1.

TELEGRAM TO APPASAHEB PANT

R AJKOT,
May 31, 1939
APPASAHEB P ANT,
AUNDH
CAN SEE FOR FEW MINUTES ANY DAY FROM SECOND
TO SIXTH AT BOMBAY EXCEPTING MONDAY.

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

2. SPEECH AT KATHIAWAR POLITICAL CONFERENCE,

RAJKOT1
May 31, 1939
It is growing upon me every day that we shall have to lower our
key, our demand for full responsible government will have to remain
in abeyance for some time. Not that we are not entitled to it, but it is
clear to me that we have not the will for it, we are not ready to pay the
price. There is an awakening, but it is not the awakening of active
non-violence of the brave. Not that I have suddenly realized this
point. The realization was there, the will to face the conclusion was not
there, and I am reaping the fruit of that weakness of the will. I have
been weak-willed ever since Bardoli onwards, but my co-workers
deluded themselves into the belief that we had attained the requisite
non-violence and I shared their delusion.
I do not repent of this. It is likely that if we had acted otherwise
there would not have been the awakening we see today. But that seems
to lead one to a rather dreadful conclusion, viz., that compromise with
non-violence was necessary for a widespread awakening ! But that is
not the conclusion. The conclusion is that God chooses as his
instruments the humblest and weakest of His creatures to fulfil Him-
self.
Today with [this] great realization I would not lead another
Dandi March. The breach of the salt laws was a perfect proposition,
but violence of the mind had crept in almost from the beginning. All
that we had learnt then was that it was expedient to refrain from the

1
This is extracted from “The Decision and After-III” by Mahadev Desai.
Gandhiji was speaking at the Executive Committee meeting.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 1

use of physical violence. This was the non-violence of the calculating
Bania, not of the brave Kshatriya. This non-violence of the calculating
Bania has not, could not have, carried us far. It could not possibly
avail to win and retain swaraj, to win over our opponent who believed
in the use of arms.
Today I sense violence everywhere, smell it inside and outside
Congress ranks. In 1921 even goonda element outside the Congress
was more or less under our control. Perfect non-violence is difficult. It
admits no weakness. It made me take the false step of approaching the
Viceroy in order to end my fast. It was unpardonable on the part of a
general who claims to derive his whole strength from God. But God
gave me that courage to retrieve the blunder, and we are all the
stronger and purer for it.
I am not tired of repeating again and again that we should be
non-violent in thought and word and deed. We had been saying so,
but there was no emphasis on the first of these. A dissolute character is
more dissolute in thought than in deed. And the same is true of vio-
lence. Our violence in word and deed is but a feeble echo of the
surging violence of thought in us.
Are you prepared to go with me so far? Does all that I say carry
conviction? If so, violence should be eschewed from the innermost of
our thoughts. But if you cannot go with me, do go your own way. If
you can reach your goal in any other way, do so by all means. You
will deserve my congratulations. For I cannot in any case stand cowar-
dice. Let no one say when I am gone that I taught the people to be
cowards. If you think my ahimsa amounts to that, or leads you to that,
you should reject it without hesitation. I would far rather that you died
bravely dealing a blow and receiving a blow than died in abject terror.
If the ahimsa of my dream is impossible, you can reject the creed
rather than carry on the pretence of non-violence.
Fleeing from battle—palayanam—is cowardice, and unworthy
of a warrior. An armed fighter is known to have sought fresh arms as
soon as he loses those in his possession or they lose their efficacy. He
leaves the battle to get them. A non-violent warrior knows no leaving
the battle. He rushes into the mouth of himsa, never even once har-
bouring an evil thought. If this ahimsa seems to you to be impossible,
let us be honest with ourselves and say so, and give it up.
For me there is no laying down arms. I cannot do so. I am
trying to be the warrior of my description and, if God wills, I may be
that during this life. Such a warrior can fight single-handed.

2 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 Let me give a bit of my own experience in South Africa.
When thousands joined the movements, I had not spoken to them, not
even seen them. Papers they could not read. My heart was working in
unison with them. Living faith is all that is necessary. It is evident that
I have not the capacity today to inspire faith in the millions. This
needs superior living faith in non-violence and in God. This faith is
self-acting, and illumines man’s life more and more every day. In the
pursuit of my earnest research I may seem to act strangely. I
should not grumble if everyone left me in the honesty of his
conviction. Let no one stick to me in the blind faith that something
will happen. Such [faith] will hinder rather than help the cause.
Harijan, 17-6-1939

3. TALK WITH A MUSLIM FRIEND1

[May 31, 1939] 2

I have been talking of non-violence these 20 years but I have

made unlawful compromises with myself. My mind goes back to the
days of Khilafat agitation. I had the friendship of thousands of Mus-
lims then. When at a meeting of the Muslim League before 1920 I
asked for the supreme sacrifice, two or three names were given by
Khwaja Saheb Abdul Majid, but I believed that many would come
forward at the right time. And they did. But looking back upon those
times I see that I compromised non-violence. I was satisfied with mere
abstention from physical violence.3
The fact is I have never placed unadulterated ahimsa before the
country. If I had done so, there would have been complete Hindu-
Muslim unity. No doubt I kept on saying there would be no swaraj
without Hindu-Muslim unity, but I should have seen that there was no
Hindu-Muslim unity because there was not that insistence on unadul-
terated ahimsa on the part of all, whether Hindu or Muslim. No
wonder my new technique puzzles many. But I must go on. If I am
right, the puzzles will be solved.
Harijan, 17-6-1939

1
The talk is extracted from “The Decision and After-III”. Mahadev Desai
explains that Gandhiji was “speaking on another occasion”, and includes this after
his report of the speech at Executive Committee meeting of Kathiawar Political
Conference; vide the preceding item.
2
ibid
3
Here Mahadev Desai has omitted “instances” given by Gandhiji.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 3

 4. MESSAGE TO NAWANAGAR STATE PEOPLE’S
CONFERENCE1
May 1939

If you cannot do anything else, at least wear pure khadi and

identify yourselves with the poor.

M. K. GANDHI
[From Gujarati]
Sevamoorti: Shri Virchand Panachand Shah, p. 121

5. TELEGRAM TO VALLABHRAM VAIDYA

R AJKOT,
June 1, 1939
VALLABHRAM VAIDYA
DHANWANTARI BHAVAN
R AIPUR, A HMEDABAD
PLEASE MEET KATHIAWAR MAIL2 TONIGHT AHMEDABAD STATION.

GANDHI
From the original: C.W. 2905. Courtesy: Vallabhram Vaidya

6. LETTER TO NRISINHPRASAD K. BHATT

ON THE T RAIN,
June 1, 1939
BHAI NANABHAI,
I wanted to write to you as soon as I got your wire, but could not
do so. Now I am writing this in the train. The path of those who
worship ahimsa under all circumstances is straight. Such a person will
not indulge in fighting even in self-defence. But he who does not have
that strength has but to run away—that is, play the coward—if he does
not attack the attacker. Cowardice is worse than violence because
cowards can never be non-violent. So such people should learn to
1
According to the source, the third session of the Conference was held some
time in “May, 1939”.
2
By which Gandhiji travelled to Bombay.

4 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

defend themselves. Under its constitution members of the Parishad 1
can be said to be wedded to non-violence. But here such ahimsa is of
no use. A person who has full faith in non-violence should be a
thousand times more fearless than an armed man. Such fearlessness is
not gained by joining some organization. Hence every member of the
Parishad should find an independent way for himself. It is the duty of
every believer in ahimsa to see that cowardice is not propagated in the
name of non-violence. So we must frankly tell the common people
that we are unable to guide them. It is not proper that they should
look to us. If they can independently think of non-violent ways they
will not ask us and if they do ask us we should give them only one
guidance that they should not be weak under any circumstances. They
should learn to deal with the attacker. It is possible that if they observe
restraint and if a handful of us can manifest true ahimsa, the attacker
too may turn to ahimsa.
Please explain all this to all our workers there. The talk of secret
settlement that is going on in Bhavnagar is harmful. Settlement can be
with straightforward people. Here there is nothing of the sort.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

7. DISCUSSION WITH TRAVANCORE STATE CONGRESS

DEPUTATIO N1
ON THE TRAIN,
[June 1, 1993] 2
QUESTION: What about swaraj that we have been fighting for? How does
Gandhiji’s faith in non-violence burning brighter than ever help those who want
swaraj here and now? Does not the emphasis on non-violence of his conception
make of swaraj a very remote vision hardly to be fulfilled?
GANDHIJI : For me, it is true, as I have often declared, ahimsa comes
before swaraj. I would not care to get power through anarchy and red
ruin, among other things, because I want freedom and power even for
the least among the people. This can only be when freedom is won
1
Kathiawar Political Conference.
2
The discussion is extracted from “The Decision and After—IV”. According to
The Bombay Chronicle, 2-6-1939, the deputationists, Pattom Thanu Pillai, Verghese
and Philipose, were travelling with Gandhiji from Rajkot to Bombay. Vide also
“Statement on Travancore”, 4-6-1939.
3
ibid

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 5

through non-violence. In the other case the weak must go to the wall,
only the physically strong and fit will remain to seize and enjoy
power.
But you too cannot help putting ahimsa before everything else
if you really mean business. Ahimsa must be placed before everything
else while it is professed. Then alone it becomes irresistible. Otherwise
it will only be an empty hulk, a thing without potency or power. A
soldier fights with an irresistible strength when he has blown up his
bridges, burnt his boats. Even so it is with a soldier of ahimsa.
Q. But how will this lowering of the pitch work out in action? How will it
help us in attaining our goal of responsible government?
G. Today when we talk of responsible government, it frightens
the States authorities. The Paramount Power too do not like it. They
think it will result in red ruin and anarchy. The argument is unsound
but let us give them credit for honesty. If you follow my advice,
therefore, you will say, ‘We, for the time being, forget swaraj. We shall
fight to vindicate the elementary rights of the people, to remove
corruption.’ In short, you will concentrate your attention on details of
administration. The auth-orities won’t be frightened, and it will give
you the substance of responsible government. That has been the
history of all my work in India. If I had only talked of swaraj, I would
have come a cropper. By attacking details we have advanced from
strength to strength.
What did I do at the time of the Dandi March? I reduced our
demand for complete independence to my eleven points. 1 Motilalji
was at first angry with me.“What do you mean by lowering the flag
like this?” he said. But he soon saw that if those points were con-
ceded, indepen-dence would stand knocking at our door.
Let me explain to you the working of my mind. As I have
already told you, I had thought that responsible government in the
States was within easy reach. We have now found that we can’t at once
take the masses with us along non-violent lines. You say that violence
is committed by a few hooligans only; but capacity to obtain non-
violent swaraj presupposes capacity on our part to control the hooli-
gans too as we temporarily did during the non-co-operation days. If
you had complete control over the forces of violence and were ready
to carry on the fight with your back to the wall in defiance of the
Paramount Power, looking neither to me nor to the Congress outside
1
Vide “Clearing the Issue”, 30-1-1930.

6 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

for guidance or help, your would not need to lower the key tem-
porarily even. In fact you will not be here to seek my advice at all.
But that is not your case, on your own admission. Nor, so far as
I know, is it the case anywhere else in India. Otherwise people would
not have suspended civil disobedience in many places even without
my asking.
Harijan, 24-6-1939

8. INTERVIEW TO DEPUTATION OF VICTUALLERS ’

ASSOCIATION1
BOMBAY
[June 2, 1939] 2
Gandhiji congratulated them on the restrained language of their represen-
tation. They had every right to go to him, as he was specially attached to the Parsis
[He said:]
What I gather from your representation is that far from
being opposed in principle to prohibition, you have pointed out the
difficulties and hardships involved. But I am afraid you have come to
the wrong man. I never interfere with the work of the Ministries. But
on prohibition I am keener even than the Ministers. I confess I have
not studied the economic aspect of the question. With me it is a creed
and I would, if I could, fulfil it at any cost. If I had the administration
in my own hands, I should study all the figures you have given. I am
sure the Ministers have studied them, and you should approach
them. They would gladly discuss the whole question with you and
try to show the way out the difficulties you have pointed out.

1
This and the following item are extracted from “The Anti-Prohibition
Deputations” by Mahadev Desai, who explains that “the first deputation consisted of
representatives of toddy, country liquor and foreign liquor dealers”. Their
representation addressed itself mainly to the hardships and sufferings that would be
the result of several thousand Parsi families being thrown out of employment; their
being reduced to poverty and even bankruptcy; illicit sales and clandestine breaches
of the law; impossibility of disposing of 50 to 60 lakhs of rupees worth of material
by August 1; the loss on having to dispose of costly furniture. The Bombay chronicle,
3-6-1939, reports that the deputation, which met Gandhiji in the afternoon, was led
by M. B. Baria. It included R. R. Patel, R. D. Shroff, Phirozeshaw Shroff, J. D.
Crawford and M. M. Surve.
2
From The Bombay Chronicle, 3-6-1939; also Gandhi—1915–1948

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 7

 They also raised the question of short notice. The Congress Election Mani-
festo, 1 they said, did not contain this programme, and the decision to introduce it in
August had come upon them as a bolt from the blue. In reply to this Gandhiji said:
The Congress Election Manifesto is principally a political docu-
ment and naturally does not contain the prohibition programme. But
prohibition has been in the forefront of the Congress programme
since 1920. With me it has been a passion ever since my close contact
with the Indian immigrants in South Africa and also with the South
Africans. I have seen with my own eyes the terrible scourge drink can
be. It has ruined people morally, physically, economically and it has
destroyed the sanctity and happiness of the home. My heart bleeds as
I think of the disaster that comes in its wake and I have really pined
for the immediate introduction of prohibition. When the Congress
decided to accept offices, I thought it had a golden opportunity to
introduce it at once, but it was the Ministers who pleaded for fixing
the time-limit at three years. To my mind, therefore, there is no
question of short notice. It is coming several years too late. Hundreds
and thousands of women have in the past picketed liquor shops,
suffered insults and assaults. In one case a woman volunteer was so hit
on the forehead that the evil effect still persists. There was no com-
pulsion. It was all peaceful persuasion, and it had succeeded so remar-
kably that in some provinces the excise revenue was almost reduced to
zero. As for its effects here in India I would like you to study the
condition of workmen in factories, and I would like to tell you also
the boon prohibition has been to them in Ahmedabad.
One of the gentlemen in the deputation said that 12 to 15 thousand tappers
would be adversely affected and that fresh toddy had great medicinal value.
It is nira you are referring to. For I agree it is a refreshing drink,
and we make gur out of it.2
If the tappers took to tapping the juice for gur-making, there
was no question of their unemployment. In Bengal tons of gur was
prepared from nira and in South India arrack was prepared from gur
made out of fresh juice.
But the gentleman maintained that it was impossible to draw fresh nira from a
tree more than ten times during a season and that gur was not a feasible proposition.
Gandhiji said that the evidence in his possession was to the contrary. He would,
however, inquire.
Harijan, 10-6-1939

1
Vide Appendix “Extracts from the Congress Election Manifesto”,
22-8-1936.
2
Then Gandhiji offered them a plate of palm-juice and date-palm juice.

8 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 9. INTERVIEW TO PARSI DEPUTATION1
[June 2, 1939]2
The gravamen of their charge was that the prohibition policy was tantamount
to coercion as the community had for centuries indulged in drink without being any
the worse for it. There was the argument of dislocation of trade and financial and
economic structure of the province, of the hardships it would cause to traders and
tappers, and the interference with the religious rites of the people. They said they
also resented the distinction between Asiatics and non-Asiatics, and even suggested
that not only the Parsis but Mussalmans and Hindus were also opposed to the policy!
Some of the gentlemen have been friends of Gandhiji for years, especially Sir
Cowasji. And so he was the most vehement in his attack, but the utmost friendliness
prevailed during the discussion.
COWASJI : Drunkenness is bad, not drink. And for the sake of a few who drink,
why penalize the whole community? I take two or three glasses of sherry every day
and I know hundreds of others who talk of prohibition but who do drink and will do so
in spite of prohibition.
There was obvious defiance in his voice, but Gandhiji disarmed it by
ultimately reminding Sir Cowasji how he had helped him (Gandhiji) in the past at
various junctures, and how he expected him to stand by him at this!
Sir Cowasji had a hearty laugh.
Mr. Khareghat, the veteran temperance reformer who, said Gandhiji, reminded
him of Dadabhai by his silvery beard, entered a curiuos plea :
I do not drink, nor am I dealer in drinks. But this policy will ruin thousands,
and I want you to realize your error and do as you did in Rajkot. I would then honour
you with all my heart. According to our religion it is the duty of the host to offer the
guest good bread and good wine.
GANDHIJI : But it must be unfermented wine. Whatever it may be,
one wonders how this can be a religious duty at all! What would a poor
man do?
SAKLATWALA : I do not drink, and thank God I have enough property to enable
me to pay the property tax. But why should others regulate my life? I tell you,
although, I do not drink, if someone came and told me I might not drink, he would
make my blood boil.
GANDHIJI Even so you do not steal, and yet there is the
(smilingly):
law against thieving. Would you therefore steal to defy the law?

1
Mahadev Desai explains:“The deputation was headed by Sir Cowasji Jehangir
and its other members were Sir J. C. Koyaji, Sir H. P. Modi, Messrs Khareghat, A. D.
Shroff and Saklatwala.” Vide also the preceding item.
2
From The Bombay Chronicle, 3-6-1939

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 9

 H. P. MODI: We do not believe in prohibition. Why do you tempt us to break
the law? We want to be exempted. Drink has become part of our social habit, our daily
life, and we want to drink.
As I told 1 the deputation that preceded you, you have
GANDHIJI :
come to the wrong man. There is a wide gulf between you and me. It
was Dadabhai Naoroji who taught me prohibition and the distinction
between prohibition and temperance. Individual liberty is allowed to
man only to a certain extent. He cannot forget that he is a social
being, and his individual liberty has to be curtailed at every step. I
would appeal to you to consider one thing. What is your population?
One lakh at the most in a population of 35 crores. You have become
famous in the world not as residents of Persia but as Indians. I want
you to consider not in terms of your one lakh but in terms of India,
not the narrow interest of your whole community but of the large
interests of the whole country. How can you interrupt and ruin a
noble experiment? You say you cannot get rid of this, so very much
you are wedded to it! You are not fair to yourselves there. You have
given up so many things. You gave up your language and adopted
Gujarati, you changed your dress, you changed many of your
manners and customs. Why must you then stick to this one infirmity?
You may plead your weakness, but for Heaven’s sake don’t advance
the plea of individual liberty. There you have given away the whole
case. You have sacrificed much for India, sacrifice this bad habit too. I
have seen men and women wallowing in gutters in South Africa and
families ruined.
H. P . MODI: Where do you see the ruin in India?
[GANDHIJ I:] I tell you I have seen it with my own eyes. There is the
tragic case of my own son. 60,000 men in Ahmedabad are blessing
the prohibitionist. I claim that the moral conscience of the public is
with me. The issue between us is the narrowest possible. Do you want
to press the question of a few individual consciences to the extent of
ruining a whole country?
But are there not other evils? There is gambling, for instance.
None so disastrous as this, and this breeds the rest. But I am for
the abolition of gambling too. This evil, however, ruins the victim
body and soul.
The same thing would happen if you were to overeat ! You are talking of the
60,000 mill-hands in Ahmedabad. Why not listen to the appeal of 50,000 Parsis of
Bombay? Drunkenness is unknown amongst us.

1
Vide the preceding item.

10 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 Let us assume that for a moment. It proves that you are tem-
perate. Well, then why will you not carry temperateness a little further
and co-operate in this the greatest of all moral reforms in India? And
remember there is ample provision for those who need drink for their
health or religious rites. I suggest your working along these lines but
not seeking to ruin the reform.
But why draw the line between Europeans and Indians?
Call it my weakness, and agitate for including the Europeans too
in the prohibition. They will, like us, profit by being included in the
general law. Their health will not suffer for they will have all the drink
they may need for their health.
Harijan, 10-6-1939

10. TELEGRAM TO SIR RAZA ALI 1

June 3, 1939
S IR R AZLI
C ECIL
S IMLA
AM CONSTANT TOUCH OUR COUNTRYMEN SOUTH AFRICA.
GANDHI
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: National Archives of India

11. STATEMENT ON TRAVANCORE 2

BOMBAY
June 4, 1939
3
I have had prolonged conversations with Shri Pattom Thanu
Pillai, Shri Verghese and Shri J. Philipose over the situation in Travan-
core. My rich experiences in Rajkot show me that civil disobedience
in Travancore was suspended at the right time. The Rajkot recantation
teaches me that it is not enough to have with-drawn the charges
1
This was in response to a telegram from Sir Sayed Raza Ali, received on June
3, 1939, which read: “Indians meeting Johannesburg tomorrow to consider civil
resistance. Am advising them against it as premature India too weak to help them.
Please cable your advice Congress care Gabaco Johannesburg.”
2
In Harijan, this appeared under the title “New Technique in Action”. The
state-ment was also publised in the The Hindu, 4-6-1939, and The Bombay Chronicle,
5-6-1939.
3
Vide “Discussion with Travancore State Congress Deputation”, 1-6-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 11

against Sir C. P. Ramaswami Iyer. But it is necessary to recognize that
Travancoreans have not only to reckon with the Maharaja, but also
with his Dewan. I also observe that several Travan-corean critics have
asserted that suspension has led to greater repression. These critics do
not know that suspension was not advised in order to avoid
repression, nor even in expectation of its being stopped. It was
advised in order to avoid popular violence, no matter how caused or
by whom instigated, if it was instigated. It was also advised in order to
avoid brutalization of human nature. These two objects may be said to
have been attained in a fair measure. It was also advised in order to
pave the way for an honourable understanding with the authorities
and to educate the people in the true way of ahimsa. These objects
have still to be worked for. Here my new light, which I seem to see
dimly, enables me to tender advice which, but for the light, I would
perhaps not have been able to give with as much confidence as now.
I am convinced that direct negotiations should be opened with
the authorities. Hitherto the State Congress people have talked at the
authorities and the latter at them. The result has been a widening of
the gulf between the two. It would not do for a satyagrahi to argue
that the approach must be mutual. That assumes the existence of the
spirit of satyagraha in the authorities, whereas satyagrahia is offered in
respect of those who make no claim to be satyagrahis. Hence the first
and the last work of a satyagrahi is ever to seek an opportunity for an
honourable approach. Now this is impossible so long as the heart is
steeled against a belief even in the possibility, let alone advisability, of
such approach. And hitherto the impossibility has been unquestion-
ably assumed. I have been a tacit party to it. I now know better. If the
leaders have active ahimsa in them, they must cultivate a belief in the
perfect possibility and necessity of such approach. And if they have
that belief, the way will surely be open to them. In my own person, it
is well known, I have always acted on that principle. In making such
an approach it would be necessary to lower the key of our note. Our
aim must remain what it is, but we must be prepared to negotiate for
less than the whole so long as it is unmistakably of the same kind and
has in it inherent possibility of expansion. I have found that nowhere,
with the only exception of Aundh 1 , are the Princes ready to part with

1
The reformed Aundh constitution became law on January 21. It aimed at total
transfer of power to the people.

12 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

all the power in favour of the people. Nor is the Paramount Power
anxious for the people in the States to receive full responsible govern-
ment. If I interpret its mind correctly, assuming that an institution can
have a mind, it would be sorry if any State of importance copied the
example of Aundh. But, what is most important of all, the States
people themselves, as a mass, are nowhere prepared to pay the price.
There is no mistaking the awakening that has taken place in the States.
But it is not enough for the great purpose to be attained. It will be well
to recognize this fact. In aiming beyond our capacity we are likely to
lose all. I would give much to have in all the States a reign of law
instead of the reign of a person or persons, however well-meaning
they may be. I can then see my way to build up responsible govern-
ment on the solid foundation. But responsible government, which is
only a gift without the will and the power of the people behind it, will
be a mere paper responsibility, hardly worth the paper on which it
may be printed.
The second object of suspension is closely related to the
foregoing. If it is a fact that the atmosphere for immediate responsible
government among the States is not propitious and that the people are
not ready to pay the price, it follows that they should have the proper
training for it. I am not likely, lightly and in the near future, to advise
mass satyagraha anywhere. There is neither adequate training nor
discipline among the people. I have not the shadow of a doubt that the
people at large should pass one or more positive tests. Mere abstention
from physical violence will not answer our purpose. In the centre of
this programme of positive tests I unhesitatingly put the spinning-
wheel and all it means. If there is quick response, this can be a short
course. But it may well be a long course if the people do not make an
enthusiastic response. I know no other programme than the fourfold
constructive programme of 1920. If the people do not take it up
whole-heartedly, it is proof enough for me that they have no ahimsa
in them, or not the ahimsa of my conception, or, say, they have no
confidence in the present leadership. For me there is no other test but
what I have ever put before the nation since 1920. The new light tells
me that I must not weaken as I have done before in exacting the disci-
pline I have mentioned. I can quite clearly see my way to advise civil
disobedience wherever the conditions mentioned are amply ful-filled.
That civil disobedience will be individual but in terms of ahimsa far
more effective than any mass civil disobedience of the past. I must
own that the past movements have been more or less tainted. I have no

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 13

regret for them. For I knew no better then. I had the sense and humi-
lity to retrace my steps whenever I discovered blunders. Hence the
nation has gone forward from step to step. But the time has come for
a radical change in the direction indicated.
Thus my opinion on Travancore has resolved itself in the enun-
ciation of my present mental condition and its reaction on the
Travancore situation.
To sum up: (1) suspension of mass civil disobedience should be
indefinite; (2) there should be the will among the State Congress
people to open a way to honourable negotiation with the authorities;
(3) there should be no anxiety about those satyagrahis who are in
prison or new ones. If the spirit of satyagraha is rightly assimilated,
these imprisonments and disabilities should hearten the people; (4) the
pitch of the immediate demands should be lowered if necessary, in
order to quicken the progress towards the final goal; (5) the condition
precedent to any civil disobedience is the fulfilment by the general
mass of the constructive programme as a test, if nothing more, of their
coming under the discipline of the State Congress.
It is hardly necessary for me to say that it is open to the workers
to reject my advice. They should adopt it only if it appeals to their
heads and their hearts and tallies with their own reading of the local
situation of which I own they must be better judges.1
BOMBAY, June, 4, 1939
Harijan, 10-6-1939

12. TELEGRAM TO C. P. RAMASWAMI AIYER

BIRLA HOUSE, B OMBAY
June 5, 1939
S IR C. P. R AMASWAMI
TRIVANDRUM
HOPE IF STATE CONGRESS ADOPT MY ADVICE 2 YOU WILL
MAKE GENEROUS RESPONSE.

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

1
In “The Decision and After—IV”, Mahadev Desai explains that the Working
Committee of the Travancore State Congress passed the following resolution: “We
accept Gandhiji’s advice, and our acceptance fully warranted by the circumstances; but
the responsibility for acceptance is entirely our own.”
2
Vide the preceding item.

14 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 13. TELEGRAM TO AMRIT KAUR
BOMBAY
June 5, 1939
R AJKUMARI AMRIT KAUR
S IMLA
NOT EVEN ABLE WRITE THREE DAYS. ALL WELL. LOVE.
BAPU
From the original: C. W. 3916. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7225

14. TELEGRAM TO PHIROZSHAH DAMRI

BIRLA HOUSE, B OMBAY,
June 5, 1939
P HIROZSHAH DAMRI
BHAVNAGAR
READ DAILY PRESS AND “HARIJAN”. DOING MY BEST.

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

15. LETTER TO AKBAR HYDARI

B IRLA HOUSE, B OMBAY
June 5, 1939
DEAR SIR AKBAR,

Many thanks for your letter of 30th ultimo and telegram.

I am pleading with the Aryasamajists to give up civil disobe-
dience and with you to grant their minimum request. It is unfortunate
that the talks with Mr. Hollins broke down.1 I would still suggest your
making a gesture. Of course new constructions should be subject to
permission which should be governed by fixed rules and times. You
alone can end the agony. Why wait for the constitutional reform?
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat: G. N. 6844

1
Vide letter to the addressee, “Speech at Gandhi Seva Sangh Meeting, Hudli-
III”, 20-4-1937.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 15

 16. LETTER TO KUNVAR SIR JAGDISH PRASAD
June 5, 1939
DEAR SIR JAGDISH,
Many thanks for your full letter of 31st ultimo on the S. A.
Indian question. I share the hope with you that H. M.’s Government
will make effective representations. The expression Commonwealth of
Nations, has no meaning for us if what is going on in S. A., Kenya,
etc., is its connotation. I had a full chat with Sir Girjashanker1 . . .2
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: National Archives of India

17. LETTER TO MITHUBEHN PETIT

BOMBAY
June 5, 1939
DEAR SISTER,
I have your letter. I wish your function success. You certainly
have the blessings of us both.
Blessings from
BAPU
MITHUBEHN PETIT
KASTURBA SEVASHRAM
MAROLI
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II

18. LETTER TO NIRMALA GANDHI AND SUMITRA GANDHI

BOMBAY,
June 5, 1939
CHI. NIMU,

I received your letter. I am not sending over Kanam to you.

You need not therefore wait for the day I leave. You should complete
your studies there. The figure of expenditure you have put down for
your books is correct. You may take charge of Kanam after you are
free from there. Do not worry about him. You may send for Usha.

1
Sir Girjashanker Bajpai
2
Omission as in the source

16 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

CHI. SUMI,

I got your letter. Improve your handwriting, but however

indifferent it may be, do keep writing to me.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI NIRMALABEHN GANDHI
KANYA GURUKULA
DEHRA DUN
U.P.
From the Gujarati original: Mrs. Sumitra Kulkarni Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library

19. LETTER TO BHOLANATH

BOMBAY,
June 5, 1939
BHAI BHOLANATH,
I got your letter. The aims should not be changed now.
Developments in Jaipur and other places may be awaited.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 1376

20. TELEGRAM TO AMRIT KAUR

BOMBAY,
June 6, 1939
R AJKUMARI AMRIT KAUR
MANORVILLE
S IMLA W.
FRONTIER VISIT POSTPONED. REACHING SEGAON EIGHTH
MORNING. EXPECT YOU THERE.
BAPU
From the original: C.W. 3917. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7226

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 17

 21. TELEGRAM TO MIRABEHN
BOMBAY,
June 6, 1939
MIRABEHN
C ARE POSTMASTER
MANSEHRA
AGAIN HELD UP1 TILL END MONTH.
BAPU
From the original: C.W. 6444. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10039.

22. INTERVIEW TO KOLHAPUR STATE PRAJA PARISHAD

DEPUTATION
BOMBAY,
June 6, 1939
That he would not object to any State, which is really ready for it, resorting to
the direct step of civil resistance towards achieving responsible government and that
he always recommended it to such States but that he would not be willing to allow any
State to launch satyagraha unless he was satisfied that the State was fully prepared for
it, was the view expressed by Gandhiji. The deputation asked Gandhiji several
questions to which he gave answers. The following are some of the questions and
answers :
Q. Even in spite of the fact that at present the Kolhapur State authorities are
not in a mood to negotiate with the Parishad workers, in view of your latest
statement 2 on the Travancore State should negotiations be started with the State
authorities?
My statement is meant only for the Travancore State. I know
A.
more than anyone that the State authorities in any state are never
willing to have negotiations with their people. This I have realized
from the talks I had with Mr. Virawala in Rajkot. Negotiations should
always be started in an honourable way and for such negotiations
there should be a suitable and proper atmosphere. If that is not possi-
ble in your State, it is far better for you not to start negotiations at an
immature time. I found that opportunity and I have issued that
statement concerning Travancore only.

1
The reference is to the postponement of visit to the Frontier Province; vide
the preceding item.
2
Vide “Statement on Travancore”, 4-6-1939.

18 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 Q. What should the workers do on whom notices have been served by the
Durbar to be present before the court failing which their properties will be
confiscated?
A . There is no objection in being present before a court. But it
would be noble to lose the properties remaining outside the State and
to work for ideals, like Garibaldi, Mazzini, etc. It is a sin even to hold
properties in a State where no law prevails. Here you may think that
the people will think in a different way about your staying outside the
State and they will get demoralized. But if you really lose your
property and if the people are convinced that you work sincerely for
them, you need not fear demoralization of any kind in them. You
should always be sure that self-sacrifice carries public support.
The Hindu, 10-6-1939

23. NOTES
LEADERS MUST LEAD
A Cutch worker came in yesterday and said :
Some leaders in Cutch are telling the people there that but for your stopping
civil disobedience they would today be enjoying responsible government or
something near it.
I must deny having stopped civil disobedience in Cutch or for
the matter elsewhere. All I gave was my opinion. I had told Shri
Mulraj who had come to consult me that the workers should weigh my
opinion in the light of their own personal experience of things and
adopt it only if it coincided with their own experience. I should be
noted that my opinion was not given publicly. If it was not acceptable
to the local leaders, it need never have been published. Even now in
Cutch as elsewhere responsible leaders are free to act according to
their own judgment. We should never develop the requisite qualities of
leadership, unless leaders shoulder responsibility and even dare to
commit mistakes in acting contrary to the advice of persons like me.
Here there would be no question of indiscipline, for I am not in active
command anywhere. I give advice as an expert when reference is
made to me. Those who seek my advice will wrong themselves and
those whom they lead, if they will suppress their own judgment when
it seems contrary to mine, especially when mine is not based on direct
local knowledge.
JAIPUR AGAIN
Things are moving much too slow in Jaipur. The papers repor-
ted that a settlement between the Durbar and the people was imminent

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 19

and that Seth Jamnalalji and his co-workers would be free. The
matters in dispute seem to be incredibly simple. Civil disobe-dience
was decided upon only to vindicate civil liberty. It was resorted to
when even the right of the Praja Mandal to function for the purpose
of educating the people in a constitutional manner to agitate for local
responsible government in the State was questioned. Some time ago a
communique was issued by the Durbar setting forth the conditions for
the recognition of the Praja Mandal. Surely the Durbar could easily
have adjusted the conditions to suit the civil disobedience leaders.
Thus, for instance, the condition that “no office-holder of the local
association shall be also an office-holder of any political association
outside the State” seems to be vexatious. Why should Seth Jamnalalji
be disqualified from being President of the Praja Mandal by reason of
his being a member of the Working Committee of the National Con-
gress? Or is the condition specially aimed at him? An explana-tion is
necessary. There are other conditions which too require eluci-dation.
The last two are :
1. That the Association shall undertake to represent aspirations and
grievances of the people of the Jaipur State through the proper channel as they
develop from time to time under the constitution established by His Highness
the Maharaja Saheb Bahadur, and
2. That membership shall be restricted to persons domiciled in Jaipur
State.
Both are vague. Why should the people not be free to advocate
reforms in advance of what the State is prepared to grant? But the
meaning of the penultimate condition seems to restrict this natural
right. And the term ‘domicile’ is a risky legal term of little political
use. Why should not the homely word ‘resident’ be used instead?
BOMBAY, June 7, 1939
Harijan, 10-6-1939

24. LETTER TO SATYANAND

S EGAON, WARDHA,
June 8, 1939
MY DEAR SATYANAND1 ,
Pyarelal has preserved many letters for me to read when I can. I
can just now find yours of 31st March in this bundle. I have devoured
its contents with avidity simply because it is your letter.

1
S. E. Stokes, Christian missionary, social worker and close associate of C.
F. Andrews; an American naturalized as a British subject, married an Indian Christian
and lived in Kotgarh near Simla; a Congress worker; was arrested in 1921.

20 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 I never knew that you had gone to Vienna. What was the opera-
tion for? Was it not successful? I have never appreciated the homage
paid to the Vienna surgeons. However this is all by the way. I do hope
your incapacity is not permanent.
As to the great question raised by you, my reading of Gita and
interpretation of ahimsa is different from yours. I do not believe that
killing in war can never be done without anger or zest. As I believe in
unadulterated ahimsa I am groping as to India’s duty. I am shirking
the national solution. I discuss without coming to a decision. My own
indi-vidual conduct is determined. But I quite agree with you that
national can be exactly the opposite. My present mood is to ask the
Working Committee to decide for itself. It was not without cause that
God prom-pted me to cease even to remain a four-anna member of
the Congress. Hence there is no moral obligation on me to give an
opinion. At the same time if I felt the call, I should not hesitate to
announce my opinion. As it is I am praying for light.
How is Mrs. Stokes? What are the children doing? How long
were you away?
Mahadev was ailing as you might have known. He is fully
restored now. He is with me. Pyarelal has stayed in Bombay for his
teeth.
We all go back to Bombay on 21st.
Love.
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

25. LETTER TO NARAHARI D. PARIKH

S EGAON,
June 8, 1939
CHI. NARAHARI,
Amtulbehn seems to have engrossed herself there in working
among the Muslim women. Guide her and give her whatever help you
can. She has taken the money with her and will credit it there, but see
that the work is not held up for want of funds. Either Sardar or I will
remit the money. Mridulabehn1 is going to talk to Sardar about it.
I have told Ramjibhai that if he does not trust you, he should not
expect any guidance from me.
His letter is enclosed.
Blessings from
BAPU

1
Mridula Sarabhai

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 21

[PS.]
We will be returning to Bombay on the 22nd.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 9116

26. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA

S EGAON,
June 8, 1939
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
I could not write to you from Bombay. We reached Segaon
today. Pyarelal has stayed back for nursing Manjula and attending to
his own teeth. We are going again to Bombay on the 20th. Thence
probably by the 1st of July to the Frontier.
What I wrote1 to you was not in the spirit of fault-finding. It was
to give expression to my own feelings. The desire to stay with me is
not at all a wrong thing. It is only when such desire comes in the way
of service that it should cause concern. There was no such problem in
your case.
You have to stay there with Balkrishna as long as it suits him.
Balvantsinha says you can go to Panchgani whenever necessary.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 4318

27. LETTER TO SATIS CHANDRA DAS GUPTA

S EGAON, WARDHA,
June 9, 1939
DEAR SATIS BABU,
Your letter and enclosures make sad reading. Distribution of a
few thousand rupees among the people would be a false salve for
conscience. The work you may provide would be a fraud for they will
eat only Rangoon rice. The case presented by Hemprabha is one not
for finding temporary work for a few but it is for an agitation for
banishing rice mills and Rangoon rice. To this end you should see
Subhas Babu, Dr. Ray, and the Premier. You will not hesitate to see the
other Ministers if found necessary. You should put before them a
faithful picture of the condition of the villagers and trace the cause of
the misery. You will equally strongly present your remedy. You will

1
Vide “Letter to Chandan Parekh”, 24-5-1939.

22 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

find perhaps that all the parties will take up the cause and you will
have solved a ticklish problem without much difficulty. Should it
prove otherwise you will still have done the only possible thing. Your
diagnosis must be faultless and your remedy perfect. Could you give
the villagers any of the processes in match-making, road-making,
tank-digging or any other work of public utility?
Who are the villagers? If they are Muslims your work will be
easier. If my idea does not commend itself to you and you need funds
for starting relief, you should go to the Marwari Relief Society and
Ghanshyamdasji.
Tell Hemprabha that I read up the papers she sent me regarding
Annada. Annada has a reply for everything she has to say.
Love.
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

28. LETTER TO BINODE KANUNGO1

[On or after June 9, 1939] 2
What can I do about the undoubtedly improper appointments?
If a proper complaint is made before the Working Committee
something may be possible. Where public opinion is unsound and
non-existent the things you describe will happen.
Yours.

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal.

29. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR

S EGAON,
June 10, 1939
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I have your letter. Absence of wire from you had prepared me
for your ‘No’. Though we were all expecting you last evening for
certain and I had made all sorts of preparations for you, your letter
makes it clear that you did well in not coming, not because I had no
work for you but because your work there which is also mine is more

1
The letter was in reply to a joint letter dated June 9 from Binode Kanungo
and Gurchandra Das who had protested against the appointment of Gobinda Misra,
Bansidhar Ratha and Godassi Mahapatra as Inspectors of Orissa Pradesh Congress
Committee.
2
ibid

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 23

important than what I had devised for you. It would be better for you
to be with me in August when I expect to return from the Frontier.
I am not going to Kashmir unless J. L. comes and takes me
there.
I wish you will cease to think that I misunderstand you. What-
ever be the truth, you must be cheerful.
Love. TYRANT
[PS.]
Sharda came in today from Surat.
From the original: C.W. 3918. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7227

30. MEANING OF PROHIBITION

His Grace the Archbishop of Bombay has been kind enough to
send me letter1 and a copy of his address to the Rotary Club against
prohibition. I have read both with the respect and attention their
author deserves.
My study of His Grace’s letter and address at once revealed a
serious flaw for which I must be held primarily responsible. The word
prohibition is a misnomer for what the Bombay Government and the
other Provincial Governments where the Congress controls the Minis-
tries are doing regarding the liquor trade. What the Governments are
in reality doing is not prohibiting drink but they are closing liquor
shops which are absolutely under Government control. The shop-
owners have no statutory protection save what they get from year to
year. Every owner of a liquor shop knows that his licence may not be
renewed next year. He may be even outbidden if he possesses a
country liquor or toddy licence as these are auctioned every year.
Therefore the licensees have no vested interest in their licences
beyond the year for which they are held and then too subject to the
observance of the stringent conditions laid down for them. Therefore
I claim that the law for the abolition of liquor licences “is an ordi-
nance of reason for the common good made and promulgated for the
community by the competent authority.” All that the State is doing is
to remove from the drinker the temptation or the facility which the
State considers is harmful to him except for medicinal purposes.
The Archbishop says: “To win the allegiance of body, of mind
1
The letter dated June 1, from T. D. Roberts, the Archbishop, was published
separately in the same issue of Harijan.

24 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

and of heart needed by any law . . . that law must be just”, that is to
say,“the conscience of millions must say this is just.” I have no
difficulty in endorsing the proposition. Viewed in the manner
indicated by me the State does not need to carry with it the conscience
of millions. But I hold that India is the one place in the world where
the conscience of the millions would justify the law of abolition of the
State trade in intoxicating liquors and drugs. There is no need to take
any referendum. It consists in the overwhelming number of legislators
approving of the law. Let me remind His Grace of the past history of
this great reform movement. It began with the grand old man, Dada-
bhai Naoroji. In 1920 it became an integral part of the Congress cons-
tructive programme. In the absence of political power the Con-gress
arranged an elaborate programme of picketing liquor and opium
shops. In this programme thousands of men and women took part all
over India. All communities including Parsis took part in the picke-
ting programme. Attempts were made even in the days of Non-co-
operation to induce the authorities to undertake the abolition legis-
lation. Without exception they pleaded financial inability, never the
impropriety of so-called interference with the right of the people to be
supplied with liquor by the State. Indeed one Minister told me that If I
would help him to raise the revenue needed to make up for the loss
caused by the drop in the drink revenue, he would introduce prohi-
bition at once. It is an open secret that the reform has been delayed
simply for the sake of the revenue. In other words, the people have
been tempted to drink for the sake of raising the revenue. The black
history of the opium trade bears out the truth of this statement.
Those who speak in the name of individual freedom do not
know their India. There is as much right of a person to demand drink-
ing facilities from the State as there is to demand facilities for the
supply of public women for the satisfaction of his animal passion. I
hope that those who pride themselves on their moderation in drinking
will not feel hurt by the illustration I have taken. In this country we
are not used to legislation for the regulation of vice. But in countries
like Germany the houses of women who sell their virtue are licensed. I
do not know what will be more resented in those countries, the
stopping of the licences for the houses of ill fame or the houses of
drink. When woman realizes her dignity she will refuse to sell her
virtue and those members of the sex who are jealous of its honour will
move heaven and earth to have legalized prostitution abolished. Will it
be then contended that such abolition will go hard with the prostitutes

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 25

and their dependants whose only means of livelihood depended upon
this calling?
I plead that social workers cannot work effectively so long as
licensed liquor dens continue to lure the drinkers to enter them. It is
curious that in all India any opposition to prohibiton comes from the
Parsis. They pride themselves on their temperance and resent what
they call encroachment upon their personal liberty. They also make it
a grievance that the Europeans have been given facilities, thus cons-
tituting a bar sinister against Asiatics. I have already pleaded1 with the
Parsis that they should rise superior to their habit and allow the great
reform to proceed with their active co-operation. As to the alleged bar
sinister let me point out that a bar sinister is imposed from without. In
the case in point we the Asiatics voluntarily recognize the limitations
of the Euro-peans. But even they have to secure exemption and
submit to regulations. The proper course for the Parsi friends would
be to agitate, if they wish, for the removal of the discrimination, not
use it for securing similar exemption for themselves.
His Grace has further argued that if the price to be paid for
removing the temptation of drink from the drunkard “is out of all
proportion to the good attempted”, the reform is harmful.The pro-
position is well stated, but it is a matter of opinion whether the price to
be paid is out of all proportion to the good attempted. I have endea-
voured to show that the whole of the excise policy has been not to
supply any felt want but to increase the revenue. I would invite the
Archbishop to study the history of the excise administrtion. He will
find that all the advanced legislators have condemned the policy in
unmeasured terms. The price that is being paid for the attempted
reform is insignificant if the history is borne in mind. And even the
insignificant price will not have to be paid, if the Archbishop and the
influential Parsi friends will lead an agitation for the reduction in the
wholly indefensible army expenditure and free the money thus saved
for the purpose of bringing about all-India abolition of the liquor
traffic. It is an overdue reform. They should congratulate the Bombay
Ministers on their courage in levying a tax which was the easiest to be
borne. But I have no doubt that the Ministry will gladly remit the tax,
if they are helped by the Central Government. Only they could not
delay the reform whilst they were fighting the Central Government
single-handed. Let all the parties recognize the necessity of the reform

1
Vide”Interview to Parsi Deputation”, 2-6-1939.

26 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

and demand justice from the Central Government and the hardship
referred to by the Archbishop will be reduced almost to a nullity.
There is a curious question asked of Dr. Gilder 1 . To do the
Archbishop justice I must copy the question in his own words:
Does he admit that there are several kinds of intoxication which have
nothing at all to do with drink? Drunkenness paralyses the reason and wrecks
homes. But the intoxication of false ideals is now wrecking whole nations and
the world itself. Moreover, does Dr. Gilder admit that such intoxication is
highly infectious? He will hardly deny it, knowing as he does the recent
history of the nations. Then will he tell us, ‘Is India necessarily immune from
the infection of false ideals which intoxicate?’
This suggests that the exercise by the State of the undoubted
discretion to stop the issue of drink-shop licences is a false ideal which
intoxicates and which has infected Dr. Glider. Of course everything is
possible in this world. But I venture to suggest that this abolition being
a half-century-old national cry is not likely to be a false, intoxicating
and infectious ideal. An ideal that is false and intoxicating and highly
infectious must in its nature be temporary.
The last paragraph of the address is a question addressed to me.
The half dozen lines are packed with suggestions which hardly answer
known facts. Thus His Grace suggests, among other things :
Prohibition tends to be regarded by its advocates not as one possible
course but as the only possible religion.
Nobody has called it a religion. After having stated the pro-
position His Grace ends:
The author of the creed of truth and non-violence will not resent this last
question: ‘Is he still quite certain that all religions are true?’
In any other mouth I would consider the question to be unpar-
donable. But I do not expect a busy administrator like the Archbi-
shop of Bombay to study all a man like me may say or to verify his
quotations. His question to tally with what I have said should have
been: ‘Is he still quite certain that all the known great religions of the
earth are equally true?’ My answer to this revised question would be,
‘Emph-atically yes.’ Only the revised question is obviously irrelevant
to the Archbishop’s thesis.
His Grace has propounded a conundrum in his letter which now
hardly needs a separate answer. So far as I know the Ministers have no
qualms of conscience. They are robbing no one. All trade is pre-

1
Dr. D. D. Gilder, Health and Excise Minister of Bombay

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 27

carious. Liquor trade is doubly so everywhere. The Bombay Govern-
ment are straining every nerve to see that poor traders do not suffer
avoidable hardships.
There is one sentence in the letter which makes me pause:
The last few-months have convinced me that the cause of charity in
Bombay is threatened with a shattering blow.
All the Archbishop’s beliefs have been based, as I think I have
shown, on unproved assumptions. I should want proof for this un-
qualified assertion. If the cause of charity is threatened as stated, I
would request him to produce the proof before the Ministers and I
doubt not that they will soon set the thing right.
The Archbishop’s last paragraph in his letter is worthy of his
high office. Only his offer appears to be conditional.1 Let him and his
assistants and disciples unconditionally become total abstainers and
help the noble cause of temperance. They will lighten the task of the
law-giver and help to make of the abolition of liquor traffic the
success that it deserves to be in this land where the public conscience,
i.e., the conscience of the dumb millions, is undoubtedly in favour of
the abolition.
S EGAON, June 11, 1939
Harijan, 17-6-1939

31. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR

S EGAON, WARDHA,
June 12, 1939
MY DEAR AMRIT,
I have your letter.
Of course everything is forgiven you. The fact is I have not felt
offended against you. My love burns as bright as ever. It is little worth
if it cannot stand the heart pourings of loved ones. I simply gave you
my reactions2 to your letters. You are as much wanted here as ever.
You will find me not in the least altered or if altered, it will be for the
better. I shall know how much more tender you are than I had
believed you to be.

