. The
more arrests a police officer has to make, the higher the citizen complaint rate is, and the
larger population the police serve, the higher the citizen compliant rate is.
DISCUSSION
To understand better the citizen complaints against police and the organizational
covariates of the citizen complaint rate, multiple regression analyses were used to study
the phenomenon. Our results indicate that there is some evidence that both organizational
complaint rate. The citizen complaint rate is also influenced by the environment the
Our research is exploratory in nature and findings are tentative. This study
represents the first quantitative effort in applying the organizational approach to the study
of citizen complaints against the police. However, as mentioned before, our study relies
on official data. As such, the results must be viewed as tentative. All the problems
associated with official data apply to our study. There is further some uniqueness
regarding to the official data on citizen complaints. For example, these complaints could
confidence of residents toward the police (West 1988). In addition, the concept of
excessive physical force is totally defined from the citizens’ viewpoint. With the vague
21
known that citizens tend to define it broadly while police tend to define it narrowly
(Klockars 1996). Being reasonable to one side may be viewed as unreasonable to the
Addressing the issue of data quality is beyond the scope of thisstudy’. Thus, these
characteristics are not completely controlled for. Wilson (1 968) and Sherman (1 978)
both argued that police behavior is part of the local political and social culture. Jacobs
and O’Brien (1 997) recently found that city characteristics are important predictors of
policing killing. We do not know to what extent and how those characteristics might also
affect citizen complaints. However, our data set is the best available on the topic of
citizen complaints against police use of excessive physical force and it allows us to assess
many explanations of the citizen complaint rate. According to Johnston (1 984), estimates
We use city police departments as the unit of analysis. This is a departure from
the prior literature, which concentrated on the study of police behavior at the individual
level. In contrast, by analyzing the organizational covariates at the municipal level and by
employing more appropriate statistical model, our results, even though exploratory in
nature, are robust and have contributed to our understanding of the citizen complaints and
22
First, Lundman (1 980) hypothesis that the civilian review board is a cure for
police brutality is not supported by our data while Langworthy and Travis’s (1994)
suspicion that the civilian review board may not be that effectiwe has found some
evidence. The civilian review board as alternative external complaint review procedures,
however, can not be disregarded easily in the future study of police use of excessive
force. Its positive effect may be due to a couple of reasons. First, police administrations
in general resist the civilian review board (Swanson, Territo, and Taylor 1993; West
198S), making it hard for the civilian review board to work properly and effectively.
Only the worst police departments tolerate the establishment of a civilian review board,
and our results may have captured the historical inertia of these police departments.
Second, past literature further indicates that among existing civilian review boards, their
functions, missions, formal structure, and operating policies vary considerably (Walker
and Kreisel 1997). Third, the variable is highly skewed and not normally distributed:
barely 9 percent of the police departments in our sample reported that they have a civilian
review board. For these reasons, we think that a full evaluation of the effectiveness of
civilian review board in reducing police brutality is yet to be determined and we should
force.
department is not significant and higher percentage of females seems to associate with the
23
negatively related to the citizen complaint rate of abuse of power. Age and experiences
are important factors in handling the delicate human relationship. We should also
remember that police departments with better educated officers and with more female
officers are in general more liberal and more reform-minded. These police departments
also tend to be more open to citizen complaints and tend to keep better records. It is
possible that those police departments with fewer BA and BS officers do not keep a good
record of the citizen complaints and those police departments with fewer women officers
are very hostile to citizens’ complaints. Our results may have captured these effects.