1
The Archbishop had said: “. . . I would gladly promise—as so many
thousands of priests have done—never to drink alcoholic liquor except at the times
when we believe its use enjoined by God in His own temple . . .”
2
Vide “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 26-5-1939, “28-5-1939, and 10-6-1939.

28 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 Navin is in Bombay tending his sister. His address is care Dr.
Shah, Polyclinic, Queen’s Road, Bombay.
Love.
BAPU
From the original: C.W. 3919. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7228

32. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 13, 1939
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I have your two letters the same day. Not having been able to
write to you for three days I have sent you [a] wire in Hindi which I
hope you had no difficulty in understanding.
Of course I shall try to soothe. . . 1 . But she is a most difficult
person to please. But my effort continues after my own style.
I have written to Sir Kailash2 . Copy of the letter Mahadev will
send with this.
I do hope you are more composed than before.
Syed Mahmud and his children were in Segaon for three days.
They went this evening.
No more just now.
Love.
TYRANT
From the original: C.W. 3920. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7229

33. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 13, 1939
3
DEAR DAUGHTER,
I got your letter. I do not know how to keep you happy. I have
told you that I accept financial responsibility to the tune of Rs. 2,000.
I have also told you that you can say you recognized me alone and no

1
The name is illegible in the source.
2
Kailash Narain Haksar, Personal Adviser to the Maharaja of Jammu and Kas-
hmir. Gandhiji was to visit Kashmir as Haksar’s guest. The visit was, however,
cancelled; vide“Statement to the Press”, 22-7-1939.
3
The superscription is in Urdu.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 29

one else [as the source of the money]. But I did not say nor did I
mean that I would not take the money if Sardar gave it. How can I
accept such restrictions? I am not different from Sardar. Why should
it take so much of my time to explain such a simple thing? I have
said you can spend moderate amounts on medicines. Have I not made
everything clear now? Don’t make a mountain out of a mole-hill.
I am well.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
This will be posted on the 14th.
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 421

34. INTERVIEW TO MYSORE CONGRESS

REPRESENTATIVES 1
S EGAON,
June 13, 1939
If the proposed reforms are unacceptable as your fear they are
likely to be, you may take no part in working them. But regarding
offering any opposition to them you must be the best judges. What I
have said in my statement2 on Travancore does not apply wholly to
any single State. You must study the general principles laid down in it
and do what you think fit. Do not ask me to judge whether Mysore is
well organized or ill-organized. You are the best judges. Facts them-
selves are opinions. If you are ready, you are ready, irrespective of
what I may say.

1
The interview is extracted from Mahadev Desai’s “The Decision and After—
IV” in Harijan. The Hindu reported: “H. C. Dasappa, President, Mysore Congress,
acquainted Gandhiji with the present political situation, struggles undergone,
agreements entered into at Sardar Patel’s and Mr. Kripalani’s intercession,
Government’s recent denial of agreement itself and how the State Congress had to
withdraw from Reforms Committee and constitutional bodies. He referred to
uncontradicted forecasts of reforms recom-mended by Reforms Committee which
contemplates introducing a very dilute diarchical form of government and which is
quite disappointing and unacceptable. Mr. Dasappa said: ‘Considering all
circumstances, it is impossible to achieve responsible government without struggle
and the country (State subjects) was prepared for carrying the struggle on strictly
peaceful lines.’ ”
2
Vide”Statement of Travancore”, 4-6-1939.

30 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 The readiness may be of two kinds. You may be able to em-
barrass Government sufficiently by making a big enough demons-
tration which invites shooting or compels them to yield. But the
demonstration may not be non-violent as I am defining it. Not that
my definition has changed. There is only a difference of emphasis. I
formerly compromised non-violence in the belief that thereby India
would progress further on the path of non-violence, but that belief was
not fulfilled. So the non-violence that you display may appear to be
effective but it may not be unadulterated non-violence in thought,
word and deed. If it is not, I should rule it out. What I would not rule
out today I cannot say. I have come up to the point of saying, in the
language of the Vedic seer, ‘neti’, ‘neti’ (‘not this’, ‘not this’), but
I have not yet been able to say, ‘it is this’, ‘it is this’. That is because I
have not seen the full light yet.1
That school says, ‘We believe both in violence and non-violence,
for sometimes non-violence answers, and we resort to non-violence
because it appears to be best under the circumstances.’ But for me
means and ends are convertible terms, and non-violence and truth are
therefore the end, so long as the end conceived has not been attained.
But in Rajkot I compromised the means; I was weighed in my own
scales and found wanting. But no harm has been done because I
retrieved my error immediately I saw it. My surrender was not due to
weakness, it was a surrender out of the fullness of strength. It came out
of non-violence which for me is the weapon of the bravest and not of
the weak. I will not be guilty of encouraging cowards amongst us, or
of allowing people to hide their weakness under cover of non-
violence.
You will say that you will not make a declaration about non-
violence or satyagraha or civil disobedience. It need not on that
account be the reverse of any of these. But you will say, ‘After having
read all that Gandhiji has written, or has been written about in Harijan,
we have come to the conclusion that we must not bandy about these
technical expressions. Whether you call it violent or non-violent, we
offer what resistance we can and what we feel our people are ready to

1
Referring to “this middle course” which is neither violence nor non-
violence, Mahadev Desai explains: “Mr. Case gave the appropriate word for it—Non-
violent Coercion—which he made the title of his book. . . . In fact there is a school of
thought in India which makes no secret of it, and says, ‘Satyagraha of Gandhiji’s
definition is not for us, non-violent coercion is what we understand.’!”

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 31

offer.’ If you want further guidance, you should approach Vallabh-
bhai who has been handling this movement and Pandit Jawaharlal who
is the Chairman of the States Committee. I come in as author of satya-
graha, but for the moment I am bankrupt. My faith is brighter than
ever but I have not seen the full light. I am advising Travancore,
Rajkot, and to a certain extent Talcher, as I have been constantly guid-
ing them. But even with regard to them I have been tendering my
advice which it is for them to accept or reject.
But I would ask you to see the Sardar who has a marvellous
capacity of separating wheat from chaff. He is no visionary like Jawa-
harlal and me. For bravery he is not to be surpassed. If he had any
sentiment in him, he has suppressed it. Once he makes up his mind
he steels it against all argument. He has all the making of a soldier.
Even I do not argue with him, but of course he allows me to lay down
the law. He will always be the people’s man. He cannot hit it off with
the people in power. See him. He has studied the situation, and he
may be able to make concrete suggestions. Have the setting from
Jawaharlal and the concrete suggestions from the Sardar.
I love Mysore and Mysoreans. I like spending days together at
Belur and Halebidu but I cannot go there for sightseeing. I can go
there only if duty calls.1
Harijan, 24-6-1939; also The Hindu, 16-6-1939

35. LETTER TO PRITHVI SINGH

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 14, 1939
DEAR PRITHVI SINGH,
Your letter of 27th May is very good. It shows that you have no
difficulty in understanding the working of ahimsa. There are many
who swear by ahimsa [but] have not understood my step.
I have not given up the attempt to secure possession of your
book.
Attempts continue to be made about the release of the political
prisoners. There are difficulties [in] the way. But for those who only
know the non-violent way, success is contained in the effort itself. And

1
This paragraph is reproduced from The Hindu, which added: “It is understood
that Gandhiji received an invitation also from Sir Mirza Ismail, Dewan of Mysore, to
take a trip to Mysore for health, which also Gandhiji found impossible to accept.”

32 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

prisoners who believe in non-violence regard prison-life and the out-
side with indifference. They serve whether in prison or outside.
I hope to go to the Frontier Province early July when both
Mahadev and Pyarelal will be with me. One of them will surely see
you.
Love.
BAPU
From a photostat: G.N. 5635. Also C.W. 2946. Courtesy: Prithvi Singh

36. LETTER TO CHANDAN PAREKH

S EGAON, W ARDHA
June 14, 1939
CHI. CHANDAN,
I have your letter. Now that [Amritlal] Nanavati is with you, get
well soon.
There is no harm in your having written to your distant cousin
about Harbhai. Send me more details about the Home School when
you get it. I shall certainly be surprised if you again start teaching the
girls. Do go to Ahmedabad for treatment if you think it necessary to
do so.
Blessings from
BAPU
From Gujarati: C.W. 952. Courtesy: Satish D. Kalelkar

37. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS 1

S EGAON,
June 14, 1939
It is a pity that Shri Sarat Chandra Bose and Lalit Chandra Das
had to resign from the Prisoners’ Release Advisory Committee2 when
they found that they could not make further headway and that their
views differed from those of their colleagues and of the Government.

1
This is extracted from “Bengal Political Prisoners”. According to the source
the statement was given “in releasing the letter” dated May 31, 1939, from Sarat
Chandra Bose, Leader of the Opposition, Bengal Legislative Assembly; vide
Appendix “Letter from Sarat Chandra Bose”, 31-5-1939.
2
Appointed by the Bengal Government; it started working from December
1938.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 33

They had no option. I had hoped, when the Committee was formed,
that they would evolve a joint scheme whereby the question of poli-
tical prisoners would be solved on an all-India basis and on non-party
lines. Provincial autonomy should have meant at least the release of all
political prisoners throughout India especially when they declared
their faith in non-violence as the vast majority, if not all, have done.
The releases already effected have shown that there is no dan-ger of
revival of terrorism such as the country has known. Therefore I would
suggest that Shri Sarat Chandra Bose and Lalit Chandra Das be
reinvited to serve on the Committee and a formula be found so as to
satisfy their viewpoint. It would be unfortunate if a hurricane agitation
were to be restarted on an issue which does not warrant any such
agitation and which is capable of being decided by mutual accommo-
dation. I hope that my appeal 1 to the Government of Bengal not to
abandon the policy of conciliation they had adopted on this very
important question of the release of political prisoners will not go in
vain. It ought to be enough for them that the prisoners have declared
their faith in non-violence. I hope that the prisoners will not be restless
but will allow friendly effort to take its course without the interruption
of a hunger-strike or the like. I would ask them to continue the
dignified restraint they have so wisely observed.
Harijan, 24-6-1939

38. TELEGRAM TO MIRABEHN

WARDHAGANJ,
[June 15, 1939] 2
MIRABAI
C ARE BIRLA HOUSE
NEW DELHI
COME SEGAON EIGHTEENTH OR REACH BOMBAY TWENTY-
FIRST
BAPU
From the original: C. W. 6440. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10035

1
Vide “Statement to the Press”, 13-4-1938 and 4-10-1938; also “Statement on
Bengal Government’s Communique”, 21-11-1937.
2
The postmark is illegible in the source. Vide, however, the following item.

34 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 39. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 15, 1939
MY DEAR IDIOT,

I wonder if I ever told you that you were to write to Sardar Datar
Singh, your dairy friend, whether he is now prepared to receive
Balvantsinha in his dairy near Lahore and give him the necessary
training. You will remember that he said he would gladly take him as
soon as he had put his branch dairy in Lahore in order. You will tell
him all about Balvantsinha, that he has considerable practical expe-
rience of handling cattle but that he has no knowledge of English. He
belongs to Khurja and hence his mother tongue is Hindi. He is now
picking up Urdu.
Lilavati1 went today to Bombay for her matriculation. She was
wavering but I told her it was the best thing to do. Sharda has come in.
I have no doubt that she is bearing. She is likely to be in Segaon for a
few months. Shankaran is not overwell.
Mira seems to have become ill on the high altitude and is due in
Birla House tomorrow. I am asking2 her to see me in Bombay.
I hope you are well and that you had a good time at the
educational meeting.
Love.
TYRANT
From the original: C.W. 3921. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Aslo. G.N. 7230

1
Lilavati Asar
2
Vide the preceding item.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 35

 40. LETTER TO KAPILRAI PAREKH
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 15, 1939
BHAI KAPILRAI,
I have your letter. Let us hope that there will be no partiality in
Bihar. But I cannot interfere. I think you should personally go and
see Munshiji in Bombay.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI KAPILRAI P AREKH
GORJI’S BUNGALOW
R AIKHAD, A HMEDABAD
From Gujarati: C.W. 9828. Courtesy: Kapilrai Parekh

41. LETTER TO MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 15, 1939

CHI. MATHURADAS,
I am sending Captain Gokhale’s lectures in a separate cover.
You have to think about only one point in those lectures. You need
not read them if you do not want to. He says that schools should be
run only from 7.00 am to 11.30 a m., so that the health of the pupils
is not harmed by the sun. Is this possible in Bombay? If the health of
the students demands it it should be made possible.
How many Parsis are likely to be affected by the new levy? How
far is it a valid argument that it will adversely affect the charities? I
feel that an estimate can be obtained only from your end. Have it
prepared. This argument should be effectively answered. If there is no
answer, the mistake should be corrected.1

Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

1
For Gandhiji’s article on the resistance of the Parsi community to the liquor
policy of the Congress; ibid., pp. 387-9.

36 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 42. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 15, 1939
1
DEAR DAUGHTER,
I have your letter. Everything will work out well. Be patient.
Don’t worry yourself over money. Keep in touch with the Muslim
Leaguers. When you were invited by them to a dinner, you should
have gone. You should not be angry with them even in your heart.
Propagation of khadi is our mission. Do not forget the vow to wear
khadi. One may spin thin yarn and weave fine and coloured cloth. If
we gave up the vow to wear khadi, we would be lost.
Take care of your health.
Ba and Kanam 2 may perhaps go there when I leave for the
Frontier. Give the enclosed to Lakshmidasbhai3 .
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 402

43. A LETTER
June 16, 1939
For me if ahimsa is not applicable to all walks of life, it is no
use. My experiments therefore must have that end in view. I may
correct myself a thousand times but I am not likely to give up an
experiment in which visible results have been attained. This earthly
life is a blend of the soul and the body, spirit and matter. We know the
soul only through the body and so shall we know true ahimsa through
its action in the daily life.

From the manuscript of Mahadev Desai’s Diary. Courtesy: Narayan Desai

1
The superscription is in Urdu.
2
Son of Ramdas Gandhi; also called “Kana” and “Kano”
3
Lakshmidas Asar

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 37

 44. LETTER TO DEVDAS GANDHI
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 16, 1939
CHI. DEVDAS,
I had carefully preserved your letter of the 30th. I could reach it
only today. I could never be unmindful of Jawaharlal’s feelings. But
when it becomes one’s dharma to express a certain view, what else can
one do? When saying something becomes absolutely necessary, it
would be violation of truth to suppress it for anybody’s sake. I res-
train my pen to a great extent for the sake of Jawaharlal. I had long
talks with him and even showed him your opinion. One may say that
as a result we came to understand each other better. The differences,
however, persist. We will bear with each other. You also should do the
same. Time will do its work.
I understand your views regarding the people around me. Let
me deal with the problems in my own way.
The programme is as follows: [From June] 21 [to] July 1,
Bombay, then most probably in the Frontier Province.
Ba and Kanam will most probably go to the Harijan Ashram,
Sabarmati. Today1 Lilavati left for Bombay for her studies.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 2031

45. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 16, 1939
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
I have read all your letters. Whether the climate there suits
Balkrishna’s health can be judged only after an adjustment of diet.
Wai has less rains and you can perhaps get good milk there. If Wai
suits you better you can go there. It is said that Panchgani is
good for T. B. patients despite the rains. We have to be guided by
Balkrishna’s reactions. If he does not feel better there, come over
here. We are leaving for Bombay on the 20th.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 4319

1
Vide, however, “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 15-6-1939.

38 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 46. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 17, 1939
CHI. AMRIT,

Yes, a tyrant I am, but non-violent. My tyranny too arises from

love. Therefore it only does good to the victim, does it not?1
I hope you had no difficulty in deciphering my wire. I pur-
posely wrote the wire in Hindi to make it ununderstandable save by
you. It was my first or second attempt to send my wire in Hindi. If it
was tyranny, it was tyranny of love.
The draft Muslim League resolution2 on Basic Education is
revealing.
If I succeed in going to the Frontier, you will join me at some
station during my return journey and have the luxury of travelling
third class with me on your line !!!
I understand . . . ’s3 message. I am writing to him.
Love.
TYRANT

From the original: C. W. 3922. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G. N. 7231

1
This paragraph is in Hindi
2
The resolution which rejected the Wardha Scheme of Basic Education was
passed by the Working Committee meeting of the League held in Bombay on July 2
and 3.
3
The name is illegible in the source.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 39

 47. LETTER TO ATULANAND CHAKRABARTY

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 17, 1939
DEAR ATULANAND,
I have your letter. I can make no suggestions. My mind some-
how runs in a different direction. The disease has gone too deep for
books to help. Some big action is necessary. What, I do not know as
yet. I wish you could see this very obvious thing.1
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
S HRI ATULANAND C HAKRABARTY
166/A J ATIN DAS R OAD
P. O. KALIGHAT, C ALCUTTA
From a photostat: C. W. 1481. Courtesy: A. K. Sen

48. LETTER TO VANAMALA PARIKH

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 17, 1939
CHI. VANAMALA,
Your friend is sitting near me and I have heard from her plenty
of stories about your sense of humour. I hope you are adding to it
there. I have your letter. Guess who this friend of yours is. Perfect
your Urdu.

Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 5787

1
Reproducing a part of this letter in The Life of Mahatma Gandhi, p. 338, Louis
Fischer explains : “Atulanand continued to concentrate on the Hindu-Muslim tension
and suggested a book about it”. Vide also “Letter to Atulanand Chakrabarty”,
28-8-1937.

40 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 49. LETTER TO SUMANGAL PRAKASH

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 17, 1939

CHI. SUMANGAL,

I have your letter. Do write what you feel you must. It is not as
if you had to follow my advice. You must follow the dictates of your
inner voice.
t is good you decided to get married. I have no girl in view.
Only your own endeavour can bear fruit. You must be patient.

Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of Hindi: Sumangal Prakash Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
Museum and Library

50. LETTER TO NIRMALA GANDHI AND SUMITRA GANDHI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 17, 1939
CHI. NIMU-SUMI,

I got your letter. Kanam is here sitting with me. He keeps me

talking to him. So how am I to complete this letter? For the present,
you should continue with your studies there. Do not worry about
Kanam. We will think about the matter after I return from the Frontier
Province.1 Ba will go to live in the Harijan Ashram for the present.
Kanam will study there.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Mrs. Sumitra Kulkarni Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
Memorials Museum and Library

1
Gandhiji returned from a tour of the Frontier Province on July 27, reaching
Segaon on the 28th.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 41

 51. A LETTER
June 18, 1939
DEAR FRIEND,
I delayed writing to you in the hope of being able to send you a
more helpful reply to your kind letter of the 15th ultimo. But I cannot
go beyond saying that you should act in accordance with your lights.
You should be the sole judge of the situation there and seeing that our
own non-violence has been found to be skin-deep, I have not the
courage to propose anything worthy of your consideration. This does
not mean that my faith in non-violence has suffered any diminution.
Yours sincerely,

From the manuscript of Mahadev Desai’s Diary. Courtesy: Narayan Desai

52. LETTER TO S. SATYAMURTI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 18, 1939
MY DEAR SATYAMURTI,
I am quite at one with you about Congressmen not being able to
belong to any other political organization. But nobody will go so far.
Your other suggestions are also worthy of consideration. My in-
fluence is limited as it should be. After all I am not in touch with the
working of the organization. I suggest your pressing your points at
the A. I. C. C. meeting 1 . But you must not come at the sacrifice of
your health. I am keeping your letter with me. I shall let Rajen Babu
and others see it.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From the original: S. Satyamurti Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library. Also C. W. 10199. Courtesy: Government of Tamil Nadu

1
This was to be held in Bombay from June 24 to 27.

42 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 53. LETTER TO KAKALBHAI KOTHARI1

June 18, 1939

BHAI KAKALBHAI,
I got your misty vapourings about Rajkot. I glanced through the
thing. I saw nothing in it but rhetoric. But isn’t rhetoric your life?
How then can you help yourself? If you have patience, one day you
will realize the truth of these remarks of mine.
Blessings from
BAPU
[From Gujarati]
From the manuscript of Mahadev Desai’s Diary. Courtesy: Narayan Desai

54. LETTER TO MULRAJ

June 18, 1939
BHAI MULRAJ,
I have your English letter. I thought you could write in Gujarati.
I am sure you will be able to read this. Otherwise ask someone to read
it to you. I adhere to my view. Even in Travancore and Jaipur where I
have some control over the movement, I give advice only when asked.
What else, then, can I do for Kutch? Please, therefore, understand that
I [accept] no responsibility for stopping civil disobedience in Kutch.2
The responsibility rests entirely on you workers. You may make
public use of this letter.
M. K. GANDHI
[From Gujarati]
From the manuscript of Mahadev Desai’s Diary. Courtesy: Narayan Desai

55. HOW FAR ?

With reference to my advice3 to the States people to lower their

demands if necessary, a correspondent asks :
How far are the people to go and what reduction if any is suggested or
contemplated, for instance, in the Jaipur demand which has been practically

1
Congress worker of Saurashtra and editor of Gujarati daily, Prabhat,
published from Ahmedabad
2
Vide also “Notes”, subtitle,“Leaders Must Lead”, 7-6-1939
3
Vide “Statement on Travancore”, 4-6-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 43

 framed by you?
This question would never have arisen if my language had been
properly attended to. In the first place, I have added the proviso ‘if
necessary’. This must be clearly proved and each committee should
judge the necessity and the extent of the reduction. In the second,
there can be no question of reduction where the people are ready for
the sacrifice involved in the development and the consolidation of the
strength to enforce the demand. Take the case of Rajkot itself. Award
or no award, if the people in general had the capacity for the required
measure of sacrifice and if they had been ready for swaraj, nothing
would have kept them from their prize.
It would be wrong to say or believe that but for my mistake the
people of Rajkot would have got what they wanted. My mistake has
been admitted. But it must not be held responsible for the failure of
the famous Notification. The talk of demoralization resulting from
my ‘bad handling’ of the situation is nonsensical. In satyagraha there
is no such thing as demoralization. Those who are truthful, non-vio-
lent and brave do not cease to be so because of the stupidity of their
leader. Of course there would be demoralization or rather ex-posure,
if the three virtues were put on for the occasion and were to fail on the
real test being applied. People who are strong by nature displace weak
leaders and go about their business as if they never needed a leader. If
they needed one, they would soon elect a better one. Workers in the
States should try to understand the Rajkot case, if they will profit by it.
If it is too compli-cated for them, they should leave it alone and go
forward as if it had not happened. Nothing will be more misleading
than to think that before my so-called mishandling of the Rajkot case
the Princes were so trembling in their shoes that they were about to
abdicate their powers in favour of their people. What they were doing
before I even went to Rajkot was to confer among themselves as to the
ways and means of meeting the menace, as they thought it to be, to
their very existence. We know what Limbdi did. 1 The talk of com-
bining with the Muslims, the Garasias and even the Depressed Classes
against the Congress workers was in the air. My action has resulted in
the discovery of the unholy combination. A true diagnosis is three-
fourths the remedy. The workers are today in a position to devise
remedies to combat the combination. It simply resolves itself into the

1
Vide “Lawless Limbdi”, 20-2-1939.

44 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

necessity of Congressmen or satyagrahis gaining control over the
forces arrayed against them. They are as much out to gain liberty for
the Muslims, Garasias, Depressed Classes and even the Princes as for
themselves. The satyagrahis have to show by cold reasoning and their
conduct that the Princes cannot remain autocrats for all times, and that
it is to their interest to become trustees of their people instead of
remaining their masters. In other words, what I have done by
correcting myself in Rajkot is to show the true way to the satyagrahis.
In following it, they may find it necessary to lower their immediate
demands but only so as to really hasten their progress to their goal.
Therefore there can be no lowering out of weakness. Every lowering
must be out of due appreciation of the local situation and the capacity
of the workers to cope with it. Here there is no room for
demoralization and rout. In cases like Jaipur of course there can [be]
no question of lowering. The demand itself is in the lowest pitch.
There is no room in it for lowering anything. In essence it is one for
civil liberty. Civil liberty consistent with the observance of non-
violence is the first step towards swaraj. It is the breath of political and
social life. It is the foundation of freedom. There is no room there for
dilution or compromise. It is the water of life. I have never heard of
water being diluted.
Another question has been raised by another correspondent. He
says :
You expect us to work by negotiation. But if there is no wish on the
other side and the only wish is to humiliate the party of freedom, what is to be
done?
Of course nothing is to be done except waiting and preparing
for suffering and promotion of constructive work. Absence of wish
for negotiation by authority may mean despise or distrust of the party
of freedom. In either case silent work is the remedy. Negotiation has
been mentioned as a substitute for the ignoring of, i.e. the despise of,
the
constituted authority whether it is the Dewan or any other. And what
I have pleaded for is desire and readiness for negotiation. It is not
inconceivable that the stage of negotiation may never be reached. If it
is not, it must not be for the fault of the satyagrahis.
SEGAON, June 19, 1939
Harijan, 24-6-1939

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 45

 56. WILL KHADI KILL KHADI ?
When the increase in the spinners’ wages was decided upon by
the A. I. S. A., the Maharashtra Branch was the foremost in giving
enthusiastic support to the proposal. It has the direct guidance of Shri
Vinoba. It has worked out the increase programme with a precision
not approached by the other provinces. The result is that the other
provinces not having increased the wages to the same extent as the
Maharashtra Branch are able to undersell the latter’s khadi and do not
hesitate to send their stock to the areas covered by the Maharashtra
Branch. Unscrupulous merchants are not slow to take advantage of the
situation. Thus uncertified stores have sprung up in Nagpur, Wardha
and elsewhere. The unwary public, not knowing the new arrangements
and eager to buy cheap khadi, prefer to patronize uncertified stores,
thus doing great damage to the Maharashtra Branch stores. The result
is that the Maharashtra Branch has either to reduce wages or to close
down its business. This would amount to khadi killing khadi. Khadi-
lovers should know that the economics of khadi are different from
and often contrary to the ordinary economics of the competitive
system which is not governed by the principle of the greatest good of
all, i. e., of the least among the downtrodden. Thus I have endea-
voured to show in these columns that if khadi is to fulfil its mission,
1. There must be progressive increase in the rise of the wages of
the spinners till the minimum of one anna per hour is reached.
2. The ideal is that each village should produce and use its own
khadi. From this it is clear that the least that should be done at present
is that each province should produce enough and no more for its own
requirements, permission being given for the sale outside its limits of
such khadi as can only be produced by that province. For instance,
Andhra can export, say, 80 counts khadi outside its limits but not
coarse khadi no matter how cheap it is.
3. No profits can be made for the sake of profits. The wage-
earners are the shareholders and the proprietors in this the greatest co-
operative organization in the world. If, therefore, there happen to be
profits made in any single year, the proper use to make of them is to
devote them to increase the number of spinners so long as there are
any to be provided for, otherwise to increase the wages of the existing
spinners.
4. Any province that makes an attempt to increase the wages of
spinners to the desired level should be encouraged by the other
branches and khadi-lovers.

46 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 5. The general public should restrict their use of khadi to the
khadi produced in their own provinces although it is dearer than in
the other provinces. They must trust the A. I. S. A. to do its best for
every province.
6. The policy of the A. I. S. A. no doubt should be to reach
uniformity of wages and prices throughout India. But till that ideal
condition is reached the public should have humanitarianism enough
to know that they have a duty by the wage-earners of their own
province. It is almost as bad to have inter-provincial competition as it
is to have competition with the outside world.
The immediate thing to be wished for is that all uncertified
stores should be closed. Congressmen and others should warn the
public against buying from such stores, and provincial branches
should resolutely refuse to sell their stock outside except at the ins-
tance of the provincial agencies concerned of the A. I. S. A.
S EGAON, June 19, 1939
Harijan, 24-6-1939

57. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 19, 1939
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I have read the titbits in your letter to Mahadev Desai. What is to
be done with the Princes? Gods confound those whom they want to
destroy. It may be that their days are numbered. Only as believers in
ahimsa we have to so act that we do not become directly or indirectly
instruments of their destruction.
You have asked me to pray for you not in the letter before me
but in the previous ones. I am doing it daily. I do not want to find
fault with your logic or, which is the same thing, your reason. But we
shall talk to our hearts’ content when we meet, not even fearing explo-
sions and storms. They clear the air. You must therefore reserve all
your tears. Do not spend up all behind closed doors. I smiled to
myself to read your reference to Hansa. You successfully hid your
grief even from her as from everybody else. Shall I bestow one more
title1 on you? Can you guess?
Love,
TYRANT
From the original: C. W. 3657. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G. N. 6466

1
Vide “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 29-6-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 47

 58. LETTER TO MANILAL AND SUSHILA GANDHI
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 19, 1939
CHI. MANILAL AND SUSHILA,
Now that I write to you quite regularly, you can’t complain.
What was all the fight there about? Who were the persons involved? I
suppose you have written and given me this information. You would
certainly get help from here if the [Indian] community there had
strength of its own.
My health is good. Ba’s indifferent. We are leaving for Bombay
tomorrow. From there we shall perhaps go to the Frontier Province.
Ba may go to Sabarmati and stay there during that period.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 4898

59. ITS IMPLICATIONS

I am sorry that my recent statements about States have per-
plexed even those who have hitherto had no difficulty in under-stan-
ding my writings or my actions. But the Rajkot statements, my actions
in Rajkot, and the statement on Travancore have made ‘con-fusion
worse con-founded’. Pyarelal and latterly Mahadev have been man-
fully trying to interpret for the readers of Harijan, both my writings
and doings. I know that they have somewhat helped to clear misun-
derstandings. But I observe that something is required from me
directly. I must therefore try to give the implications as I understand
them of my recent writings and actions.
I had better first say what they do not imply. Thus my ideas on
civil disobedience—individual, group or mass—have not changed, nor
have my views about the relations between the Congress and the
Princes and the people changed. Nor has my view undergone any
change that it is essential for the Paramount Power to do its duty
towards the people of the States—a duty which it has woefully
neglected all these years. My recantation had reference only to my
distrust in God, in whose name the fast was undertaken, and my
seeking to supplement His work by Viceregal intervention. For me to
rely upon the Viceroy, instead of God or in addition to God, to act
upon the Thakore Saheb, was an act of pure violence which the fast
was never conceived to imply or use in the remotest degree.

48 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 The positive implication of the Rajkot chapter in my life is the
discovery that the non-violence claimed for the movement since 1920,
marvellous though it was, was not unadulterated. The results though
brilliant would have been far richer if our non-violence had been
complete. A non-violent action accompanied by non-violence in
thought and word should never produce enduring violent reaction
upon the opponent. But I have observed that the movement in the
States has produced violent reaction on the Princes and their advisers.
They are filled with distrust of the Congress. They do not want what
they call interference from it. In some cases the very name ‘Congress’
is anathema. This should not have been the case.
The value of the discovery lies in its reaction upon me. I have
definitely stiffened in my demands upon would-be satyagrahis. If my
stiffness reduces the number to an insignificant figure, I should not
mind. If satyagraha is a universal principle of universal application, I
must find an effective method of action even through a handful. And
when I say I see the new light only dimly, I mean that I have not yet
found with certainty how a handful can act effectively. It may be, as
has happened throughout my life, that I shall know the next step only
after the first has been taken. I have faith that when the time for action
has arrived, the plan will be found ready.
But the impatient critic will say, ‘The time has always been there
for action; only you have been found unready!’ I cannot plead guilty.
I know to the contrary. I have been for some years saying that there is
no warrant for resumption of satyagraha.
The reasons are plain.
The Congress has ceased to be an effective vehicle for launching
nation-wide satyagraha. It has become unwieldy, it has corruption in
it, there is indiscipline among Congressmen, and rival groups have
come into being which would radically change the Congress pro-
gramme if they could secure a majority. That they have failed hitherto
to secure it is no comfort to me. The majority has no living faith in its
own programme. In any case satyagraha through a majority is not a
feasible proposition. The whole weight of the Congress should be
behind any nation-wide satyagraha.
Then there is the ever-growing communal tension. Final satya-
graha is inconceivable without an honourable peace between the seve-
ral communities composing the Indian nation.
Lastly, there is the provincial autonomy. I adhere to my belief

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 49

that we have not done anything like justice to the task undertaken by
the Congress in connection with it. It must be confessed that the
Governors have on the whole played the game. There has been very
little interference on their part with the ministerial actions. But the
interference, sometimes irritating, has come from Congressmen and
Congress organizations. Popular violence there should not have been
whilst the Congressmen were in office. Much of the ministerial energy
has been devoted to dealing with the demands and opposition of Con-
gressmen. If the Ministers are unpopular, they can and should be dis-
missed. Instead they have been allowed to function without the active
co-operation of many Congressmen.
It will be contrary to every canon of satyagraha to launch upon
the extreme step till every other is exhausted. Such haste will itself
constitute violence.
It may be said in reply with some justification that if all the
conditions I have mentioned are insisted upon, civil disobedience may
be well-nigh impossible. Is that a valid objection? Every measure
carries with it conditions for its adoption. Satyagraha is no exception.
But I feel within me that some active form of satyagraha, not nece-
ssarily civil disobedience, must be available in order to end an im-
possible situation. There must be either effective non-violent action or
violence and anarchy within a measurable distance of time. I must
examine this position on a future occasion.1
S EGAON, June 20, 1939
Harijan, 24-6-1939

60. LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
June 20, 1939
CHI. KAKA,
Please find enclosed a letter from Amritlal. Return it to me
today along with the prescription.
The very next day after your visit I gave instructions to Jivanji to
print the Autobiography in the Nagari script and sell it at one anna
less.
There is no reply from Sardar. I will insist on getting one. I will

1
Vide “Non-violence v. Violence”, 4-7-1939.

50 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

be going to the Mahila Ashram at 4 and to Jamnalalji’s bungalow at
4.30. Vinoba will be there. Have you agreed to keep Prabhu Dayal?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 10922

61. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

June 20, 1939

CHI. SUSHILA,
Why did you not come to the station? Observe the rules about
eating, sleeping and going for walks. I want your letters every day.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

62. TELEGRAM TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI

BOMBAY,
June 21, 1939
NANAVATI
C ARE P AREKH BROTHERS
BHAVNAGAR
CONSULTED SUSHILA SEGAON. SHE SAID JIVRAJ SHOULD NOT BE
WORRIED IN ANY CASE. IF DIAGNOSIS COR RECT TREATMENT NOT
LIKELY TO BE DIFFERENT FROM THERE. MY EMPHATIC OPINION
IS CHANDAN SHOULD HAVE AYURVEDIC TREATMENT. THEREFORE
SHE SHOULD PROCEED AHMEDABAD. SEVERAL AYURVEDIC
PHSICIANS THERE. WELL-EQUIPPED HOSPITALS ALSO THERE. WEATHER
THIS TIME FAVOURABLE. OTHER RESPECTS ALSO BOMBAY
UNDESIRABLE. CAN GIVE NO PERSONAL ATTEN- TION. ACCOMMO
DATION BIRLA HOUSE IMPROPER. ONLY PROPER PLACE FOR ALLOPATHIC
TREATMENT WOULD BE HOSPITAL. ALL THINGS CONSIDERED MY
CHOICE IS AHMEDABAD UNLESS CHANDAN AND HER FATHER HAVE FAITH IN
NATURECURE IN WHICH CASE SHE SHOULD BE SENT POONA TO TAKE
TREATMENT UNDER DINSHA MEHTA WHERE KAKASAHEB AND
BAL TREATED.
BAPU
From a copy: C. W. 953. Courtesy: Satish D. Kalelkar

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 51

 63. LETTER TO AMRITLAL SHETH
June 21, 1939
BHAI AMRITLAL,
I was pleased to see your letter. I did not even know for certain
where you were living and what you were doing. I hope you keep
good health.
I cannot guide you in the Limbdi affair. Perhaps the right
course will be to obey the dictates of your heart.
Blessings from
BAPU
[From Gujarati]
From the manuscript of Mahadev Desai’s Diary. Courtesy: Narayan Desai

64. LETTER TO NATHALAL

June 21, 1939
BHAI NATHALAL,
Your letter came into my hands only today. I cannot see the
post every day as soon as it comes. Your unhappiness is completely
imaginary. You should forget that woman. Let her stay at her father’s
if she wishes. If it is necessary to give something for her maintenance,
send her a fixed amount. Why should you be unhappy because of her
shortcomings? We believe that a wife is our property. But in fact she is
not. What difference does it make even if she is married to you? If
you wish to divorce her and if that is possible, you may do so. Do not
be deterred through any false regard for society. Even the parents’
authority will be of little use in this matter. You should, therefore, stop
being unhappy. Cast off the load from your mind.
Blessings from
BAPU
[From Gujarati]
From the manuscript of Mahadev Desai’s Diary. Courtesy: Narayan Desai

65. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

June 21, 1939

CHI. SUSHILA,

You will have received the letter I sent you yesterday from the
station. I shall expect your letter tomorrow. Come soon. Manju has

52 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

returned from the hospital. You will be well. Lilavati has not met me
yet.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

66. LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW

BIRLA HOUSE, M ALABAR HILL,
BOMBAY,
June 22, 1939
DEAR LORD LINLITHGOW,
I thank you for your letter of 16th instant.
Though it is a pity that prisoner Prithvi Singh cannot be dis-
charged, I have no difficulty in understanding your decision. I must
await another opportunity.
The case of Jaipur is hanging fire. I wonder if a solution may be
expected. As far as I know the Maharaja himself was quite willing to
set free Sheth Jamnalalji and the other prisoners, to recognize the
People’s Association and to respect full civil liberty so long as it did
not cross the bounds of non-violence.
There is one other matter which I had better mention in this
letter. I understand there are Princes who are desirous of seeing me
but they have hesitation in doing so for fear of the disapproval of the
Political Department. As I had said during our talks1 in New Delhi, I
am of opinion that they should be free to meet any person so long as
they do so openly. It would be a good thing if a declaration of your
policy on this subject were made either openly or privately as may be
thought advisable. I feel that it would not be enough if the permission
is given in individual cases like mine. Seeing that the people of the
States have intimate connection—political and social—with Congress-
men and others all over India, is it not wise and proper to encourage
the practice of Princes establishing friendly relation with those who
have influence over their people? To treat Congressmen and others as
outsiders seems to be so unnatural that the barrier cannot last long. It
would be a pity if it is broken after a clash and creation of bad blood.

1
On April 4, 1939

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 53

I wonder if you have noticed that some States have invited or wel-
comed visits of anti-Congress personalities. I do not complain of this
but it is in striking contrast to the opposition fostered often by the
Political Department to the visits of Congressmen.1
Yours sincerely,
H. E. THE VICEROY
S IMLA
From a copy: C. W. 7827. Courtesy: G. D. Birla

67. LETTER TO UMA DEVI

BOMBAY,
June 22, 1939
MY DEAR UMA 2 ,
Why did you think I would not give my blessings? The friend
said he was satisfied with the talk I gave. And in proof of what I say
here is [the] thing duly signed. I hope you are flourishing. My going
to the Frontier is uncertain.
Love.
BAPU
S HRI UMA DEVI
ISHAR HILLS
S RINAGAR, K ASHMIR
From a photostat: G. N. 1201. Also C. W. 5096. Courtesy: Uma Devi

68. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

June 22, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,

You were not there and I woke up at 2 o’clock last night. Then I
could not sleep, so I got up and started writing letters. Now what
would you say?
The rest from Pyarelal’a letter.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

1
For Lord Linlithgow’s reply to this, vide Appendix “Letter from Lord
Linlithgow”, 1-7-1939.
2
Wanda Dynowska, a Polish lady.

54 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 69. ADVICE TO CONGRESS WORKING COMMITTEE
June 22, 1939
It is understood that Gandhiji suggested that any amendment to the Cons-
titution which was being given effect to should find favour with the general body of
Congressmen in the country. His opinion seems to have been that such changes of
far-reaching importance should not be decided by a mere majority vote. This
suggestion of Gandhiji is regarded in responsible Congress circles as a hint
particularly to drop the Clause1 for the present.
The Bombay Chronicle, 23-6-1939

70. A. I. C. C. RESOLUTIONS
[June 23, 1939] 2
1. The All-India Congress Committee views with grave concern
the measures proposed by the Ceylon Government with reference to
their Indian employees and hopes that it may be possible to find a
way to avoid the most undesirable and grave conflict that, as a result
of these measures, is threatened between such near and ancient neigh-
bours as India and Ceylon.

1
The reference is to the proposed amendment to Article V (c) of the Congress
Constitution. In his Presidential Address at the A. I. C. C. meeting on June 24,
Rajendra Prasad said: “With the object of tightening up the Congress organization,
attempts have .been made to amend the Constitution. The Tripuri Congress gave
special authority to the A. I. C. C. for this purpose. . . . Among the recommendations
made by the Constitution Sub-committee was the addition of some words to Article
V(c) of the Constitution so that the rule applying to communal organization might
also be applied to other anti-national organizations. The Working Committee agreed
with this recommendation. . . . It appeared to the Working Committee that there was a
fear in the minds of some Congressmen that the proposed change in Article V(c) was
intended to be used to penalize opinion or to suppress organizations. This fear was
entirely unjustified. . . . When, however, any organization is continually being
attacked and run down by another organization, it is improper for the same person to
be a member of the executives of both organizations. This produces not only conflict
between the organizations but continuous internal conflict within them. It was with a
view to avoid this and thus to have greater harmony even between the organizations
that the amendment to Article V(c) was suggested. But in view of the suspicions some
members have, the Working Committee have decided not to press for the change . . .”
(The Indian Annual Register, 1939, Vol. I, pp. 355-6).
2
The resolutions were drafted by Gandhiji on this date; vide the following
item. These were passed by the A. I. C. C. at its session held in Bombay from June 24
to 27.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 55

 The Committee cannot contemplate without much concern a
quarrel between the two countries which are separated only by a strip
of water but which have a common culture and which have been inti-
mately connected from times immemorial. The Committee desires to
explore every means of avoiding conflict and, therefore, appoints Pan-
dit Jawaharlal Nehru to go to Ceylon and confer with the autho-rities
and representative associations and individuals on behalf of the
Working Committee and do all that may be possible to effect a just
and honourable settlement.
2. The A. I. C. C. regrets the attitude of the Union Government
towards Indian settlers. It betrays utter disregard of the obligations
undertaken by the predecessors of the present Government. The
policy1 just initiated by them is in direct breach of the Smuts-Gandhi
Agreement of 1914,2 the Cape Town Agreement of 1927,3 the
Feetham Commission of 19324 and the subsequent undertakings on
behalf of the Union Government. The A. I. C. C. notes with pride and
satisfaction the firm stand taken up by the Indians of South Africa.
They will have the sympathy of the whole Indian nation behind them
in their fight for self-respect and honourable existence. The A. I. C.
C. trusts that there will be no dissensions among them and that they
will present a united front. The A. I. C. C. appeals to the Union
Government to retrace their steps and carry out the promises of their
predecessors to adopt a policy of progressive amelioration in the
status of the Indian nationals in South Africa, 80 percent of whom are
born and bred in that sub-continent and to whom South Africa is their
only home.
3. This meeting of the A. I. C. C. resolves that no Congressman
may offer or organize any form of satyagraha in the Administrative

1
Vide 2nd footnote of “A Letter”, 7-4-1939.
2
Vide Appendix “The Indians Relief Act, 1914”, .
3
Vide “Sir Habibullah Deputation”, 10-2-1927 and “Honourable Com-
promise”, 24-2-1927.
4
Also called the Transvaal Asiatic Land Tenure Act Commission under the
Chairmanship of justice Feetham, appointed by the Union Government of South
Africa, “to enquire into the occupation by Coloured persons of proclaimed land in the
Transvaal.” As the Commission “was unable to finish its work before April 30, 1935,
as had been hoped, the Union Government of South Africa took steps early in the year
to amend the Transvaal Asiatic Land Tenure Act of 1932, so as to extend the
protection provided by it to April 30, 1937” (India in 1931-32, p. 85 and India in
1934-35, pp. 92-3).

56 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Provinces of India without the previous sanction of the Provincial
Congress Committee concerned.
4. The Working Committee has repeatedly laid stress on the
desirability of co-operation between the Congress Ministry, the Con-
gress party and the Provincial Congress Committee. Without such co-
operation misunderstandings are likely to arise with the result that the
influence of the Congress will suffer. In administrative matters the
Provincial Congress Committee should not interfere with the dis-
cretion of the Congress Ministry, but it is always open to the executive
of the Provincial Congress Committee to draw the attention of the
Government privately to any particular abuse or difficulty. In matters
of policy if there is a difference between the Ministry and the pro-
vincial Congress Committee, reference should be made to the Parlia-
mentary Sub-committee. Public discussion in such matters should be
avoided.
5. This Committee views with grave concern the prolonged
strike at Digboi and expresses its sympathy with the strikers in their
distress.1 The Committee regrets that the Assam Oil Company has not
seen its way to accept the modest suggestion of referring the question
of the method and time of re-employment of the strikers to a Con-
ciliation Board to be appointed by the Government of Assam.
In the opinion of this Committee no Corporation, however big
and influential it may be, can be above public criticism or Govern-
ment supervision and legitimate control. Moreover as was declared at
the Karachi session the Congress policy is that there should be State
ownership or control of key industries. The oil industry is undou-
btedly a vital key industry. This Committee therefore hopes that better
counsels will prevail with the Company and that its directors will
accept the modest suggestion made on behalf of the Committee by the
President of the Congress. If, however, the directors do not see their
way to do so, the Committee advises the Assam Government forthwith
to undertake legislation for making the acceptance of the decisions of
Conciliation Boards obligatory and further give notice to the
Company that the Committee may reluctantly be obliged to take such
steps as may be necessary to stop renewal of the lease to the Company
on its termination. At the same time that this Committee urges the
Company to fall in with the just suggestion made by the Committee, it

1
The workers of Assam Oil Company, Digboi, had been on strike since April
3 on account of the discharge of some 63 workers from service.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 57

hopes that the Labour Union will be ready to listen to the
Committee’s advice and if they were to retain Congress and public
sympathy they will be ready and willing to abide by the advice that
may be tendered to them by the Committee.
6. The All-India Congress Committee is strongly of opinion
that immediate steps should be taken for the formation of a separate
Andhra Province.
Harijan, 1-7-1939

71. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR

BOMBAY,
June 23, 1939
MY DEAR IDIOT,
It is just 6 a. m. Amtul Salaam is as busy as ever doing nothing
useful and wasting her time in preparing my breakfast. She is discon-
solate because I can’t give her hours. She defies analysis. She baffles
me. There is something wrong in my handling her.
Mira is here silently watching everything. She is without occu-
pation as she has not to go to the Frontier. I am now considering what
use to make of her talents.
Jawaharlal is quite convinced that I have put back the clock of
progress by a century or thereabout by my Rajkot misdeeds. I am
equally sure that I have rendered great service by my good deeds in
Rajkot. We have not found an umpire. Therefore we are none the
wiser for our assertions. He thinks I am impossible for an organi-
zation. He is right there. But I am helpless. Of course there is this
thing possible. I can voluntarily retire from all activity. It may come
but only by a call from God. I am praying.
This news must not disturb you. I am as cheerful as ever. The
differences do not worry me. I am drafting resolutions1 for the
Committee and Jawaharlal is drafting a statement. There is no coolness
between us. Perhaps we have come nearer for the discovery of the
wide divergence of views.
Love.
TYRANT
From the original: C. W. 3658. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G. N. 6467

1
Vide the preceding item.

58 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 72. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR
June 23, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,
I have received your letter. I slept a lot last night. Yes, Ba is
unhappy. She has a cough. For her sake your absence irks me. Be
here by Sunday if you can do so.
Have I told you that we are co-existing with snakes and scor-
pions? God protects us. Have you got the antidote for snak bite?
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

73. LETTER TO PATTOM THANU PILLAI

BIRLA HOUSE,
MOUNT P LEASANT R OAD, B OMBAY,
June 24, 1939
DEAR THANU PILLAY,
You have all the copies of the wires exchanged between the
Dewan and me. My suggestion is, you or he who is considered the
most suitable amongst you should write to Sir C. P. referring to the
wires and seeking an appointment as a preliminary to establish direct
contact to enable you to answer and clear out the charges made
against the Congress in Sir C. P.’s wires. This you will do, if you have
assimilated the new technique. The new technique is not a mere idle
expression. It has great potency. You will closely follow the columns
of Harijan. If you have understood it, there must be new access of
faith, courage and hope.
BAPU
From a photostat: Pattom Thanu Pillai Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 59

 74. LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH
BOMBAY,
June 24, 1939
CHI. CHIMANLAL,
Today I must write to you. Sharda is all right. When she goes to
Surat, Shakaribehn may go and stay with her, or she may come away
after watching for some time how Sharda feels at Surat. I see no cause
at all for worrying.
I had expected some information about Balvantsinha today.
Permission for him to go to Lahore has been received.
I got Munnalal’s letter. Let the book remain there for the
present.
Ba is still weak, though she is a little better today.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 10597

75. LETTER TO DADACHANJI

June 24, 1939
DADACHANJI,
This morning I saw the monthly that you left yesterday. I read
Baba’s article. I just glanced through the other articles also. As I
understand it, Baba’s wish seems to be that if I approve of what he
says in his article I should myself translate it. But there are many
Gujarati translators more proficient than I am. I cannot say ‘I approve
of it’ nor would I say ‘I do not’, for either way it would be presump-
tion. So, in other words, ‘I am just wondering what all this is.’ Send
me the other issues also. I admit that my curiosity for understanding
Baba and his works has increased. If Baba agrees, I wish to send one
of my co-workers to Meherabad. Thus, after getting to know him in
my own way, if [his articles] appeal to me, I shall certainly translate
them. I will be guided by God in this. Let me know through a
postcard after meeting Baba or even otherwise whether I should send
one of my co-workers to Meherabad.
Vandemataram from
DADACHANJI
S ORAB BHARUCHA HOUSE
VINCENT R OAD, D ADAR, B OMBAY
From a copy of the Gujarati: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

60 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 76. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA
BIRLA HOUSE,
MOUNT P LEASANT R OAD, B OMBAY,
June 24, 1939
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,

I have your letter. I have wired that Balvantsinha be sent to

Panchgani and he may have reached there by now. 1 If he has not
arrived and you intend to stay there till I return to Segaon, I have no
objection. You may do what you consider proper. I received no letter
from you today.
Sushila may reach here tomorrow.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 4321

77. LETTER TO PRABHAVATI

BIRLA HOUSE,
MOUNT P LEASANT R OAD, B OMBAY,
June 25, 1939
CHI. PRABHA,

I got your letter. There is no need to consult a lady doctor. You

may engage a tutor. I will pay up to Rs. 25 for him. But then please
see that you plunge yourself whole-heartedly in your studies. After
engaging a tutor, you will not be free to move from place to place. If
your household chores also take up too much of your time, engaging
a tutor will serve no purpose. When the tutor devotes one hour you
must devote four hours for studying by yourself. Only then will you
benefit by it. Let me know what you finally decide. But take care of
your health whatever you do.
My tour of the Frontier Province is still not certain. I am here up
to July 1 at any rate. Sushila will return from Segaon tomorrow. She is
better now. Ba is ill, though. She has a cough.
I am all right. The diet remains the same, one and a half pounds

1
Balvantsinha did not go to Panchgani as the wire was not dispatched; vide
“Letter to Balvantsinha”, 26-6-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 61

of milk. Amtul Salaam is with me. Lilavati has joined a high school
for study. Would you like to do the same?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photstat of the Gujarati: G. N. 3476

78. LETTER TO MANILAL GANDHI

BIRLA HOUSE,
MOUNT P LEASANT R OAD, B OMBAY,
June 25, 1939
CHI. MANILAL,
You must have read the resolution1 . It is not proper that I have
not received any information about the fight there. There is no news
about the struggle either. Everyone believes that I am being kept
informed. But there has been no information from that side. Who is
Dadu2 ? There was a cable from him. After that there has been noth-
ing. I am preparing the ground for whatever help can be given. But if
I get no regular news from there at all, nothing can be done.
Ba is with me. She keeps indifferent health. Ramdas and Devdas
also are here. Lakshmi is here on her way to Madras.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 4899

79. LETTER TO CHHAGANLAL GANDHI

BIRLA HOUSE,
MOUNT P LEASANT R OAD, B OMBAY,
June 25, 1939
CHI. CHHAGANLAL,

Only today Kanu told me about Krishnadas’s health and I was

shocked to hear the news. He says he is staying with Radha and has
got very much emaciated, and that tuberculosis is suspected. How did
this happen to him? If you wish you may take him to Rajkot. Dr.
Variava there is a very kind and efficient doctor. If you get all the

1
Of A. I. C. C. on the attitude of the Union Government towards Indian
settlers; vide “A.I.C.C. Resolutions”, 23-6-1939.
2
He was leader of the Passive Resistance Committee in South Africa; vide also
letter to the addressee, “Letter to Manilal and Sushila Gandhi”, 19-6-1939.

62 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

requisite facilities there, let him stay on. There is no harm in pro-
ceeding on the assumption that he is suffering from tuberculosis. Let
him drink plenty of milk and eat as much butter as he can digest. Also
green vegetables and fruits. Garlic is considered very good for tuber-
culosis. He had better go to Ahmedabad and get himself X-rayed.
Give me all the details. I am here till July 1. It should be kept in mind
that rest is the main thing. Talking and movement also should be
reduced to a minimum. Manojna must be all right. You and Kashi
should not get alarmed. Ba is with me. She gets slight fever daily.
Blessings from
BAPU
From Gujarati: C. W. 10090. Courtesy: Chhaganlal Gandhi

80. NOTES
INDIA’S AMBASSADOR OF PEACE TO CEYLON
The A. I. C. C. has done well in choosing its best man1 to pro-
ceed to Ceylon as the nation’s Ambassador of peace. It is, at least it
should be, impossible for India and Ceylon to quarrel. We are the
nearest neighbours. We are inheritors of a common culture. There is
daily contact between the two countries. From Rameshwar one almost
steps on to Ceylon and finds that one is on no foreign land. But even
as blood brothers sometimes differ, so do next-door neighbours. And
like brothers, they usually adjust their differences and are often more
closely knit together after the clearance. So may it be between Ceylon
and India through the efforts of Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru.
No better man could have been chosen for the task. The Indian
side is clear. Several thousand men who have been in Government
service for years, whether as day workers or other it does not matter,
are being dismissed for no fault save that they are Indians. Private
firms have been, it is said, told to copy the Government. Now this pro-
cedure seems to be extraordinary, arbitrary and unjust. But we do not
clearly know the other side. It will be for the Pandit to study the
Ceylon Government case and make due allowance for everything that
might be justly pleaded on their behalf. Let us hope that both the
Ceylon Government and the Indians in Ceylon will make the way
smooth for an honourable settlement.

1
Jawaharlal Nehru; vide “A.I.C.C. Resolutions”, 23-6-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 63

 I must confess that these acute differences come upon me as a
revelation. I have a vivid recollection of my visit1 to Ceylon. There
seemed to be most cordial relations between the Indians and the Cey-
lonese. The monks and the laymen of Ceylon vied with the Indians in
lavishing their affection on me. I do not remember anybody having
complained to me about acute differences between the two. Why has
the partial responsible government that Ceylon enjoys made all the
difference that we witness today? It will be for the Pandit to unravel
the mystery.
R AJKOT—WAS IT A BETRAYAL?
I have always felt that whatever Gandhiji done at any time from his
spiritual standpoint, has been proved to be correct from the practical point. He
is not great for his enunciation of spiritual theories which are to be found in
the scriptures of all countries. His contribution to the world is his showing the
way to put into practice, in the ordinary day-to-day life, those great spiritual
theories. For me, if any of Gandhiji’s actions done from a spiritual point of
view failed to prove that it was the correct thing to be done from a practical
standpoint, then he would be considered to have failed to that extent. Let me
apply that test to what he did in Rajkot.
When he discovered that his fast became vitiated by his having
requested H. E. the Viceroy to intervene, he renounced the Gwyer Award. The
practical effect was to free him from Rajkot. But did his renunciation free the
Viceroy from the obligation of seeing that the Rajkot Notification was acted
upon according to the Chief Justice’s interpretation? In my opinion
Gandhiji’s renunciation casts a double duty on the Viceroy. And if the Viceroy
does not perform his duty, the people of Rajkot are free to act as they choose,
and the Congress will have a powerful case against the Viceroy if the
Notification proved abortive.
This is an abridgement of an article sent by a noted Con-
gressman for publication in Harijan. He has built up an elaborate case
in defence of my action regarding Rajkot, in reply to the criticism that
I had betrayed the cause of the Rajkot people. The heading of this
note is the correspondent’s. I need not weary the reader with the
whole of his argument. After all, time alone is the true test. It will
finally show whether my action was right or wrong. But the abridge-
ment is given for the novelty of the thought about the Viceroy’s duty.
I had no thought of the consequence of the renunciation. As soon as I

1
In November 1927.

64 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

saw that my fast had become tainted for my seeking Viceregal
intervention, I renounced the Award. But now that my correspondent
mentions it, I must admit the force of his reasoning. My renunciation
should act as a double spur to the Viceregal duty of seeing that the
Rajkot Notification No. 50 is carried out according to the inter-
pretation put upon it by the Chief Justice. So far as I am concerned
my renunciation debars me, in this instance, from invoking Viceregal
intervention. I also endorse the correspondent’s statement that if any
action of mine claimed to be spiritual is proved to be unpractical it
must be pronounced to be a failure. I do believe the most spiritual act
is the most practical in the true sense of the term.
BOMBAY, June 26, 1939
Harijan, 1-7-1939

81. SOUTH AFRICA RESOLUTION

It is a matter of congratulation that the South Africa Resolution1
of the A. I. C. C. escaped complete disfigurement which the learned
Dr. Lohia’s amendment would have caused. I tender him my thanks
for having listened to Pandit Jawaharlal’s advice to respect the opinion
of an expert like me who had passed the best part of his life in South
Africa and who had not lost touch with that great country after
retiring from it. This incident is an illustration showing that mere
learning, mere humanitarianism divorced from actual experience may
spell disaster to the cause sought to be espoused. Dr. Lohia’s amend-
ment had as much place in the resolution as mine would have in a
resolution framed by him as an authority on socialism to meet a
socialist difficulty. If I made any such attempt, he would very pro-
perly say, ‘Don’t pass the resolution if you don’t like it, but don’t
disfigure it. It would defeat the purpose for which it is framed.’ What
I have said about the South Africa resolution applies more or less to
the Working Committee’s resolutions. That Committee is the expert
body on matters relating to the Congress. It is dangerous to tamper
with its resolutions unless reason convinces the Cabinet of the sound-
ness of alterations suggested by members of the A. I. C. C. Accep-
tance of this practical advice, which I tendered more than once when I
was a member of the Working Committee, would facilitate the
despatch of national business.

1
Vide “A.I.C.C. Resolutions”, 1-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 65

 Having said this let me say for the information of Dr. Lohia and
his fellow humanitarians that I yield to no one in my regard for the
Zulus, the Bantus and the other races of South Africa. I used to enjoy
intimate relations with many of them. I had the privilege of often
advising them. It used to be my constant advice to our countrymen in
South Africa, never to exploit or deceive these simple folk. But it was
not possible to amalgamate the two causes. The rights and privileges
(if any could be so called) of the indigenous inhabitants are different
from those of the Indians. So are their disabilities and their causes.
But if I discovered that our rights conflicted with their vital interests, I
would advise the forgoing of those rights. They are the inhabitants of
South Africa as we are of India. The Europeans are undoubtedly
usurpers, exploiters or conquerors or all these rolled into one. And so
the Africans have a whole code of laws specially governing them. The
Indian segregation policy of the Union Government has nothing in
common with the policy governing the African races. It is
unnecessary for me to go into details. Suffice it to say that ours is a
tiny problem compared to the vast problem that faces the African
races and that affects their progress. Hence it is not possible to speak
of the two in the same breath. The A. I. C. C. resolution concerns
itself with the civil resistance struggle of our countrymen on a specific
issue applicable solely to them. It is now easy to see that Dr. Lohia’s
amendment, if it had remained, would have been fatal to the resolution
which would have become perfectly meaningless. The appeal to the
Union Government would have lost all its point.
But good often comes out of evil. The amendment, wisely
withdrawn, shows to the Africans and to the world in general that India
has great regard and sympathy for all the exploited races of the earth
and that she would not have a single benefit at the expense of the vital
interest of any of them. Indeed the war against imperialism cannot
wholly succeed unless all exploitation ceases. The only way it can
cease is for every exploited race or nation to secure freedom without
injuring any other.
My examination of the South Africa resolution would be
incomplete if I did not warn the Indians in South Africa against build-
ing much on the resolution itself. It is a potent resolution only if the
Indians take the contemplated action. The motherland will not be able
to protect their self-respect, if they are not prepared to protect it them-
selves. They must therefore be ready to suffer for it. The struggle may
be prolonged, suffering great. But they will have the moral backing of

66 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

the whole nation. In this Hindus, Muslims, and all political parties
including Europeans are united. The Government of India may feel
powerless. I fancy they are not so powerless as they imagine. I am
reminded of the ‘Thought for the Day’ in The Times of India of the
24th instant. It begins, ‘We have more power than will.’ I know their
sympathy is with the Indians. If they have the strength of will, they
have the power. Our countrymen in South Africa know the conditions
of satyagraha. The foremost condition is unity among themselves.
To the Union Government I would say, “You have never proved
your case. Your best men have admitted that there is no difficulty in
your absorbing the two hundred thousand Indians in your continent.
They are but a drop in the ocean. Remember that 80 percent of them
are born in South Africa. They have adopted your manners, customs
and costume. They are intelligent. They have the same feelings and
emotions that you have. They deserve better treatment than to be
regarded untouchables fit only to be relegated to ghettos. This is not
playing the game. And you should not wonder if, at last, Indians say,
‘We shall rather die in your jails than live in your segregation camps.’
I am sure you do not want to go to all that length. Let it not be said of
you that you had no respect for your promises.”
BOMBAY, June 26, 1939
Harijan, 1-7-1939

82. LETTER TO PREMABEHN KANTAK

BOMBAY,
June 26, 1939
CHI. PREMA,
I got your letter just now. To me also you are just a girl of ten.
May you always remain the same. I am submerged in work here. I
shall be here up to the 1st.
Blessings from
BAPU

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 10400

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 67

 83. LETTER TO BALVANTSINHA
BIRLA HOUSE, B OMBAY,
June 26, 1939
CHI. BALVANTSINHA,
I got your letter. Consent for the dairy was received four days
ago. I had drafted a telegram about Panchgani and given it to Pyarelal
but I learn today that it was not dispatched. What shall I do? After all
our family is what it is ! Every moment I realize that I am personally
responsible for this confusion. But I cannot overcome this short-
coming at this stage.
I shall not send you to Panchgani now. Get ready for Lahore.
Sardar Sir Datar Singh has agreed to make all arrangements. When
will you leave? If you let me know, I shall send him word.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 1921

84. THE NATIONAL FLAG

The question of the use of the national flag still continues to
agitate the public mind. It was designed when non-co-operation was at
its height.1 It was accepted without reserve, without opposition, by all
communities. The Muslims and others vied with the Hindus in hoist-
ing, carrying and honouring it. I recall having listened to the Ali
Brothers enthusing over its praises from many a platform. It was
conceived as a symbol of the peaceful revolt against imperialistic
exploitation of a nation pledged to non-violence through a mighty,
constructive and united effort through the spinning-wheel and khadi
signifying out-and-out swadeshi and identity with the poorest in the
land. It also symbolized unbreakable communal unity, the colours
being specially and deliberately designed and chosen. That flag can
admit of no competition as national flag. At national gatherings it
should command unquestioned and universal respect. But it has to be
admitted that it does not command that respect today. Instead of
being a symbol of simplicity, purity, unity, and through these a
determined revolt against exploitation, moral, material and political, it
nowadays often becomes a signal for communal quarrels. Even
among Congressmen attempt is sometimes made to prefer the red flag

1
Vide “The National Flag”, 13-4-1921; also “My Notes”, 13-1-1929.

68 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

to the tricolour. Some Congressmen do not even hesitate to run it
down.
In these circumstances I personally would like to remove it from
public gatherings and not unfurl it till the public feel the want and
impatiently demand to see it restored to its original and unique place.
But the vast majority of Congressmen who have suffered under this
well-tried banner and drawn inspiration and strength from it will not
go the length I would like them to. I therefore suggest that where
there is any opposition in a mixed gathering, the flag should not be
hoisted. This can happen in schools, colleges, local boards, municipal
councils and the like. The flag should not be insisted on when there is
opposition even from one member. Let it not be called the tyranny of
one person. When one person among many offers opposition and if
he is allowed to have his way, it is proof of magnanimity or
farsightedness on the part of the overwhelming majority. I have no
doubt that this is the most effective non-violent way of dealing with
the question. My advice applies even to those places where the flag is
already flying. It was triumphantly flown in many places when the
nation was offering non-co-operation on a scale perhaps hitherto un-
known in history. Times are changed. Opposition wherever it is
offered is fomenting communal dissensions. Surely it is wisdom on
the part of those who treasure the flag and unity to submit to the
opposition of a minority be it ever so small.
What I have said about the flag applies mutatis mutandis to the
singing of the Vandemataram1 . No matter what its source was and how
and when it was composed, it had become a most powerful battle-cry
among Hindus and Mussalmans of Bengal during the partition days. it
was an anti-imperialist cry. As a lad, when I knew nothing of Anand-
math or even Bankim, its immortal author, Vandemataram had
gripped me, and when I first heard it sung, it had enthralled me. I
associated the purest national spirit with it. It never occurred to me
that it was a Hindu song or meant only for Hindus. Unfortunately now
we have fallen on evil days. All that was pure gold before has become
base metal today. In such times it is wisdom not to market pure gold

1
The song occurs in Anandmath by Bankim Chandra Chatterjee. In 1937, the
Congress Working Committee meeting in Calcutta passed a resolution that
“Whenever and wherever Vandemataram is sung only the first two stanzas should be
sung, with perfect freedom to the organizers to sing any other song of
unobjectionable character in addition to, or in the place of, Vandemataram song.”

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 69

and let it be sold as base metal. I would not risk a single quarrel over
singing Vandemataram at a mixed gathering. It will never suffer from
disuse. It is enthroned in the hearts of millions. It stirs to its depth the
patriotism of millions in and outside Bengal. Its chosen stanzas are
Bengal’s gift among many others to the whole nation. The flag and
the song will live as long as the nation lives.
BOMBAY, June 27, 1939
Harijan, 1-7-1939

85. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA

June 27, 1939
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
Sushilabehn is here now. She will write everything in detail.
Balvantsinha’s letter is enclosed. I shall not send him there now. You
may stay there for the present. If you need anyone’s help, you may
take it. We shall see what can be done after I return [to Segaon]. As
long as you stay there, you must be at ease. I have forgotten to write
about the book. Ask for it.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 4320

86. LETTER TO PURATAN J. BUCH

BOMBAY,
June 28, 1939
CHI. PURATAN,
Amtulbehn has been working among the Muslim women. Both
of you should help her as much as you can without allowing your
Harijan work to suffer.
I did not like it at all that Anandi1 did not come along beyond
the Sabarmati station. I very much wanted to enjoy a few minutes’ fun
with her and was disappointed.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9173

1
Addressee’s wife

70 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 87. LETTER TO RADHAKRISHNA BAJAJ
VISHRAM VATIKA, J UHU,
June 28, 1939
CHI. RADHAKRISHNA,
I had received your earlier letter. Now I have the second one. As
long as there is the least hope from the Viceroy, we should neither
think nor write about the breakdown of negotiations.
A copy of my letter1 to the Viceroy must have been sent to you
the same day; but perhaps I could not instruct anyone. If it has not
been received, you will get a copy now with this. The reference to
waiting on the Premier should be overlooked.
Keep me informed about the satyagraha by Muslims.
Jamnalal’s knee causes anxiety. The main thing is rest. Does he
take enough fruits? It is also necessary to take green leafy vegetables.
Oil should be eschewed. What about the vaid who used to treat him? Is
the hospital all right? Send the leg X-ray for Sushila’s examination.
I may leave for the Frontier Province on the 2nd. Mahadev has
been sent to Rajkot. The work which was progressing there is, I am
afraid, likely to suffer a set-back.
Ba is slightly unwell. She will be all right.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a Photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 9125

88. TELEGRAM TO SIR J. G. LAITHWAITE

June 29, 1939
HAVE BEEN JUST SUPPLIED WITH TALCHER’S REVISED
DECLARATION. HAVING STUDIED IT CAREFULLY MUST SAY
IT DOES NOT MEET SITUATION. GIVES NO HOPE
REFUGEES. I CONCLUDED THAT DECLARATION IS THE
BEST HIS EXCELLENCY CAN SECURE FROM RULER.
IF SO I MUST ADVISE REFUGEES HOWEVER RELUCTANTLY
TO CONTINUE SUFFER TILL DESIRED RELIEF IS FORTH-
COMING. BUT BEFORE MAKING PUBLIC DECLARATION
I WOULD LIKE TO KNOW IF I MAY WHETHER HIS

1
Dated June 22; vide “Letter to Lord Linlithgow”, 22-6-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 71

EXCELLENCY CAN DO ANYTHING FURTHER REDEEM HOPE
CONTAINED IN DOCUMENTS SIGNED BY POLITICAL
OFFICERS.1

From a microfilm: Lord Linlithgow Papers. Courtesy: National Archives of

India

89. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR

VISHRAM VATIKA, J UHU,

P. O. S ANTA C RUZ, B OMBAY,
June 29, 1939
2
MY DEAR DECEIVER ,

Your ban about your letters renders it impossible for me to

answer all questions. They are either passed on to Mahadev or
destroyed as soon as I have read them.
I have advised you about Jawaharlal Nehru’s invitation. In my
opinion the whole of his planning3 is a waste of effort. But he can’t be
satisfied with anything that is not big.
Here there is interruption and if I am to catch the post I must
stop.
Love.
TYRANT

From the original: C. W. 3659. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G. N. 6468

1
The addressee’s telegraphic reply dated July 2 read: “Your telegram of 29th
June, and my interim reply of 30th Talcher refugees. According to His Excellency’s
information Raja’s latest declaration supplementing his previous announcement
fulfils substantially all expectations held out to refugees. Position has been fully
explained to a responsible Minister of Orissa Government who has undertaken to do
his best to get refugees to return on these terms. It seems to His Excellency that
genuine well-wishers of refugees should unite in offering this advice so that they may
return to their homes before weather conditions increase their difficulties. Any other
course means sacrificing their interest for a purpose which it appears clearly
impossible to justify.”
2
New title given to Amrit Kaur; vide “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 19-6-1939.
3
Jawaharlal Nehru was Chairman of the National Planning Committee
appointed by the Indian National Congress in 1938.

72 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 90. LETTER TO F. MARY BARR 1
June 30, 1939
Just a line to say you will not grieve over your mother’s death.
Living faith in God is tested on these occasions.
Love.
BAPU
From a photostat: G. N. 6076. Also C. W. 3406. Courtesy: F. Mary Barr

91. LETTER TO SAIYID ASGHAR HASAN

July 1, 1939
DEAR FRIEND,
I thank you for your letter of 19th ultimo. As I get the time, I
try to read the literature you have sent me. It is a difficult job for me.
I have so many things on hand that I cannot do justice to the study
required. Meanwhile it grieves me that the matter2 cannot be adjusted
by the united effort of the two sections. Adjustment seems to me, an
outsider, to be simple.
From your letter I gather that nothing emerged from your visit
to the Maulana Saheb.
JANAB S AIYID ASGHAR HASAN S AHEB
R ETIRED S ESSIONS JUDGE
TANZIMAL M. V ICTORIA S TREET
LUCKNOW, U. P .
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

92. INDIANS IN BELGIAN CONGO

The case of our countrymen in Belgian Congo does not admit
of easy treatment. It consists in the prosecution, alleged to be political,
though technically under the Gold Law of Belgian Congo, of certain
Indian settlers for being in possession of illicit gold. In the case as
stated in the circulated pamphlet it is suggested that the accused were
arrested without just cause. Witnesses for the Crown are said to have
been perjured. Every obstacle is being placed in the way of the
accused being properly defended. The expectation of our country-

1
This was written by Gandhiji on Mirabehn’s letter dated June 30, 1939, to
the addressee; vide also “Letter to F. Mary Barr”, 4-7-1939.
2
This was in connection with the Shia-Sunni differences; vide also “A
Letter”, 23-5-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 73

men in Congo is that we should send eminent counsel from here to
defend them. Representations have been made to the Government of
India on their behalf. This is essentially a case, however hard in itself,
in which effective public action is hardly possible. But it is undoub-
tedly a case in which the Government of India can do much. It can
through the Foreign Office in England ascertain the exact position.
The British Consul can be instructed to watch the case and see that the
accused get a fair trial. Indeed British Consuls have been known to
have been instructed to engage counsel to watch cases on behalf of
their proteges. I hope that the Government of India are giving atten-
tion to this hard case of the Indians of Belgian Congo.
BOMBAY, july 3, 1939
Harijan, 8-7-1939

93. LETTER TO VITHAL L. PHADKE

BOMBAY,
July 3, 1939
CHI. MAMA,

We shall start1 on Wednesday the 5th.

Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 3841

94. LETTER TO MANGALDAS PAKWASA

BOMBAY,
July 3, 1939
BHAI MANGALDAS,

As I made some important changes, I got the draft retyped. The

original draft also is enclosed. I am here till the 5th at any rate. If you
think it is necessary to see me, do come. I have not checked the
revisions in the copy retyped.
Blessings form
BAPU
From a copy of the Gujarati: C. W. 4683. Courtesy: Mangaldas Pakwasa

1
For the Frontier Province

74 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 95. LETTER TO MUNNALAL G. SHAH
BOMBAY,
July 3, 1939
CHI. MUNNALAL,
I have both your letters. The last one was excellent. Learning
to remain untouched by either respect or disrespect is the first lesson
to learn. Without laws the sun and the other heavenly bodies would
not move and even the trains would not run and hundreds of thou-
sands of people would die. Nothing in this world can function without
laws. Hence wherever you go, you will have to abide by certain rules.
And when we consider ourselves smaller than even a particle of dust,
by whom would we feel insulted or pained? Having said this, I should
add that I believe your good lies in staying where you have peace of
mind. If you do not get peace in Segaon, then you may assume that
my company is not satsang1 for you. You are bound to derive peace
from satsang. That is why I suggested 2 that if you got no peace in
Segaon, you should go to Aurobindo Ashram or Ramanasramam. I
see that many people who have not found peace with me have found it
with them. Just now your duty lies in Segaon only.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Sharda went yesterday to live with her husband. She is still in
Bombay. They will leave for Surat this evening. Tell Shakaribehn that
Sharda benefited a lot by staying here.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 8573. Also C. W. 7029. Courtesy:
Munnalal G. Shah

96. PARSIS AND LIQUOR TRAFFIC

How I wish Parsis will shed their anger and look at the liquor
policy of the Congress square in the face. If they have made it a prin-
ciple to resist by all means at their disposal the Government’s undou-
bted right to refuse to auction or sell liquor licences, there is no argu-
ment left to be advanced. It is the assertion of a principle against
principle. But I hope they have taken up no such uncompromising

1
Company of good men
2
Vide “Letter to Munnalal G. Shah”, 27-4-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 75

attitude. The deputation of licensees and tappers took up no such
attitude.
But apart from the question of principle there are objections
raised against the working out of the policy. They are chiefly about :
(a) the right to use wines for religious purposes.
(b) the right to have liquor on medical, i. e., health grounds,
(c) racial discrimination,
(d) compensation to those who will be thrown out of employ-
ment, i. e., tappers, contractors and liquor-dealers, etc.,
(e) the effect of the property tax on charities.
All these are pertinent questions demanding clear answers.
Ministers are bound to remove every valid objection that can be
advanced against the working out of the policy.
The right to use wines on religious or health grounds has always
been recognized by Dr. Gilder.
I understand that in law there will be no racial discrimination. It
may appear to be in the administration of the law. No one will be
entitled to have the permit for the asking, not even the Europeans, if
only so that the law might not be evaded. Every case will be examined
on merits. Even Europeans will be expected to respect the liquor
policy of the
country and, wherever they can, to refrain from asking for permits.
The Archbishop of Bombay, in spite of his unconvincing opposition1
to the closing of liquor shops, has gracefully announced that he and
many under him are not going to ask for permits for their personal
use. Many Protestant divines, I understand, have already announced
similar self-denial. I should not be surprised if many European
laymen copy the estimable example of the European divines. Never-
theless there is no doubt that in the administration of the law there will
be more indulgence to Europeans than to those like Parsis for whom
India has been their home for centuries. But I have not the shadow of
a doubt that every genuine case will be considered with sympathy.
May not the Parsis be expected to fall in with the general sentiment,
especially when it conduces to the conservation of the social and
economic welfare of the labouring classes? Enlightened Parsis must
surely recognize the necessity of checking the drink evil while there is
still time.

1
Vide “Meaning of Prohibition”, 11-6-1939.

76 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 The points (d) and (e) cannot be dealt with at all satisfactorily
without the hearty co-operation of the parties concerned. Thus, so far
as the charities are concerned, it is surely up to the trustees of these
charities to support their case with facts and figures. Some hardship
no doubt there will be. Every tax is a hardship. But I should be
surprised if any single charity is seriously affected. After all, the tax
calculated to bring in from the city of Bombay about Rs. one crore is
so widely distributed that no individual or corporation will be hit
beyond endurance. But it is for those who contend otherwise to prove
their case.
Liquor-dealers have to present their case with full detail so as to
enable the Government to deal with it. I understand that most owners
of stocks of wine have not even furnished the information asked for
by the Government. How is the Government to deal with them, if they
will sullenly refuse to help the Government to help them? I know that
the Government are taxing themselves to meet every case of proved
and avoidable hardship. I use the word ‘avoidable’ purposely. The
‘Taj’ will certainly be affected, but that is as much as saying that the
liquor shopkeepers will be affected. The ‘Taj’ is a mighty liquor-
dealer. The house of Tata is resourceful enough to devise other and
better ways of supporting the many charities for which it is so justly
famed. I dare say that the charities themselves will bear richer fruit for
their being purged of the questionable income from the drink traffic.
Let it not be said of the Parsis, known the world over as the greatest
philanthropists as a class, that they lagged behind, nay actually obstru-
cted a reform which was urgently needed for the sake of saving the
helpless labouring population from social and economic ruin.
BOMBAY, July 4, 1939
Harijan, 8-7-1939

97. NON-VIOLENCE v. VIOLENCE

I must resume the argument about the implications of the Rajkot
step, where I left it the week before.1
In theory, if there is sufficient non-violence developed in any
single person, he should be able to discover the means of combating
violence, no matter how widespread or severe, within his jurisdiction. I
have repeatedly admitted my imperfections. I am no example of per-

1
Vide “Its Implications”, 20-6-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 77

fect ahimsa. I am evolving. Such ahimsa as has been developed in me
has been found enough to cope with situations that have hitherto
arisen. But today I feel helpless in the face of the surrounding vio-
lence. There was a penetrating article in The statesman on my Rajkot
statement. The editor had therein contended that the English had
never taken our movement to be true satyagraha, but being practical
people they had allowed the myth to continue though they had known
it to be a violent revolt. It was none the less so because the rebels had
no arms. I have quoted the substance from memory. When I read the
article, I felt the force of the argument. Though I had intended the
movement to be pure non-violent resistance, as I look back upon the
happenings of those days, there was undoubtedly violence among the
resisters. I must own that had I been perfectly tuned to the music of
ahimsa, I would have sensed the slightest departure from it and my
sensitiveness would have rebelled against any discord in it.
It seems to me that the united action of the Hindus and the
Muslims blinded me to the violence that was lurking in the breasts of
many. The English who are trained diplomats and administrators are
accustomed to the line of least resistance, and when they found that it
was more profitable to conciliate a big organization than to crush it by
extensive frightfulness, they yielded to the extent that they thought
was necessary. It is, however, my conviction that our resistance was
predominantly non-violent in action and will be accepted as such by
the
future historian. As a seeker of truth and non-violence, however, I
must not be satisfied with mere action if it is not from the heart. I must
declare from the house-tops that the non-violence of those days fell
far short of the non-violence as I have so often defined.
Non-violent action without the co-operation of the heart and the
head cannot produce the intended result. The failure of our imperfect
ahimsa is visible to the naked eye. Look at the feud that is going on
between Hindus and Muslims. Each is arming for the fight with the
other. The violence that we had harboured in our breasts during the
non-co-operation days is now recoiling upon ourselves. The violent
energy that was generated among the masses, but was kept under
check in the pursuit of a common objective, has now been let loose
and is being used among and against ourselves.
The same phenomenon is discernible, though in a less crude
manner, in the dissension among Congressmen themselves and the use
of forcible methods that the Congress Ministers are obliged to adopt

78 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

in running the administrations under their charge.
This narrative clearly shows that the atmosphere is surcharged
with violence. I hope it also shows that non-violent mass movement is
an impossibility unless the atmosphere is radically changed. To blind
one’s eyes to the events happening around us is to court disaster. It
has been suggested to me that I should declare mass civil disobedience
and all internal strife will cease, Hindus and Muslims will compose
their differences, Congressmen will forget mutual jealousies and fights
for power. My reading of the situation is wholly different. If any mass
movement is undertaken at the present moment in the name of non-
violence, it will resolve itself into violence largely unorganized and
organized in some cases. It will bring discredit on the Congress, spell
disaster for the Congress struggle for independence and bring ruin to
many a home. This may be a wholly untrue picture born of my
weakness. If so, unless I shed that weakness, I cannot lead a movement
which requires great strength and resolution.
But if I cannot find an effective, purely non-violent method,
outbreak of violence seems to be a certainty. The people demand self-
expression. They are not satisfied with the constructive programme
prescribed by me and accepted almost unanimously by the Congress.
As I have said before, the imperfect response to the constructive
programme is itself proof positive of the skin-deep nature of the non-
violence of Congressmen.
But if there is an outbreak of violence, it would not be without
cause. We are yet far from the independence of our dream. The
irresponsibility of the Centre, which eats up 80 percent of the revenue,
grinds down the people and thwarts their aspirations, is daily proving
more and more intolerable.
There is a growing consciousness of the terrible autocracy of the
majority of the States. I admit my responsibility for the suspension of
civil resistance in several States. This has resulted in demoralization
both among the people and the Princes. The people have lost nerve
and feel that all is lost. The demoralization among the Princes consists
in their thinking that now they have nothing to fear from their people,
nothing substantial to grant. Both are wrong. The result does not
dismay me. In fact I had foretold the possibility of these results when
I was discussing with the Jaipur workers the advisability of suspending
the movement, even though it was well circumscribed with rules and
restrictions. The demoralization among the people shows that there
was not non-violence in thought and word, and therefore when the

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 79

intoxication and excitement of jail-going and the accompanying
demonstrations ceased they thought that the struggle was over. The
Princes came to the hasty conclusion that they could safely consoli-
date their autocracy by adopting summary measures against the resis-
ters and placating the docile element by granting eye-wash reforms.
Both the people and the Princes might have reacted in the right
manner—the people by recognizing the correctness of my advice and
calmly generating strength and energy by quiet and determined cons-
tructive effort, and the Princes by seizing the opportunity afforded by
suspension, of doing justice for the sake of justice and granting
reforms that would satisfy the reasonable but advanced section among
their people. This could only happen, if they recognized the time-
spirit. It is neither too late for the people nor the Princes.
In this connection I may not omit the Paramount Power. There
are signs of the Paramount Power repenting of the recent declarations
about the freedom to the Princes to grant such reforms to their people
as they chose. There are audible whispers that the Princes may not
take those declarations literally. It is an open secret that the Princes
dare not do anything that they guess is likely to displease the Para-
mount Power. They may not even meet persons whom the Paramount
Power may not like them to meet. When there is this tremendous
influence exercised over the Princes, it is but natural to hold the Para-
mount Power responsible for the unadulterated autocracy that reigns
supreme in many States.
So if violence breaks out in this unfortunate land, the respon-
sibility will have to be shared by the Paramount Power, the Princes,
and above all by Congressmen. The first two have never claimed to be
non-violent. Their power is frankly derived from and based on the use
of violence. But the Congress has since 1920 adopted non-violence as
its settled policy and has undoubtedly striven to act up to it. But as
Congressmen never had non-violence in their hearts, they must reap
the fruit of the defect, however unintentional it was. At the crucial
moment the defect has come to the surface and the defective method
does not seem to meet the situation. Non-violence is never a method
of coercion, it is one of conversion. We have failed to convert the
Princes, we have failed to convert the English administrators. It is no
use saying that it is impossible to persuade persons willingly to part
with their power. I have claimed that satyagraha is a new experiment.
It will be time to pronounce it a failure when Congressmen have given
it a genuine trial. Even a policy, if it is honestly pursued, has to be

80 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

pursued with all one’s heart. We have not done so. Hence Con-
gressmen have to convert themselves before the Paramount Power and
the Princes can be expected to act justly.
But if the Congressmen can or will go no further than they have
done in the direction of non-violence, and if the Paramount Power
and the Princes do not voluntarily and selfishly do the right thing, the
country must be prepared for violence, unless the new technique
yields a new mode of non-violent action which will become an
effective substitute for violence as a way of securing redress of
wrongs. The fact that violence must fail will not prevent its outbreak.
Mere constitutional agitation will not do.
BOMBAY, July 4, 1939
Harijan, 8-7-1939

98. LETTER TO F. MARY BARR

BOMBAY,
July 4, 1939
CHI. MARY,
I wrote a few words1 on Mira’s letter to you. I have a few
minutes to write more fully. If you feel the call to go and serve your
father, you will answer it without hesitation. You will do what is
possible for the continuity of work begun in Central Provinces. I
know you will give a good account of yourself wherever you are. It
will be risky to bring out Father to India. He won’t stand the climate
of this country.
Your letter to Narandas is interesting. If you are not to go, you
will be safe in taking up the rural reconstruction committee. I hope to
leave for the Frontier Province tomorrow. Ba is likely to go with me.
She is quite well.
Love.
BAPU
From a photostat: G. N. 6077. Also C. W. 3407. Courtesy: F. Mary Barr. Also
Bapu—Conversations and Correspondence, p. 178

1
Vide letter to the addressee, 30-6-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 81

 99. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI
BIRLA HOUSE,
MOUNT P LEASANT R OAD, B OMBAY,
July 4, 1939
CHI. NARANDAS,
I got your letter. I am writing to Mary Barr.
The note you gave me about khadi is still lying with me. I shall
dispose of it at leisure. Is anything special going on there?
A letter from Manju is enclosed.
Blessings from
BAPU

[PS.]
We are leaving for the Frontier Province tomorrow. Ba will pro-
bably accompany me.
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II. Also C. W. 8557. Courtesy:
Narandas Gandhi

100. ENTRY IN VISITORS’ BOOK1

July 4, 1939
I was delighted to visit the Indian enterprise.
The Bombay Chronicle, 5-7-1939

101. FOREWORD TO “THE LATEST FAD”

I have gone through these pages from beginning to end. The
booklet will supply a felt want. It is an attempt to answer the many
doubts that have assailed inquiry about what has been called my
‘latest fad’ and that too in the domain of education ! Acharya Kripa-
lani who has spent many years as an educationist has tried to show that
this ‘fad’ has a sound bottom to it.
M. K. GANDHI
ON THE TRAIN, July 6, 1939
The Latest Fad

1
The source reported that “Gandhiji, accompanied by Vallabhbhai Patel,
Devdas Gandhi and Dr. Sushila Nayyar, paid a visit to the Chemical and Industrial and
Pharmaceutical Laboratories (CIPLA) Ltd.”, Bombay, in the afternoon.

82 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 102. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
ON THE TRAIN,
July 6, 1939
MY DEAR DECEIVER,
I have simply not been able to write to you as regularly as I had
liked. Even the ‘library’ claimed other work. You tell me you asked
me a question about non-violence. I have forgotten all about it. Please
repeat. I have assumed that Mahadev deals with the questions he can,
for your letters are given to him as soon as I have done with them. If
you permit me to retain them with the note at the top ‘Not to be read’
and trust that then they will not be, I would be better able to cope with
your questions.
I hope all the patients are better if not well and that your flu was
a passing affair.
I am writing to Datar Singh. I should have written earlier. But as
you were protecting me, I did not hurry.
You should have sent me copy of your letter to Jawaharlal.1
I do not like your repeating you are dead. You are not dead.
You have to give me much work. Any time I might have to send you
to Travancore or some such place. As it is you are doing khadi and
Harijan work there. Your contribution to the Education Board is quite
effective. And if you have better perception of things and do not feel
any conscious injustice on my part, surely there is no occasion for this
deadness !
We are only four travelling—Mahadev, Bablo 2 , Kanu and I.
Pyarelal had a little throat operation which will detain him for three or
four days. Ba won’t come without Sushila and the latter could not
come leaving Pyarelal to his fate. They three will follow later if I find
that my stay in Frontier Province will be prolonged.
Nothing is certain about my movement. Ordinarily I should
return to Segaon when you will join me. Nothing is certain about
Talcher.3 The latest from the Viceroy 4 means cutting off all contact
with me. Mahadev should send you a copy of his letter and of my
reply5 , if I draft it today.