Third, although none of the variables in the bureaucratic model are significant, we
cannot argue that they are not important in understanding the police use of excessive
physical force. Bureaucratic regulations are always the starting point for the significant
change in organizations although these regulations are themselves not enough for any
meaningful change in organizations. In other words, the regulations are necessary, but
not sufficient, conditions for change in police behavior. There are many entrenched
informal organizations of the police behavior that has long been observed (Bittner 1970;
Crank 1998; Lundman 1979). Future studies need to pay more attention to the
applications of the bureaucratic regulations within the police departments and the
Finally, our analyses seem to provide some support to both Wilson’s and
characteristics are related to the citizen complaint rate. As many criminologists argue,
many theories are complementary to each other instead of competing to each other or
24
1990; Tittle 1989). Thus, versed differently and with different emphasis, Wilson’s
regarded as complementary and effort should be made to integrate them. It is clear that
together with Goldstein’s (1 977) institutional training hypothesis, and Sherman’s (1 978)
organizational reform theme share a core assumption: all recognize that the police
department should reinforce the FTO program so that the roockie officers will have a
In summary, this study has found that organizational behavior and organizational
characteristics are important covariates of the citizen complaints against police use of
excessive physical force and police abuse of power. The police administration can
influence its officer’s behavior by strengthening the in-service training, paying attention
to the education achievements of its officers, and actively provide best training for
qualified new police in the force. Future study is needed to observe the applications of
police departmental rules in daily operation as well as whether our model can be extended
25
notice some variations of the measurement. For example, the dependent variable for the
rate of police physical abuse of power is the percentage while the dependent variable for
police brutality: excessive physical force, abuse of police power, and verbal abuse. In
doing the research, it is found that it will be more parsimonious to merge the latter two
incomplete data (Schafer 1997). In multiple imputation, each missing datum is replaced
by m>l simulated values. The resulting m versions of the complete data can then be
uncertainty.
percent, with ten percent or less being the norm (Pate and Fridell 1993). It is argued that
it is easier to win a civil suit than to have a complaint against a police officer found to be
percentage female officers and percentage African Americans and percentage officers
with BA/BS degrees are in log form to correct for skewed distributions.
26
equation. The average age was used in analyzing complaints on abuse of power, and
officers' length of service is used in complaints against police use of excessive physical
force.
7. The exact meaning of the term "compliant" is not constant across jurisdictions.
Nor is the procedure the same across jurisdictions. Some police agencies require that
complaints be formally recorded and processed regardless of how they are made (by
phone, in person, through the third party, anonymously, by drunks, by persons under
arrest), and run stings to assure that the rules are complied with (NYPD, Boston PD).
Even in such places, however, there have been problems getting full compliance with
even these most strict of procedures. Other police departments do not take complaints
from many categories of persons (phone callers, third party, anonymously, by drunks, by
persons under arrest). Some require complainants come into police facilities (often only
during business hours), obtain complaint forms, take them home, complete them, have
them notarized, and return a second time to hand deliver them to internal affairs or
"informal" complaints, do not record informal complaints (e.g. those made by citizens
who call or come into police stations, having no idea that their complaints are being
inform citizens of the requirements for filing "formal" complaints that will actually be
looked into and resolved (Lexington, KY comes most quickly to mind, but there are many
others). Some require complaints to come into police stations and to state and file their
27
Others require complaints to sign their complaints under a typed notice that says (I'm
paraphrasing the LAPD's long-time, but now amended, form that is still emulated by
many police departments) "I have been advised that I may be sued for libel or prosecuted
for filing a false official statement (a felony punishable by one, year or more in prison.) if
thq statements I have made in this official report are not proven true by this department's
investigation." Some allow receiving supervisors to decide that complaints are without
merit, and to screen them out of the system without investigation. Some simply cannot
give an accurate count of complaints because they have decentralized the system so that
one receiving unit is not aware of complaints that have been received by others. In some
places, distrust of the police has been so complete that people take their complaints to
agencies other than the police, so that police agencies can boast that nobody complain
about their officers. This was the case in Rizzo-era Philadelphia and, more recently, in
New Orleans.
28
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Standard
Variables Means Deviation Range % missing
a Close Supervision
Clinic Requirement
.76
.54
.42
.50
0- 1
0- 1
1.23
1.09
Independent Variables
Independent Variables
Number of Pages
I. Title 1
11. Abstract 1
I II . Table of Contents 1
EndNotes
- __ V. 3
VI. References 5
V I I. Tables 3