1
Vide also “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 29-6-1939.
2
Narayan Desai, son of Mahadev Desai
3
Vide “The Tragedy of Talcher”, 18-4-1939 and “Talcher”, 16-5-1939.
4
Vide Appendix- “Letter from Lord Linlithgow”, 1-7-1939.
5
Gandhiji sent a brief reply on July 12, 1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 83

 The question of my retirement has been exploded for the time
being at any rate.
Love.
TYRANT
From the original: C. W. 3923. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G. N. 7232

103. LETTER TO S. K. BOLE

ON THE TRAIN,
July 6, 1939
DEAR RAO BAHADUR,
I have read your letter to the Prime Minister with great care.1 I
think that if you will help the Ministry you will find that no tapper
need give up his tapping and there need be no unemployment. The
whole of the nira can be turned into gur. Those who are used to
alcoholics won’t be statisfied with non-alcoholic nira.
I am sorry for the threat issued in your last paragraph. Request
for help and threat go ill together.2
Yours sincerely.
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat: C. W. 4879

104. LETTER TO KANCHAN M. SHAH

ON THE TRAIN,
July 6, 1939
CHI. KANCHAN,
Though I do not write to you I do think of you. I hope you
remember what I told you. I hope you are calm. Study well. Take full
advantage of the quiet you have got just now and improve your
knowledge. Who conducts the prayers at present? What prayers are
sung in the morning and in the evening?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 8292. Also C. W. 7051. Courtesy:
Munnalal G. Shah

1
A group of forty Bhandaris, led by the addressee, met Gandhiji on July 5 at
Bombay Central and gave him a copy of their petition addressed to the Premier of
Bombay; vide also “Bhandaris and Prohibition”, 7-7-1939.
2
The addressee subseqently sent an explanation; vide “An Explanation”,
7-8-1939.

84 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 105. LETTER TO MRIDULA SARABHAI
ON THE TRAIN,
July 6, 1939
CHI. MRIDULA,
I have spoken to Amtussalaam. For the present, I shall let
Lakshmidas have Rs. 2,000 for khadi work. That work should be
carried on under the name of the Jyoti Sangh or under any other
name, but under the supervision of Lakshmidas. I would advise you
only to collect the yarn till you are able to train a woman worker. The
yarn should be tested by Lakshmidas. This he will have to do.
Sardar will speak to you about the work of training. Right now I
have advised him to give you Rs. 1,000. This he will probably do. I
have not had time to speak to him at length. Write to me whatever you
want. Come and stay with me when you can. Do not do anything in
haste.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 11208. Courtesy: Sarabhai Foundation

106. LETTER TO PYARELAL

ON THE TRAIN,
July 6, 1939
CHI. PYARELAL,
I shall wait till your next letter. Get the thing corrected by
Doctor. If you quit writing for Harijan, Mahadev and I will be
crushed under the burden. And of course you are going to shoulder
the burden of the correspondence. Otherwise, Mahadev or, maybe,
both of us, will have a break-down. Leave the dream state. Whatever,
He wills will be; why grieve over anything? Things will happen at the
appointed hour as He desires. Why should we devise schemes, nurse
dreams or worry?
Sushila should give the accompanying letter to Lilavati and
also comfort her.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 85

 107. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR
ON THE TRAIN,
July 6, 1939
CHI. LILA,
What weakness you are displaying! It is now that you are being
tested in your life. Matriculation is only an excuse God has provided.
You have been sent to Vanita Vishram on that pretext. If you fail
there, your ashram life will have gone in vain and my hopes will have
been destroyed. Why should you be defeated by minor incon-
veniences? Even if you help the lady who is looking after things there,
you will be doing admirable work and satisfying your needs also in
the right way. But you must have that much love within you; you must
have patience and courage. Bear it in mind that your [matriculation]1
is in Vanita Vishram, not in New Era2 .
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

108. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM

ON THE TRAIN,
July 6, 1939
DEAR DAUGHTER,3
You have only to place the spinning work at Ahmedabad on a
sound footing. Do whatever Lakshmidasbhai suggests in this connec-
tion. Do not spend more than Rs. 2,000 this time. Help Mridulabehn
in every possible way. Do not bribe anyone into doing work. You
have to do the work while preserving your health.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 422

1
The source is demaged here.
2
New Era High School, Bombay, which the addressee had joined for studies
3
The superscription is in Urdu.

86 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 109. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR
[Before July 7, 1939] 1
STUPID DAUGHTER,
Stupid is an apt adjective for you. And how stupid? It was
nothing yesterday. Do you think there was any malice in what Devdas
said? If there was any it was directed towards me. And whatever he
says is for the good of all of us. Where was then any place in it for
anger? How you cried—and for no reason! You must shed the habit.
Why so much touchiness? Send me a telegram that you have calmed
down. Abandon this stupidity. Ask Devdas’s forgiveness. This does
not mean that you should do everything that Devdas says. Do only
what you think proper. Persuade him patiently. I want a letter from
you every day. I shall send you a telegram from Abbottabad to say
what you should do. Keep writing to Vijaya and others.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

110. BHANDARIS AND PROHIBITION

As the train taking me to the Frontier Province was steaming out
of the station, Rao Bahadur Bole handed me a copy of the petition of
the Bhandaris of Bombay addressed to the Prime Minister. He pressed
me to read it and send him my reply. I read the petition after resting
my tired limbs and sent him my reply.2
The petition is an interesting document and deserves public
notice. According to it the Bhandaris got the concession to tap trees as
early as 1672 as a mark of favour for military services rendered to the
then British Power. Then they lost the concession. But they were able
to continue their occupation, and to the present that is the occupation
of about 8,000 people.
The petitioners say they are not against prohibition but they
plead for gradualness extending to a few years.

1
The date has been inferred from the sentence “I shall send you a telegram from
Abbottabad”. Gandhiji was in Abbottabad from July 7 to 26, 1939.
2
Vide “Letter to S. K. Bole”, 6-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 87

 Then comes the sting at the very tail end. It runs :
If the Government fail to pay heed to all these entreaties and leave the
Bhandaris to their fate as it falls upon them, we do not know what course these
poorly educated and uneducated people may follow in their sheer
disappointment. We are afraid they may even go to the length of adopting
not only Congress methods of seeking relief but adopting more drastic
measures in their frenzy.
The threat, in my opinion, vitiates a good case and raises grave
doubts about the bona fides of the signatories. Are the Government to
yield to cold reason or to the cold steel?
If the Bhandaris have a good case, why do they not rely upon its
commanding public sympathy? Let me inform the public that the
Ministers are trying their best, in spite of threats, to remove every kind
of injustice. In these days of the growing violence of the mind, threats
must be regarded as the ordinary lot of Ministers elected under the
extensive democratic franchise. They may not be deterred even at the
cost of their offices or lives from doing what they hold to be their
duty, nor can they afford to be angry and refuse to do justice because
as in the case under consideration, the petition for justice ends by
issuing an ugly threat. I have, therefore, pleasure in informing the
public that the Ministers are applying themselves to the task of
keeping every tapper employed at the very work to which he has been
used. Only the tappers have got to help the Ministers to apply the
remedy. It consists in the tappers tapping nira during the nira season
and turning it into gur. This requires honest care and attention. The
pots have to be treated as has been pointed out in these columns. The
nira need not be drunk. Pure nira cannot take the place of toddy
which contains a certain percentage of alcohol and which therefore
changes in quality. Pure nira is food even as sugar is. Toddy, even
sweet, is not in the same sense and to the same extent as nira. Hence
nira will be turned into gur which can compete with the ordinary gur
which is often dirty, adulterated, full of grit. Palm gur is any day more
tasty than sugarcane gur. It can be eaten raw whereas sugarcane gur
being much sweeter does not admit of being eaten raw. And palm gur,
when it is manufactured under State supervision, will always carry with
it the guarantee of being pure. Many sweets can be manufactured out
of palm gur. But in order to accomplish this great task wholehearted
co-operation of the Bhandaris is necessary. If they are in earnest, they
will help the Government and help themselves. What to do during the

88 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

off-season will be a question. I have not been able to study the
condition under which toddy is drawn. But this is a matter of detail
and adjustment.
ON THE W AY TO PESHAWAR, July 7, 1939
Harijan, 15-7-1939

111. CABLE TO GENERAL J. C. SMUTS1

ABBOTTABAD,
[On or after July 7, 1939] 2
WHY IS AGREEMENT OF 1914 BEING VIOLATED WITH YOU
AS WITNESS? IS THERE NO HELP FOR INDIANS EXCEPT
TO PASS THROUGH FIRE ?3

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

112. WAR SPURS INVENTION OF NEW MACHINE

The invention of a revolutionary type of spinning machine that will
raise the daily output of the individual Chinese spinner from its present
standard of one pound of yarn a day to an average of between twenty and thirty
pounds, by Mr. Kanya Nieh, of the Ministry of Economic Affairs and a
graduate of Cornell University and the Massachussetts Institute of Techno-
logy, was announced in Chingkiang on May 26. The invention, stimulated
and hastened by the demands of China’s war-time economy, represents the
fruit of six years of research and experimentation, during the last twenty-two
months of which the inventor was constantly moving about the country as he
followed the National Government in its transfer to the interior of the
province. . . .
Mr. Nieh’s new frames are based somewhat remotely on the old native
spinning methods of China. He studied and analysed according to modern
principles all the motions that go into the process of spinning until he had
reduced each one to its essential scientific function—then he constructed a
machine which utilized and intensified all the useful motions in the old
process of spinning, and which discarded the useless motions which serve

1
Jan Christiaan Smuts (1870-1950); South African soldier and statesman;
Prime Minister, 1919-24 and 1939-48
2
Gandhiji reached Abbottabad on July 7, 1939.
3
Vide also “A Letter”, 7-4-1939, “Message to Indians in South Africa”,
23-5-1939 and “A.I.C.C. Resolutions”, 23-6-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 89

 only to waste the individual’s energy and time. The machines that Mr. Nieh
has built according to these principles of scientific analysis are strong, sturdy
machines that are at the same time extremely cheap. They are built basically of
wood, with copper used as the chief metal. Iron and steel are used only at a few
key parts, while the cogs are made of hard wood. The new machine is so made
that it works almost automatically with a minimum of exertion on the part of
the operator. The energy to operate the machine is supplied by a foot treadle
which the operator keeps in motion. . . .
The actual introduction of the new machine to the people will fall to the
lot of the Chinese Industrial Co-operatives and several private concerns. The
Chinese Industrial Co-operatives plan to establish in the coming year over
10,000 co-operatives, of which at least thirty percent will be textile co-
operatives. It is the belief of the Co-operatives that of the normal consuming
capacity of Free China of 10,000,000 bolts of cloth a year, at least,
3,000,000 will be produced by its co-operatives within the next twelve
months. In the production of these textiles, the new spinning frames will play
an important part. It is planned to introduce the new machine to its users at the
rate of two machines per family. Cotton yarn, now selling in the interior at
2.30 dollars per pound, will be reduced to a fraction of its former cost.
The foregoing 1 was received by Shri Aryanayakam2 from a
friend in China. I wish I could give more details about this invention.
For me its merit lies in China finding it necessary to introduce village,
in the place of town, production.
Harijan, 8-7-1939

113. JAIPUR
Those who are interested in Jaipur affairs have been living in
suspense for they had learnt that some talks were taking place between
the Prime Minister3 of the State and Sheth Jamnalalji. I regret to have
to inform them that nothing worth has come out of the talks.
Therefore the struggle continues. Even civil disobedience continues in
a way though it is suspended in regard to further formation of jathas4
for courting arrest. Those who courted arrests remain in the State
prisons. They have not sought release. They will come out in due

1
Only extracts are reproduced here.
2
E. W. Aryanayakam, Secretary, Hindustani Talimi Sang.
3
Sir Beauchamp St. John
4
Batches

90 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

course on the termination of their sentences. Shethji’s detention 1 is
indefinite. And he will not come out by undertaking to leave the State
on release, and the authorities will not permit him to remain in Jaipur
as a free man in spite of the fact that further courting of arrests has
stopped. Thus they will not allow Shethji even to do constructive work
among the people. They know that they have no fear of any secret
propaganda or his part on his saying one thing and doing the
contrary. His reputation for [the] strictest honesty is too well
established to admit of any doubt.
Some complication has arisen because Shethji is suffering from
pains in the knees. The State Medical Officer advises Shethji to go to
Europe or at least to the seaside for treatment. He is himself doing all
he can, but he is of opinion that change of place is indicated. Shethji
whilst he is under detention would not go out of Jaipur even for the
sake of getting well. He thinks that self-respect requires unconditional
release. He will not think of a change so long as he is under a ban for
which he feels there is no justification. Since civil disobedience is
suspended there is no warrant whatsoever for detain-ing Jamnalalji in
custody. Why won’t the authorities release him and arrest him when
he commits an offence against the laws of the State? To say the least
there is something uncanny about the treatment of Sheth Jamnalalji. It
is the duty of the Jaipur authorities either to justify the indefinite
detention or to release him unconditionally.
The Jaipurians have been asking me how long the embargo on
their civil resistance will last. I can only answer, as long as the atm-
osphere demands suspension. Meanwhile let them carry out the
constructive programme. I retain the opinion that no one is fit for
offering civil disobedience who has not satisfied the conditions I have
laid down. And there is always a saving clause about all my advice. No
one need follow it unless it appeals to his head and heart. No one who
has honestly the inner call need be deterred from obeying it because
of my advice. In other words, it applies only to those who are not
conscious of any inner call and who have faith in my riper experience
and soundness of my judgment.
Though the talks have broken down, the authorities are not
absolved from the duty of finding a solution for the impasse. Absence
of civil disobedience does not mean cessation of agitation in some

1
In Jaipur jail

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 91

form or other for securing the rudiments of freedom for which the
fight was undertaken. Public opinion will give the authorities no rest.
Let the Jaipurians, therefore, know that so long as they have the will
they have the power. And it increases with every effort to keep it
under check. Every power is not meant to be immediately used.
Garnering it often makes it far more effective than if it is used the
moment it is generated.
ABBOTTABAD, July 8, 1939.
Harijan, 15-7-1939

114. TO THE PRINCES

Several persons interested in the States have asked me what in
my opinion is the minimum that all States should guarantee in order
to come in line with the enlightened opinion in what is called British
India. I cannot vouch for what the Congress would say if it had to give
any such opinion. Perhaps it would be wrong for the Congress to have
or to give such opinion. A democratic body can only pronounce
opinion on events as they happen. Be that as it may, the opinion I am
about to give is only my own and binds no one but me.
The minimum then that all States great and small can give is :
1. Full civil liberty, so long as it is not used to promote violence
directly or indirectly. This includes freedom of the Press and freedom
to receive newspapers which do not promote violence.
2. Freedom to the people of the States to form associations and
educate public opinion in favour of establishing responsible
government in their own States.
3. Freedom for Indians outside particular States to enter them
without let or hindrance so long as their activities are not directed
towards the destruction of the States in question.
4. The privy purse should be limited so as not to exceed one-
tenth of the income where it ranges between Rs. 10 to 15 lakhs per
year, and in no case should the purse exceed Rs. 3 lakhs per year, and
should include all the private expenses of the Ruler (e. g., palace
expenses, cars, stables, the Ruler’s guests) except those which have
reference to performance of public duty which should be clearly
defined.

92 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 5. Judiciary to be independent and permanent and free of all
interference. In order to ensure uniformity of practice and strict im-
partiality, there should be an appeal to the High Court of the Pro-
vince within which the State in question is situated. This may not be
possible without a change in the law governing the High Courts. It
can, I imagine, be easily altered if the States agree.
I have purposely avoided reference to constitutional reform.
This will depend upon the situation as it exists in every State. I should
assume that where local public opinion demands it, the Ruler is bound
to respond.
The most contentious part of my minimum is perhaps the right
of appeal to the High Courts. And yet unless some such arrangement
is made, pure justice cannot be guaranteed in the States whatever may
be said to the contrary. This is one institution which the British have
built up with patient care. No doubt the High Court procedure is
expensive and far from expeditious. The poor of the land cannot
reach it. The processes are cumbersome. Often the unscrupulous win.
With all their faults, however, and except where high politics have
come in, the decisions of High Courts have been just and fearless. I
can think of no easy and ready-made check save that of the High
Courts on the vagaries, and sometimes subservience to the executive,
of the judiciary in the States. But I am not wedded to my solution. If
something else equally effective can be devised, I should have no
objection.
One thing seems to me to be clear. If the transfer of power from
the Princes to the people is to take place without violence, and if the
Princes are to live as such, they will have to adapt themselves to the
changed circumstances. Very few people have faith in my plan, viz.,
the plan of Princes voluntarily parting with power and becoming real
trustees.The critics say it is Utopian and against human nature. I must
advocate it so long as I believe in its practical possibility. The world is
inevitably moving to self-destruction or to a non-violent solution of
all its ailments, moral, social, economic and political. The threatened
world war will bring us nearer the desirable solution if a respectable
part of it survives the impending catastrophe. Whoever recognizes that
the only escape from the impending fate is a non-violent solution will,
therefore, apply it to his own problems, whether they are domestic,
communal or any other. Non-violence is a universal law acting under

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 93

all circumstances. Disregard of it is the surest way to des-truction. It is
only a question of time.
The Princes would not solve the riddle by the proposed combi-
nation with Garasias, Muslims, Scheduled Classes, and their own sub-
jects who are too cowed down to resist. It is a combination that is
bound to break under its own weight. It is itself an inflammable mix-
ture. And a combination against whom? The Congress which seeks to
represent all these not excluding the Princes themselves? The Con-
gress will die a natural death when it ceases to be national in every
sense of the term. It has that unbroken tradi-tion for the past fifty
years. Whatever transformation it under-goes, it is the only institution1
that will succeed British Imperialism whose days as imperialism are
numbered. British politicians realize this. They would not resist, do
not want to resist, its transformation or destruction. The imperialism is
increasingly becoming a dead weight if only because it is based on
highly organized violence. The Princes may ignore the Congress for a
time. But they cannot for all time. Some are reported to have said that
after all it was composed of Banias who would show the white feather
on a few knock-out blows on the head by the strong combination
pictured above. I would like respectfully to point out that the Con-
gress is not composed of Banias who can be counted on one’s finger-
tips. The millions who took part in the civil disobedience fights were
not Banias. I do not thereby mean to imply that they were desirous of
giving blow for a blow. Many could. But they had forsworn violence.
Many Congress heads were broken by something severer than knock-
out blows. All I wish to imply is that the Congress is not composed of
mere cowards. Non-violence and cowardice go ill together. I can
imagine a fully armed man to be at heart a coward. Possession of arms
implies an element of fear, if not cowardice. But true non-violence is
an impossibility without the possession of unadulterated fearlessness.
I beseech the Princes not to underrate the Congress as a force in
the country. Its policy still remains non-violent. I admit it is fast
tending towards violence. I and a few of my companions are putting
forth every effort in favour of non-violence. I ask the Princes,for their
own sakes and for the sake of the country that has given them birth, to
throw in their weight in favour of non-violence. It seems to be touch-
and-go with the Congress. It will either become growingly non-violent
or will presently become a violent organization, not necessarily doing

1
The source, however, has “constitution”.

94 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

immediate deeds of violence but preparing itself for ultimate violence.
It would not harbour cowards. If it does, it will cease to be the power it
has become. Every Indian, high or low, (there is no high and no low
for the Congress) has to make his choice.
ABBOTTABAD, July 8, 1939.
Harijan, 15-7-1939

115. TELEGRAM TO AMRIT KAUR

ABBOTTABAD,
July 8, 1939
R AJKUMARI AMRIT KAUR
MANORVILLE, S IMLA WEST
ARRIVED LAST EVENING. ALL GOOD CONDITION. WEATHER
MODERATE. LOVE.
BAPU
From the original: C. W. 3924. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G. N. 7233

116. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR

ABBOTTABAD,
July 8, 1939
MY DEAR DECEIVER ,
I sent you a wire today as letter would have taken long. I hope
you had my letter1 written on the way. I met Balvantsinha in Delhi. He
will follow the instructions. Let us hope the experiment2 will be a
success. Lilavati’s3 may not be. She is not happy in the place where
she is boarding. She is not able to put up with any inconvenience.
However, I have spoken to her and implored her not to give in without
an effort.
The weather here is ideal for us all. During the day a punka be-
comes necessary. I sit bare-bodied, nothing but a thin woollen blan-
ket was needed during the night.

1
Vide “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 6-7-1939.
2
Balvantsinha was to join Datar Singh’s dairy near Lahore; vide letter to the
addressee, “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 15-6-1939.
3
She went to Bombay for her matriculation.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 95

 I had a long letter from Haksar 1 pressing me to go to Kashmir
while he is there. I have not yet acknowledged it. I hope to, to-
morrow. I shall send it2 to you when I have done with it.
I hope you have got rid of your flu and that the other patients
are also doing well.
Love.
Tyrant
From the original: C. W. 3925. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G. N. 7234

117. LETTER TO PRABHAVATI

ABBOTTABAD,
July 8, 1939
CHI. PRABHA,
I have your letter. We arrived here yesterday. Mahadev, Bablo
and Kanu are with me. Pyarelal has had to have an incision made
under his tongue and has had to stay on in Bombay. And so Ba and
Sushila also have stayed back. All the three of them will come over
here when Pyarelal is discharged. Mirabehn must have reached Patna.
She will work there for the present. You will of course see her. She is
likely to attend the Congress meeting. We shall probably be here for a
month. Sushila is all right now. Amtul Salaam will do khadi work in
Ahmedabad. Jayaprakash had met me. He will probably come to see
me here also. We had talked about you. He says you are to be the
leader of women volunteers. But in that case your study will suffer.
But that will not matter. Do the duty that comes to you unsought. The
other things discussed were about our reunion. But he will not accept
khadi. And I am not likely to give it up. That makes our working
together difficult. Ba is keeping well. I am of course all right. There
is no change in the diet. I keep fairly good strength. The weather here
is not so cold. It is not too hot either. Give the enclosure to Mirabehn.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 3533

1
Vide 2nd footnote of “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 13-6-1939.
2
Vide “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 9-7-1939.

96 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 118. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
July 8, 1939
CHI. AMTUL SALAAM,
I have only a few minutes today. You must have received the
letter 1 which I wrote on the way. We are all well. There is no cold
here. It is quite warm. But no hot breeze.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 423

119. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS2

ABBOTTABAD,
July 8, 1939
I observe that political prisoners of Bengal in Dumdum and Ali-
pore jails are determined upon hunger-strike for their unconditional
release. I would urge them strongly not to take to hunger-strike. I am
sure Sarat Babu, who is handling the case, thinks likewise. I would ask
the prisoners to be guided by Sarat Babu.3
Harijan, 15-7-1939; also The Hindu , 9-7-1939

120. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS 4

ABBOTTABAD,
July 8, 1939
I have carefully read Sir Raza Ali’s condemnation of my advice5
to Indians in South Africa not to embark upon a non-European
front. My advice may be bad on merits but does not become bad
because I have been absent from South Africa for a quarter of a

1
Vide “Letter to Amtussalaam”, 6-7-1939.
2
In Harijan, this appeared under the title “Bengal Political Prisoners”.
3
Vide also “Statement to the Press”, 14-6-1939, and “Telegram to Secretary,
Political Prisoners’ Release Sub-Committee”, on or before 9-7-1939
4
This is extracted from “Notes” in Harijan. According to The Hindu, Gandhiji
made this statement “on being shown Sir Raza Ali’s statement on A. I. C. C.
resolution regarding South Africa”; vide “A.I.C.C. Resolutions”, 23-6-1939.
5
Vide “South Africa Resolution”, “26-6-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 97

century. I have no doubt about the soundness of my advice. However
much one may sympathize with the Bantus, Indians cannot make
common cause with them. I doubt if the Bantus themselves will as a
class countenance any such move. They can only damage and com-
plicate their cause by mixing it up with the Indian, as Indians would
damage theirs by such mixture. But neither the A. I. C. C. resolution
nor my advice need deter the Indians from forming a non-European
front if they are sure thereby of winning their freedom. Indeed, had
they thought it beneficial or possible, they would have formed it long
ago.
Harijan, 15-7-1939; also The Hindu, 9-7-1939

121. MESSAGE TO RAMESHWARI NEHRU

[On or after July 8, 1939] 1
Congratulations on the opening of the Meenakshi Temple for
Harijans. 2 Hope you are well.
Love.
BAPU
The Hindu, 11-7-1939.

122. TELEGRAM TO SECRETARY, POLITICAL

PRISONERS’ RELEASE SUB-COMMITTEE 3
ABBOTTABAD,
[ On or before July 9, 1939] 4
BE GUIDED BY SARAT BABU. HUNGER-STRIKE, I CONSIDER,
IS BAD AND INADVISABLE IN ANY CASE.5

The Hindu, 9-7-1939

1
From the reference to Meenakshi Temple, which was thrown open to Harijans
on July 8
2
Vide also “Meenakshi Temple Open”, 12-7-1939.
3
Of the Bengal Provincial Congress Committee
4
The telegram was reported under the date-line “Calcutta, July 9”.
5
Vide also “Statement to the Press”, 8-7-1939.

98 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 123. LETTER TO SIKANDAR HYAT KHAN
ABBOTTABAD,
July 9, 1939
1
DEAR SIR SIKANDAR ,
Parsi friends told me with glee that you had described the prohi-
bition programme of the Bombay Ministry as a ‘madcap scheme’.
Can this be true? If so, why do you consider it to be such?
I have been receiving letters telling me that you contemplate
introducing separate electorates for Harijans at Municipal elections! I
wonder if there is truth in this information.
I observe that your scheme2 is already before the public. I have
not had a moment to give to its study. I hope early next week to take
it up and the papers you were good enough to leave with me.
I hope your backache has subsided. I would strongly recom-
mend nature cure as a permanent remedy. It consists in strict diet,
vapour baths and cold hip-baths. Abdominal mud bandages help con-
siderably. Rajkumari Amrit Kaur has some experience of this treat-
ment. She has tried it herself off and on. She is your neighbour. Do
discuss it with her.
Yours sincerely,
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

124. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR

ABBOTTABAD,
July 9, 1939
MY DEAR DECEIVER ,
I wrote yesterday. But the post has not gone yet. So this will be
in the packet.
J. L.’s letter is good. I hope you will give him your opinion of
Hind Swaraj. The deadness must go. Eczema, laryngitis are your two
enemies. You must drive them out. You have to be in Segaon, the

1
Premier of the Punjab
2
Alternative scheme for Federation, which was finally published on July 30;
vide, “Letter to Sikandar Hyat Khan”, 17-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 99

moment I reach there. Both the maladies can be brought under
control in Segaon. Nothing is certain about Talcher. I am hoping that
I won’t have to go there. J. L.’s letter herewith. Haksar’s also. I am
telling him I would try to go to Kashmir. 1 His letter is good though
difficult to understand.
Nothing can be done by you about the Viceregal letter. Things
should be allowed to take their own course. I do not yet know when
Ba will come. There is no reply to my wire. Mira has gone to Patna on
Rajen Babu’s wire. She will be happy there. She has made several
friends among Englishmen and Indians. It is a pity she could not hit it
off with Khan Saheb and could not stand any altitude. However she
might come back in October. I leave these parts by 5th August.
Love.
TYRANT
From the original: C. W. 3926. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G. N. 7235

125. LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA

ABBOTTABAD,
July 9, 1939
CHI. BABUDI,
I am glad that you are keeping good health.
We are likely to spend at the most one month in this district.
As a small incision was made under Pyarelal’s tongue, he had to
stay behind. Hence Ba and Sushila also stayed on. They are likely to
return in about three days. Ba is not going to Sabarmati. I am in
excellent health.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 10013. Courtesy: Shardabehn G.
Chokhawala

1
Vide also Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 8-7-1939.

100 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 126. LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH
ABBOTTABAD,
July 9, 1939
CHI. CHIMANLAL,
I read here today your letter of the 4th. Your complaint is
justified. It is strange that there is no letter from Sushila. Shakaribehn
is bound to feel hurt. If I were in your place I also would feel hurt. A
calamity like this is an example of my mismanagement. I hold myself
responsible for the mismanagement among those around me. Shan-
karan had a narrow escape. He is better. He will perhaps take a month
to get well. If Sushila did not write about the old man’s dressing, it
was a serious lapse on her part. I think she would not commit a mis-
take like that. I hope you will continue to hear from her. Lilavati’s
address is: New Era High School, Bombay. She is staying in Vanita
Vishram but she is not happy there. Let us see what happens. Amtul
Salaam is at Sabarmati Harijan Ashram. She seems likely to prove a
good worker.
As an incision has been made under Pyarelal’s tongue, Ba, Pya-
relal and Sushila are expected to come after about four or five days.
The weather here is better than at Segaon. It is neither too cold nor
too hot.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 8353. Also C. W. 7052. Courtesy:
Chimanlal N. Shah

127. LETTER TO BALVANTSINHA

ABBOTTABAD,
July 9, 1939
CHI. BALVANTSINHA,
I hope you reached the dairy farm today on time. About your
expenses there, I have written to Sardar Saheb that I shall be respon-
sible for whatever expenses are incurred.
It is hot here too; but no hot breeze. I sit bare-bodied.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 1922

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 101

 128. INTERVIEW TO L. W. JARDINE1
ABBOTTABAD,
[July 9, 1939] 2
GANDHIJI: That is the only correct position, and no other is possi-
ble. If you have followed my writings, you know that I have declared
that no one is competent to offer satyagraha unless he has a living
faith in God. I had formerly not the courage to say so bluntly to my
co-workers. I knew it was difficult to get a heart-response to this thing.
For there are many who say they have living faith and yet are not
godfearing, and others who scoff at the idea of believing in God and
yet are at heart godfearing. But I said it did not matter how difficult it
was, I must put it forward as I know it.
[J ARDINE: ] You came only recently to the conclusion that you must insist on
the condition?
Yes. I felt I must make it an indispensable condition. I knew it,
G.

I practised it, but had not declared it for acceptance by all. I knew
some resented this and even imputed to me motives of excluding them
from the chosen circle. But I said I must take even the risk of being
misunderstood, but must declare the truth at all cost. How to reduce
the whole thing to practice I do not know.
J. That is simply terrific. To hear you say that it is difficult is tremendous, for
it is an encouragement to me. There is a kind of hero-worship that attributes to you
superhuman powers. It is something to hear that you have difficulties and are human,
and thus to feel kinship with you.
Then there is another thing that has come home to me. You must not think of
taking but always of giving something.
G. That is right in a sense, but you can’t give without taking, and
to go on saying that you will always give would be humbug.

1
Revenue Commissioner, Frontier Province; President, Oxford Movement.
The interview is extracted from “The Oxford Group and Moral Rearmament” by
Mahadev Desai, who explains : “We have found them refreshingly frank . . . On some
of the basic principles we found ourselves in complete agreement . . . The friend who
met Gandhiji described the object of the movement as the ‘eradication of fear by
bringing people under the guidance of God’.”
2
Vide the following item.

102 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 Honesty, purity, unselfishness and love are their fourfold principles, and the
friend said that whilst the first two would come under the heading ‘truth’, the other
two would come under the heading ‘non-violence or bravery’. . . . Gandhiji asked:
How is a civilian who is trained not to establish any human con-
tact with the ruled to fare under this rule? Perhaps you will not admit
that they are so trained ?
J. No
G. Well, you will by and by. I do not make a charge of it. It was
worldly wisdom that dictated the course to those who organized the
Service. How could they allow them to live on terms of familiarity
with those over whom they had to rule, especially when the rulers were
only a handful?And yet if you accept the creed of the Oxford Group,
you have to establish human contact with me. And if you do it with
me, you must do it with others. You will have to contact the whole of
India through me, and I with all Englishmen through you. That at
any rate is what the Oxford Group must stand for, otherwise it would
be like many other similar movements.
J. You are right, and that is why I kept out of freemasonry. We have to meet
under God, and we shall not make demands from another which are inconsistent with
the guidance of God.
G. Anyway, I have expressed my difficulty.
J. A programme of moral rearmament for the world cannot fail to lessen the
dangers of armed conflict. Such moral rearmament must receive support on a world-
wide basis.
Gandhiji was invited to put his signature to a “response” to President
Roosevelt’s message.1

1
Mahadev Desai explains: “. . . President Roosevelt advocated, before four
thousand persons assembled in Constitution Hall in America, moral rearmament as a
means of maintaining world peace. . . . Two of the paragraphs in it read thus:
‘MRA means first of all a change of heart. It means admission of our
responsibility for the past, a frank acceptance by nations as by individuals of the
standards of honesty, purity, unselfishness and love daily listening and daily
obedience to God’s direction.
‘At this fateful hour we pledge ourselves to give the last full measure of our
devotion—the service of heart, mind, will—to the Moral and Spiritual Rearmament
of our nation—to building the world of tomorrow, the world of new men, new
nations, where every resource of human genius is liberated under God’s leadership to
enrich the heritage of all mankind.’ ”

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 103

 With all deference to those in India who had signed this “response” Gandhiji
said he could not in all conscience sign this. He could not endorse a falsehood. How
can India accept responsibility for the past?
All this has no application to me. The whole paragraph applies
to exploiting nations, whereas India is an exploited nation. The second
paragraph too applies to nations of the West and not to us. The whole
appeal is so unreal. I can think of moral rearmament, but that would
be in a different setting. I can think of communal unity through
moral rearmament. As a member of an exploited nation I can have a
different moral rearmament programme, and I may invite China to it,
but how can I invite the West or Japan? And just as it would be unreal
for me to invite the West, it would to that extent be unreal for the West
to invite India. Let them shed their exploitation policy and their
immoral gains first.2
Harijan, 12-8-1939.

129. TELEGRAM TO PYARELAL

ABBOTTABAD,
July 10, 1939
P YARELAL
BIRLA HOUSE
MOUNT P LEASANT R OAD
BOMBAY
IF YOU ARE WELL START INSTANTLY.1 WIRE

BAPU
From a photostat: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and Library.
Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. 8ushila Nayyar

1
The Bombay Chronicle, 13-7-1939, reported: “Jardine had a further interview
with Gandhiji” on July 12.
2
The addressee who had had a small incision made under his tongue, could not
accompany Gandhiji when he left Bombay on July 5 for the Frontier Province.

104 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 130. LETTER TO MAURICE FRYDMAN
ABBOTTABAD,
July 10, 1939
MY DEAR FRYDMAN,

I am only today able to deal with your letter of 18th May. You
say there should be no self-torture, self-compulsion, self-violence in
the practice of non-violence. This is a profound error. There is no
salvation without the cross. Self-torture is only so called. The right
word is self-purification. The flesh must be subdued. The flesh has
gained such mastery over us that it has to be dislodged. We are born
slaves of the flesh. Freedom from that bondage is mastery over the
flesh, the self. All tapasya is self-torture. All restraint is self-tourture.
It is a surgical operation which has got to be performed. The fleshly
mantle divides you from me. I must destroy it if I love you, i. e., if I
want to be one with you. Its destruction in this life means its complete
subjection. Is this not quite clear? Love to you and Appu.
BAPU
From a copy: C. W. 11330

131. LETTER TO MIRABEHN

ABBOTTABAD,
July 10, 1939
CHI. MIRA ,
I have your second letter. I gave Jardine yesterday one hour. He
was quite satisfied. He said he would come again if he felt the call. He
spoke very nicely of you. Your host here whom Mahadev has met
adores you. Kazi Saheb wanted to know why you had left and why
you had not returned. I told him about the climate and the altitude.1 I
told him too that if you were needed you would return in October.
Badshah Khan was present during the conversation. So far as I can
fathom him, he does not want to lose you.
Kisenchand Bhatia came in today (Monday). The talks begin to-
morrow. Badshah Khan is away keeping an appointment. He remains
as lovable as before to me. But that is nothing. What you feel is the
only right [thing] for you.

1
Vide also “Letter to Amrit Kaur” 15-6-1939 and 9-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 105

 Mahadev Desai has gone to inspect Nathiagali. The hostess1
here is anxious for me to go there. I am not anxious to change. This
place is good enough and cool enough for me.
There is no news from Pyarelal as to when they are coming.
I am still keeping well. You can easily imagine from my having
to use the left hand how much writing the right must have done.
Jayaprakash came in today.
Love.
BAPU
From the original: C. W. 6445. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G. N. 10040

132. LETTER TO VALLABHRAM VAIDYA

ABBOTTABAD,
July 10, 1939
BHAI VALLABHRAM,
I got your letter when I was very busy. I could not, therefore,
call for Ambashankar Vaidya. I do not know if he had come of his
own accord.
Ba was to have gone to Sabarmati, but the plan was changed at
the last minute. She is not with me, either, but she will soon join me. I
will not trouble you at present on her account.
I am very happy that Chandanbehn is improving, because it was
I who had insisted on putting her under your treatment. You may now
keep her as long as necessary and send her back after she is
completely cured.
Vijaya doesn’t seem to have completely recovered. That
responsibility, therefore, still remains with you.
Blessings from
BAPU
From Gujarati: C.W. 2906. Courtesy: Vallabhram Vaidya

1
Mrs. Parmanand

106 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 133. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI
ABBOTTABAD,
July 10, 1939
CHI. AMRITLAL ,
I hope Chandan is improving. I have had a letter from her.
Shankar was improving rapidly. Aren’t they both, Shankar and
Chandan, fortunate? Shankar should be arriving there soon now.
You had asked for Kaka’s opinion, but he has left the decision
to me. If Chandan does not require your presence now and you also
feel the same, please return to Wardha.
Ba has fully recovered. But, as a small incision was made under
Pyarelal’s tongue, Sushila and Ba had to stay back. They will be
leaving in a day or two.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 10789

134. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA

ABBOTTABAD,
July 10, 1939
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
I am worried for there has been no news from you since
Wednesday. If you have not written anything by the time you get this
letter, send a telegram. I hope Balkrishna is well, and your worry has
ended. At the moment your duty is to stay put. We shall see what can
be done when I come down.
Sushila, Pyarelal, Ba are still in Bombay.
I hope you have found a good help.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 4322

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 107

 135. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
ABBOTTABAD,
July 10, 193 [9 ] 1
CHI. AMTUL SALAAM,
I have been writing regularly. How about you? I hope your
health is all right. We are all well.
Ba and others have not arrived yet. A telegram intimating their
departure is expected today or tomorrow.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 237

136. LETTER TO MIRABEHN2

ABBOTTABAD,
July 11, 1939
MIRABEHN
C/O K HADI BHANDAR
MADHUBANI
YOU CAN REMAIN IF HEALTH CONTINUES GOOD.
BAPU

From the original: C. W. 6446. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G. N. 10041

1
The original, in Gandhiji’s hand reads “1930”; but Gandhiji was not at
Abbottabad in that year.
2
In Bapu’s Letters to Mira, Mirabehn explains: “The long delay in Bapu’s
coming to the Frontier had told severely on my health and at last I returned to
Sevagram. Knowing that Bapu wanted me to work independently, I mustered up
courage and went on to Bihar. In the mean time, Bapu’s long-postponed visit to the
Frontier materialized, and the sorrow in my heart became further accentuated.”

108 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 137. LETTER TO SHAMLAL
ABBOTTABAD,
July 11, 1939
DEAR LALA SHAMLAL,
I kept your letter of 6th April till today. I was glad you were
able to make up your mind. I hope the vow is being kept and that
keeping of it is doing you good.1
Yours,
BAPU
LALA SHAMLAL, M. L. A. (C ENTRAL)
From a photostat: G. N. 1288

138. LETTER TO VIDYAVATI

ABBOTTABAD,
July 11, 1939
CHI. VIDYA,
I had your letter of June 13. I could not reply earlier.
My health is now all right. Do come over when I reach Segaon.
Tell me all about the conditions there. If you write to Rajendra
Babu and others, they will all listen to you.
Where is Lakshmi these days? What does she do? Have you fully
recovered? I shall be here till the end of this month, if not longer.
Blessings from
BAPU

From the Hindi original: Rani Vidyavati File. Courtesy: Gandhi National
Museum and Library

1
Acknowledging the addressee’s reply dated July 13, Pyarelal wrote
(G. N. 1289): “Bapu was very glad that you had taken to spinning regularly and were
feeling attached to it. He would like you to learn spinning on the takli.”

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 109

 139. NOTES
A R EPUDIATION
Janab Yusuf Meherally, President, Cutch Prajakiya Parishad,
writes:
In a recent issue of the Harijan, under the caption “Leaders Must
1
Lead” , you have made reference to Cutch which raises one or two points that
need to be cleared up. The note has it that a Cutch worker informed you that
“some leaders in Cutch are telling the people there that but for your stopping
civil disobedience they would today be enjoying responsible government or
something near it.”
We were not a little surprised to read this, for to the best of my
knowledge none of our responsible workers in Cutch has said this. Since the
suspension of the satyagraha by us under your advice on April 1, I alone must
have addressed over 200 meetings all over Cutch. My other colleagues in
Cutch have similarly done a great deal of touring. But nowhere have our
leading workers given expression to such sentiments. In fact, at a public
meeting in the capital town of Bhuj, which is our headquarters, I asked the
large gathering present if any among them had heard these or similar words.
The unanimous reply was in the negative. I asked again if there were any
person in the audience who had recollection of hearing anything that even
resembled this. Not one such person was there. I do not wish to labour the
point any further. But we could not help feeling hurt that you should have lent
the weight of your name to a statement which on further enquiry you would
have found to be incorrect.
I gladly publish this repudiation. But I must say that there was
no occasion for the President to feel hurt. Had I mentioned names, I
would certainly have referred to him before writing the note. But
when a responsible worker asked me if I had stopped civil disobe-
dience in Cutch and wanted a public declaration from me, I could not
wait for confirmation before giving my answer. Nor does the present
repudiation take the matter any further than where it was left by my
note except that Janab Meherally and those whom he asked did not
make the statement alluded to. The proper procedure is to challenge
my informant to produce the names of those whom he knew had
made the statement imputed to them or unreservedly to withdraw his

1
Vide “Notes”, 7-6-1939.

110 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

allegation. I may inform the reader that I have adopted the procedure
myself and asked my informant to produce the names or to withdraw
his allegation. Meanwhile my note has served a very useful purpose in
the other States if not in Cutch. The leaders have a greater sense of
responsibility and realize that my opinion should have no weight with
them except to the extent that it appeals to their heads and hearts.
They are solely responsible for any action they take. And naturally.
They alone know the situation at first hand within their own spheres of
action.
THE WAY TO DO I T
Narandas Gandhi is khadi-mad. He is a good teacher after my
style and an able accountant, but has been for years a staunch believer
in the gospel of khadi. He devotes about four hours daily to spinning.
His output gives him khadi enough for his house-hold. Five years ago
he conceived the idea of popularizing khadi and raising funds for
public services by dedicating as many days as my years at the time of
my birthday. He began with my 66th year. I attach the greatest impor-
tance to my service of the poor through khadi. I do not regard it as a
mad man’s mad idea. It cannot be so mad when it is remembered that
it has put into the pockets of Hindu and Muslim spinners and weavers
nearly five crores of rupees. Though, therefore, Narandas Gandhi’s
enterprise is connected with my name, I do not hesitate to advertise it
year after year. His ambition rises as years roll by. And it has been
always hitherto more than fulfilled. He began by asking co-workers to
contribute in all 66,000 yards of yarn and collecting 66 coins from
those who would care to give them. Collection of yarn was made from
all over India. Collection of coin was naturally confined to Rajkot for
it was matter of door-to-door begging. This time Narandas Gandhi
hopes to receive, instead of seventy thousand, 70 lakhs of yards of
yarn. Is there anything which the determination of the good cannot
achieve? 1 It should not be difficult of fulfilment if 100 2 volunteers
spin 1,000 yards of yarn daily from 2nd August for seventy days. The
programme commences on 2nd August and finishes on 10th October.
A fast spinner would do 1,000 yards in three hours. But an average
spinner would easily do it in four hours. If Narandas secures the co-

1
This sentence is from the Gujarati leaflet, “Note on Rentia Baras”, written by
Narandas Gandhi (C. W. 8566).
2
The source has “700” and “7,000” a misprint; vide also “Notes”, 6-8-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 111

operation of 1,0001 volunteers, the output need not be more than 100
yards per day. That means giving less than thirty minutes daily. And
of course merit lies in an increasing number of volunteers responding
every year. The virtue of khadi lies in bringing the distribution of the
work of spinning as near the individual use of khadi as possible. The
spinning provides the best and the easiest method of voluntary and
useful co-operation. India has man-power in crores and that is why it
does not require giant soul-less machines.2 Given the co-operation of
crores of people, it would be child’s play for them to produce cloth
for their own use. That would save the drain of crores of rupees to
foreign countries and the wealth would automatically be distributed
among crores of people. Let me hope Narandas Gandhi will secure
the association of many volunteers in his enterprise. They should send
their names and addresses to him as early as possible. The money
contributions and the proceeds from the sale of yarn or khadi as the
case may be, though they will be nominally presented to me, will be
returned by me to be equally divided in three parts for Harijan and
khadi work in Kathiawar and the Rajkot Rashtriyashala.
ABBOTTABAD, July 12, 1939.
Harijan, 22-7-1939

140. MEENAKSHI TEMPLE OPEN

I have before me Rameshwari Devi’s address to the Tamilnad
Provincial Harijan Temple-entry Conference held at Madura on 13th
June last. I had a letter from her describing how successful her tour
seemed to have been from the numbers who attended her meetings
and the enthusiasm they showed. She had also expressed the hope that
the famous Meenakshi temple was likely soon to be opened to
Harijans. Little did I then know that the temple was to be opened so
soon. But the wonderful event happened on the 8th instant.
It is a great event in the campaign against untouchability and the
movement for the opening of temples to Harijan. The Proclamation
opening the State temples of Travancore was no doubt a very big step.
But it was the prerogative of the Maharaja. He had in his Dewan a wise
adviser. The Maharaja, the Maharani and the Dewan brought about

1
The source has “700” and “7,000” a misprint; vide also “Notes”, 6-8-1939.
2
This and the following two sentences are from the Gujarati.

112 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

the transformation. But the opening of the celebrated temple of
Madura is a greater event in that it is the popular will that has brought
about the happy consummation. It reflects a decided conversion of
the temple-goers of the Meenakshi temple. Shri Vaidyanatha Aiyar
and his co-workers deserve all the praise for the ceaseless effort that
they have put forth in educating public opinion.
Let us hope that this opening will be followed up by the
opening of the other great temples of the South. There should be no
hurry, no hustling of the public. The opinion of the temple-goers is of
the greatest value. Theirs should be the deciding voice. The workers
will consolidate every gain so as to prevent any set-back. Every open-
ing of a temple to Harijans should mark greater purification inside
and outside the temple opened. The sanctity of such temples should
on no account be marred. No political capital should be made out of
what is, and is intended to be, a purely religious act.
Harijans too should be taught to understand the religious signi-
ficance of the opening of temples for them.
There were fifteen useful resolutions taken at the Conference.
Of these the following three attract special attention:
1. This Conference notes with deep regret the recent action of the Mysore
Government in having withdrawn their order permitting Harijans into the
Sravana Belagola temple even up to the limits where non-Hindus are allowed.
2. This Conference resolves that the Provincial Boards of the Harijan Sevak
Sangh should take up the organization of a Provincial Sevak Service with the
following objects:
(a) There should be a whole-time worker in charge of every institution run
by the Harijan Sevak Sangh, as schools, hostels, etc.
(b) The sevaks should undertake to serve for at least five years.
(c) They should be paid an allowance ranging from Rs. 15 to Rs. 30
according to the needs of the individual and the circumstances of the locality.
(d) The sevak shall be attached to any one of the centres allotted to him by
the Provincial Board.
(e) The qualifications of the sevak and the pledge to be given by him shall be
the same as that of the Central Board sevaks, with this additional qualification
that he should have passed at least the third form and must have been for at
least three years in Harijan work, and should possess full faith and confidence
in th ideals set forth by Mahatmaji and the Harijan Sevak Sangh.
(f) The Provincial Board, though solely responsible for the salary of the
sevaks, the institution to which he is attached will also undertake to pay at
least half his allowance.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 113

 (g) The Provincial Board in consulation with the district or local
committees shall select the sevaks under the scheme who will abide by the
conditions laid down by the Provincial Board from time to time.
(h) The sevaks attached to each Provincial Board shall meet at least once a
year.
3. Resolved that a short workers’ training camp extending about a month be
organized by the respective Provincial Boards in any of the following centres,
viz., the Ramakrishna Vidyalaya of Coimbatore, the Vinayashram in Guntur
and the Kengeri Gurukul in Mysore. Shri Avinasilingam, Ramachandran,
Bapineedu and Gopalaswamy be requested to draft a scheme for their training
and circulate the same to all the Provincial Boards.
The first is surprising and demands an answer from the Mysore
authorities. I hope that there is some misunderstanding somewhere. A
concession once given is not withdrawn lightly.
The second resolution is very important. The Conference has
thereby taken a big step. The third is also a substantial resolution. Let
us hope that whatever has been undertaken by the Conference will be
duly carried out. Our resolutions often begin and end with being
printed and advertised in the Press. They have value only if they are
reduced to practice.
ABBOTTABAD, July 12, 1939.
Harijan, 22-7-1939

141. TELEGRAM TO PYARELAL

ABBOTTABAD,
July 12, 1939
P YARELAL
BIRLA HOUSE
BOMBAY
MAY LEAVE KANAM1 .

BAPU
From a photostat: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and Library.
Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

1
Kano, son of Nirmala and Ramdas Gandhi

114 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 142. LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW
ABBOTTABAD,
July 12, 1939
DEAR LORD LINLITHGOW,
I am much obliged to you for your letter1 of 1st instant and the
wires about Talcher.
I thank you, too, for your inquiry about my health. It continues
to be good.

I am,
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a microfilm: Lord Linlithgow Papers. Courtesy: National Archives of
India

143. LETTER TO BALVANTSINHA

ABBOTTABAD,
July 12, 1939
CHI. BALVANTSINHA,
Your letter is very good. Everything is plain. This is what a letter
ought to be. You will learn something but teach much more. In a few
days, your way will become clear. Only today I have a letter from
Sardar Saheb2 . He wishes to send you to his bigger farm also. Keep
cow’s milk separate for removing butter. Conversion into curds has-
tens the process. With patience, everything will be all right.
I shall send your letter to Rajkumari who will send it to Ashram
whence it will reach Surendra. I am not writing anything to Sardar
Saheb. Ba, Pyarelal and Sushila will entrain from there on Friday. This
letter will reach you after that.
Blessings from
BAPU

1
Vide Appendix - “Letter from Lord Linlithgow”, 1-7-1939.
2
Datar Singh

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 115

[PS.]
According to Sardar Saheb’s estimate, you will need 212 months
there. Let us wait and see.
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 1923

144. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR

ABBOTTABAD,
July 12, 1939
MY DEAR IDIOT,
Strange to have no letter from you for three days on end. I hope
you are keeping well.
Here is a letter from Balvantsinha. Read it at leisure. It shows
that all is not gold that glitters. But of course he might have to revise
his first impressions. It cannot be quite as bad as he paints it. Of
course I don’t want you to say anything to Sardar Saheb. He has sent
a sweet letter. I have written in reply. After all they did not meet at the
station. Balvantsinha did not go by the Frontier Mail as it had no third
class.
Mira has already reached Patna. She contemplates staying till
the Congress is over.
Ba and company are expected to reach here on Friday. Every-
thing is in order here. Mahadev has found an able dentist here, pro-
bably better than the expert in Bombay.
Love.
TYRANT
[PS.]
Please forward Balvantsinha’s letter after use to Segaon.
From the original: C. W. 3927. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G. N. 7236

145. LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH

ABBOTTABAD,
July 12, 1939
CHI. CHIMANLAL,
See that the place where we take our meals is paved. Shankaran
is improving. There has been no news at all of Balkrishna. Ba, Pyarelal

116 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

and Sushila will reach here the day after tomorrow. They will start
today.
I got Munnalal’s letter. I am not worrying. Tell Bhansalibhai
not to eat more than one tola of garlic. The dose is only one ounce.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI C HIMANLALBHAI
S EGAON ASHRAM
S EGAON, W ARDHA
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 10599

146. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR

ABBOTTABAD,
July 12, 1939
CHI. LILA
I have your letter. By and by everything will be all right. Win
over the girls through love. Persuade them gently not to be boisterous.
They will certainly listen to you. Show this to them. Do not be impa-
tient in your study. Take interest in it. The knowledge you gain will
not go in vain. Passing the examination is only an excuse.. The main
aim is that you should acquire knowledge, though examinations also
are necessary for progress. Keep calm and go on studying. Never
mind whether or not you pass.
Blessings from
BAPU

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9591. Also C. W. 6563. Courtesy:

Lilavati Asar

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 117

 147. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
ABBOTTABAD,
July 12, 1939
DAUGHTER AMTUL SALAAM,
I got your letter. You never take care of your health. This is no
good. If you wish to be treated by Vijaya’s vaid1 , do so. You have to
get well for the sake of your work.
Ba and others will arrive day after tomorrow.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 424

148. LETTER TO RADHAKRISHNA BAJAJ

ABBOTTABAD,
July 12, 1939
CHI. RADHAKRISHNA,
I have your letter. Prison does not seem to agree with Jamnalal.
But let things take their own course. He has to recover there and no-
where else. It would be all right if they release him on their own. You
will see my article 2 . I have nothing much to say about diet. He
should take as much milk and fruits as he can easily digest and very
little starch. He may add soda to as many things as he can. He can
take as much as 60 grammes.
I have understood [what you say] about the Muslims.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 9126

1
Vallabhram Vaidya
2
Vide “Jaipur”, 8-7-1939.

118 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 149. LETTER TO SHAMLAL
ABBOTTABAD,
July 12, 1939
BHAI SHAMLAL ,
I have started action in respect of Lala Mohanlal’s letter. If such
a Bill is introduced we will be forced to oppose it.
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 1180

150. A GOOD SAMARITAN

As will appear from the following letter received by me from
Shri A.S. Wadia of Poona, he has been truly a good samaritan to the
poor people who eke out a bare living by heaving up to the Maha-
baleshwar Hill loads of wood from the plains below for the use of the
summer visitors. Here is the extract from Shri Wadia’s letter: 1
I went to Mahabaleshwar to get that isolation and quiet I wanted to write my
new book on Southern Rhodesia. But while there my mind and energies were
unexpectedly diverted to looking into a grievance of the village people who came up
to Mahabaleshwar from the valleys below with heavy loads of hay and firewood and
sold them for a mere pittance in our bazaar. . . . Whenever I happened to talk to them,
they invariably complained of the awful condition of the tracks by which they came
up, as the pointed stones cut their toes and blistered their feet. . . . On inquiry I found
that the tracks came to be made by constant use and were never touched by the hand of
man ever since Mahabaleshwar was discovered by General Lodnick a hundred years
ago.
Realizing that the grievance of the village people was just and needed
immediate attention, I put away the writing of my Rhodesia and engaged a gang of
coolies and systematically took to the smoothening and broadening of the tracks,
breaking up obstructive stones and lopping off branches which came in the way of
their long loads of firewood. Off and on the work was continued for eight weeks,
during the course of which I must have employed altogether about a thousand coolies.
Counting small and big, a dozen tracks must have been made, re-made and in some
cases re-aligned. . . .

1
Only excerpts are reproduced here.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 119

 Now I come to the main purpose of my writing you these notes. It is to ask you
if Government is not bound to keep in good condition these tracks that I have made
for the use of the villagers just as much as they are bound to maintain in good
condition the roads for vehicular traffic. . . .
While conversing with the villagers I gathered a few more facts which might
interest you:
1. They all complained that the soil of their cultivated fields was deteriorating
year after year so that their crops came to about half of what they used to have ten
years ago.
2. The Congress Government, they said, had again imposed on them a tax of
four annas on each head of cattle after exempting them from the tax for the last two
years.
3. The waste lands round the villages should be given them for cultivation and
small areas of forest reserve should be opened for grazing their cattle.
I wish you, Mahatmaji, would do something to help the ‘Adijans’, as I call
these poor villagers of the valleys round Mahabaleshwar, in whose welfare and well-
being I am personally interested.
I forwarded the letter to the Bombay Ministers, and I am happy
to be able to inform the reader that the matter has been taken up by
them. The Bombay Government will keep in good repair the foot-
paths so considerately smoothed down and made safer than they were
before by Shri Wadia. They will also attend to the other matters
referred to by my correspondent. I wrote to him asking for further
particulars of his enterprise. It appears that he laboured with the
labourers himself and constituted himself their road engineer. He paid
from his own pocket over Rs. 200 which were supplemented by two
friends to the extent of Rs. 125. I am quite sure that Shri Wadia has
lost nothing by suspending the writing of his book which it is highly
probable will now bear the impress of his very practical philanthropy.
It is fashionable to give something to charities out of one’s super-
fluous cash. But not many give their labour as well as money. Those
who do, ensure the best use possible of their donations. It is to be
hoped that the other hill-goers will copy Shri Wadia’s good example
by studying and ameliorating the condition of the poor who uncom-
plainingly labour for them often on starvation wages.
ABBOTTABAD, July 13, 1939.
Harijan, 22-7-1939

120 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 151. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS1
ABBOTTABAD,
July 13, 1939
I have read Subhas Babu’s statement on the Bombay prohi-
2

bition with pain and sorrow. He had discussed the question with me
when I was in Bombay. I had told him to confer with the Bombay
Ministers. I do not know whether he did so. But I was unprepared for
his public statement. He has used the arguments of the opponents of
prohibition. He was President of the Congress last year, and having
been duly elected for the second year he chose to resign 3 owing to
differences with his colleagues. He is still head of the Bengal Congress
Executive. He is identified with the prohibition policy of the Con-
gress. His responsibility has not ceased because he is no longer in the
Working Committee. Had he been a member, he could not have
spoken as he has done. His statement because of his position is calcu-
lated to discredit the Bombay Ministry in a manner the avowed oppo-
nents of prohibition could never hope to do. I can only hope that in
this matter Subhas Babu does not reflect the opinion of any other
responsible Congressman, and that the general public will con-tinue to
support the Bombay ministerial policy with as much enthusiasm as
hitherto.
The Ministers’ duty is plain. They have to pursue their pro-
gramme undeterred by any opposition, if they have faith in it. Prohi-
bition is the greatest moral reform in the Congress programme. Pre-
vious Governments too had given their lip assent to it, but having been
irresponsible they had neither the courage nor the will to carry it out.
They were not willing to forgo revenue which they could get without
effort. They did not stay to examine its tainted source. The Congress
Governments have the backing of public opinion. The Working Com-
mittee after very careful deliberation issued its mandate on prohi-
bition. The Ministers have all over taken it up to the best of their abil-
ity. The manner of execution was naturally left to the respective

1
This appeared under the title “A Dangerous Game”. The statement was also
published in The Hindu, 13-7-1939, and The Hindustan Times, 14-7-1939.
2
Of July 10; for extracts, vide Appendix - “Statement By Subhas Chandra
Bose”, 11-7-1939.
3
On April 30, 1939

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 121

Ministries. The Bombay Ministers have been courageously pursuing
their programme with every prospect of success. Theirs is a difficult
position. They were bound to tackle Bombay some day or other.
They would be faced with the same opposition as today from the inte-
rests directly affected by the prohibition policy. It is not open to any
Congressman to embarrass the Ministers as Subhas Babu has done.
The communal question does not arise at all. Subhas Babu has
rendered a great disservice to the Congress by raising the communal
cry and the cry of minorities. Independence of India is impossible if
causes great or small are to be discredited and ruined on the altar of
the minority cry. Subhas Babu has played a most dangerous game by
mixing up the communal question with such a purely moral reform as
prohibition. It is as much the concern of a Muslim or a Parsi or a
Christian as of a Hindu to look after his less fortunate countryman
who happens to be a labourer and falls a victim to drink. The Bom-
bay property-owners will pay one crore rupees as additional tax not
because they are Parsis or Muslims but because they are property-
owners. It is altogether misleading to suggest that the tax-payer, him-
self a non-drinker, will pay the tax for saving the drunkard. He will
pay the tax for the education of his children whereas hitherto the
drinker has been made by him to pay for that education. The addi-
tional tax will be a tardy but very small reparation for the wrong done
by monied men to the poor. And the poor have no class. They
irrespective of their caste and creed make by themselves a down-
trodden class. Their enforced creed is wretched poverty.
Parsis are philanthropists of the world. Why should they be
behindh and in this the greatest philanthropy? And if theirs is the
greatest contribution, it is but in accordance with their best tradition.
And they will be thrice blessed. Many of them will be weaned from a
trade which corrupts the morals of their countrymen less fortunately
placed than they. They will themselves be weaned from the drink
habit. However mild it may be for them, I know, from having lived in
intimate contact with them, that the drink does leave an indelible mark
on them. Thirdly, monied men amongst them will have paid for the
long-delayed reform. The cry of minorities is a calumny. It is a Parsi
Minister to whose lot has fallen the privilege of introducing prohi-
bition. Dr. Gilder’s is a job which brings him no money and it brings
him drudgery and loss of a princely medical practice. Another

122 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

equally disinterested physician1 is the Sheriff of Bombay. A third
learned Parsi is Vice-Chancellor2 of the University, and a fourth
businesman is the Mayor 3 of Bombay. I do not know that there has
been such a happy conjunction before in the history of Bombay. If
the Congressmen and the Congress Ministry of Bombay were commu-
nally minded and were indifferent to the minorities, this unique event
would not have taken place.
And I suggest that without the willing co-operation of the Mus-
lim population of Bombay the movement in Bombay could not have
been introduced. I am quite sure that the best Muslim mind in all
India is with the Congress in this Bombay project.
The piecemeal solution flung by Subhas Babu would not work.
For one thing it would lack the psychological background. I therefore
invite Subhas Babu to retrace his steps and join me in making an
appeal to the great Parsi community and those others who may
oppose the reform to help it to become the success which it deserves
to be. It is his duty as Rajen Babu’s immediate predecessor to help the
Bombay Ministry which is bravely pursuing the policy laid down for
it by the Congress.
Harijan, 22-7-1939.

152. LETTER TO C. A. TULPULE

ABBOTTABAD,
July 13, 1939
DEAR TULPULE,
You have raised a very important question. My mind whirls
when I try to find a solution. But it will come in its own time. Mean-
while let us hold ourselves in patience.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
S HRI C. A. TULPULE
TILAK R OAD, P OONA

From a photostat: C. W. 2900. Courtesy: C. A. Tulpule

1
Dr. Pheroze C. Bharucha.
2
R. P. Masani.
3
Behram Naorosji Karanjia.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 123

 153. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
ABBOTTABAD,
July 13, 1939
MY DEAR IDIOT,
If your letter had not been received today, I would have wired. I
was impatient to know the cause of the long silence—long for you. I
am glad Dalip is on the mend. You will have to come to Segaon to get
strong. I hope from here my way will be to Segaon without a break.
I do wish you will firmly cancel Sangli1 no matter how insistent
Tai is. You must tell her you are under treatment which must not be
interrupted. You must give the doctor a chance.
Yes, you may go to Jaipur on your way to Segaon. That may be
considered when my movement is fixed. Except Talcher there is
nothing on the horizon to keep me from Segaon.
We wish systems to die, not their authors or victims. We must
hope whilst there is life. If I suddenly lost my head, you won’t wish
for me to die but you will pray that I may regain my sanity and live.
Does this answer your question? Recall what I said about Dyer.
The information you give me about the States and Travancore is
interesting and instructive.
I sent you yesterday Balvantsinha’s letter.2 I have heard again
from the Sardar Bahadur in reply to my own letter. He says the very
fact of my sending Balvantsinha would [be] sufficient charge for his
board and lodging. Is this Punjabi courtesy or Sikh courtesy or per-
sonal to him? This was in reply to my offer of payment.
Ba and company are due tomorrow. Ba was impatient to come.
She was detained only because I would not bring out Sushila, leaving
Pyarelal alone. And Ba could not be brought along without Sushila. I
could not attend to her personally and she does need medical adjust-
ment every now and then and she has taken to Sushila. Ba is not
bringing Kanam this time. He will be left with his maternal uncle.
Nirmala is likely to go to Wardha soon. In that case of course Kanam
will join here. Now comes an interruption.
Love.
TYRANT
From the original: C. W. 3928. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G. N. 7237

1
Where the All-India Women’s Conference was to be held on July 29
2
Vide “Letter to Balvantsinha”, 12-7-1939.

124 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 154. LETTER TO C. F. ANDREWS
ABBOTTABAD,
July 13, 1939
MY DEAR CHARLIE ,
I must write for the sake of writing to you. Sometimes I must
give myself this relaxation.
For Ceylon I instinctively thought of sending a Congressman
and my mind at once rested on Jawaharlal Nehru. But South Africa is
not Ceylon. Sarojini can’t do the thing. You are perhaps the only
person to do the thing if you can draw Mott and others. It is the Boer
mind that has to be touched. You can be spared just now. Perhaps the
voyage will do you good. And you might be able to bring the
warring 1 Indians together. But you must not go, if you do not feel the
inner call or if your health won’t stand the strain.2
All this has come when I took up the pen, it was to be only a
love letter. Mahadev is with me. Pyarelal and Sushila and Ba come
tomorrow.

Yours,
MOHAN
From a photostat: G. N. 1298

155. LETTER TO P. G. MATHEW

ABBOTTABAD,
July 13, 1939
MY DEAR MATHEW,
I am sorry your recovery is not so rapid as you had expected.
Let this sickness teach you patience. I am here till the end of the
month at least.
Love.
Yours
BAPU

1
Vide “Message to Indians in South Africa”, 23-5-1939.
2
A handwritten note by the addressee at the bottom of the letter reads : “This
clearly means I must go as soon as the monsoon is over.”

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 125

[PS.]
Pyarelal, Ba and Sushila join me here tomorrow.
S HRI P. G. M ATHEW
GRAM UDYOG LODGE
NATH MAHAL, N AGPUR
From a photostat: G. N. 1541

156. NOTES
VANDEMATARAM
Some students in Hyderabad complain that my note1 on Vande-
mataram has created confusion in their minds. They read an extract
from it in some local papers from which the words “at a mixed
gathering” were omitted so as to leave the impression that it was not
to be sung even in gatherings of their own, though such an inter-
pretation was absurd. I was being quoted in support of the con-tention
that the students should not be allowed to sing Vandemataram in their
own rooms or the prayer hall set apart for their section who had not
only no objection but who regarded it as part of their prayer to sing it.
My note is quite plain. If at any mixed gathering any person objected
to the singing of Vandemataram even with the Congress expurgations,
the singing should be dropped. But it was never intended to apply to
gatherings in which there was no objection raised. Such an objection
would amount to interference, unlawful and intolerant. If objections
could be carried to such lengths, even the performance of religious
worship would become impossible. And I know that for many patriots
the singing of Vandemataram amounts to a religious duty.

THAT OBSTINATE DISEASE

Thus writes Shri Tatachar who is an ardent lover of
Harijans:
Some time ago there was a riot at Nallathur Cheri. Caste men attacked the
Adi-dravida bhajanai and inflicted injuries on several members of the party. In
this riot caste men received a few injuries. Adi-dravidas complained of the riot
to the police. The police took no notice of their complaint. Caste men filed
private complaints in court against five Adi-dravidas. These five Adi-dravidas

1
Vide “The National Flag”, 27-6-1939.

126 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 were convicted and fined Rs. 25 each and one month’s rigorous imprisonment
in default. Appeals were filed and heard on May 26, 1939. Judgment was
reserved and was pronounced today in favour of the appellant accused. In
accordance with the directions of the appellate court, the appellants asked the
trying court on May 27, 1939, to postpone the recovery of the fines, until
judgments were pronounced in the appeals. The lower court refused to grant
them time and sent them to jail. . . . This grave act of injustice must satisfy
you that the problem of the removal of untouchability is not going to solve
itself.
He has sent me also copious notes which I have read with pain-
ful interest. The letter from which I have quoted bare facts is filled
with biting strictures of the police and the first court which is reported
to have refused to stay execution although appeal was admitted and
the appellate court is said to have recommended stay of execution.
I have asked Shri Tatachar for further particulars. Allegations
that the police refused to register the complaints of the Harijans while
private complaints against them were readily entertained and that the
trying magistrate refused to suspend execution of sentences, are
serious enough to warrant a departmental enquiry. There is no doubt
that if the virus of untouchability is to be eradicated, ceaseless vigi-
lance by the central authority is necessary.
ABBOTTABAD, July 14, 1939.
Harijan, 22-7-1939

157. PROVINCIAL AUTONOMY OR PROVINCIAL

JEALOUSY
Shri Jamshedji Mehta writes:
After the introduction of provincial autonomy one is
pained to observe the growth of provincial exclusiveness and
jealousies in matters big or trivial. I often wonder if provincial
autonomy has not come upon us as a curse rather than a bless-
ing. Instead of the nationalistic spirit having increased, provin-
cial exclusiveness seems to have flourished. Before autonomy
‘my country’ used to mean India. Now it means ‘my province’.
Will you not warn the country against the danger before it
becomes too deep-rooted to be dealt with?
The letter is naturally in Gujarati. I have given a very free ren-
dering of the thought and the grief running through the original.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 127

Shri Jamshedji’s complaint has justification for it. Provincialism of a
healthy type there is, and always will be. There is no meaning in
having separate provinces, if there were no differences, though
healthy, between them. But our provincialism must never be narrow or
exclusive. It should be conducive to the interest of the whole country
of which the provinces are but parts. They may be likened to tribu-
taries of a mighty river. The tributaries promote its mightiness. Their
strength and purity will be reflected in the majestic stream. It must be
thus with the provinces. Everything that the provinces do must be for
the glory of the whole. If the great contribution of Rabindranath
glorifies Bengal, it glorifies also India. Does not his influence pervade
the whole of India? Dadabhai lived not merely for the Parsis, not
merely for Bombay, but for the whole of India. There is no room for
exclusiveness or jealousy between province and province, unless India
is to be dismembered into warring countries each living for itself and
if possible at the expense of the rest. The Congress will have lived in
vain if such a calamity descends upon the country. Every attempt at
dividing India into watertight compartments must be resisted. India’s
destiny is to become a strong, independent nation making her unique
contribution to the world’s progress. Our patriotism is at no stage
exclusive. We do not desire prosperity at the expense of the other
nations of the earth. A time must come when we will be able to say,
‘We are no less citizens of the world than we are citizens of India’.
But the time will never come unless we know the art of being citizens
of an independent India. We cannot learn the art if we develop
poisonous provincialisms. The right national life has to begin with the
individual. I wish to be strong and free so that not only I but my
neighbour also may benefit by my strength and freedom. We as
individuals or provinces must bring our best fruit to the altar of the
motherland.
ABBOTTABAD, July 14, 1939.
Harijan, 22-7-1939

128 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 158. TELEGRAM TO A. VAIDHYANATHA IYER
ABBOTTABAD,
July 14, 1939
VAIDHYANATHA IYER
HARIJAN S EVAK S ANGH
MADURA
RECEIVED HARROWING WIRE FROM NATESIER OF VARNA-
SHRAMA SANGH. WIRE HOW MATTERS STAND.1

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

159. TELEGRAM TO NATESA IYER

ABBOTTABAD,
July 14, 1939
P RESIDENT, V ARNASHRAMA S ANGH
MADURA
YOUR WIRE UNBELIEVABLE. HAVE UNHAPPY EXPERIENCES
OF VARNASHRAMA SANGH’S PREVIOUS EXAGGERATED UNPROV-
ABLE CHARGES. HINDU PUBLIC OPINION SEEMS WHOLLY
FAVOUR TEMPLE-ENTRY BY HARIJANS. 2 ASK YOU NOT
3
IMPEDE LONG OVERDUE REFORM.

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

1
Vide also the following item.
2
The reference is to the Meenakshi Temple in Madurai; vide “Meenakshi
Temple Open”, 12-7-1939.
3
In his telegraphic reply dated July 15, the addressee asserted that every word
of his wire was true and that Gandhiji could make enquiries from Minister Ramanathan
and others; vide “Telegram to Ramanathan”, 15-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 129

 160. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
ABBOTTABAD,
July 14, 1939
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I forgot to answer one question yesterday. 1 Yes, your Hindi is
very good. The letters are perfectly formed. Why don’t you continue?
If you don’t care to write wholly in Hindi, do it half and half.
The reply from Sir Mirza is an utter disappointment. However
we must continue to appeal to the best in him. There is no doubt that
the State Congress people have not behaved well with the Dewan.
The other letter is characteristic. I have not yet studied Sir
S[ikandar Hyat Khan]’s scheme. 2 No time left after dealing with the
day’s work. I shall have to make time.
Rest from Mahadev.
Love.
TYRANT
[PS.]
Sir Gokul Chand just waiting to come in. I go to the ‘library’
and then see him. Herewith Sardar Datar Singh’s letter for you to read
and keep for me.
From the original: C. W. 3929. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G. N. 7238

161. LETTER TO UMA DEVI

ABBOTTABAD,
July 14, 1939
MY DEAR UMA ,
You can come here whenever you like. You won’t be a burden
on anybody. But it is fairly hot here. And my stay is uncertain. I am
likely to come to Kashmir after 23rd if not earlier. 3 Now do as you
like.

1
Vide “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 13-7-1939.
2
Vide“Letter to Sikandar Hyat Khan”, 17-7-1939.
3
The visit was, however, “cancelled; vide “Statement to the Press”,
22-7-1939.

130 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 You need not go to Poland. Security can be given regarding
your mother by transferring your cash to me. Other ways also may be
devised. These will be thought out when we meet.
Love.
BAPU
From a photostat: G. N. 1202 and 8056. Also C. W. 5097 Courtesy: Uma
Devi

162. LETTER TO GLADYS OWEN

ABBOTTABAD,
July 14, 1939
MY DEAR GLADYS ,
You have taken long to get rid of your disease. Of course you
are welcome to Segaon whenever you wish to come. I am not sure,
however, whether the life there will satisfy your ambition. But you
have a vast field. You will stay where you find greatest self-expre-
ssion.
You will send your letter to Wardha. I hope to leave this part of
India in the beginning of August.
Love to you and all the others.
BAPU
[PS.]
Mahadev is with me quite restored.

From a photostat: G. N. 6195

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 131

 163. LETTER TO G. V. GURJALE
ABBOTTABAD,
July 14, 1939
DEAR GURJALE ,
I was glad to hear from you. You must not give in. If the
medical work progresses, well and good. Otherwise you must live on
what the goodness of neighbours brings you. Have no hedge and no
gardening. Let the people know that you do not resent their depre-
dations.
Yours,
BAPU
S WAMI NIRMALANANDA BHIKSHU
GANDHIKUPPAM
TIRUVENANALLUR P. O., I NDIA
From a photostat: G. N. 1387

164. LETTER TO DR. GOPICHAND BHARGAVA

ABBOTTABAD,
July 14, 1939
DEAR DR. GOPICHAND,

I have your letter. I should say let well alone. Do the best you
can.
Yours,
BAPU
DR. G OPICHAND, M. L. A.
P UNJAB
LAHORE
From the original: Dr. Gopichand Bhargava Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library

165. NOTES ON NIRA

Shri I. S. Amin, Chief Chemist and Technical Superintendent of
the Alembic Chemical Works of Baroda, has made important obser-
vations during the past two years and arrived at certain conclusions in
the experiments on the collection and preservation of nira. He has

132 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

now furnished me with the results which are too technical for the
reader. He has appended useful notes to the results which are given
below. 1
Harijan, 15-7-1939.

166. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS 2

ABBOTTABAD,
July 15, 1939
Some women are inundating me with wires and letters about the
hunger-striking prisoners in Bengal. One telegram peremptorily asks
me to discharge my responsibility by myself joining the hunger-
strike. Another lays the whole burden on my shoulders of leading the
agitation on the ground that the prisoners had suspended their hun-
ger-strike on my assurance. I have returned suitable replies where
necessary, but the matter is too important to be disposed of by per-
sonal replies. I fear my fair correspondents are damaging the cause
they represent by expecting me to do what I cannot do. They are
damaging it also by encouraging hunger-strikers. I have no doubt that
the hunger-strike is wrong. No person should free himself from
prison by refusing to take food. The women who are corresponding
with me, and others who are agitating for their release, should per-
suade the hunger-strikers to give up their fast. The exercise of
pressure of public opinion is a legitimate method and if it is wisely
applied, it will become quite effective. No government nowadays can
afford to be indifferent to popular opinion. Therefore, I implore those
who are organizing public opinion to persuade the hunger-strikers to
give up the hunger-strike, and not to mislead the public by expecting
me to do the impossible.
At the same time I would urge the Bengal Government to put an
end to this particular agitation by releasing the prisoners although, as I
have admitted, the prisoners have put themselves in the wrong by
resorting to hunger-strike. The release is long overdue. Rightly or
wrongly, and I think rightly, the public had expected their release on
the transfer of power to a responsible legislature. That expectation
should have been fulfilled long ago. The Government will lose

1
The notes are not reproduced here.
2
This is extracted from “Notes”. The statement also appeared in The Hindu,
16-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 133

nothing and will certainly gain much by yielding to popular pressure
in this matter of release of political prisoners.1
Harijan, 22-7-1939

167. TELEGRAM TO RAMANATHAN

ABBOTTABAD,
July 15, 1939
R AMANATHAN, M INISTER
S ECRETARIAT
MADRAS
NATESIER MADURA SAYS2 YOU WILL CONFIRM HIS
CHARGE MEENAKSHI TEMPLE ENTERED STEALTHILY AND
SAYS OPENING WAS IN DEFIANCE PUBLIC OPINION. WIRE
CORRECT POSITION.3
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

168. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR

ABBOTTABAD,
July 15, 1939
CHI. LILA,

I got all the news about you. Without getting nervous try and
overcome your difficulties. You should study only as much as you
can digest. You should take proper rest. Take part in the girls’ games.
See that you don’t get brain-fag. It is good that you go to school
walking.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9592. Also C. W. 6564. Courtesy:
Lilavati Asar

1
Vide also “Telegram to Secretary, Political Prisoners release Sub-
Committee”, on or before 9-7-1939.
2
Vide 2nd footnote of “Telegram to Natesa Iyer”, 14-7-1939.
3
In his reply, the Minister denied the charge; vide “Telegram to Natesa Iyer”,
17-7-1939.

134 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 169. TELEGRAM TO RAJENDRA PRASAD 1

ABBOTTABAD,
July 16, 1939
R ASHTRAPATI R AJENDRA P RASAD
R ANCHI
SEE MY STATEMENT 2 . WE MUST SAY UNEQUIVOCALLY FASTING
FOR FREEDOM FROM IMPRISONMENT INDEFENSIBLE. MATTER
REQUIRES SERIOUS CONSIDERATION. IF MY OPINION ACCEPTABLE
GUIDE CORRESPONDENT ACCORDINGLY.3
BAPU
From the original: Rajendra Prasad Papers. Courtesy: National Archives of
India.

170. CABLE TO GENERAL J. C. SMUTS 4

ABBOTABAD,
July 16, 1939
IMPLORE YOU PREVENT INDIAN TRAGEDY BY REFRAINING FROM
NEEDLESS WOUNDING OF THEIR SELF-RESPECT. IT TAKES VERY LITTLE
TO PLACATE THEM. YOU HAVE GREAT POWER. MUST YOU USE IT
AGAINST A HANDFUL. WHO HAVE DONE UNION NO INJURY.
GANDHI
South Africa's Freedom Struggle, p. 299

1
This was in reply to the addressee’s telegram which read: “. . . ninety hunger-
striking political prisoners Bengal appealed to me as President for help. Much
feeling their favour. Unable find any effective steps. Shall appreciate advice.”
2
Of July 15; vide “Statement to the Press”, 15-7-1939Vide also “Statement to
the Press”, 19-7-1939.
3
The Prisoners agreed on August 3 to suspend their fast for two months in
response to Subhas Chandra Bose’s appeal; vide “Statement to the Press”, 6-8-1939.
4
Gen. Smuts’ cable in reply dated July 19, 1939, read:“...Government has
whole question under careful consideration and will communicate in due course with
Indian Government. I hope our proposal will remove causes of existing friction.”

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 135

 171. LETTER TO CHIMANLAL N. SHAH
ABBOTTABAD,
July 16, 1939
CHI. CHIMANLAL,
I got your letter and the estimates of expenditure given by Bhai
Sukhabhai1 . I see no profit at present from the investment of Rs.
1,645. The estimate does not mention either how much khadi is likely
to be produced. Nevertheless we will let him try for this one year. The
expenditure may be treated as part of the Ashram expenses. Get a
hund 2 from Mahadev.
I hope the man who had lost his leg is all right now. Why does
Parnerkar3 fall ill so often? He has not learnt the art of preserving his
health. How much rain have you had there? What is the condition of
the road? Is the temporary bridge ready? It is a matter for serious
concern that the water of the well has not yet become pure.
You must be hearing from Sharda4 . Does Lilavati5 write to you?
Doesn’t Bhansali6 show any effect, good or bad, of the garlic?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 10600

172. TELEGRAM TO RAJARAM

ABBOTTABAD,
July 17, 1939
R AJARAM R AJAH S AHEB7
TANJORE
CONGRATULATIONS ON BIG TEMPLE BEING OPENED TO
8
HARIJANS .
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

1
Sukhabhau Chaudhari of the Charkha Sangh
2
Bill of exchange
3
Yeshwant Mahadev Parnerkar
4
Addressee’s daughter, Shardabehn G. Chokhawala
5
Lilavati Asar
6
Jaikrishna P. Bhansali
7
A “senior Prince and hereditary trustee of the Tanjore palace Devasthanams”;
vide also “Notes”, sub–title, “More Temples Thrown Open”, 29-7-1939.
8
The Brihadiswara Temple in Tanjore was thrown open to Harijans on July 16,
1939.

136 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 173. TELEGRAM TO NATESA IYER

ABBOTTABAD,
July 17, 1939
NATESIER
VARNASHRAM SANGH
MADURA
MINISTER RAMANATHAN CATEGORICALLY DENIES YOUR CHARGES1 SAYING
ALL CLASSES INCLUDING HARIJANS VISIT TEMPLE.

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

174. TELEGRAM TO PRESIDENT, KARACHI DISTRICT

CONGRESS COMMITTEE
ABBOTTABAD,
July 17, 1939
P RESIDENT
C ONGRESS C OMMITTEE
KARACHI
WISH SUCCESS PROHIBITION PROGRAMME.2 HOPE PICKETING
PURELY EDUCATIVE PEACEFUL.

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

175. TELEGRAM TO PATTOM THANU PILLAI

ABBOTTABAD,
July 17, 1939
THANU P ILLAI
S TATE C ONGRESS
TRIVANDRUM
YOUR REPLY PERFECT.3

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

1
Vide “Telegram to Ramanathan”, 15-7-1939.
2
The Karachi District Congress Committee had begun its prohibition
campaign by holding meetings to urge the Sind Government to introduce
prohibition.
3
The addressee, President, Travancore State Congress, had a discussion with
Gandhiji on Travancore Satyagraha; vide “Discussion with Travancore State Congress
Deputation”, 1-6-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 137

 176. CABLE TO GENERAL J. C. SMUTS 1
ABBOTABAD,
July 17, 1939
GENERAL S MUTS
C APETOWN (SOUTH AFRICA)
WHY IS AGREEMENTOF 1914 BEING VIOLATED WITH YOU AS
WITNESS? IS THERE NO HELP FOR INDIANS EXCEPT TO PASS
THROUGH FIRE ?
GANDHI
From a photostat: C. W. 11354. Courtesy: E. S. Reddy; also South Africa's
Freedom Struggle, p. 299

177. LETTER TO SIKANDAR HYAT KHAN

ABBOTTABAD,
July 17, 1939
DEAR SIR SIKANDAR,
Many thanks for your letter of 12th instant. You have forgotten
to answer my question about separate electorates2 for Harijans.
I have now carefully gone through your scheme and your
remarks upon my draft3 about Hindu-Muslim unity.
The scheme is too complicated for me to form an opinion. I
must own to you that I never studied the Government of India Act in
the manner required for a proper evaluation of your scheme which I
see is designed, so far as the Federal structure is concerned, to replace
the Act.
I see that you contemplate zonal legislatures in between the
provincial ones and the Federal legislature. The Government of India
scheme itself is much too expensive and complicated for me. Yours
seems to add to the expense and the complication.
Then you suggest that the composition of the army should not
be disturbed except under the contingency mentioned therein. For an

1
Who cabled his reply on July 19 thus: “. . .situation is being carefully
examined and there is no intention to violate 1914 agreement. . .”
2
This and other points raised by Gandhiji were met by the addressee in his
letter dated July 20; vide Appendix- “Letter from Sikandar Hyat Khan”, 20-7-1939.
3
The Congress Working Committee which met at Bardoli on January 11,
1939, had discussed Gandhiji’s new draft on the minorities question.

138 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

out and out believer in non-violence like me, I would disband the
army altogether. An army and non-violence go ill together. But I am
painfully conscious that in this extreme view of non-violence I have
no partner. How far those who believe in the necessity of the country
having an army even after it has come to its own will accept your
proposition is more than I can say.
Then you have enunciated Dominion Status as an accepted fact.
It is a bitter pill for Congressmen to swallow.
But I see that your solution of the communal tangle is your
scheme including the proposal about the army. Yours is the only
proposal of a constructive character on behalf of the league. I con-
gratulate you on the great pains you have bestowed upon it. I am
glad that you have decided to publish it in full.1 I must thank you for
having taken me into your confidence and asked me to give you my
opinion upon it.
As to my draft solution, as I have already told you, it is in no
sense adopted by the Working Committee. But it does still represent
my views. I prize your criticism upon it. And if it ever formed a basis
for the solution of our difficulties, I should adopt many of your
suggestions.
Your solution for representation of minorities on services causes
difficulty. What are the minorities? Is there a final list? I am therefore
very uneasy about communal representation in the services. If we
make much of the minorities question in the services, we shall not
only endanger efficiency but we shall endanger purity and impar-
tiality in the administration of affairs of the country. But I heartily en-
dorse your suggestion that all the backward members of the nation
should be levelled up to the forward ones.
I do not want to burden this letter with the other points arising
out of your criticism. They are easy of adjustment, If we all make up
our minds to meet with the determination not to part without reaching
a settlement.
Yours sincerely,
S IR S IKANDAR HYAT KHAN
P RIME MINISTER
LAHORE
Gandhi–Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library

1
It was published on July 30, 1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 139

 178. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
ABBOTTABAD,
July 17, 1939
MY DEAR IDIOT,
Of course you can come to Kashmir as Sir Kailash’s1 guest as I
should also be his guest. Therefore you will naturally stay with me.
The incongruity will be in my carting you from place to place. From
your remembering the word I see that you do not see eye to eye with
me in this matter.
I have heard today from Sir Kailash. I enclose his letter
herewith. You will see he mentions your name. We leave here on 25th
for Kashmir for a week’s stay at the outside. 2 You will pick us up
some-where on the route, I suppose, unless you go there in advance
and receive the party. I am wiring to Sir Kailash just now.
I do hope you will cancel Sangli.3
Yes, we are Mrs. Parmanand’s guests or fellow-inmates.
I do not want you to mention Balvantsinha’s experiences to
Datar Singh because it would be wrong to do so. I am sure things have
righted themselves by now. It would be ungrateful to mention such
things. I would not even have thought of the thing. Probably he has
not even seen the house in which he was put.
Love.
TYRANT
Enclosure 1.
From the original: C. W. 3930. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7239

179. LETTER TO MIRABEHN

July 17, 1939
CHI. MIRA,
I have your booklet4 full of news. Of course the Biharis are lova-
ble. I would not remove you from them if you will keep your health.

1
Kailash Narain Haksar, Personal Adviser to the Maharaja of Jammu and
Kashmir.
2
The visit was, however, cancelled; vide “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 21-7-1939.
3
Where the All-India Women’s Conference was to be held on July 29.
4
In Bapu’s Letters to Mira, the addressee explains this as “long letter”.

140 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Don’t deceive yourself that you are well when you are not. Watch
yourself and do whatever comes your way.
Don’t be hasty in your judgments. You jump to conclusions
without enough data.
We leave for Kashmir on 25th and stay there seven days at the
outside.
Love.
BAPU
From the original: C. W. 6447. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G. N. 10042.

180. LETTER TO SHAMLAL

ABBOTTABAD,
July 17, 1939
DEAR SHAMLALJI,

Bapu has asked me to convey to you his remarks, on your letter of 13th inst.
He was very glad that you had taken to spinning regularly and were feeling attached to
it. He would like you to learn spinning on the takli. Once you become an expert,
takli-spinning affords you pleasure which even the spinning-wheel cannot equal.
Moreover you won’t need to interrupt your spinning when you have mastered your
takli and it is no exaggeration to say that takli is your best friend and helper when
you are faced with the prospect of a long and tiresome argument. I wonder whether you
know that at Nalwadi under Vinoba’s supervision no youngster, after a month’s
training only, spins less than 100 rounds in half an hour on the takli. The maximum
speed is over 350 rounds in half an hour and the average does not fall below 160
rounds.
Bapu’s health is fair in spite of all the handicaps. We are here at least till the
25th instant, when we may go to Kashmir. But this is not for publication.
Yours sincerely,
P YARELAL
From a photostat: G. N. 1289

181. LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA

ABBOTTABAD,
July 17, 1939
CHI. BABUDI,
What shall I write to you? Are you not going to take care of
your health so long as you are away from me? Does it mean I should

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 141

keep both of you with me or that you should take a divorce? It will
not do for you to fall ill so often. Has there been any change in your
diet?
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 10014. Courtesy: Shardabehn G. Chokha-
wala.

182. TELEGRAM TO RAJENDRA PRASAD

ABBOTTABAD,
July 18, 1939
R ASHTRAPATI R AJENDRA P RASAD
R ANCHI
IF MEETING1 NOT IN WARDHA MAY BE PATNA OR ALLAHABAD
WHATEVER SUITS BETTER. AM GOING KASHMIR TWENTY-FIFTH.
AFTER WEEK’S STAY RETURN WHERE REQUIRED.
BAPU
From the original: Rajendra Prasad Papers. Courtesy: National Archives of
India.

183. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI

ABBOTTABAD,
July 18, 1939
CHI. AMRITLAL,
Your years are flying like the wind. I cannot imagine that you
have now entered the thirty fourth year. You look the same that you
did when I saw you first. That also is good. May you keep young and
go on doing service. It does not matter if Chandan’s 2 improvement is
slow. It is enough if ultimately she is completely cured. Vijaya3 must
write to me in detail. Did she come away because she fell ill or for
some other reason?
I do not understand the cause of Kakasaheb’s despondency.
Blessings from
BAPU

1
The Congress Working Committee met at Wardha from August 9 to 12.
2
Wife of Satish D. Kalelkar
3
Vijayabehn M. Pancholi

142 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

[PS.]
We are going to Kashmir on the 25th. We shall stay there for
seven days at the most and then return. Where we shall go thereafter is
not yet decided.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 10790

184. LETTER TO NIRMALA GANDHI

ABBOTTABAD,
July 18, 1939
CHI. NIMU,

I have your letter written in Urdu. You should improve your

handwriting further. Write to Amtussalaam in Urdu. Her Urdu
characters are excellent. Reading good handwriting helps one to
improve one’s own handwriting . . .1 Kanam’s letter is enclosed. He is
not likely just now to come away from here . . .2 He is dancing about.
You may take charge of him when you come. It will certainly cost
you more by way of fare to come to Wardha via Bombay. But that
expense may be justifiable in your case. When will you be free from
there?
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Mrs. Sumitra Kulkarni Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library

185. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM

July 18, 1939
CHI. AMTUL SALAAM,
I have read your entire letter. What can I do if you do not get
your post? I am writing regularly these days. It is difficult to find
room in Harijan Ashram for those who come forward to work.
Why insist on the Lal Bungalow 3 ? There are other buildings too

1
A few words at the two places are illegible in the source.
2
ibid
3
Of Dr. Pranjivandas Mehta, near the Harijan Ashram, Sabarmati

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 143

nearby. If the work grows, we can build houses. But what could we do
if you keep falling ill? You are the cause of your illness. Ba is all
right.
Blessings from
BAPU
1
S HRI AMTUL S ALAAMBEHN
HARIJAN ASHRAM2
S ABARMATI3
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 425

186. NOT GUILTY

Dr. Lohia has sent me a long, well-reasoned letter on the current
controversy on the Congress resolution 4 on Satyagraha. There is a
portion in it which demands public discussion. Here it is:
You will not permit the slightest separation of the principle of
Satyagraha from your own specific programme. Is it not possible to
universalize the principles of Satyagraha, to make it the bed-rock of
programmes other than your own? Perhaps, it is not; but I have this argument
against you that you have not permitted and encouraged any such experiment.
The people today do not regard your own programme of ministerial action and
constructive activities as wholly adequate; they are experimenting with such
programmes as those of peasant action. These newer programmes entail an
amount of local and isolated action even during such times when there is no
general satyagraha. Will you stop these little satyagrahas till you have found
the formula for a general satyagraha? In such a course of action there is the
danger of anarchy that arises out of suppression. Non-violent collective
action is among the rarest and most precious gifts received by mankind in all
history; we may not, however, know how to treasure it and continue it.
Not only have I not prohibited separation of the principle of
Satyagraha from my own specific programme, I have often invited
new programmes. But hitherto I have not known a single case of any
new programme. I have never suggested that there can never be any
departure from or addition to my programme. What, however, I have

1
The source has these in Gujarati.
2
ibid
3
The source has this in English.
4
Vide “A.I.C.C. Resolutions”, 23-6-1939.

144 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

said and would like to repeat here is that I cannot bless or encourage a
new programme that makes no appeal to me. My programme, I claim,
is a deduction from the satyagraha of my conception. It is, therefore,
likely that if there was any such vital activity favouring the growth of
satyagraha, it would not escape me.
I am painfully conscious of the fact that my programme has not
made a general appeal to the Congress intelligentsia. I have already
pointed out that the reason for the apathy of Congressmen is not to be
sought in any inherent defect in the programme, but that it is due to
the want of a living faith in ahimsa. What can be more patent than that
we should have complete communal harmony, eradication of untou-
chability, sacrifice of the drink revenue by the closing of liquor-shops
and the replacement of mill-cloth by khadi? I suggest that non-vio-
lent Swaraj is impossible if Hindus, Muslims and others do not shed
their mutual distrust and do not live as blood brothers, if Hindus do
not purify themselves by removing the curse of untouchability and
thus establish intimate contact with those whom they have for ages put
beyond the pale of society, if the wealthy men and women of India
will not tax themselves so that the poor who are helpless victims of the
drink and drug habit may have the temptation removed from them by
the closing of drink and drug shops, and, lastly, if we all will not
identify ourselves with the semi-starved millions by giving up the taste
for mill-cloth and revert to khadi produced by the many million
hands in the cottages of India. In all that has been written against the
constructive programme, I have not come across a single convincing
argument against either its intrinsic merit or its merit in terms of non-
violent Swaraj. I make bold to say that if all Congressmen concentrate
themselves on this constructive programme, we shall soon have the
requisite non-violent atmosphere throughout the length and breadth
of the land for cent-per-cent satyagraha.
Take the peasant action suggested by Dr. Lohia as a possible
new programme. I regret to have to say that in most cases the pea-
sants are not being educated for non-violent action. They are being
kept in a state of perpetual excitement and made to entertain hopes
which can never be fulfilled without a violent conflict. The same may
safely be said about labour. My own experience tells me that both the
peasantry and labour can be organized for effective non-violent
action, if Congressmen honestly work for it. But they cannot, if they
have no faith in the ultimate success of non-violent action. All that is
required is the proper education of the peasantry and labour. They

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 145

need to be informed that if they are properly organized they have
more wealth and resources through their labour than the capitalists
through their money. Only capitalists have control over the money
market, labour has not over its labour market, although if labour had
been well served by its chosen leaders it would have become conscious
of the irresistible power that comes from proper instruction in non-
violence. Instead, labour in many cases is being taught to rely on
coercive methods to compel compliance with its demands. The kind
of training that labour generally receives today leaves it in ignorance,
and relies upon violence as the ultimate sanction. Thus it is not
possible for me to regard the present peasant or labour activity as a
new programme for the preparation of Satyagraha.
Indeed what I see around me is not preparation for a non-vio-
lent campaign but for an outbreak of violence, however unconscious
or unintended it may be. If I was invited to hold myself responsible
for this ending to the past twenty years’ effort, I should have no
hesitation in pleading guilty. Have I not said as much already in these
columns? But my admission will not take us anywhere, unless it results
in the retracing of our steps, the undoing of the wrong already done.
This means having a reasoned faith in the non-violent method as the
only means of gaining complete independence. When we have that
faith, all bickerings within the Congress will cease, there will be no
longer an ungainly scramble for power, and there will be mutual help
instead of mutual mud-flinging. But it may be that Congressmen have
come to believe that non-violence of my definition is played out or is
not possible of attainment. In that case there should be a conference,
formal or informal between all Congress groups or a special meeting
of the A. I. C. C. to consider the question whether time has not come
to revise the policy of non-violence and the consequent constructive
programme, and to find out and frame a programme in consonance
with and answering the present temper of Congressmen. It is up to
every Congressman to carry on a fierce search inward and deal with
this central problem. It is not safe or dignified for the Congress to
follow the policy of drift. I would like such a meeting to forget that
the members belong to different groups and to remember that they
are first and last servants of the nation pledged to fight the nation’s
battle of freedom with one mind. The Congress today is a house
divided against itself. It must not be.
ABBOTTABAD, July 19, 1939
Harijan, 29-7-1939

146 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 187. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS 1

ABBOTTABAD,
July 19, 1939
I observe from the Press that the hunger-striking prisoners2 have
sent me a letter and also made a public appeal. There is no doubt that
they have public opinion solidly behind them. I would beseech them
to be satisfied with this backing and to give up the hunger-strike.
They are brave. I suggest to them that their hunger-strike is misplaced
and is no part of their bravery. Let them bravely suffer till public
opinion makes the Government release them. They may rely upon my
doing all I can to secure their release in an honourable manner.
Harijan, 22-7-1939

188. CABLE TO Y. M. DADOO

July 19, 1939
DR. D ADOO
POSTPONE PASSIVE RESISTANCE TILL FURTHER INSTRUCTIONS . 3
GANDHI
From the original: C. W. 11355. Courtesy: E. S. Reddy; also South Africa's
Freedom Struggle, p. 300

189. CABLE TO MANILAL GANDHI

July 19, 1939
[MANILAL] GANDHI
INDIAN OPINION
P HOENIX (NATAL)
S OUTH AFRICA
POSTPONE PASSIVE RESISTANCE TILL FURTHER INSTRUCTIONS. CABLED
DADOO.
BAPU
From the original: C. W. 11356. Courtesy: E. S. Reddy; also South Africa's
Freedom Struggle, p. 300

1
The statement appeared under “Notes”, sub-title, ”Give up Hunger-strike”. It
was also published in The Hindu, 20-7-1939.
2
In Bengal; vide “Telegram to Rajendra Prasad”, 16-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 147

 190. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
ABBOTTABAD,
July 20, 1939
MY DEAR IDIOT,
Your Hindi continues to be good.
I await your further letter about Dhami1 . How I wish you could
find out the truth about this affair ! It is bad in every way.
I am sorry to have to tell you that I had to withdraw acceptance
of state hospitality in Kashmir. The people won’t tolerate any
such thing. This is unfortunate. But I did not want to create bitterness.
I therefore yielded. So I shall be the people’s guest, whatever that may
mean. Your programme need not suffer any alteration. You will be
Haksar’s guest though you will stay with me. Only I would like you to
precede me if only by a day. All this, of course, if Dhami can spare
you. That affair must occupy the first place with you.
Nirmala 2 Kanam’s mother, comes here today to fetch Kanam.
Here is another letter from Balvantsinha. So you will see he is
getting on. I am glad Sardarsaheb has taken everything in good part.
You will send the letter as before to Segaon with instructions to pass
on to Kishorelal and Surendra.
The weather continues to be hot although we had a good
shower.
Love.
TYRANT
From the original: C. W. 3931. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7240

3
Vide “Statement to the Press”, 29-7-1939.
1
A hill State, 22 kilometres from Simla, where, on July 17, police had opened
fire on a crowd that attempted to march into the Palace of Rana Saheb to present a
petition seeking redress of their grievances. Vide also “Minority Administration”,
“Minority Administration”, 22-7-1939, and “Lesson of Dhami”, 30-7-1939.
2
Ramdas Gandhi’s wife; also called Nimu

148 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 191. LETTER TO DUNICHAND
ABBOTTABAD,
July 20, 1939
1
DEAR LALA DUNICHAND ,
It is no want of time that prevents me from going to the Punjab.
But I feel utterly powerless to do any good. In other words, it is lack
of confidence that keeps me.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat: G. N. 5585

192. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR

ABBOTTABAD,
July 21, 1939
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I don’t like this persistent sadness about you. It is so inconsis-
tent with faith in God, faith in human nature, faith in unbreakable
friendship. However, enough of argument. The sadness will go in
time.
The visit to Kashmir stands cancelled. I am not sorry. I hope to
leave here on 26th for Wardha. The Working Committee will meet
there. Hence I am likely to be a fixture in Segaon for some time at
least, I hope till the Congress time. Will you join the party or join me
in August early?
Dhami is a bad thing. I hope you will reach the truth. Why not
see the Rana yourself? Study and pursue this case to the end. I am
writing on it. You will have a typed copy.
Love.
TYRANT
From the original: C. W. 3932. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7241

1
Member, Punjab Legislative Assembly

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 149

 193. MINORITY ADMINISTRATION
The Chief of Chamba is a minor. The State is therefore under
direct British administration. And the administrator acts virtually as
the Chief and exercises all his powers. A correspondent from Chamba
writes :
Ours is a minority-administered State being directly under the control of
the
Paramount Power. We have been pressing for the repeal of the liberty-
penalizing laws which have been enforced during the minority administration,
and we do wish that popular element be introduced in the temporary
administrative council at least during the minority of the Raja . . . . 1 In a case
like ours the Paramount Power cannot say that it can’t intervene. If it has to
safeguard the rights of the Ruler, has it not any liability towards the people ?.
. . 2 Will you throw some light on the question?
The question is pertinent. There is no reason whatsoever why the
people of administered States should not enjoy all the liberty that
those in British India enjoy. Indeed a wise and liberal-minded
administrator of a State has within his jurisdiction greater opportunity
for doing good than one in British India proper. A State administrator
has much greater latitude than an official working under the routine
of a Province. The latter is subject to a series of superiors and has only
limited powers. An administrator of a State is much more than a
Governor in his own little State. He is subject only to general super-
vision of the Resident of the Agency to which his State belongs.
Therefore there is no excuse whatsoever for any misrule or failure of
justice in administered States, if the Paramount Power’s policy is
declared in unambiguous terms and followed in its entirety. But if the
administration is not all it should be, it shows that there is no well-
defined policy of the Paramount Power so far as the people of the
States are concerned. There is no insistence on the right being done
by the States towards their people. There should be no such thing as
policy of non-interference by the Paramount Power in so far as the
elementary rights of the people are concerned. The policy of non-
interference can remain unchallenged only so long as the States
people are ignorant of their strength. But there is nowadays too much
consciousness among the people of the States to permit of the policy

1
Omissions as in the source
2
Ibdi

150 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

of non-interference being successful any longer. Denial of justice in
administered States should be unthinkable. Let the people of Chamba
publish unvarnished facts about the state of things there. I have little
doubt that if there is any unjustice done there, force of public opinion
will secure the needed redress.
Absence of declared policy by the Paramount Power about the
rights of the people of the States is perhaps glaringly demonstrated by
the happenings in the little hill State of Dhami. The shooting that took
place there would have been impossible if the policy of the Paramount
Power was known. The communique issued by the Political Agent
should not be the last word on the tragedy. He had no material before
him to enable him to form a correct judgment. Every such firing
should be followed up by an open, quick, judicial inquiry. The Chiefs
who get easily frightened and resort to firing ought not to possess the
power they have today over the lives of their subjects. But the public
who have to form an opinion do not have a fair chance of doing so.
They cannot set up an authoritative inquiry. And a Political Agent’s
communique is no true guide. Take the Dhami communique. I need
not challenge the statements made in it. For aught I know every word
in it may be true. But it cannot command implicit confidence. In its
very nature, it is a one-sided document. The Political Agent can
produce no legal proof in support of his statements. He does not give
the sources of his information. To inspire confidence there should be
a judicial enquiry carrying necessary consequences for the wrongdoer
or doers whether the wrong done is on the part of the State or the
people. Thus, if the people sought to overwhelm the Rana, it was
undoubtedly wrong as it was if there was defiance of the order against
Shri Bhagmal. It was wrong too if outsiders joined the alleged
demonstration. The lightning ultimatum, if it was that, was a prepost-
erous thing deserving severe condemnation. Responsible government
is made of sterner stuff. If the principality consists of only 5,000
persons and the revenue is Rs. 30,000, responsible government is a
meaningless term. If people in every principality will take the law into
their own hands, they will do irreparable damage to the cause. The
All-India States Conference is there to guide them. Every Praja
Mandal should put itself under its guidance in order to enable it to
frame its case for freedom. There seems to be little doubt that there
has been undue haste on the people’s side.
But what about the Rana? Has he been dealing justly by his
people? Was he really in danger of his life to warrant firing in self-

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 151

defence? Every crowd is not necessarily a hostile crowd. Firing ought
not to be treated lightly. Human life should have the same value in a
State as in British India. Every firing should be followed by the closest
scrutiny and by suitable action both of a punitive and of a preventive
character. It is the duty of the Paramount Power to deprive Chiefs of
powers of which they do not know judicious use. The whole question
regarding the place of the States in Greater India requires over-
hauling.
A new epoch has come replacing the old. With the change of the
times there must be a change in the manners of all parties—the
Paramount Power, the Princes, their people, and last but not least the
Congress if it survives the internal crisis that has overtaken it. It will be
a mistake for the Paramount Power or the Princes to ignore the
Congress, a body under whose shadow the people of the States from
the commencement have been accustomed to grow and flourish. The
Congress must guide them. Any resenting by the Princes or the
Paramount Power of guidance of the people by the Congress must
result in an inevitable but wholly unnecessary clash. How can people
who are one in blood and bound together by the closest social and
economic ties be artificially kept apart for any length of time? Instead
of suspecting or fearing the Congress, surely the proper thing for all
concerned is to welcome the Congress aid whenever it is available for
the common good of both the Princes and the people.
No doubt the Congress will have to recognize its own limita-
tions. It can hope to work with effect only if its work is of a friendly
and peaceful nature. It has to hold the scales evenly between parties. It
must avoid all show of force or coercion. Thus the reported
participation by non-Dhami-ites in the demonstration should have
been impossible under the Congress aegis. The Congress influence
can be effectively exercised only if it retains its non-violence. Its only
capital is its moral authority. Any other position must lead to inter-
necine feud and bloodshed. Dhami has a lesson which Congressmen
have to take to heart. This I say quite apart from the admitted fact that
we do not yet know exactly what happened and where the blame
actually lay. In the absence of a proper judicial inquiry, right action
becomes impossible.
ABBOTTABAD, July 20, 1939
Harijan, 29-7-1939

152 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 194. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS
ABBOTTABAD,
July 22, 1939
I regret to say that for unavoidable reasons I have been obliged
to cancel my Kashmir visit. I must apologize to those who were led to
expect my visit to India’s fairyland.1
The Hindu, 22-7-1939

195. LETTER TO PRABHAVATI

ABBOTTABAD,
July 22, 1939
CHI. PRABHA,
Your letter arrived here yesterday via Peshawar. It is all right that
you wrote to Rajen Babu, but you must improve your health. Other-
wise you will not be of any use at all. Why do you keep worrying? We
are leaving this place on the 26th and shall reach Segaon on the 28th.
Could you not come to Segaon by that time?
Rajkumari is in Simla. Her address is: Manorville, Simla. She
will perhaps come to Segaon when I go there. Amtul Salaam is at
Sabarmati. Lilavati has joined New Era School, Bombay. Balkoba2 is
in Vadilal Sarabhai Sanatorium, Panchgani, and Krishnachandra is
there with him. Sushila will stay on in Delhi and gain more experience
in her old hospital for a month. After that she will go to Segaon.
Nimu came here two days ago. She will return to Dehra Dun to-
morrow with Kanam. After that she too will go over to Segaon. Bal-
vantsinha is getting experience in a dairy near Lahore.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 3534

1
Vide also “Letter to Jawaharlal Nehru”, 29-7-1939.
2
Balkrishna Bhave

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 153

 196. MY NOTES
HOW T O ATTAIN T RUTH
Lab Bibando, Chashma Bando, Gosh Band
Gar Nabini Sirre Haq, Bar Ma Bikhand
Keep your lips, eyes and ears closed and laugh at me then if you do not
reach the heart of Truth.
This is a couplet by Maulana Rumi. Off and on Chaman Kavi of
Kutch sends me such valuable verses. When I was at Rajkot, he sent me
the above verse along with its meaning. I liked it so much that I
wanted to place it before the readers of Harijanbandhu. At times
when we talk nonsense, listen to falsehood or filth and look at objec-
tionable things, this couplet ought to pierce our heart like a pointed
arrow. The quest for Truth demands a heavy price. We may not
actually close our lips, ears and eyes although we would lose nothing
by closing them. We can, however, certainly do this much. Instead of
uttering false or bitter words or hearing defamatory or useless things
or watching lustful scenes, we may speak the truth at all costs, chant
the name of God, hear His songs, observe the magic of His creation,
have darshan of the saints and hear only such things as will help our
progress. It is only he who does this that will attain the Truth. He
alone can be a true satyagrahi and through his tapascharya we can get
a glimpse of peaceful Swaraj. The rest is all in vain.
[From Gujarati]
Harijanbandhu, 23-7-1939

197. MESSAGE TO BOMBAY GOVERNMENT PROHIBITION

BOARD1
ABBOTTABAD,
July 23, 1939
I hope that good sense for which Bombay is famous will ulti-
mately prevail and all will combine to make the brave reform under-

1
This is extracted from “Notes” in Harijan, which reported that the message
was “in connection with the introduction of prohibition in Bombay on August 1”.

154 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

taken by the Bombay Ministry the success it deserves to be. I am quite
sure that the removal of the curse of intoxicating drinks and drugs will
confer lasting benefit on the country.
M. K. GANDHI
Harijan, 5-8-1939; also The Bombay Chronicle, 31-7-1939.

198. LETTER TO S. K. BOLE

ABBOTTABAD,
July 23, 1939
DEAR RAO BAHADUR,

I thank you for your letter of 20th instant. I understand your

explanation. I had to deal with the memorial1 as it was drawn up. The
last paragraph was incapable of any other meaning. In the circum-
stances I imagine it is unnecessary to say anything further on my
article. But if you think otherwise, I shall insert any explanation2 you
may think fit to send. It should be brief and to the point.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI

From a photostat: C. W. 4880

1
The reference is to the Bhandaris’ petition to the Bombay Premier; vide
“Bhandaris and Prohibition”, 7-7-1939.
2
Vide “An Explanation”, 7-8-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 155

 199. LETTER TO DR. B. S. MOONJE
ABBOTTABAD,
July 23, 1939
DEAR DR. MOONJE , 1

I like your frank letter. 2 But I cannot make the response you
desire, for our ways are so hopelessly different.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
DR. B. S. MOONJE
19 ORTHODOX QUARTER
C ARD R OAD, S IMLA
B. S. Moonje papers. File No. 24/1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library.

200. LETTER TO ADOLF HITLER3

AS AT WARDHA, C. P., I NDIA,
July 23, 1939
DEAR FRIEND,
Friends have been urging me to write to you for the sake of
humanity. But I have resisted their request, because of the feeling that
any letter from me would be an impertinence. Something tells me that
I must not calculate and that I must make my appeal for whatever it
may be worth.
It is quite clear that you are today the one person in the world
who can prevent a war which may reduce humanity to the savage state.

1
Of the Hindu Maha Sabha
2
Dated July 20, which read: “. . . . owing to corruption and rise of violence in
the Congress and the country generally and particularly owing to non-achievement of
Hindu-Muslim unity, you do not feel justified in advising the Congress to start mass
civil disobedience for exercising pressure on the Government to modify the present
Federation according to your wishes . . . . and yet the Congress is not prepared to
accept this Federation. The Government on the other hand not being pressed or
coerced to modify the Federation according to your wishes will remain indifferent in
the matter, though it may be tempted to modify it to suit the conveniences of the
Muslim League. The result will be that the Muslim communalism will be still further
strengthened and the hope for Hindu-Muslim unity will disappear for ever . . . Will it
not be wise to accept the present Federation in spite of all its defects and use it as a
jumping-ground for further quarrels and gains ?. . . ”
3
The Government did not permit this letter to go.

156 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Must you pay that price for an object however worthy it may appear
to you to be? Will you listen to the appeal of one who has deliberately
shunned the method of war not without considerable success? Anyway
I anticipate your forgiveness, if I have erred in writing to you.1
I remain,
Your sincere friend,
HERR HITLER
BERLIN
GERMANY
From a photostat: G. N. 1510

201. LETTER TO AGATHA HARRISON

ABBOTTABAD,
July 23, 1939
MY DEAR AGATHA,
Further contacts with Lord Linlithgow will come in their own
time. I must hold myself in readiness but must not force the pace.
There is nothing wrong with or in his letter. Only he thinks, he has
gone as far as he could in the matters in which I am interested. I must
not therefore tax him any longer on those matters. I am now trying to
educate public opinion and showing all the parties how the new tech-
nique can work.
About Federation the position is absolutely clear so far as I am
concerned. It is perfectly true that if my conditions were fulfilled, I
would accept Federation and so would the Congress, I feel sure. But
there is no atmosphere for the fulfilment of those conditions. There is
no strength behind my ‘demands’. And the British Government can-
not give what cannot be taken and held by the grantee. I want you to
believe that everything will come right in its own time. Herewith copy
of my letter2 to Hitler just going.
Love.
BAPU
From a photostat: G. N. 1509

1
Vide also “Statement to the Press”, 5-9-1939.
2
Vide the preceding item.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 157

 202. LETTER TO NIRMALA GANDHI
ABBOTTABAD,
July 23, 1939
CHI. NIMU,

You left and I got this wire in today’s mail. So there is no cause
to worry about Ramdas any more. I was not happy that you felt vexed
here. But such things will happen. You should put up with them and
not feel hurt. You should not in the least take them to heart. Kanam
must be doing well. I had a comrade in him. I take it that you will
meet me in Delhi.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Mrs. Sumitra Kulkarni Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library

203. SPEECH AT ABBOTTABAD

[July 23, 1939] 1
I hardly thought, when I came here, that you would present me
with an address even this time too, on my third2 visit to your province.
I had thought I had sufficiently identified myself with your province
to be entitled to be regarded as one of you and therefore above the
need of such formalities as the presentation of an address. Should I
suppose that I have still to win my spurs? Last time you gave me an
address and a purse. But this time you have given me only an address
and no purse. May I inquire how I have merited this ‘fall from
grace’?
I have more than once heard the complaint that the establish-
ment of Hindu-Muslim unity is being delayed owing to lack of
sufficient effort in its behalf on my part, that if only I would
concentrate myself on it exclusively it could be realized today. May I
assure you that if I do not seem to be doing that today, it is not
because my passion for Hindu-Muslim unity has grown less. But I
have realized, as I had never done before, my own imperfection as an
instrument for this high mission and the inadequacy of mere external
means for the attainment of big objects. I have learnt more and more
to resign myself utterly to His grace.

1
From The Hindustan Times. Harijan, however, has July 24.
2
The two earlier visits were in May and October-November, 1938.

158 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 If you could dissect my heart, you would find that the prayer
and spiritual striving for the attainment of Hindu-Muslim unity goes
on there unceasingly all the twenty-four hours without even a
moment’s interruption, whether I am awake or asleep. I want Hindu-
Muslim unity if only because I know that without it there can be no
Swaraj. Let no one imagine that because the Hindus constitute the
majority community they can win Swaraj for India or even for them-
selves by organizing civil disobedience without the backing or support
of the other communities. Civil disobedience of the purest type, as I
have often repeated, can be effective even if it is confined to a few.
But then these few must represent in their persons the united will and
strength of the whole nation. Is it not the same in armed warfare? The
fighting forces need the backing and co-operation of the entire civil
population. Without it they would be crippled. I must be impatient
for Hindu-Muslim unity because I am impatient for Swaraj. And I
have full faith that true and lasting heart-unity between the Hindus
and Mussalmans, not a merely patched-up political compromise, will
come sooner or later, sooner perhaps than later. That dream has filled
my being since my earliest childhood. I have the vividest recollection
of my father’s days, how the Hindus and Mussalmans of Rajkot used
to mix together and participate in one another’s domestic functions
and ceremonies like blood brothers. I believe that those days will
dawn once again over this country. The present bickerings and petty
recriminations between the communities are an unnatural aberration.
They cannot last for ever.
The greatest of things in this world are accomplished not
through unaided human effort. They come in their own good time.
God has his own way of choosing his instruments. Who knows, in spite
of my incessant heart-prayer I may not be found worthy for this great
work. We must all keep our loins girt and our lamps well trimmed; we
do not know when or on whom his choice may fall. You may not
shirk your responsibility by shoving it all on me. Pray for me that my
dream may be fulfilled in my lifetime. We must never give way to
despair or pessimism. God’s ways are more than man’s arithmetic.
It has grieved me to find that internal squabbles have begun to
fill the Congress ranks in this province too. Yesterday I was closeted
for over an hour with the members of your Provincial Congress
Committee. They asked me to show them a way out. I suggest to you
that the solution lies in your own hands. You have adopted Khan
Saheb Abdul Ghaffar Khan as your uncrowned chieftain. You have

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 159

given him the proud titles of ‘Badshah Khan’ and ‘Fakhr-e-Afghan’.
Let his word be law to you as it was before. He does not believe in
argument. He speaks from his heart. You must learn to sink your
individual differences and work together like a team under him if the
titles that you have bestowed upon him are to be vindicated, and not
remain as mere lip compliments.
Then there is the question of poverty among the Frontier
masses. I am told that many of them hardly get enough to eat. It is a
humiliating reflection that a sturdy race like the Pathans should be in
that plight. But here again the remedy lies largely with you. You must
teach the people to work with their hands and realize the dignity of
labour. The Ministry can and will, of course, provide facilities. But the
spade-work will have to be done by volunteers.
May God show you the right way. I know that even when we
quarrel amongst ourselves it is only to hasten the advent of indepen-
dence in the fond hope that independence will prove a solvent of all
our ills. May our passion for independence prove a uniting bond
stronger than all the differences that divide us.
Harijan, 5-8-1939; also The Hindustan Times, 24-7-1939

204. TELEGRAM TO AMRIT KAUR

ABBOTTABAD,
July 24, 1939
R AJKUMARI AMRIT KAUR
S IMLA WEST
CAN YOU JOIN ME DELHI TWENTY-SEVENTH WAY WARDHA?
TELL HIMALAYAN PRAJA MANDAL 1 I CAN SEE THEM DELHI
TWENTY-SEVENTH. LOVE.
BAPU
From the original: C. W. 3933. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7242

1
Of Dhami; vide also letter to the addressee, “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 20-7-1939
and 21-7-1939.

160 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 205. TELEGRAM TO DR. D. D. GILDER
ABBOTTABAD,
July 24, 1939
DR. G ILDER
EXCISE MINISTER
BOMBAY
MATTER REGARDING SABBATH WAS FORGOTTEN. WIRING1
JEWISH TRIBUNE” TODAY. REGARDING DOLES YOU ARE
RIGHT.

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

206. LETTER TO N. S. HARDIKAR

ABBOTTABAD,
July 24, 1939
2
DEAR DR. HARDIKAR
I am quite clear in my mind that we need a strong volunteer
organization. But I know that I cannot tackle the problem. You should
consult Jawaharlal. He is the man to guide. I retain the opinion that
before we can have a central body, we should have provincial bodies.
We can’t create a centre out of nothing. The tragedy is that we have
not in any single province an organization that can be a pattern for
the rest.
You must become well.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From the original: N. S.Hardikar Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library. Also Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

1
The telegram sent by Mahadev Desai read: “Kindly supply Dr. Gilder, Excise
Minister, religious directions about Sabbath use of wine by Jews with authorities.”
Vide also “Notes”, 10-9-1939, sub-title, “Intoxicating Wines and Judaism.”
2
Organizing Secretary, Hindustani Seva Dal

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 161

 207. LETTER TO HANNA LAZAR
[AS AT] WARDHA,
July 24, 1939
MY DEAR HANNA,
I was delighted to have your letter after so many months. I
have gone through your old letter of which you have sent me a copy.
Just at present you need no guidance. Your story is incomplete. But
you will soon complete it. Whatever may be the story, the remedy is
the same. As in the body so in the spirit though the diseases are
various the cause is one and so is the remedy one, so in the spirit
world, the cause of distemper is one and therefore the remedy also is
one. Every spiritual distemper is a fleeing away from God. The surest
remedy therefore is to seek the presence of God so much so that we
see Him face to face. In the presence of God, there can be no sin, no
sorrow, no anger, no malice, no falsehood. In His presence there is no
fear, no external affliction can put us out. If this lesson of lessons is
learnt there is no question, no doubt left.
Love.
BAPU
From the original: Gandhi-Kallenbach Correspondence. Courtesy: National
Archives of India

208. TELEGRAM TO AMRIT KAUR

ABBOTTABAD,
July 25, 1939
R AJKUMARI AMRIT KAUR
MANORVILLE
S IMLA WEST
STAYING WITH ZOHRA ANSARI NEAR HARIJAN COLONY. PRAJA
MANDAL MAY MEET TWO. LOVE.
BAPU
From the original: C. W. 3934. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7243

162 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 209. TELEGRAM TO DR. GOPICHAND BHARGAVA
ABBOTTABAD,
July 25, 1939
DR. G OPICHAND BHARGAVA
LAHORE
LEAVING TWENTYSIXTH FRONTIER MAIL. JOIN US JHELUM.
GANDHI
From the original: Dr. Gopichand Bhargava Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library

210. CABLE TO Y. M. DADOO 1

July 25, 1939
DADOO
47 E NDSTREET
JOHANNESBURG ( S. AFRICA)
POSTPONEMENT ADVISED BECAUSE DELICATE NEGOTIATIONS
PROCEEDING. RESULT EXPECTED SOON. ANNOUNCE POSTPONEMENT
DUE MY ADVICE IF PEOPLE IN EARNEST. NOTHING LOST BY SHORT
POSTPONEMENT. TREAT THIS CONFIDENTIAL.
BAPU
From a photostat: C. W. 11357. Courtesy: E. S. Reddy; also South Africa's
Freedom Struggle, p. 301

211. LETTER TO SIKANDAR HYAT KHAN

ABBOTTABAD,
July 25, 1939
DEAR SIR SIKANDAR,
Pray accept my thanks for your very clear letter2 of 20th instant.
I accept your suggestion that I may consult the Working Committee
and give you its opinion. The Committee is likely to meet on the 9th

1
This was in reply to a cable from Y. M. Dadoo and Manilal Gandhi, dated July
22, 1939, saying that unless there were “sound reasons for postponement our
position with people will be precarious”. They had further requested Gandhiji to give
them full details of his reasons for postponement of the passive resistance campaign
2
Vide Appendix-“Letter from Sikandar Hyat Khan”, 20-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 163

proximo.
As to the Harijan electorates, I do hope that separate electorates
will not be countenanced. It is one thing to have separate electorates
for Muslims, but wholly different to have such divisions among the
same community.
Yours sincerely,
S IR S IKANDAR HYAT KHAN
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library.

212. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR

ABBOTTABAD,
July 25, 1939
CHI. LILA,

I have your letter. You are unnecessarily making yourself

miserable. Mend the situation in which you are placed. You may as
well spend your time in improving the living conditions of girls. I
have told you that under the pretext of matriculation God is shaping
you. Vyas1 has been praising you no end. While you are there, do the
work which the matron is not doing or is unable to do. Whenever you
find the atmosphere dirty, try to change it. Clean up the filth with
your own hands. Others will automatically follow you. Think that you
are yourself the matron. Think that I have sent you there for
reforming Vanita Vishram, and it is for that that you are going to get
your certificate. In the same process, you will also pass your
examination. Do not worry. Study only as much as you can.
Everything will come out right. Let this conviction lighten your
burden. Balwantsinha has passed through a similar condition. Now he
is happy. He was put in charge of a place where even an animal would
not have stayed. But having learnt to bear hardships, he has improved.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

1
M. T. Vyas, Acharya of New Era High School

164 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 213. DISCUSSION WITH CHARLES FABRI 1

ABBOTTABAD,
[On or before July 26, 1939] 2
GANDHIJI: It is a difficult thing to explain fully what I do when
I pray. But I must try to answer your question. The Divine Mind is
un-changeable, but that Divinity is in everyone and everything—
animate and inanimate. The meaning of prayer is that I want to evoke
that Divinity within me. Now I may have that intellectual conviction,
but not a living touch. And so when I pray for Swaraj or indepen-
dence for India I pray or wish for adequate power to gain that Swaraj
or to make the largest contribution I can towards winning it, and I
maintain that I can get that power in answer to prayer.
FABRI : Then you are not justified in calling it prayer. To pray means to beg or
demand.
Yes, indeed. You may say I beg it of myself, of my Higher Self,
the Real Self with which I have not yet achieved complete identifi-
cation. You may therefore describe it as a continual longing to lose
oneself in the Divinity which comprises all.
And you use an old form to evoke this?
I do. The habit of a lifetime persists, and I would allow it to be
said that I pray to an outside Power. I am part of that Infinite, and yet
such an infinitesimal part that I feel outside it. Though I give you the
intellectual explanation, I feel, without identification with the Divinity,
so small that I am nothing. Immediately I begin to say I do this thing
and that thing, I begin to feel my unworthiness and nothingness, and
feel that someone else, some Higher Power, has to help me.
Tolstoy says the same thing. Prayer really is complete meditation and melting
into the Higher Self, though one occasionally does lapse in imploration like that of a
child to his father.

1
This appeared under the title “A Dialogue with a Buddhist” by Mahadev
Desai, who explains: “. . . .an archaeologist. . . Dr. Fabri . . . has been in India for
many years. He was a pupil of Prof. Sylvain Levi and came out as assistant to the
famous archaeologist, Sir Aurel Stein . . . He is a Hungarian and had in the past
corresponded with Gandhiji and even sympathetically fasted with him. He had come
to Abbottabad specially to see Gandhiji . . . . He was particulary exercised about the
form and content of prayer and would very much like to know what kind of prayer
Gandhiji said. Could the Divine Mind be changed by prayer? Could one find it out by
prayer?”
2
Gandhiji left Abbottabad on July 26, 1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 165

 Pardon me, I would not call it a lapse. It is more in the fitness of
things to say that I pray to God who exists somewhere up in the
clouds, and the more distant He is, the greater is my longing for Him
and [I] find myself in His presence in thought. And thought as you
know has a greater velocity than light. Therefore the distance between
me and Him, though so incalculably great, is obliterated. He is so far
and yet so near.
It becomes a matter of belief, but some people like me are cursed with an acute
critical faculty. For me there is nothing higher than what Buddha taught, and no great
master. For Buddha alone among the teachers of the world said: ‘Don’t believe
implicitly what I say. Don’t accept any dogma or any book as infallible.’ There is for
me no infallible book in the world, inasmuch as all were made by men, however
inspired they may have been. I cannot hence believe in a personal idea of God, a
Maharaja sitting on the Great White Throne listening to our prayers. I am glad that
your prayer is on different level.
Let me remind you that you are again only partially true when
you say my prayer is on a different level. I told you that the intellec-
tual conviction that I gave you is not eternally present with me. What
is present is the intensity of faith whereby I lose myself in an Invisible
Power. And so it is far truer to say that God has done a thing for me
than that I did it. So many things have happened in my life for which
I had intense longing, but which I could never have achieved myself.
And I have always said to my co-workers it was in answer to my
prayer. I did not say to them it was in answer to my intellectual effort
to lose myself in the Divinity in me! The easiest and the correct thing
for me was to say, ‘God has seen me through my difficulty.’
But that you deserved by your karma. God is Justice and not Mercy. You are a
good man and good things happen to you.
No fear. I am not good enough for things to happen like that. If
I went about with that philosophical conception of karma, I should
often come a cropper. My karma would not come to my help.
Although I believe in the inexorable law of karma I am striving to do
so many things; every moment of my life is a strenuous endeavour
which is an attempt to build up more karma, to undo the past and add
to the present. It is therefore wrong to say that because my past is
good, good is happening at present. The past would be soon ex-
hausted, and I have to build up the future with prayer. I tell you
karma alone is powerless. ‘Ignite this match,’ I say to myself, and yet
I cannot if there is no co-operation from without. Before I strike the

166 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

match my hand is paralysed or I have only one match and the wind
blows it off. Is it an accident or God or Higher Power? Well, I prefer
to use the language of my ancestors or of children. I am no better
than a child. We may try to talk learnedly and of books, but when it
comes to brass tacks—when we are face to face with a calamity—we
behave like children and begin to cry and pray and our intellectual
belief gives no satisfaction!
I know, very highly developed men to whom belief in God gives incredible
comfort and help in the building of character. But there, are some great spirits that
can do without it. That is what Buddhism has taught me.
But Buddhism is one long prayer.
Buddha asked everyone to find salvation from himself. He never prayed, he
meditated.
Call it by whatever name you like, it is the same thing. Look at
his statues.
But they are not true to life. They are 400 years later than his death. Well,
give me your own history of Buddha as you may have discovered it. I
will prove that he was a praying Buddha. The intellectual conception
does not satisfy me. I have not given you a perfect and full definition
as you cannot describe your own thought. The very effort to describe
is a limitation. It defies analysis and you have nothing but scepticism
as the residue.
What about the people who cannot pray?
‘Be humble,’ I would say to them,‘and do not limit even the
real Buddha by your own conception of Buddha.’ He could not have
ruled the lives of millions of men that he did and does today if he was
not humble enough to pray. There is something infinitely higher than
intellect that rules us and even the sceptics. Their scepticism and
philosophy does not help them in critical periods of their lives. They
need something better, something outside them that can sustain them.
And so if someone puts a conundrum before me, I say to him,‘You
are not going to know the meaning of God or prayer unless you
reduce yourself to a cipher. You must be humble enough to see that
in spite of your greatness and gigantic intellect you are but a speck in
the universe. A merely intellectual conception of the things of life is
not enough. It is the spiritual conception which eludes the intellect,
and which alone can give one satisfaction. Even monied men have
critical periods in their lives; though they are surrounded by every-
thing that money can buy and affection can give, they find at certain

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 167

moments in their lives utterly distracted. It is in these moments that we
have a glimpse of God, a vision of Him who is guiding every one of
our steps in life. It is prayer.’
You mean what we might call a true religious experience which is stronger
than intellectual conception. Twice in life I had that experience, but I have since lost
it. But I now find great comfort in one or two sayings of Buddha: ‘Selfishness is the
cause of sorrow.’ ‘Remember, monks, everything is fleeting.’ To think of these takes
almost the place of belief.
That is prayer.
What would you say to the right of man to dispose of his life? Life as life I
hold of very little importance.
I think that man has a perfect right to dispose of his life under
certain circumstances. A co-worker1 , suffering from leprosy, knowing
that his life was as much an agony for those who had to serve him as it
was for him, recently decided to end his life abstaining from food and
water. I blessed the idea. I said to him: ‘If you really think you can
stand the trial you may do so.’ I said this to him for I knew how
different it is to die by inches from, say, suddenly killing oneself by
drowning or poisoning. And my warning was fully justified, for some-
one tempted him with the hope that there was one who could cure
leprosy, and I now hear that he has resumed eating and put himself
under his treatment!
The criticism seems to me to be that if one’s mind is completely obscured by
pain, the best thing for him would be to seek nirvana. A man may not be ill but he
may be tired of the struggle.
No, no. My mind rejects this suicide. The criterion is not that
one is tired of life, but that one feels that one has become a burden on
others and therefore wants to leave the world. One does not want to fly
from pain but from having to become an utter burden on others.
Otherwise one suffers greater pain in a violent effort to end one’s
agony. But supposing I have a cancer, and it is only a question of time
for me to pass away, I would even ask my doctor to give me a sleeping
draught and thereby have the sleep that knows no waking . . . . 2
Now according to you I should have no business to stay if I feel
I have finished my task. And I do think I have finished mine!

1
Parachure Shastri
2
Here, Mahadev Desai explains: “Dr. Fabri got up to go with the parting wish
that there may be many more years of helpful activity left for Gandhiji.”

168 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 No. I am convinced that you can serve humanity for many years. Millions are
praying for your life. And though I can neither pray nor desire anything—
Yes, the English language is so elastic that you can find another
word to say the same thing.
Yes, I can unselfishly opine that you have many years before you.
Well, that’s it. You have found the word! Here too let me tell
you there is the purely intellectual conception of a man being unable
to live. If he has not the desire to live, the body will perish for the
mere absence of the desire to live.
Harijan, 19-8-1939

214. LETTER TO SAMPURNANAND

ON THE TRAIN,
July 26, 1939
1
BHAI SAMPURNANANDJI
I got your wire last night. The decision to open 2,000 schools
for basic education is indeed glorious. I feel that your effort will be
crowned with success. I congratulate you on this enterprise.
Yours ,
M. K. GANDHI
From Hindi: C. W. 10259. Courtesy: Kashi Vidyapeeth

215. TELEGRAM TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

DELHI,
July 27, 1939
JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
C ARE C ONGRESS
G[IRGAUM], B[OMBA]Y
YOU HAVE DONE BRAVELY AND SPIRITEDLY.2
BAPU
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library

1
Education Minister, United Provinces
2
The addressee had just returned from his Ceylon tour. Vide also “Letter to
Jawaharlal Nehru”, 29-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 169

 216. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR
ON THE TRAIN,
July 27, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA, STUPID GIRL,

I shall be counting days. You will devote yourself to the work

there with a steady mind. Devdas was asking me if you would talk to
him. I said you certainly would. Now it would be nice if you took the
initiative yourself. Listen calmly to all that he says and satisfy him.
There must be no anger shown.
Do not worry about Pyarelal. 1 shall see about him. You must
stay there cheerfully. You will not quarrel with Mother. You will write
regularly to Vijaya, Prabha, Lilavati, A. S., etc.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

217. SPEECH AT HARIJAN INDUSTRIAL SCHOOL, DELHI1

July 27, 1939
I congratulate myself that I am here to give away the certificates
to the first batch of students leaving the school which was established
in 1936. But the fact that they have won the certificates throws a good
deal of responsibility on their as well as my shoulders—mine because
my blessings, which are being given from the depth of my heart, must
bear fruit. That only time can show. Shri Viyogi Hari will have to
maintain contact with the boys who are going out today. It will have to
be a contact as close as that between parents and children. The
parents’ interest in the children is all the more when the children go
away from them for work in distant places. He will keep me informed
of your progress.

1
This appeared under the title “Among Harijan Boys” by Mahadev Desai, who
explains that Gandhiji presided over the first convocation of the school which
imparted a system of education-cum-manual training comprising carpentry, tailoring,
leather work and paper-making. The Hindustan Times, 28-7-1939, reported that
Viyogi Hari, Superintendent of the school, read out the report, and that Gandhiji,
before his speech, gave away certificates to all the 21 students and then presented
some spinning-wheels made by the institution to those who had distinguished
themselves in spinning.

170 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 The responsibility will be no less yours to be worthy of the
training you have received, of the clean life you have lived, and of the
uplifting contacts you have formed here. My blessings will be no use
if you will not fulfil your trust. Your responsibility is enhanced by the
fact that you will go out as representatives of Harijans and you will
have to reflect in your life there the life you have lived here. Your
contribution to the destruction of untouchability will be in proportion
to the cleanness and purity of the life you live and the service you will
render to your community. Hinduism, you will remember, cannot live
if untouchability remains, and you will have to make yourselves
volunteer workers in the sacred cause.
Shri Viyogi Hari said that it was difficult to make the tailoring
department self-supporting. There must then be something wrong
with the training given. Every craft is being taught, or ought to be
taught, on a self-supporting basis. You students ought to ascertain
from time to time from Viyogiji whether the work you turn out is
paying enough and if not where in lies the defect. Only then will you
be able to make your school an ideal industrial school. If you pay
for your training through your work, you will never have difficulty in
after life in earning your bread.
Those who leave the institution ought to get work wherever they
go; and if those who are fully qualified fail to get work, it is the duty
of the industrial school to find work for them. Let no one think that
they get here an inferior kind of training fit only for the poorest
people. The training they receive is in my opinion superior to what
the most well-to-do boys receive elsewhere. It will depend on you to
show by the work you do that it is in no way inferior to similar
training imparted by any other institution. It is my firm opinion that
useful as the other activities of the Harijan Sevak Sangh are, its
educational activity in a home like this is the most useful. For if this
institution throws up even a few boys of sterling worth who would
give themselves to the service of the Harijans, they will solve the pro-
blem of untouchability in a most substantial manner.
May you live straight and clean lives, and thus be the representa-
tives not only of the Harijans but of the millions of non-Harijans who
want to serve the Harijans.
Harijan, 5-8-1939

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 171

 218. LETTER TO RADHAKRISHNA BAJAJ
ON THE TRAIN,
July 27, 1939
1
CHI. RADHAKISAN ,
I shall reach Wardha tomorrow. Write all details to that address.
Is it necessary to send Mahadev for a meeting with Jamnalal?
Shankerlal2 has sent a telegram. Mahadev has been sent to Calcutta in
connection with the prisoners.3 On his return I can send him if
necessary. How is Jamnalal’s health now ?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 9127

219. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

ON THE TRAIN,
AFTER ITARSI,
July 28, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,

At Mathura yesterday I posted you a letter. You will have

received it. I asked you to meet Devdas. You should not worry about
anything. Keep writing to me. There have been many visitors every
night.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

1
Son of Jamnalal Bajaj’s brother
2
Shankerlal Banker
3
Vide also “Statement to the Press”, 19-7-1939.

172 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 220. SUMMARY OF INDUSTRIAL SURVEY COMMITTEE
REPORT1
An Industrial Survey Committee was appointed by the Central
Provinces Government on 15th December last on the following terms :
1. To review the work done in the province by the Department of Industries
since its establishment.
2. To supervise the collection of data relating to large, small and
especially cottage industries from previous publications and reports by an
officer appointed for the purpose.
3. To advise the officer-in-charge as regards the lines on which the
industrial survey of the province should be undertaken and to review its
progress from time to time.
4. To visit typical villages, study their economic condition and examine
the possibility of reviving cottage industries, and in doing so to take the
advice and guidance of the All-India Spinners’ Association and the All-India
Village Industries Association.
5. To report on the industrial possibilities of the raw materials available
in the province, with special reference to the forest and mineral resources.
6. To report on the measures which Government can undertake to pro-
mote industrial development within the province, especially of cottage indus-
tries in the villages, and to suggest methods for financing the same or other-
wise promoting them.
The Committee consists of the following ten members :
Chairman: Shri J. C. Kumarappa, Wardha.
Members: Shri Chaturbhujbhai Jasani, M. L. A, Gondia; Shri V. V. Subhedar,
M. L. A., Saugar; Shri K. P. Ghaira, General Manager, Central Provinces
Syndicate, Limited, Nagpur; Shri R. N. Jha, Secretary, Berar Chamber of
Commerce, Akola; Shri K. P. Sagreiya, I. F. S., Sylviculturist, Central
Provinces and Berar; Dr. A. N. Kapanna, Demonstrator of Chemistry, College
of Science, Nagpur; Shri Walter Dutt, Bar-at-Law, Nagpur; the Director of
Industries, Central Provinces and Berar; Dr. R. S. Thakur, Officer on Special
Duty in connectio with Laxminarayan Institute of Technology, Nagpur
University, Nagpur. He will also act as Secretary to the Committee.
The Committee is empowered to appoint sub-committees and to co-opt

1
This appeared under the title “An Original Report” in six instalments. The
item is placed here under the date of publication of the last instalment in the series.
Only relevant portions from the extracts summarizing the report are reproduced here.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 173

 members for specific purposes.
To this number the following two more were added under the
Gazette Notification of Resolution No. 175-89-A-VII, dated the 12th
January, 1939:
Shrimati Sarahamma Ittyerah, M. A . Wardha (late Professor of Economics,
Lahore); Shri E. R. Mahajani, Managing Director, Shri Laxmi Oil Mills Company,
Limited, Akola.
The Proceedings of the Committee were inaugurated on 15th
January last. The survey began on 21st January and was finished on
6th February. 207 students including eight women volunteered their
services. 14 persons were co-opted to lead the survey party. The party
was divided into groups of 10 students each. It surveyed 606 villages
covering a population of 15 lakhs paying an annual revenue of over
11 lakhs. The survey cost was Rs. 3,000 in round numbers, i.e., Rs. 5
per village. The whole expense amounted to one tenth of the esti-
mates.
The report covers 46 pages of hand-made paper, foolscap size.
The party travelled third class, but when some members saw dur-
ing their survey that old women were picking grass seeds for food
they declined to draw even the third-class fare. The party satisfied it-
self with such lodgings and food as the villagers had. Nothing was
specially prepared for them.
Prof. Kumarappa says to me in a covering note :
1. Ours is not an academic survey where mathematical accuracy is the
one goal.
2. Neither is it a propagandic survey to gather ‘evidence’ to prove pre-
conceived theories.
3. Nor is it a clinical survey to further the knowledge of the science of
economics.
4. It is a diagnostic survey done in a short time with the set purpose of
saving the patient’s life by a suitable prescription, and this is national plan-
ning—not planning for a whole country as such, but planning the economic
activity of each individual in relation to the raw material available within the
field of our operations.
One member of the staff, an M. A. in economics, argued that without
detailed statistics it would be impossible to prove whether the villagers are
poor and are getting poorer. I took him with me into the villages, showed him
the houses in disrepair and one three-storeyed house, half fallen down, and
the goldsmiths sitting idle.

174 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 This is no doubt a rough and ready argument. But if most of
our villages contain ruins of well-built houses and artisans without
occupation, surely the evidence of poverty is more complete and con-
vincing than cold statistics which may prove everything or nothing.
The report which is Part I of Vol. 1 (Vol. 2 and Part II are to
follow) contains six chapters and three short dissenting notes by Drs.
Thakur and Kapanna and Shri Sagreiya. The dissenters chiefly
emphasize the necessity of industrialization though they acknowledge
that village industries need the help recommended by the main report.
Chapter two dealing with “General Considerations” stamps the
report as an original document and shows that it is not to be pigeon-
holed as most such reports are but should be given effect to without
delay. The only way to do so is, as pointed out in the report, to invite
the A. I. S. A. and the A. I. V. I. A. to help the Government to carry
out the recommendations.
I give below a full summary1 of the chapter on “General
Considerations”. . . .
The reader might have thought that my examination of the
Kumarappa Committee’s report on the Industrial Survey of the Cen-
tral provinces was concluded. The fact is that constant travelling and
preoccupations disabled me from pursuing the examination with the
regularity I had intended. The long journey to the Frontier Province
has provided the opportunity to continue and finish the examination.
The last instalment brought up the examination to the chap-ter
two. The third is no less important. The survey of 606 villages
revealed to the Committee the painful fact that the average income of
the villager per head was no more than Rs. 12. This need not startle
the arm-chair scientist who relies for his figures on books, and who
has been taught to believe that it is anything between Rs. 60 to Rs. 80.
Both are right from their own standpoints and data. The figure of 65
to 80 is an all-India average which includes the income of million-
aires, middlemen and zamindars. The figure has a purpose of its own.
But for the Kumarappa Committee the figure 65 would be wholly

1
This appeared under eight sub-headings: “Functions of the State”, “Taxes and
Expenditure”, “Capital and Labour Wealth”, “Mercy and Barter Economics”, “Barter
and Government Funds”, “Raw Materials, Production and Profit”, “Administrative or
Creative Efficiency” and “Impediment to Production”.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 175

false. The figure 12 is accurate and truly scientific. That Committee
was concerned with the average income of the villagers only. The
Committee says :
Our survey showed that most of the industries are tottering. There are
hardly any which can be said to be even in a normal state. The taxable capacity
of the people is rapidly going down and if the matter is not taken in hand
immediately, the time is fast approaching when the Government will get
nothing from the people . . . .
The meagreness of the income shows itself in the diet of the
people. Thus the report says.
. . . Their food is largely rice or some other grain, sometimes taken as gruel to
fill themselves up with water, but the tragedy of the situation is that even this little
amount of rice that is available to them is polished rice making their diet even worse.
They hardly get the chaff. This makes its incumbent on the Government to see that at
least the rice is given to the poor people has all its nutritive elements left in it. . .
There are other valuable hints on the subject of diet for which I
must refer the reader to the original.
There is a brief reference to agriculture. Here is an excerpt
from it :
. . . We have, in a way, already touched upon the question of payment of
revenues. In addition to this, the land tenure appears to us to require careful
examination. . . . . A great deal of harm has been done and is being done
because of the unscientific dues taken without careful planning. During our
survey we found that very little attention is being paid to renew the fertility of
the soil. . . . . It is time that the Agricultural Department took this function of
re-fertilizing the soil on its own shoulders and supplied to the farmers manure
from various depots in the villages at the proper season, getting back their
return at the time of their harvest. Manufacture of artificial fertilizers should
form a key industry. Seeds also may be given out . . . .
On the methods of production the Committee says:
. . . large-scale organized industries are rendered various services and are
granted concessions by the Government which enable them to produce
cheaply, while village and cottage units hardly get even the recognition of
their existence, not to mention services and concessions. . . Cottage and
village industries, as long as their natural tendency is to distribute wealth,
have a definite unchallengeable place in the economy of a nation and more
especially in that of our country. A careful examination will reveal that any
cheapness in production in large-scale industries or any economies that may
be effected are not necessarily inherent in the method of production. It is

176 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 largely due to expenditure which should be debited to this method of
production being spread over the whole country.
Chapter four deals with the Department of Industries. The
report has some trenchant remarks on it. Here is a summary :
. . . As it is organized today, the department is not equipped to direct
industries, it is nothing but a glorified inspectorate. . . . The organization of a
department of this kind should be such that every villager will turn to it
naturally for help and advice. . . . This department should be the pivot round
which the production of the masses should revolve. It should provide direct
help in every way—scientific, financial and technical . . . .
The suggestion that has been made here is on the lines on which the
All-India Village Industries Association and the All-India Spinners’ Asso-
ciation are already working successfully. At the headquarters of the All-India
Village Industries Association at Maganwadi, Wardha, various types of village
industries are being carried on. Students are trained in the industries and for
village work. A certain amount of scientific research is made. The goods
produced are marketed in a shop organized by the Association. There is
attached to it the Magan Sangrahalaya which is a museum of the type that is
described herein after. The Spinners’ Association has emphasized all these
points and, in addition, has organized the village producers, and built up a
network of shops all over the country to find outlets for the products of the
organization in the villages . . . .
It is worthy of note that the Director of Industries who is a mem-
ber of the Committee, has endorsed these remarks about his depart-
ment. He deserves congratulation for his detached and impartial out-
look.
The following instructive analysis of the distribution of expen-
diture deserves more than a passing attention :
1
Education 0-3-5
2

General Administration 0-3-0

Collection of Revenues 0-3-0
Police and Jails 0-3-0
Justice 0-1-3
Medical and Public Health 0-1-0
Agriculture, Veterinary, Civil Works 0-1-1
Co-operative Credit 0-0-1
1
Industries 0-0-1
______2
Re 1-0-0

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 177

Where industries, i. e., village economy takes only 1 12 pies there is
surely something rotten in the State of Denmark. And, as the
Committee has truly observed, this money is spent largely on mere
administrative work. If this department was run as it should be, the
villages will be prosperous, and to that extent they would add to the
prosperity of the State. It is wrong for the State to absorb three annas
out of 16 for general administration and police and jails respectively.
The fifth chapter which deals with the survey is really intro-
ductory to the sixth and last which describes the village industries in
detail. The condition of the villages is thus described :
. . . The primary needs of the people suggest that sanitary surroundings
and fresh and wholesome water-supply must form a first charge on the revenues
of the villages as it affects the health of the people. Unfortunately, water-
supply has been neglected, especially the supply of water to the Harijan
families. Whatever may be said against social customs, we cannot wait until
these have been reformed to enable these downtrodden communities to get
water. . . .
The report has the following remarks on the condition of the
industries in the villages :
. . . In our survey we noticed everywhere all manner of industries interposed
without any policy or plan. The result of it all is that today we find the
villages disintegrating . . . .
This shows that the villages have been criminally neglected in
the past. If the Congress Governments will carry out the professed
intention of the Congress, they will reconstruct the lives of the
villagers and make them utilize their time so as to supply most of their
own wants. As the report points out, the Governments have to do two
things: (1) to prevent interference with the village economy by
preventing foreign goods from entering the villages, and by
preventing our own merchants from introducing milled flour, rice, oil,
etc. These impose idleness on the villagers, and the polished, devita-
lized food products undermine their health. Secondly and side by side
with these preventive measures must go improvement in the methods
of conducting the existing industries so as to make them more paying,
and introduction of new industries in accordance with the condition of
particular villages in regard to raw material. And if the venture is to
succeed, the planning will have to include the taking up by the State
of the goods produced by the villagers not for self-consumption but
for sale outside the villages of production.

178 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 Among the village industries noted by the Committee are
paddy-husking, flour-grinding, oil-pressing, gur-making, sugar manu-
facture, bee-keeping, pottery, glass-work, soap-making, cotton pro-
cesses (i.e., picking, ginning, carding, spinning, weaving), washing,
dyeing, wool-spinning, weaving, sheep-breeding, carpentry, smithy,
sericulture, mat-weaving, rope-making, tanning, disposal of carcasses,
pisciculture, poultry-breeding, dairy-farming, shoe-making, brass and
metal wares, toy-making, goldsmithy, paper-making, transport, lac
industry, bamboo, match manufacture, etc. Among the industries is
bidi-making. This is what the Committee has to say on this industry :
Bidi manufacture is a very lucrative but a harmful industry in this province . . .
. Naturally, as other industries are not available to those who are willing to work this
industry attracts labour at very low rates considering the subsistence level of wages.
At all events they are able to make two and a half annas to three annas a day which, as
wages go in the villages today, is high. . . .
The Committee has made practical suggestions on all the indus-
tries. No summary can do justice to the hints given under each head-
ing. The curious must procure the report and study it. The Govern-
ment should issue a cheap and handy edition, and have a translation in
Hindustani at least. The report is useful for other pro-vinces also. The
Government in the other provinces should therefore procure copies
and instruct their Directors to study and act in the spirit of the report.
I hope that the Central Provinces Government will carry out in full the
recommendations made by the Committee.
Harijan, 20-5-1939,3-6-1939,15-7-1939, 22-7-1939 and
29-7-1939

221. NOTES
MORE TEMPLES THROWN OPEN
Raja Shri Rajaram Raja Saheb is the senior Prince and hereditary
trustee of Tanjore Palace Devasthanams. He has 90 temples under his
charge including the famous temple called Shri Brihadishwara. He has
thrown open all these temples to Harijans as a purely voluntary act of
reparation to Harijans and thus hastened the process of purification
that Hinduism is going through. It is a great and good thing that the
Raja Saheb has done. He deserves the congratulations of all those who
believe that untouchability is a blot on Hinduism. The accounts I have
received from Shrimati Rameshwari Nehru of the enthusiasm she has

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 179

witnessed in the South in favour of opening temples to Harijans, show
that the reform is genuine and is going to be lasting. She is a very
careful observer. She says her meetings are attended by thousands of
persons who follow every word of what she has to say. This is done
through able interpretation. And she says that her listeners gladly
endorse her sentiments. All this is a distinct improvement upon the
past. Thus, though much has been done, much more remains to be
done before Hindu reformers can rest on their oars. Temple reform
has to go side by side with temple-entry. If the reform is not super-
ficial but is an index of the desire for purification of Hinduism and
Hindus, it must be accompanied by purification of the temples in
every respect. Their sanctity and popularity should increase. The
admission of Harijans to the temples should mean an automatic uplift
in their lives. These things will not happen unless Harijan sevaks in-
crease their vigilance, redouble their zeal and feel themselves uplifted
by the reform they have helped to bring about. Reforms like the
throwing open of temples to Harijans should bring with them a
general levelling up in the lives of those who are engaged in and
affected by them.1
SEGAON, July 29, 1939
Harijan, 5-8-1939

222 . TELEGRAM TO SIKANDAR HYAT KHAN

S EGAON,
July 29, 1939
S IR S IKANDAR HYAT KHAN
S IMLA
THANKS WIRE 2 NO NEED APOLOGY SUCH THINGS
COMMON LOT OF PUBLIC MEN.

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

1
Vide also “Meenakshi Temple Open”, 12-7-1939
2
In this, dated July 27, the addressee expressed apology for the unseemly
demonstration by the Shias at Lahore Railway Station on July 26.

180 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 223. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
S EGAON, W ARDHA
July 29, 1939
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
Instead of guiding the Dhami people I have passed them on to
you. I feel that you should discharge this burden without any
1

interference from me. The idea in the States seems to be to isolate and
ignore the Congress and hence the States Conference. I have already
suggested2 in Harijan that no State Association or Mandal should act
on its own without reference to your committee3 . I should act, if at all,
through you; i.e., when you refer to me, I should give my opinion as I
do in respect of the Working Committee. I told the Gwalior people
also likewise yesterday. You will have to reorganize your committee a
bit, if it is to function properly.
After all I could not go to Kashmir. Sheikh Abdullah and
his friends won’t tolerate the idea of my being State guest. Banking
on my past experience, I had accepted State offer in anticipation of
Sheikh Abdullah’s approval. But I saw that I was mistaken. I there-
fore cancelled the acceptance of the State hospitality and accepted the
Sheikh’s. This embarrassed the State. So I cancelled the visit alto-
gether. I was guilty of double stupidity—in daring to think of going
there without you and in not getting Sheikh’s permission before
accepting the State offer. I had thought that I would serve the people
by accepting the State offer. I must confess that I was not pleased with
my contact [with] the Sheikh and his friends. They seemed to all of us
to be most unreasonable. Khan Saheb reasoned with them. But it was
to no purpose.
Your visit to Ceylon was glorious. I don’t mind what the imme-
diate outcome is. Saleh Tyabji asks me to send you to Burma and
Andrews thinks of you in connection with South Africa. For Ceylon
the idea of a Congress deputation came to me spontaneously, not so

1
A deputation on behalf of the Himalayan States People’s Conference met
Gandhiji at Delhi on July 27, and apprised him of the firing in Dhami.
2
Vide “Minority Administration”, 22-7-1939.
3
Standing Committee of All-India States Peoples’s Conference, of which
Jawaharlal Nehru was President.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 181

these two even after the promptings. But of these when we meet. I
hope you are fresh and that Krishna1 is enjoying herself.
Love.
BAPU
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library.
Also A Bunch of Old Letters, pp. 377-8.

224. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

S EGAON,
July 29, 1939
STUPID GIRL,
I wrote to you twice during the train journey. Shankaran is well.
He is not allowed to go up and down. He eats well. Mathew 2 is at
Balkrishna’s3 place. He appears well. He came walking all the way
here.
You will have met Devdas. I am getting on well. Kanu gave me
massage and I dozed off. It is difficult to stop Ba from working. You
were able to stop her. Ba also was free from care, Now she has to tend
me. Let us see what happens. There is no rain here. People are
distressed.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

225. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM

S EGAON,
July 29, 1939
CHI. AMTUL SALAAM,
You hurt me and I hurt you. This is a good bargain, isn’t it? A
letter was dispatched to you every day. Yes, I used to show your letters
to Sushila. It was my mistake. Please forgive me. Henceforth I shall
destroy them as soon as I get them. But then how would I be able to
reply?

1
Krishna Hutheesing, addressee’s sister
2
P. G. Mathew
3
Balkrishna Bhave

182 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 Yes, it will indeed be good if you visit Ramana Maharshi.
When you are free in August, will you go to Patiala or to
Bombay?
I would probably stay here throughout August. But then God
alone knows. Sushila has stayed back in Delhi and will remain there
for a month.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 426

226. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS1

S EGAON,
July 29, 1939
I have been in telegraphic correspondence with Dr. Dadoo,
leader of the Passive Resistance Committee in South Africa. I have no
hesitation in asking the Passive Resistance Committee to postpone, for
a time, the proposed launching of the struggle2 on 1st August. I do so
because I have some hope of an honourable settlement. I know that
the Government of India as well as the British Government are trying
to obtain relief. I have put myself in touch with the Ministers. In the
circumstances I think a brief postponement of the struggle to be
necessary. I am fully aware of the enthusiasm of the resisters. They
have proved their mettle before, and they will do so again if it
becomes necessary. But it is a code with passive resisters to seize every
opportunity of avoiding resistance, if it can be done honourably.
Every cessation in search of peace adds strength to real fighters. Let
them remember that the Cape Town Settlement of 1914 was the
outcome of a cessation of struggle for the sake of peace. I hope that
the proposed cessation will lead to a similar result. Should it unfor-
tunately prove otherwise and should the struggle begin, let Dr. Dadoo
and his fellow-resisters know that the whole of India will be at their
back.
Harijan, 5-8-1939

1
This appeared under “Notes”, sub-title, “Postpone the Struggle”. The
statement was also published in The Hindustan Times, 30-7-1939.
2
The movement was proposed as a protest against the Asiatic (Transvaal) Land
and Trading Act, 1939, which aimed at virtual economic extinction of the Indian
community in the Transvaal. Vide also Vol. “A Letter”, 7-4-1939. According to The
Bombay Chronicle, 31-7-1939, Dadoo had issued a statement acceding to Gandhiji’s
appeal to postpone the Passive Resistance movement, pending further advice from
him.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 183

 227. LESSON OF DHAMI
We have not heard the last of Dhami. The truth is not yet out.
The necessarily one-sided version of the Political Agent has been
challenged by the Himalayan States Praja Mandal. Their statement
shows how absolutely necessary it is to have an open judicial inquiry
into the events that led to firing by the Rana of Dhami.
Some members of the Himalayan Mandal came to see me
during my brief stay in Delhi. Dhami had made me think furiously.
Was nothing possible to prevent such tragedy? I had much to say
about it to the deputation, but I felt it would be wrong on my part to
shoulder the burden of guiding the Himalayan States Praja Mandal.
The responsibility was great. The issues at stake were equally great. I
therefore felt that the matter should be handled not by me but by the
Standing Committee of the All-India States People’s Conference. The
question of the States is daily assuming bigger and bigger propor-
tions. The ruling Chiefs are becoming free with their rifles. They feel
that they are safe so far as the Paramount Power is concerned. The
Congress has not much prestige with them. Many of them are now
evolving measures to crush the growing spirit of their people and
make it impossible, if they can, for the Congress to give effective
guidance to them, let alone to interfere. Nevertheless the Congress has
a duty to perform. I do not exactly know the constitution of the Con-
ference, but I presume that in some shape or other it is connected with
the Congress. Anyway it is the only body which is specially designed
for guiding the States people. It would be wrong for the States to
resent such guidance. They should also realize that any resentment
would be futile. The Congress cannot give up its duty of guiding the
States people in the hour of their need. Time was when the Congress
was guiding and protecting the rights of the States as against the Para-
mount Power. If the Congress friendship was desired and welcomed
by the States in need, it hardly becomes them to demur at their people
seeking Congress advice, guidance and protection. That the Congress
may not always be able to give the people effective assistance is
unfortunately too true. The Congress has to forge the necessary sanc-
tion by putting the organization on a firmer footing and by wise
restraint to acquire credit for impartiality and strictest justice. If the
Congress is to discharge its function in a becoming manner, it will

184 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

have to insist upon the workers learning to be more accurate than they
have been hitherto in preparing their cases. In order to ensure accu-
racy, the Standing Committee will have to subject to strict scrutiny
everything coming to it. If unchallengeable accounts of the doings in
the States where even simple justice is denied are published, they will
afford a foundation for action.
I have merely indicated a line of approach. The Standing
Committee will no doubt lay down its own policy and method of
dealing with problems as they arise from time to time. My object in
writing these lines is to warn workers in the States against coming to
me and expecting me to advise them. They should approach the
Standing Committee. Even as I do not guide Congressmen on general
matters falling within the function of the Working Committee but hold
myself at the disposal of that body, so shall I henceforth act in respect
of new State problems. I may not give up guiding those with whom I
am already directly concerned. I need hardly add that I shall continue
to do what my special aptitude in matters affecting States may enable
me to do without being involved in the general direction of popular
movements in them. I would ask workers in the States not to take up
any forward movement without previous reference to any sanction of
the Standing Committee. It must be the duty of the Congress acting
through the States People’s Conference to avoid, if at all possible, a
quarrel with the States.
SEGAON, July 30, 1939
Harijan, 5-8-1939

228. NOTES
ONE SCRIPT FOR DAUGHTERS OF SANSKRIT
The question of having one script for the Indian languages
which are daughters of Sanskrit by birth or adoption has been before
the public for a number of years. Yet in these days of aggressive
provincialism, perhaps, any plea for one script will be regarded as an
impertinence. But the literacy campaigns raging all over the country
should compel a hearing for the advocates of one script. I have been
one such for years. I remember having even adopted in South Africa
Devanagari script for my Indian correspondence with Gujaratis in
select cases. Inter-provincial intercourse will be much facilitated by
such adoption, and the learning of the various provincial languages

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 185

will be made infinitely easier than it is today. If the educated people
of the land were to put their heads together and decide upon one
script, its universal adoption should be an easy thing. To the millions
who are illiterate it is a matter of indifference what script is prescribed
to them. If the happy consummation comes to pass, there will be only
two scripts in India—Devanagari and Urdu, and every nationalist will
deem it his duty to master the two scripts. I am a lover of all Indian
languages. I have tried to learn as many scripts as possible. And if
only I had the time, even at the age of seventy I have energy enough
to learn more Indian languages. That would be a recreation for me.
But in spite of all my love for the languages I must confess that I have
not learnt all the scripts. But if the sister languages were written in one
script, I should pick up a workable knowledge of the principal
languages of the provinces in very little time. And Devanagari has
nothing to be ashamed of in point of symmetry or beauty. I hope that
those who are engaged in the literacy campaigns will give a passing
thought to my suggestion. If they will adopt Devanagari script, they
will save for the future generations tons of labour and time and earn
their blessings.
SEGAON, July 30, 1939
Harijan, 5-8-1939

229. A HARIJAN SEVAKS’ CONFERENCE

There was held on 4th to 7th June last at Poona a conference of
Western and Central India Harijan sevaks. Shrimati Rameshwari
Nehru, the Vice-President of the All-India Sangh, presided at the Con-
ference. I am sorry that it was not possible to notice before now some
of the important resolutions of the Conference. But they bear
publication even though they were passed nearly two months ago.
Here are the most important of them1 :
It is to be hoped that the resolutions addressed to the Indore
and Gwalior States will bear fruit. I have omitted similar ones
about Devas and Kathiawar States in order to avoid repetition.
Indeed if the Princes will do their duty by the despised portion of
India’s humanity, they should not need any reminder from the
Sangh. They do not, like the sanatanists, defend untouchability. With

1
Vide Appendix-”Harijan Sevaks’ Conference Resolutions”, 4/7-6-1939.

186 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

them the neglect to make provision for Harijans can only be ascribed
to indifference. Let us hope that the appeal made by the Conference
will not fall on deaf ears.
SEGAON, July 30, 1939
Harijan, 5-8-1939

230. LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR

S EGAON,
July 30, 1939
CHI. KAKA,
A letter for Maganbhai 1 is enclosed. If you like it, send it on
along with your comments.
I send herewith an article2 about a single script. If you wish to
suggest any changes in it, send your suggestions as soon as possible.
If you do not like the article, I am ready to cancel it.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 10923

231. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM

July 30, 1939
CHI. AMTUL SALAAM,
I have your letter. What should I say? If you can break your
vow, then do what you like. I shall not give the money to anyone else.
I cannot keep Akbar 3 here without you and how will you come here
without breaking the vow? Meet and talk to Shankerlalbhai and do
what seems proper.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 427

1
Maganbhai Prabhudas Desai
2
Vide “Notes”, 30-7-1939.
3
Akbarbhai Chawda

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 187

 232. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR
S EGAON, W ARDHA
July 31, 1939
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I had no time to write earlier. I was immersed in Harijan work.
The heap of correspondence still lies before me.
We had and exacting journey—crowds unusual everywhere.
There was no rest till reaching Gwalior, i.e., 2 a. m. I have not got at
the bottom of this sudden manifestation.
Mahadev is still in Calcutta.
Mira came in yesterday without notice. I knew that she was to
return but did not know when. The place is filling up.
Aryasamajists occupy much of my attention.1
We are all keeping well. Mira has a bad cough and constipation.
Love.
TYRANT
From the original: C. W. 3935. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7244

233. LETTER TO JAISUKHLAL GANDHI

S EGAON, W ARDHA
July 31, 1939
CHI.. JAISUKHLAL,
I have your letter, and also Sanyukta’s2 . I am not writing sepa-
rately to her. By God’s grace Kasumba3 is improving. I cannot think
of anything for you. You may write to Jamnalaji if you wish. Cases
like yours deserve to be carefully considered. I do know what your

1
The reference is to the ‘Arya Satyagraha’ against the anti-Hindu policy of the
Nizam Government, which ultimately announced a scheme of reforms that conceded in
substance their religious demands. The Hindustan Times, 28-7-1939, reported: “On
July 27, a deputation consisting of Mr. Ghanshyamsingh Gupta, Speaker of Central
Provinces Assembly, Mr. Vinayak Rao and Mr. Deshabandhu Gupta met Gandhiji and
placed before him the correspondence which passed between Mr. Ghanshyamsingh
Gupta and Sir Akbar Hydari, Prime Minister of Hyderabad State, regarding the doubts
expressed by the Aryasamajists on Hyderabad reforms.” Vide also “Notes”, sub-title,
“The Arya Samaj”, 14-8-1939.
2
Addressee’s daugher
3
Addressee’s wife

188 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

dharma is and it will always seem difficult to practise. So you may try
all means of earning whatever you can there. Contact Vithaldas. Don’t
insist on a particular sum as salary. Think further about the matter
after Kasumba has recovered.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI JAISUKHLAL GANDHI
S IR HARKISONDAS HOSPITAL
NEW C HARNI R OAD, B OMBAY
Form a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./III

234. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI

S EGAON, W ARDHA
July 31, 1939
CHI. NARANDAS,
I got both your letters. You will see in Harijanbandhu that I
have acted upon your suggestion. 1 I have also made the correction 2
suggested by you. I am apt to commit such arithmetical errors. It
could have been avoided if I had made the calculation on a sheet of
paper. Mahadev had checked the figures, but he too failed to detect
the error. He of course had some suspicion which was later on re-
moved.
That statement3 about the resolve of a good man is correct. Your
own resolve would work; my blessings in this regard are out of place.
The resolution about seventy lakh [yards of yarn] is yours and there is
strength of character in that resolution itself.
I do hope to supply you 700 yards at least. Ba also will give the
same quantity.
Blessings from
BAPU

1
Vide “Threat of Famine”, 2-8-1939.
2
Vide “Notes”, 6-8-1939.
3
Vide “Meenakshi Temple Open”, 12-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 189

[PS.]
Bhagwanji’s case is rather delicate. I think we shall have to pay
him more. I will explain further if I get time. For the present make the
payment.
BAPU
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II. Also C.W. 8558. Courtesy:
Narandas Gandhi

235. LETTER TO DEVADAS GANDHI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
July 31, 1939
CHI. DEVDAS,
I have your letter. It did not upset me. The fact that a difference
of opinion has arisen between us does pain me, but I hope that it will
disappear in the course of time. You may take as much of my time as
you wish. I meant well in asking you to get the opinion of Sardar and
of others. Their opinions may perhaps have some effect on me. Do
not forget one thing. You and I don’t see eye to eye. You believe that
my treatment kills the patient. I believe it keeps him alive. Now what
shall we do about this difference of opinion? It is because of this that
I am waiting patiently. One day one of us will be able to see who was
in the wrong.
Meet Sushila and talk with her lovingly. I have of course told
her the same thing.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 2049

236. LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
July 31, 1939
CHI. JIVANJI,
When is the Devanagari edition of the Autobiography likely to
be published?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9944. Also C. W. 6919. Courtesy:
Jivanji D. Desai

190 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 237. LETTER TO PYARELAL
July 31, 1939
CHI. PYARELAL,

You have not done the correct thing if you have not eaten
today. What adjective should be used for you for your not replying to
Ba at all? It would be good if you ate even now.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

238. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

S EGAON,
July 31, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,

I have written you three letters. I could not write yesterday. I

have received your letter. It does not acknowledge receipt of my
letters. I wrote from Mathura, Betul and Segaon. You must stay there
and give your whole heart to the work. It is good that you are finding
some novelty in the atmosphere there. Kanu gives me massage every
day. I also bathe regularly. The blood-pressure is not checked every
day. Today Mahodaya checked it. The reading was 155/90.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

239. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA

S EGAON,
July 31, 1939
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
I have received your letters. It is time for the post. I shall not
write much today. I am thinking about you. There have been no rains
here. People are anxious.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 4323.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 191

 240. TELEGRAM TO LORD LINLITHGOW 1

WARDHA,
August 1, 1939
HIS EXCELLENCY VICEROY
VICEROY’S C AMP
EXCEEDINGLY SORRY CANNOT REACH DELHI FIFTH INSTANT
ESPECIALLY AS THERE IS NO PARTICULAR PURPOSE FOR MEETING.
URGENT WORK DEMANDS. EXHAUSTING JOURNEY FROM
FRONTIER PROVINCE. ANY DATE AFTER TWENTIETH INSTANT
WILL SUIT.2

From a copy : C.W. 7830 a. Courtesy : G. D. Birla

241. TELEGRAM TO NARANDAS GANDHI

WARDHA,
August 1, 1939
NARANDAS GANDHI
R ASHITRIYASHALA
R AJKOT
HOPE INAUGURATION RENTIA YAGNA3 SUCCESSFUL. IF DROUGHT
CONTINUES SEVENTY PER CENT SHOULD BE DEVOTED FAMINE RELIEF.
THEREFORE THERE SHOULD BE SPECIALLY EXTENSIVE RESPONSE IN
MONEY AND YARN.
BAPU
From a microfilm: M.M.U./II. Also C. W. 8559. Courtesy: Narandas Gandhi

1
This was in reply to the addressee’s letter dated July 28, which, inter alia,
read : “I write to say that it would give me very great pleasure to see you again if it was
by any chance convenient for you to be in Delhi on Saturday, the 5th August. . . .
There is no special subject which I want to raise with you but it is now some months
since we have met and I would welcome an opportunity of seeing you again.”
2
For the addressee’s reply, vide Appendix-“Letter from Lord Linlithgow”,
2-8-1939.
3
Initiated by the addressee in honour of Gandhiji’s birthday, also known as
Rentia Baras, observed with non-stop sacrificial spinning from Bhadarua Vad 12
(Gandhiji’s date of birth according to Vikram calendar, usually falling in the second
half of September) to October 2; vide also “Notes”, 10-9-1939, sub-title, “Surplus
Khadi”; and “Meenakshi Temple Open”, 12-7-1939.

192 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 242. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA
S EGAON,
August 1, 1939
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
I am trying to send Shakaribehn or Kanchanbehn. Balkrishna
should never be left alone. Today also I have no time for more.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 4324.

243. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 1, 1939
CHI. AMTUL SALAAM,
There was no letter from you yesterday. Your present address is
not known, hence I am sending this letter with Lakshmidasbhai1. I did
not expect such behaviour from you. It only shows that no responsi-
bility can be entrusted to you. Well, His will be done. This will teach a
new lesson. I hope you will stay there till Mridulabehn2 returns.
All are well here.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 428

244. THREAT OF FAMINE

There have been no rains yet at many places in Kathiawar. Shri
Chhaganlal Joshi writes.3
This news is alarming. We do hope that Kathiawar will
escape this calamity; but if it does not, my second hope is that those
who have foodgrains and fodder, or can manage them, will not take
advantage of the situation and make profit, and will sell them at cost

1
Lakshmidas Asar
2
Mridula Sarabhai
3
The letter is not translated here. It described how people and cattle were
starving. Chhaganlal Joshi along with Narandas Gandhi thought that 70 percent of
the amount collected during Gandhi Jayanti week should be spent on relief work.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 193

price. My third hope is that the Rulers will fulfil their duty by
rendering the people as much help as possible, and the fourth hope is
that the volunteers will rush out to offer help at various places. The
spinning yajna will be observed for seventy days with effect from 2nd
August, under the auspices of the Rajkot Rashtriyashala. It has been
suggested that during the yajna workers should increase their speed of
spinning and from the produce 70 percent should be used for helping
the famine-stricken people. In the meanwhile, if it rains and Kathiawar
escapes the danger, the yarn may be utilized for its original objec-
tive1 . The main idea at this moment is to raise production. It can be
raised by collecting funds and spinning more cotton. It is expected
that those who did not normally participate in the spinning yajna
would do so this time. If the atmosphere for spinning is created it will
be easier to give the work to the famine-stricken. Thereby proper help
will be given to them and their self-respect will also be preserved. In
order to procure adequate help, the spinning work will have to be
taken up on a large scale and for that the formation of a committee of
right persons is essential.
My fifth and the last desire is that the khadi produced through
the spinning yajna performed by the famine-stricken people will be
disposed of easily. If the khadi is not sold immediately, the calamity
cannot be met and overcome by the spinning-wheel.
SEGAON, August 2, 1939
[From Gujarati]
Harijanbandhu, 6-8-1939

1
That is, to use it equally for Kathiawar Harijan work, khadi work and Rajkot
Rashtriyashala; vide “Meenakshi Temple Open”, 12-7-1939.

194 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 245. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 2, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,

I received your two letters together. At least you received all my

letters. I am keeping well. I have good sleep. I go to bed at 9.30 p. m.
You must put on still more weight.
I am thinking about your hospital.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

246. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS 1

The hunger-striking prisoners of Dum Dum Jail have sent me

some questions through Shri Mahadev Desai. It will serve the cause
better if I give a public answer. I am sorry that I can fix no date for
their release nor give any other undertaking. I would if I had the
power. The only power I have is to plead their cause with all the force
at my command. But they give me no chance whatever by continuing
their hunger-strike. In so far as it was intended to rouse public atten-
tion it has served its purpose. Any prolongation of the fast will now
defeat that purpose. There are many who would work actively for
their release if the strike is given up. I do feel very strongly that this
fast is not justified. The strikers are giving a bad lead to those who are
similarly situated. Such hunger-strikers, if they are largely copied, will
break all discipline to pieces and make orderly government impossi-
ble. The prisoners’ cause is essentially just, but they are weake-ning it
by their persistence. I would ask them to live and listen to the advice
of one who claims to be an expert in fasting and who claims also to
know the science of political prisonership. Let them not hamper one
whom they consider to be their best advocate. I make bold to say that
had the fates not been against them and me, they would certainly have
been discharged before 13th April last. But I do not propose to go
into the past. Suffice it to add that their refusal to give up the strike

1
This appeared under the title “To Bengal Prisoners”. The statement was also
published in The Hindu, 2-8-1939, and The Hindustan Times, 3-8-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 195

will embarrass the Working Committee in whatever effort it might wish
to make to secure their release.
SEGAON, August 2, 1939
Harijan, 5-8-1939

247. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 3, 1939
MY DEAR IDIOT,
I have not had a moment for writing to you. I gave you a wire 1
about Dhami. Jawaharlal is already on the war path.
Of course, you will bring the cooker and everything else you
may need. But why cooker? You are going to take your meals with
me as before. The delay is unfortunate. It is not only the work for
which you are coming. However don’t delay any longer.
Love.
TYRANT
From the original: C. W. 3936. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G. N. 7245

248. LETTER TO POTTI SRIRAMULU CHETTY

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 3, 1939
MY DEAR SHRIRAMULU 2 ,
I have your letter.
I must not write to Rajaji. You should go to the Kodambakkam
Ashram3 and offer your services as a volunteer. They will accept you
if you are a steady worker.
Yours sincerely,
BAPU
From a photostat: G. N. 112

1
Vide “Telegram to Amrit Kaur”, 24-7-1939.
2
A Congressman of Nellore who fasted to death in 1953 for the formation of a
separate Andhra State
3
Harijan Ashram

196 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 249. LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR
August 3, 1939
CHI. KAKA,
The letter for Maganbhai was posted promptly.
Come over at 3 o’clock today for giving me your report about
Meher Ashram.
A bill for a fairly large sum has been sent by Wanless [Sanato-
rium] regarding that gentleman. Ask for it from me.
I have written 1 to Jivanji inquiring about the Autobiography.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 7971

250. LETTER TO PRABHAVATI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 3, 1939
CHI. PRABHA,
I have your letter. Since Rajendra Babu is so keen, take up the
responsibility and do whatever you can. God will give you the needed
strength. Sushila’s address is: Dr. Sushila Nayyar, Lady Hardinge
Hospital, New Delhi.
You can write to Uncle: Sheth Jamnalalji Bajaj, State Prisoner,
Jaipur.
There is no cause for worry about Vidyavati2 if there is no blee-
ding. The remedies for her are: mud packs, hip-bath, bland un-spiced
food without oil, and plenty of greens like bhaji, cucumber, turiya, etc.,
also oranges, mosambi, pomegranates, grapes, etc. Fried things should
be avoided. Very little rice. She may eat khakhara but no food at night.
She should drink plenty of water.
I am here for the present.
Blessings from
BAPU

1
Vide “Letter to Jivanji D. Desai”, 31-7-1939.
2
Addressee’s sister, the eldest daughter-in-law of Rajendra Prasad

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 197

[PS.]
Give this letter to Sumangal1 after reading it.
From a photopstat of the Gujarati: G. N. 3535

251. LETTER TO ANASUYABEHN SARABHAI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 3, 1939
CHI. ANASUYABEHN,

Shankerlal tells me that you are not keeping well. You are
suffering from indigestion and blood impurity. These can certainly be
cured by hip-bath, mud treatment and change in the diet. If this regi-
men is not possible there then stay in Wardha. I would like to keep
you in Segaon but here I shouldn’t be able to provide the amenities
you would want. Everything will be done for you in Wardha and at
the same time you will be under my care. You cannot but get well.
Pass on the enclosed letter to Gulzarilal. I hope Bhabhi is all
right and is not fretting about the tumour.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: S.N. 32819

252. LETTER TO SUMANGAL PRAKASH

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 3, 1939
CHI. SUMANGAL,

Would you like to marry Maitri, the daughter of Dal Bahadur

Giri? She is a good girl. Prabha knows her. You have also seen her.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: Sumangal Prakash Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library

1
Sumangal Prakash

198 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 253. LETTER TO PRESIDENT, TANZEEM-UL-MOMININ 1

[Before August 4, 1939] 2

DEAR FRIEND,
I have sufficient papers in front of me to enable me to formulate
a tentative opinion upon the Shia and Sunni controversy. I have a
long letter from Pantji3 and printed papers giving me what purports to
be an unbiased version.
This much seems to stand out clearly. Whereas the Madhe Saheba
is to praise the elected Caliphs, the Tabarra is a curse pronounced
upon the first three Caliphs. Whilst one can understand the right of
publicly praising people, is there such a thing as right of pronouncing
a curse on dead men? The right of Tabarra cannot be derived from
the holy Koran for the simple reason that the Caliphate came into
being only after the death of the holy Prophet. I would like you,
therefore, to enlighten me on the religious duty of saying the
Tabarra.
I would also readily grant that there can be no religious duty in
praising the Caliphs specially in public places and in the presence of
those whom the recital is known to offend. Therefore, subject to what
you might say to the contrary, I would advise you, for the sake of
peace, to withdraw the civil resistance4 and stop the public recital of
Tabarra unconditionally, leaving it to the good sense of the Sunnis so
to act as not to wound the susceptibilities of their Shia brethren.
I have not written this letter for publication. You have been
good enough to ask me to give my candid opinion and I have given it
tentatively. If it helps you in announcing your decision in accor-
dance with my advice, you are at liberty to publish this letter.I am not
sending a copy of this opinion to anyone. It is simply meant for you
and friends who accompanied you and on whose behalf you had
come.
The Hindu, 5-8-1939

1
The source reported that a deputation of Tanzeem-ul-Mominin “recently
waited on Gandhiji to seek his advice regarding the Shia-Sunni dispute” on the right
to recite, in public, Madhe Saheba by Sunnis and Tabarra by Shias. The agitation
had started as early as March. Vide “Telegram to Tanzeem-Ul-Mominin”, on or after
19-5-1939 and “A Letter”, 23-5-1939.
2
The letter was reported under the date-line “Lucknow, August 4”.
3
Govind Ballabh Pant, Premier and Minister of Home Affairs and Finance of
the United Provinces
4
Started by the Shias in early June

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 199

 254. INTERVIEW TO GOVERDHANLAL SHUKLA
[ O n or before August 4, 1939] 1
Gandhiji told Mr. Shukla2 that he was not treating the question of the release
of political prisoners, both of the Punjab and Bengal, lightly. He pointed out that the
hunger-strike by the political prisoners in Bengal jails had been causing difficulties
in finding a solution.
Gandhiji declared that the problem of the political prisoners was coming up
before the Congress Working Committee.
Gandhiji pointed out that, with a solution found for the problem of political
prisoners in Bengal, the question relating to the Punjab prisoners would be solved
immediately and automatically.
Gandhiji, it is stated, then asked Mr. Shukla to furnish him with particulars
about the prisoners belonging to the Punjab, and the attempts made for their release,
on receipt of which he would do what lay in his power.
The Hindu, 5-8-1939

255. WELL DONE BOMBAY!

From all the accounts I have received it seems that Bombay
surpassed itself on the 1st of August, the day of the inauguration of
prohibition. An eye-witness of the demonstration tells me that the
procession that took the mortal remains of the immortal Lokamanya
to the Chowpaty sands, huge as it was, was far outdone by the crowds
that gathered together on the Azad Maidan. He tells me that all
Bombay was present there. The labourers, who were the chief persons
to benefit by the measure and who were at the same time the most
affected by prohibition, attended in their thousands with their wives.
They rejoiced in the deliverance from the devil from whose grip they
could not disengage themselves without external assistance. Had they
gone to express their gratefulness to the Ministers for their courage in
persisting in their benevolent measure in the teeth of the opposition of
vested interests?
It was not a mere labour demonstration. All classes took part in
it. At that huge meeting there was not a jarring note. Men and women
had turned up in their thousands to take part in thanks-giving to God
for the successful inauguration of prohibition.
The great Parsi community deserves congratulations for the

1
The interview was reported under the date-line “Wardha, August 4”.
2
Of Kanpur

200 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

restraint it observed in spite of its bitter opposition to the measure.
Evidently wiser counsel prevailed and no hostile demonstration appe-
ars to have been staged by them. My hope that Parsi philanthropy will
get the better of the opposition, appears to have been justified. Is it too
much to expect whole-hearted support from the Parsis in making the
measure a complete success? Let them remember, the glory of the
effort in Bombay will be reflected not only throughout the province
but it will be reflected all over India. I make bold to say that although
they feel that they have been unjustly dealt with, the future generation
of Parsis will bless Dr. Gilder as their true represent-ative and
benefactor. Surely Parsis should be proud, as India is proud, that they
have produced in Dr. Gilder a man who has stood firm as a rock in
the midst of fiercest opposition including threats of boycott and
worse.
Indeed the whole of the Ministry deserves hearty congratula-
tions on the steadfastness with which they have pursued this great
moral reform. The demonstration of 1st August shows that they had
and have practically the whole of Bombay behind them. No construc-
tive measure promoted by the Congress has had such enthusiastic
support as this great moral reform.
It is a matter of regret that a Muslim procession of protest, not
against the measure but against the property tax, was organized the
same day and resulted in a clash with the police. But it only enhanced
the value of the public meeting, for the procession had no effect
whatsoever on the great and irresistible demonstration. Bombay had
one mind at the Azad Maidan.
Let us hope the brilliant beginning has momentum enough in it
to lead to a brilliant end. Much constructive effort will be required in
order to consolidate the advantage gained by the closing of liquor-
shops. It removes the temptation from the drinker but not the craving
for drink. His mind has to be directed into the right channel. He must
have healthy refreshment at a place where he can rest his tired mind
and limbs. Workers among the labourers should deem it their duty to
study their lives and help them to conquer the craving for drink. The
Government alone won’t be able to cope with this consolidation work.
They could close the liquor-shops with a measure of popular good-
will. But they will need the active co-operation of a band of volunteer
workers to supplement the official effort to help the drinker to lose his
craving for drink.
S EGAON, August 4, 1939
Harijan, 12-8-1939

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 201

 256. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 4, 1939
CHI. AMTUL SALAAM,
I am not sending you a telegram. What could I say? If you are
determined to come, you will come. How could you do a job which
you are unable to do? You had vowed that you would return when
Mridula and Lakshmidasbhai let you go. Now Shankerbhai is there.
Meet him and do what appears proper. I have, of course, written to
Lakshmidasbhai about Akbar. I don’t have the courage to keep him
here. A Muslim lady doctor arrived here yesterday. She belongs to
Central Provinces. Her father is also a doctor. She will stay for a
month. She seems to be a good person. She is doing Sushila’s work.
Nimu is of course here.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 429

257. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 4, 1939
FOOLISH GIRL,

Your two letters have arrived together. I do write to you every

alternate day. Shirin arrived here yesterday. She seems to be a good
girl. It was she who checked my blood-pressure today. It was 135-88.
Pyarelal’s reading was the same. Then there is now a prisoner from
Bengal. Nimu is there of course. I go to bed after 9.00 p. m. Right
now it is 3.00 p. m. I am Iying with a mud-pack on my stomach. I
have been taking dates for the past three days. They are very nice. I
remember you. People here are anxious because it has not rained. Do
not worry about me.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

202 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 258. DISCUSSION WITH V. V. SATHE 1
S EGAON,
August 5, 1939
GANDHIJI : Ifyou are a satyagrahi, I too am a satyagrahi, and as I
have been told by many friends that you are a reasonable man and a
man of restraint, I shall show you that you are wrong.
Well then, you ought to have exhausted all the constitutional
means. You must remember that the Bombay Congress Ministry is
under four Congress Committees—Gujarat, Maharashtra, Karnataka
and Bombay. You should have lodged your complaint before them.
Failing satisfaction you should have gone to the Working Committee,
failing there to the A.I.C.C., and then to the open session of the
Congress. And if you accept my authority as an expert in satyagraha,
then you should have come to me, but not with a decision to fast.
SATHE: I do not accept you as the final authority, but I would certainly take
your advice. But let me ask you one question. Whether all these Congress Committees
give an opinion in my favour or not, what if the Ministers say they have violated the
Congress principles?
Do they say so?
Yes. But they will not resign, they say, unless they are asked to resign. But
they have broken the promises given in election manifestos.
There is no rigidity about the manifestos. You may say many
things but you may not be able to carry them all out.
My own Sadashiv Peth, which is one of the constituencies, did resolve that the
Ministry had not fulfilled the promises.
Well then, let that committee approach the A.I.C.C. But why this
fast? You must exhaust all the natural steps.
The natural steps take years. It is a cumbersome machinery.
Not years, but it may take a year. That should not matter.

1
The discussion appeared under the title “A Satyagrahi v. A Satyagrahi” by
Mahadev Desai, who explains: “Shri V. V. Sathe is a seasoned faster and a Congress-
man. He fasted in jail for the right of cooking his own food. . . remained without .
clothes. . . because he would not be allowed to wear khadi. He is a downright honest
man but often it would seem his logic gets the better of his common sense. . . He
came to Segaon on the morning of the 5th, determined to go on a fourteen-day fast. . .
. He feels that the Bombay Ministry grievously erred in certain things, e.g., orders
about processions, security demanded from Presses, and firing. He had come
determined to fast in Gandhiji’s presence because he said, Gandhiji was ‘the God of
the Congress’ and had the resignations of the Congress Ministries in his pocket. . .

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 203

 I do propose to go to the open Congress, for the Congress is an authority
above you.
I am no authority. I have a certain amount of moral influence.
But you do not exercise it.
How do you know? You must place all the facts before me and
convince me that I have not done all in my power.1
But you do not expect me to express my judgment on these matters?
I do.
How can I? Your reading out the texts of orders to me and
placing all the facts in your possession before me does not take me
further. I must hear the Ministers also.
But that you can easily do. You are the High Command.
How am I the High Command?
You have said that the Ministers’ resignations are in your pocket.
When did I say so? Produce my statements.2
No, seriously, if I made any such preposterous statement, it
would be bravado. You do not find my name mentioned anywhere in
the constitution. I can exercise my moral authority certainly, but that
only when I see that there is something which ought to be done
(morally) by the Working Committee or the Ministry.
Then you will study the case while I go on with my fast.
How can you, when you have yet to convince me of the justi-
fiability of your fast?
I am fasting only to arrest your attention.
You will if you do not fast. The moment you begin your fast
you distract my attention, you paralyse my capacity for unbiased
judgment. I could not enjoy my meals if I knew that someone was
fasting without cause. And then you must know that this is a colony of
fasters. There is Bhansali, the greatest faster I have known, Vinoba had
fasted, and so has Kakasaheb. You had better see them, talk to them,
and see if they approve of your going on fast.3

1
Mahadev Desai says: “Shri Sathe now proceeded to give the details of his
grievances on the three scores. . . the details of the orders about the processions and
how people dodge them, and so on.”
2
Sathe laughed in reply.
3
Mahadev Desai explains: “Shri Sathe now turned to the second of his
counts—the demand of security from the papers. The British Government may have
done it, but for the Congress Government to do so was the height of injustice. Why

204 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 I do not take your view. If we have a national government,
and we have papers that simply thrive on prosecutions, what are we to
do? But that only means that there are fundamental differences
between us. We have got to examine everything. If you want me to use
my moral authority, I must have certain conviction that the Ministers
have gravely erred in all the three matters you have mentioned. And if
the conviction goes home, I would certainly like to speak to the
Ministers and the Working Committee. But to do all this I must exa-
mine your allegation at leisure. And you may be sure that though I
have very little time I would study the papers you send me, just for
your sake.
But in the mean while I may fast.
No. You can place the whole case before the Working
Committee if you like.
What right have I?
Everyone has a right. The Working Committee is there to listen
to every Congressman and non-Congressman with a grievance. But
now that you have asked me to study the case perhaps you may not
want to put it before the Working Committee. After I have given my
decision, you may reason with me, plead with me, and then if you find
me obstinate, you can fast against me.
You are a student of the Gita?
I am.
Well then, I tell you your fast would be the third kind of tapas
described in the seventeenth chapter1 —tamasa tapas born of ignorance
and perverseness.
So I may fast a month hence, if I am not satisfied?
Yes, but if I want more time, you will give me.
Certainly. 2
Harijan, 12-8-1939

should the editors not be prosecuted? No security should be demanded without

prosecution.”
1
Verse 19
2
Mahadev Desai adds: “Shri Sathe is a man of simplest habits and very few
wants. He was a head master of a national school for some time, and Gandhiji tried to
persuade him to stay on here, study the various activities and give his time to
whatever activity appealed to him. His few wants could be easily met here. But he was
not to be so easily fished. He preferred to go back to Poona.”

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 205

 259. LETTER TO RAKHAL
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 5, 1939
BHAI RAKHAL,
I was happy that you came to Segaon and stayed here for some
days. I wish that the faith in truth and ahimsa, which has grown in you,
may also grow in the hearts of all revolutionary brothers and sisters.
Those whom I met gave me this assurance. I know that we will never
be able to achieve independence without truth, ahimsa and so on.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi : G. N. 4667

260. AM I ALL-POWERFUL?

Two Congressmen came to me during the week. One of them

said :
We in the Central Provinces think that you can do everything you want. You
can remove the Ministry at will and you can make them do what you like.
The other said :
You are the Working Committee. Every Congressman therefore blames you
for the present corruption. You showed us that moral authority was the
supreme authority. You taught us to think that the existing system was
Satanic. You taught us that when the Congress reigned there would be no
devilry, there would be purity in every walk of life. But we find today quite the
reverse. The Congress reigns in many provinces and yet corruption is
rampant. Congressmen quarrel among themselves. There is marked
deterioration. Devilry is not gone. You do not rely upon numbers. You have
often said that even a few true and good Congressman can, by their moral
worth, represent the whole nation and real democracy can be evolved. But
instead of quality the cry everywhere is for quantity. The amendments recently
made are of no use. They won’t remove the growing corruption nor reduce the
unmanageable size of the Congress. If you say that you cannot have your way
with the Working Committee, let us know it. As it is we believe you to be all-
powerful and are therefore filled with wonder that you allow things to go from
bad to worse. Look at your Khadi Clause. It is responsible for extensive
hypocrisy in the Congress. Very few believe in Khadi and therefore use it only
for show. Khadi therefore stands for falsehood and worse. You who brought the

206 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 country to a moral height are now bringing it down. Presently the Congress
will become the laughing-stock of the country, if things go as they are doing.
If you cannot mend the Congress, why don’t you leave it alone?
This second critic is a well-known Congressman and organizer.
He spoke feelingly. I promised to reproduce in these columns the
substance of the answer I gave him.
I am not all-powerful whether with the Central Provinces
Ministers or with the Working Committee. I know very little of the
doings of the Ministers. I never interfere with their work. I have never
regarded that as my function. Occasionally I have to correspond with
them on matters such as the village industries, basic education or the
like precisely as any citizen would do. I have invariably refused to
interfere with their work. I would not have the time for it even if I had
the wish. It would mean usurpation of the function of the Parliamen-
tary Sub-committee of the Working Committee.
So far as the Working Committee is concerned, I do attend its
meetings whenever I am required to do so. I do influence its decisions
in the matters that may be referred to me and never in any others.
Many sittings of the Committee I do not attend at all. Of many of its
resolutions I have no knowledge except after they are passed and that
through the Press. This was the arrangement when I first severed1 my
legal connection with the Congress. What hold I have on the
Committee is purely moral. My opinion prevails only to the extent
that I carry conviction. Let me give out the secret that often my advice
makes no appeal to the members. For instance, if I had my way, the
Congress would be reduced to the smallest compass possible. It would
consist of a few chosen servants removable at the will of the nation but
getting the willing co-operation of the millions in the programme they
may put before the nation. But this is too drastic and too undemo-
cratic for Congressmen.
I admit that the Khadi Clause has led to much falsehood
and hypocrisy. If I had my way, it would have gone long ago. I
sought to have the clause removed 2 even when I seceded from the
Congress. I have repeated the attempt more than once but with no
success. The argument has been that the Congressmen in general will
not listen to the removal of the clause.

1
In 1934; vide “Statement to the Press”, 30-10-1934.
2
Vide “Statement to the Press”, 17-9-1934.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 207

 Similarly I have endeavoured1 to have the words ‘peaceful and
legitimate’ removed from the Constitution but again without success. I
can multiply instances in which I have failed to carry the Working
Committee with me. I do not mention these failures by way of
complaint against the Working Committee. The members had weighty
reasons for not listening to me. I have not felt called upon to sever the
moral tie with the old colleagues. I do not arrogate to myself any
superiority over them. It has been a privilege to work with them. They
are as good and faithful servants of the nation as I claim to be myself.
I cling to them because I have the hope that one day they will be
converted to my point of view or that I shall be converted to theirs.
Nor do I subscribe to the charge that the old regime was purer
than the present. Whilst I admit that much corruption has crept into
the Congress organization, that there are many self-seekers in it, it is
my conviction that the Congress administration is comparatively purer
than the old one. It is also my conviction that the Congress adminis-
tration is responsible for several measures for the amelioration of the
condition of the masses. I regard prohibition as the greatest of them
all. But there is no doubt that a vast deal still remains to be done. I
hug the hope that some day the Augean stables of the Congress will
be swept clean and that the fears of the second critic of the Congress
will be dispelled. It is not to be denied that he has grounds for his
fears. Being an irrepressible optimist, things do not dismay me to the
extent that they dismay him. They are serious enough to rouse every
Congressman to a sense of his duty. The Congress will surely be
undone if it does not stand exclusively on the solid rock of its moral
worth.
SEGAON, August 6, 1939
Harijan, 12-8-1939

261. NOTES
SHETH JAMNALALJI
Sheth Jamnalalji is an extraordinary prisoner. He believes that as
a prisoner he has not to care about his body beyond what the doctors
provided for him do. And so I have only now come to know the true
state of his health. Shri Shankerlal Banker, who happened to go to
Jaipur to see Jamnalalji, got concerned about his health and told me
how bad it was.

1
Vide “Statement to the Press”, 17-9-1934

208 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 For the moment I refrain from publishing the correspondence
which has come into my hands. According to the Jaipur Civil Surgeon
his is a case for special treatment. If it is, the onus is on the State to
release him unconditionally, leaving it to Jamnalalji whether he will
take special treatment within the State or without. It is futile to suggest
to Jamnalalji that he should undertake to leave Jaipur if he is
discharged. He will rather die in prison than be free under the very
condition for the breach of which he has courted imprisonment. As I
have already pointed out, 1 there is no fear of Jamnalalji promoting
civil disobedience in the State. For it stands indefinitely suspended.
The authorities know that Jamnalalji is essentially a non-violent man.
They also know him to be a man of his word. To me his detention is a
mystery and, in the present state of his health, a crime.
The public generally do not know that though the place where
he is detained is good and accessible, it is a haunt of ferocious
animals. Under what appear to me to be barbarous shikar laws of
Jaipur State, these animals are protected under pain of heavy fines
being inflicted on the persons killing them. Tigers and their brood, it
is said, eat men and animals with impunity. My purpose here, however,
is not to deal with these shikar laws, inhuman as they appear to me to
be. My purpose is to protest against Jamnalalji being kept in a tiger-
infested place. I understand that even his keepers are not very happy
over their job. There is no fear of Jamnalalji running away. If he must
be kept in prison, why should he not be kept in an unobjectionable
place where medical and other assistance is easily available?
There is also another point which calls for notice. Though
repeated requests have been made, he has not yet been permitted
to keep a companion. He has been given no nurse. Instances are on
record when he was badly in need of night attendance. That he him-
self has made no complaint is no reason for the authorities’ negli-
gence in not providing necessary attendance. Their attention has been
drawn to the matter more than once by Shethji’s secretary.2
IN IMITATION OF KATHIAWAR
Shri Sitaram Sastri, having read about the spinning programme3
of seventy days set up by Shri Narandas Gandhi of Rajkot Rash-
triyashala, has decided to imitate him and he has begun his pro-

1
Vide “Jaipur”, 8-7-1939.
2
Jamnalal Bajaj was released on August 9.
3
Vide “Meenakshi Temple Open”, 12-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 209

gramme of having from co-workers twenty-five lacs yards of yarn by
the 2nd of October next. I wish him every success. Its secret lies in
having previously the names of spinners and the quantity they would
spin and having weekly reports of the work done. Naturally the
spinners, being volunteers, will be expected to spin as strong, even and
fine a yarn as they can with minimum waste. The idea behind all such
effort should be that they will prove experts in their own localities and
be an example to their neighbours.
A CORRECTION
Shri Sitaram Sastri points out an error that crept into my note1 on
the Kathiawar spinning programme. In it I mentioned that 700
spinners spinning 1,000 yards per day would be required to spin 70
lacs of yards in 70 days, and 7,000 spinners if they spun 100 yards
per day. ‘700’ should read 100, and ‘7,000’ should read 1,000.
Whilst I gladly correct the error, I may say that no harm will be done
if 700 or 7,000 spinners take part in the sacrificial spinning. The more
the better.
SEGAON, August 6, 1939
Harijan, 12-8-1939

262. LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI

August 6, 1939
CHI. VALJI,
I got your letter yesterday. But I did not have time to reply
immediately. I am of course writing to Chitre, but will he do your
work? I am writing to Ramachandran 2 at the same address. You will
get this letter before Chitre leaves. If, therefore, you approve of what I
write, send a wire to Chitre to stay on. This is only a suggestion. You
know Chitre much better. As he is greatly devoted to you, he may
prove useful. How did your health break down? Have you been care-
less about your diet? I hope you will return after getting com-pletely
cured.
Blessings from
BAPU
P ROF. V. DESAI
S ANATORIUM
P. O. VANIVILAS MOHALLA, M YSORE
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C. W. 7485. Courtesy: Valji G. Desai

1
Vide “Meenakshi Temple Open”, 12-7-1939
2
G. Ramachandran

210 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 263. LETTER TO MANILAL AND SUSHILA GANDHI
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 6, 1939
CHI. MANILAL AND SUSHILA,
I have your long letter full of news. It will be of help to me.
Here the work is going on at full speed. There has been some
delay as your Prime Minister is away. I will keep you informed if
there are any special developments. But what counts and will count is
your strength. I had a cable from Nana saying that I did a good thing
in advising postponement. I have not replied to the cable. Can’t the
differences there be patched up? Who are the persons behind the
threat of murder? How did the matter reach that stage?1
What makes you think it would be to your advantage if there
was no Agent-General at all? It would be easy to withdraw him.
However, as it will not be possible to post one again, we should decide
after careful thinking.
I must be kept informed about developments there.
A letter from Ba is enclosed.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 4900

264. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI

August 6, 1939
CHI. AMRITLAL,
You will be pleased to read the accompanying2 .
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 10791

1
Vide also “Letter to Manilal Gandhi”, 25-6-1939.
2
A letter from Chandanbehn Parekh to Gandhiji thanking him for sending a
kind and patient man like the addressee to take care of her

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 211

 265. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
SEGAON,
August 6, 1939
CHI. AMTUL SALAAM 1 ,
I got your two letters together. I have already written to you to
do what you please. If you wish to come over here, do so. Discuss the
matter with Shankerlalbhai.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 430

266. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 6, 1939
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
I got your letter. Shakaribehn 2 had agreed but still she is a bit
hesitant. I have therefore postponed sending her. I am on the look-out
for some other person. I am making as much haste as possible. Why
has the mattress been placed in that manner? The cot does not belong
to [the sanatorium]. Give the enclosed letter to Bachharajbhai3 . I hope
[Balkrishna’s] ear is properly cleaned. Give all details to Sushilabehn.
Her address is : Lady Hardinge College Hospital, New Delhi. Bal-
krishna must get completely cured there.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 4325

1
The superscription is in Gujarati.
2
Wife of Chimanlal N. Shah
3
Bachharaj Seth, who had adopted Jamnalal Bajaj

212 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 267. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 6, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,

I have your letter. I have given to Ba your letter to her. Shirin

checks my blood-pressure quite frequently. It is going a little high. It
was 160/99 this afternoon. She herself must be writing. My weight is
103_ lb. It seems to have gone down a bit. I feel full of energy. I get
good sleep.
Shankaran has been taken ill. He has fever. It was 102° yes-
terday. Shirin is looking after him. She is doing all the work with keen
interest. She is even learning to spin.
I hope you are being careful about your food. Do you have to
work at night?
Blessings from,
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

268. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

S EGAON, W ARDHA
August 7, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,

No doubt I want to build you a hospital. But it will be for the

patients. I cannot have the hospital functioning without you. By your
being here it may be possible to help the people in the neighbour-
hood and we may acquire some knowledge whereby we can provide
cheap medicines to the villagers. It is with this idea in mind that I am
thinking of building a hospital.
I am sending by book-post Shankaran’s letter for you to read.
He has no fever today. He was not given anything to eat. He was given
only orange juice. Shirin of course gave him quinine.
There is a letter about Valjibhai. I am enclosing it. You can
write to him direct. What has happened? You must also write to the
doctor of the Sanatorium.1

1
The T. B. Sanatorium at Mysore where Valji G. Desai was being treated

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 213

 You are all well educated. Then do you think Shakuntala will
remain uneducated? Who values Hindi?
I am having sufficient sleep. There is only a difference of half
an hour.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

269. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS1

S EGAON,
August 6, 1939
I congratulate Shri Subhas Babu on having succeeded in per-
suading the hunger-strikers to suspend their fast even for two months
and on having undertaken to move the B.P.C.C. to take the necessary
action for the release of the prisoners. I have also a wire from the
prisoners in Alipore Jail informing me of the suspension and asking
me to resume my effort. I need hardly assure them that what little I
can do will be done to secure their release. I can say that the sus-
pension gives me some hope that my effort will produce some effect.
I hope too that the Bengal Government will use the occasion for a
generous gesture and end the agony.
Harijan, 12-8-1939

270. MESSAGE ON INAUGURATION OF BASIC EDUCATION 2

[On or before August 7, 1939] 3
The decision to open 1,700 schools for the new system of edu-
cation is a great undertaking. I hope this will be successful in every
respect. My congratulations on this bold step.
The Hindu, 7-8-1939

1
This appeared under the title “Bengal Prisoners”. The statement was also
published in The Hindustan Times and The Hindu on August 7.
2
The message was reported under the date-line “Allahabad, August 7” with the
following note: “A big educational experiment will begin in the United Provinces
tomorrow with the inauguration of the basic scheme of education by the Premier,
Pandit G. B. Pant. . . . “
3
Ibid

214 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 271. AN EXPLANATION
I gladly publish the foregoing letter 1 and accept the explan-
ation. Without it the concluding paragraph of the petition could only
be interpreted as a threat. Better than the explanation, however, will be
the help the Bhandaris could render in the prosecution of the
prohibition programme. Let them be true soldiers of the Congress
Government and the nation as they were of the East India Company,
who were foreigners come to exploit the country. If they will heartily
assist the Government in their arduous task, they will find that they
will also assist themselves in a manner they never otherwise could have
done.
SEGAON, August 7, 1939
Harijan, 12-8-1939

272. MILLS V. CHARKHA

The A.I.V.I.A. has been issuing for some time a monthly bulle-
tin called Gram Udyog Patrika at Maganwadi, Wardha, for the annual
subscription of 12 annas. The July number contains an interesting
article on national planning. I must refer the curious to the Patrika. I
wish here only to draw attention to the following2 striking figures:
. . . we would need Rs. 300 crores of capital employing 33 lakhs of
people if we supplied all our requirements by mill production, while we would
require about Rs. 72 crores of investment employing 800 lakhs of people if
our supply were to come from cottage units. The two methods have their
undoubted advantages. . . . We are poor but we have an ocean of labour wealth.
Therefore an intelligent plan will find the cottage method fit into the scheme
for our country. . . . Any planning in our country that ignores the absorption
of labour wealth will be misplaced. Our analysis has shown that centralized
method of production, whatever may be its capacity to produce, is incapable of

1
This was dated “Bombay, July 31, 1939” from S. K. Bole, who inter alia,
said: “The signatories to that memorial acted bona fide and they never intended to
offer any threat to the Bombay Ministry. The last paragraph of the said memorial was
a frank expression of the Bhandari Committee of its apprehensions about the
probabilities that might ensue from the enforcement of the prohibition policy under
the circumstances then prevailing.” Vide “Message to Bombay Government
Prohibition Board”, 23-7-1939.
2
Only excerpts are reproduced here.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 215

 finding employment for as large a number of persons as we have to provide
for. Therefore it stands condemned in this country.
The figures need no comment. If they cannot be challenged,
they make an overwhelming case for the charkha and, by parity of
reasoning, perhaps, for village production as against factory produc-
tion. But I invite experts to examine the figures and challenge them if
they can seriously do so.
SEGAON, August 7, 1939
Harijan, 12-8-1939

273. ANOTHER TEMPLE OPENED TO HARIJANS

The Secretary, Harijan Sevak Sangh, Ilanji, informs me that the
Courtallam Temple was thrown open to Harijans by the manager of
26th ultimo. He is to be congratulated on his having done his duty.
The President of the local Sangh was responsible for indu-cing the
manager to open the temple. I hope that the worshippers at the mandir
had no objection to the opening.
SEGAON, August 7, 1939
Harijan, 12-8-1939

274. LETTER TO TOTARAM HINGORANI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 7, 1939
MY DEAR HINGORANI,
It gives me great joy to find that you are reconciled to Anand 1
and Vidya2 and that they are near you to render you such filial service
as you may need.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
S HRI TOTARAM HINGORANI
KARACHI

From a microfilm. Courtesy: National Archives of India, and Anand

T. Hingorani.

1
Addressee’s son and daughter-in-law
2
ibid

216 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 275. LETTER TO ANAND T. HINGORANI
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August, 7, 1939
CHI. ANAND,
I like your decision. It is not at all bad to do business to earn
one’s living. It is the duty of a son to fulfil the desire of his father
unless it is impure. Father’s desire that you do some business and
stand on your own feet is proper. I believe that a person who earns his
living and supports his family by honest means also renders service to
the nation. Therefore I want you to do your business with interest.
Make Father happy and while doing your business render service to
Harijans as far as possible.
Whatever money you send to me I will digest. But if you are
unable to send any, I shall not starve. Do as it suits you.
Give the enclosed1 to Father.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a microfilm of the Hindi. Courtesy: National Archives of India, and
Anand T. Hingorani

276. LETTER TO PRABHAVATI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 7, 1939
CHI. PRABHA,
If you can relieve your tutor, you had better do so. If not, then
complete one month and start working after that. Do only as much
work as you can. Get yourself released from the work, if Rajendra
Babu agrees, and continue your study. Who is the tutor, what does he
teach and for how long?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 3527

1
Vide the preceding item.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 217

 277. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 7, 1939
CHI. AMTUL SALAAM,
I got your complaint. I have been writing regularly. You should
complain to the postmaster. I have already written to you saying that
you can do as you wish. Consult Shankerlalbhai. That is why I am not
sending a telegram.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 431

278. LETTER TO VASUMATI PANDIT

S EGAON,
August 7, 1939
CHI. VASUMATI,
I have your letter. Tell Vanu 1 what a timid girl she is! Doesn’t
Amtul Salaam stay with you?2 Ba is all right though she is weak. There
has been no rain here.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 431

279. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS3

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 7, 1939
My attention has been drawn to the A. P. I. message purporting
to report the conversations between Dr. Khan Saheb4 and Qazi Ataulla

1
Vanamala N. Parikh
2
Gandhiji had written this letter after writing to Amtussalaam; vide the
preceding item.
3
This appeared under the title “A Denial”. The statement was also published in
The Hindu, 8-8-1939.
4
The Premier and the Minister of Education in the North-West Frontier
Province

218 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Saheb1 whilst I was in Abbottabad. The conversations were confide-
ntial. I have no recollection whatsoever of Dr. Khan Saheb having
complained of any conspiracy of Hindu members or of my having
agreed about their expulsion. The thing is on the face of it impossible,
for I could not endorse such a proposition without first seeing those
against whom such serious complaints are made. Nor would Dr. Khan
Saheb expect me to do such a dishonourable thing, nor have I any
recollection of the Qazi Saheb having any discussion with me on the
question of services. How I wish the newspaper reporters would have
weighty matters confirmed by the parties concerned before giving
them for publication. I understand that the Hindus of the Frontier
Province are much perturbed over this report.
Harijan, 19-8-1939

280. LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 8, 1939
CHI. BABUDI,
I have your letter. It is good news that you are restored. Is any
mark left behind? Here all the rooms are getting full. Durgabehn 2
arrived today. Dhebarbhai 3 has come. Nanavati also is here today.
Two more have come from Sojitra. They want to stay for some time.
Bhansalibhai is at present busy teaching. Mathewji lives in Balkoba’s
hut. In place of Sushila, another lady doctor of the same college has
come. She is a very good person. Nimu and others are of course here.
Haven’t I filled the letter with enough news now? I am quite well. Ba
is all right.
Blessings to you both from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C. W. 10015. Courtesy: Shardabehn G.
Chokhawala

1
The Premier and the Minister of Education in the North-West Frontier
Province
2
Wife of Mahadev Desai
3
U. N. Dhebar

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 219

 281. LETTER TO MANILAL GANDHI
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 8, 1939
CHI. MANILAL,
I have your letter. Now you will hear from me regularly.
It would only be a needless waste of time to file a suit against
the Congress workers and it would also create bitterness. If, instead, all
of you go on doing your work, your strength willincrease and the
Congress also will help you indirectly. Even if it does not help, it will
not matter. You may not remember, but Christopher probably will,
that I had deliberately kept the Congress and the British Indian
Association separate. I established the Passi Resistance Association
and it got the help of the Congress and the other bodies from time to
time. The workers did not court im-prisonment, they did not sacrifice
their incomes and at the same time helped me with funds. The Agent
will recognize your Association and respect it.
I may perhaps write1 in Harijan about this. The enclosed will be
useful to you.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
There are two letters2 on the reverse.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 4901

282. LETTER TO SITA GANDHI

S EGAON,
August 8, 1939
CHI. SITA,
I got your note. If you too go to jail, who will run the Indian
Opinion!
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 4901

1
Vide “Notes”, sub-title, “Indian Struggle in South Africa”, 14-8-1939.
2
Vide the two following items.

220 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 283. LETTER TO SUSHILA GANDHI
S EGAON,
August 8, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,
Medh 1 writes and informs me that you also have decided to go
to jail. But what if there is a settlement? Will you see that you keep fit
enough to go to jail?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 4901

284. LETTER TO DILKHUSH B. DIWANJI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 8, 1939
BHAI DILKHUSH,
I have your letter. If you wish to borrow, when will you return
the amount? What is the minimum you require? What will you do with
the khadi produced? Is there enough demand? It would be fine if
none of the women spinners were turned back. They must observe our
rules. All the yarn you get spun there must also be woven there.
Blessings form
BAPU
[PS.]
If the weavers are too few, we can train some more.
DILKHUSH DIWANJI
GANDHI KUTIR
KARADI, via JALALPUR

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 2642

1
Surendra Medh

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 221

 285. LETTER TO RADHAKRISHANA BAJAJ
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 8, 1939
CHI. RADHAKRISAN,
I have your letter. Please read my article 1 . Kamalnayan has
given me some papers. They contain a fragment of a description of
ferocious animals2 . The other part is missing. I want the whole story.
How is Jamnalal’s health now?
Kamalnayan3 has gone to Calcutta as Savitri’s 4 confinement is
expected soon.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 9128

286. LETTER TO GOPABANDHU CHAUDHARI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 8, 1939
5
BHAI GOPABABU ,
Read the enclosed letter6 . Can something be done about it?
Were you indisposed?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 2793

1
Vide “Jaipur”, 8-7-1939.
2
Vide “Notes”, 6-8-1939.
3
Son and daugther-in-law of Jamnalal Bajaj
4
Ibid
5
President, Utkal Provincial Congress Committee
6
Dated August 4, 1939, from Mukunda Prasad Das, Speaker, Orissa Legislative
Assembly. It read: “The quarrels amongst Congressmen of Orissa should be made up. .
. . Can you write to Shri Gopabandhu Chaudhari to intervene? He has the confidence
of all groups.”

222 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 287. LETTER TO DR. JIVRAJ N. MEHTA
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 9, 1939
BHAI JIVRAJ,
I wanted to write to you just at the time when you had a talk with
Sushila 1 at Bardoli but it could not materialize because of the con-
tinuous rush of work and then I allowed the matter to drop. I am
prompted to write this because of the criticism from you in Lilavati’s
presence. Your criticism has pained her. She ought to have promptly
expressed her feelings and asked for clarification.2 What is the use of
fretting and fuming? I do believe that you are the guardian of my
right conduct as well as of my bodily health. You would be pained if I
were to commit something I ought not to. Also it is your duty to bring
it to my notice. Hence if you have found anything in my conduct
which deserves criticism or censure, please let me know, without hesi-
tation. I will look upon it as true friendship. I know, these days the
newspapers carry a lot of abusive references to me. I don’t read them;
I come to hear about them. All this abuse is not going to affect me in
any way, although I should really want to know if anything weighs on
the minds of friends like you. My life is an open book. I have never
had any secrets, so you can ask me about anything you wish to. I
hope to take a lot of work from friends like you which I might not be
able to do if my life were veiled in secrecy.
Vandemataram from
MOHANDAS

From the Gujarati original: Jivraj Mehta Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library

1
Dr. Sushila Nayyar
2
Vide also the following item, and letter to the addressee, “Letter to Dr. Jivraj
N. Mehta”, 15-8-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 223

 288. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 9, 1939
CHI. LILA,
I have your letter. I see no need for girls to go begging on the
Balev1 Day or on any other occasion. Their services should not be
used in this manner. Collecting money is the work of the manage-
ment.
Keep yourself fully absorbed in your study. Do not be restless.
Do your best and be content with the outcome.
Why did you take quietly what Dr. Mehta told you? Suppose he
had been only joking? If there was any sting in it, you could have
removed it.2 You could have asked whether a daughter sleeping by the
side of her father and a girl in an institution lying on top of another
were the same thing. I think your keeping quiet itself implies your
admission of some guilt. Your previous letter, however, suggests some
feeling of shame about what is happening. In that case you would of
course not be able to say anything. How can you, then, blame Dr.
Jivraj? Even if somebody makes an offensive remark about me, it
produces no effect on me whatever. But if I ever do something blame-
worthy, I would shrink into myself with shame even if nobody criti-
cized me.
Blessings from

From a copy of the Gujarati: C.W. 10091. Courtesy: Lilavati Asar

289. LETTER TO TARA JASANI

MAGANWADI, W ARDHA,
August 9, 1939
CHI. TARA,
I don’t feel like going for walks without all my [walking-]
sticks. Kanu3 , Bablo 4 are busy, and so they do not come out with me.

1
Also known as Rakshabandhan celebrated on the full-moon day of
Shravana, when a girl ties a string called rakhi, rakhadi, or raksha round the wrist of
her brother and receives from him some gift as a token of his promise to protect her
2
Vide also the preceding item.
3
Son of Narandas Gandhi

224 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 Instead of my giving you a description of the mountains, you
may see them with your own eyes some day.
What work will you do if there is a drought? How much will you
contribute to spinning yajna?
It is good that you attend Kanji Muni’s 1 discourses. Your
revered parents always used to listen to him with rapt attention.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 9834, Courtesy: Tarabehn Pratap

290. LETTER TO R. L. HANDA

S EGAON,
August 10, 1939
DEAR FRIEND,
I have seen your letter 2 and the accompanying articles3 on
Kathiawar States. Both are welcome. While your letter to me is appear-
ing in the next issue of the Harijan, the articles will be published at a
later date as soon as space is available. Your approach to the problem
of States I consider, on the whole, as rational and workable.4
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
Leaves from a Diary, p. 77

291. LETTER TO SURENDRA B. MASHRUWALA

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 10, 1939
CHI. SURENDRA,
Isn’t my writing to Manu the same as writing to you? I assume
that you two are as warp and woof to each other that there is no need
for me to write anything to cheer you both. Hence though you are

4
Narayan Desai, son of Mahadev Desai
1
A Shvetambar Jain muni
2
Vide “Confederation of Small States”, 14-8-1939.
3
For extracts, vide Appendix-“Kathiawar States”, 30-9-1939.
4
Vide also “Kathiawar States”, 11-9-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 225

constantly in my thoughts, I save my time by not writing to you. As
Manudi has stayed with me for a long time, she naturally expects
letters from me and I, therefore, write to her and assume that it is as
good as writing to you.
Manu told me that your work was progressing well. I hope you
are keeping good health.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 5049. Courtesy: Manubehn S.
Mashruwala

292. CONGRESS WORKING COMMITTEE RESOLUTION 1

[August 11, 1939] 2

The Working Committee has given the most anxious conside-
ration to the action of Shri Subhas Chandra Bose3 the erstwhile
President of the National Congress, in connection with two resolutions4
of the last meeting of the A. I. C. C. known as “Satyagraha in Pro-
vinces” and “Congress Ministries and the P. C. C.s”. The Working
Committee has also considered the long letter5 of Shri Subhas Babu,
appended hereto. The Working Committee with great sorrow and
reluctance has come to the conclusion that Subhas Babu has wholly
missed the main point raised by the President of the even though he
differed from the ruling of the President. It was open to him, if he felt
aggrieved by the ruling, to appeal to the Working Committee or the
A. I. C. C. But he was bound, so long as the Presi-dent’s instructions
stood, to carry them out faithfully. This is the first condition of the
proper functioning of any organization, much more so of a vast
organization like the National Congress which is engaged in a life and
death struggle with the world. If, what seems to be Subhas Babu’s
contention in his letter, that every member is free to interpret the Con-
gress Constitution as he likes, prevails, there will be perfect anarchy in
the Congress and it must break to pieces in no time.

1
Drafted by Gandhiji; vide “Statement to the Press”, 23-8-1939.
2
From Gandhi—1915-1948: A Detailed Chronology
3
He had asked the people to observe July 9, 1939, as ‘Protest Day’.
4
Vide “A.I.C.C. Resolutions”, 23-6-1939.
5
Addressed to the Congress President; vide Appendix-“Letter from Subhas
Chandra Bose to Congress President”, 7-8-1939.

226 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 The Working Committee has come to the painful conclusion
that it will fail in its duty if it condones the deliberate and flagrant
breach of discipline by Subhas Babu. The Working Committee there-
fore resolves that for his grave act of indiscipline Shri Subhas Babu is
declared disqualified as President of the Bengal Provincial Congress
Committee for three years as from August 1939. The Working
Committee trusts that Shri Subhas Babu will see the error of his ways
and loyally submit to this disciplinary action.
The Working Committee has taken note of the indiscipline of
many other Congressmen including responsible officials. But it has
refrained from taking any action as the members acted under the
inspiration of Shri Subhas Babu. The Working Committee, however,
leaves it open to Provincial Organizations to take action if they think it
necessary for the proper observance of discipline and especially if the
offending members do not express regret for their indiscipline.
The Committee further empowers the President to take discipli-
nary action against such members who, instead of expressing regret
by their speech or conduct for the indiscipline, persist in it.
The Indian Annual Register, 1939, Vol. II, pp. 212-3

293. TELEGRAM TO DR. DADOO 1

August 11, 1939
PENDING FINAL DIRECTION RATHER DELICATE NEGOTIATIONS STILL
GOING. PLEAD FOR PATIENCE. WE MUST LOSE NO CHANCE SETTLEMENT.
WILL NOT WASTE TIME.
GANDHI
South Africa's Freedom Struggle, pp. 303-4

1
This was in reply to a cable dated August 9, 1939 from the addressee, which
inter alia read : “. . . .Handful Indian anti-passive resisters misconstruing object
postponement struggle. Desirable pray cable in detail, precise nature and basis
negotiations and fix time limit for postponement. We are not informed what
negotiations transpiring”.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 227

 294. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 11, 1939
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
I was half inclined to talk to you in the presence of the Working
Committee (for want of other time) about the Planning Committee. 1
Shankerlal came this morning after his chat with you bringing with
him copy of a letter written by him to Kripalani2 in the matter. I
sympathized with him in his objection. I have never been able to
understand or appreciate the labours of the Committee. I do not know
that it is working within the four corners of the resolution creating the
Committee. I do not know that the Working Committee is being kept
informed of its doings. I have not understood the purpose of the
numerous sub-committees. It has appeared to me that much money
and labour are being wasted on an effort which will bring forth little
or no fruit. These are my doubts. I seek light. I know your mind is in
China. 3 If you think Shah4 can express your mind, I shall try to learn
from him. Or I shall wait till you return from your great mission. May
God protect you and bring you safe to the motherland.
Love.
BAPU
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library.
Also A Bunch of Old Letters, pp. 378-9

295. LETTER TO GHULAM RASUL QURESHI

S EGAON,
August 11, 1939
CHI. QURESHI 1 ,
I have your letter. I take it that the instalment of Rs. 100 has
started. I am glad you got out of Sugandhi.
Blessings from
BAPU

1
Vide also “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 19-6-1939.
2
J. B. Kripalani, General Secretary, A. I. C. C.
3
Jawaharlal Nehru was to go to China; he actually left on August 20.
4
K. T. Shah
1
Also spelt Koreishi

228 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

[PS.]
If Amtul Salaam is still there, tell her that I have not written to
her thinking she must have left.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 10773. Courtesy: Ghulam Rasul
Qureshi

296. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

WARDHA,
August 11, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,

I could not write to you for two days, Shirin may be going. She
has to reach there on the 16th. She may come back if she gets a job
here. I am doing well.
Blessings from
BAPU
DR. S USHILA NAYYAR
LADY HARDINGE C OLLEGE HOSPITAL
NEW DELHI
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

297. HUNGER-STRIKE
Hunger-strike has positively become a plague. On the slightest
pretext some people want to resort to hunger-strikes. It is well,
therefore, that the Working Committee1 has condemned the practice in
unequivocal terms, so far at least as hunger-strike for discharge from
imprisonment is concerned. The Committee should have gone further
and condemned also the practice of forcible feeding. I regard forcible
feeding as an undue liberty with the human body which is too sacred
to be trifled with, even though it belongs to a prisoner. No doubt the
State has control over the bodies of its prisoners but never to the
extent of killing their soul. That control has well-defined limits. If a
prisoner decides to starve himself to death, he should, in my opinion,
be allowed to do so. A hunger-strike loses its force and dignity, when
it has any, if the striker is forcibly fed. It becomes a mockery if

1
At its meeting held from August 9 to 12

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 229

somehow or other sufficient nourishment is poured down the throat,
whether through the mouth or the nose. Of course, the mind instinc-
tively revolts against feeding through the nose. But I under-stand that
after a few day’s practice the process ceases to offend the subject
himself. Where a prisoner offers violent resistance, the matter becomes
difficult. But cases of such resistance are rare. It is not possible to
keep up effective resistance for any length of time. A determined
resister will of course die at the very first attempt and thus frustrate it.
But such resistance requires great daring and reckless defiance of
death. In any case it is my firm conviction that the method of forcible
feeding should be abandoned as a relic of barbarism. I know that
some prisoners welcome forcible feeding for the empty glory of
being regarded as hunger-strikers. Jailors have often told me that such
prisoners would deplore stoppage of forcible feeding. I am told that
under the existing law jail authorities are bound to resort to forcible
feeding if reasoning fails. I would recommend amendment of such
legislation if any.
It is also worthy of consideration whether a rule should not be
passed by the Working Committee making a public and political
hunger-strike without permission a breach of discipline. I do not like
restraint on the liberty of the individual except for his own good and
that of the society of which he is a member. Hunger-strike has, how-
ever, become such a nuisance that it will be as well for the Work-ing
Committee to adopt measures to check it before it assumes dangerous
proportions. A Working Committee resolution in such matters means
expression of considered public opinion and is likely to prove a deter-
rent against an abuse of the practice. It may never need to be en-
forced.
SEGAON, August 14, 1939
Harijan, 19-8-1939

298. CONFEDERATION OF SMALL STATES

May I take the liberty of writing to you with a view to draw your
attention to the problem of Kathiawar States? A close study of the States
comprising the Western India Agency will convince anyone that the real
problem of Kathiawar is not that of responsible government in individual
States. That, in fact, is a demand very much beyond the ken of economic
possibility. None of these States, with the exception of five or six, can afford
to be genuine, separate, self-government units. Economic considerations
apart, their geographical contiguity, and cultural and linguistic unity posi-
tively point towards the desirability of grouping them all adminis-tratively. A

230 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 confederation of these States alone can bring their people on a par with the
people of Bombay Province or, for that matter, any other province in British
India.
As to the fear that the Princes might strongly dislike such a move, it
might be said that one cannot hope to go through any scheme of reform em-
boding real transference of power to the people without being confronted by
the most dogged opposition from those quarters. And when at all events a
fight (of course a non-violent one) has got to be waged against that oppos-
ition, it is only prudent and politic on our part to fight on an issue which
should be our main and ultimate demand. Whatever our immediate and
minimum demands, the final objective must not be lost sight of. And may I
suggest in the case of Kathiawar, as also some three-fourths of the States in
India, the final goal of all political reformers must be a confederation on the
lines roughly foreshadowed in the appended printed articles?
I hope you will see that this idea, though by no means new or original,
deserves to be popularized. For, collective agitation by a group or cluster of
States in favour of confederation has certain obvious advantages which
agitation for reform in a single State cannot have. How much I wish you had
worked for the propagation of this idea while you were actively engaged in the
Rajkot struggle. Even now one word of support from you—of course, only if
you generally agree with this view—will place this idea on a sound footing.
This important letter1 was received by me in Abbottabad. The
articles2 appended are cuttings from The Tribune of Lahore specially
dealing with the problem. The articles contain an interesting analysis
of the Kathiawar States and corroborative quotations from the Butler
Committee’s Report3 and a recent pronouncement 4 by the Viceroy.
For the moment I must content myself with heartily supporting the
proposal. I do not share the fear of my correspondent about much
opposition from the smaller States if they are sympathetically appro-
ached. They will soon realize that their safety lies in some kind of
confederation and sharing of power with the people. The chief thing
is a dispassionate representation of the problem and creation of public
opinion that cannot be answered or opposed.
SEGAON, W ARDHA, August 14, 1939
Harijan, 19-8-1939

1
From R. L. Handa, vide “Letter from R. L. Handa”, 10-8-1939
2
For extracts, vide Appendix-“Kathiawar States”, 30-9-1939.
3
According to India’s Struggle for Freedom, Vol. I, p. 459, the committee,
under the chairmanship of Harcourt Butler, “recommended the setting up of special
tribunals for adjusting a number of important matters which affect the Indian States
and British India alike”.
4
The reference, presumably, is to the Viceroy’s address at the annual session
of Chamber of Princes in New Delhi on March 13, 1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 231

 299. NOTES
THE ARYA SAMAJ
It was a happy ending 1 to the Arya Satyagraha. I have hitherto
not written a word about this struggle. The matter seemed too delicate
for public treatment by me. The country knows that I have a special
way of dealing with things public or private. Some even call it qui-
xotic. Thus my public silence over the Arya Satyagraha did not mean
that I was not deeply interested in the struggle. I was keeping myself
in touch 2 with both the Arya Samaj leaders and the Muslim friends
who could have any thing to do with Hyderabad affairs. Of course I
was acting in concert with Maulana Abul Kalam Azad. My sympathies
were with the Aryas so far as their demands were con-cerned. They
seemed to me to be so simple and so elementary. But I was averse to
their Satyagraha from my own standpoint which I had explained to
them. I was, however, nonplussed when they suggested that it was no
worse if it was no better than the satyagraha I had led. They must not
be expected, they added, to appreciate and follow my new method or
requirements. I saw that I had no right to put any pressure upon them
beyond that of reason. Then I was anxious not to embarrass H. E. H.
the Nizam’s Government as long as I could help it. It is, therefore, a
matter of great joy to me personally that the Arya struggle has ended
in a friendly manner. Both the Nizam Government and the Arya
Samaj 3 deserve congratulations. Let me hope that the dignified
statement issued by Shri Ghanshyamsingh Gupta will receive from the
Aryas the response it deserves. There is no doubt that much bitterness
has been engendered during the struggle. If the Aryas act in the spirit
of Shri Gupta’s appeal and the Nizam’s Government in the spirit of
their own communique 4 , the bitterness will die out and there never
will be any occasion for resumption of the struggle so far as simple
religious and cultural freedom is concerned.

1
On August 8
2
Vide “Letter to Amrit Kaur”, 31-7-1939.
3
“Sabha” in the source
4
According to The Indian Annual Register, 1939, Vol. II. p. 14, the
communique contained “clarification of certain points in the official communique of
July 17, 1939, in which the Government’s attitude regarding the religious liberties in
the State was set out as well as of the points raised by the, Government Gazette
Extraordinary on July 19, 1939, announcing the reforms.”

232 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 THE PUNJAB CONGRESS
Dr. Satyapal has needlessly quoted me in order to go out of
1

public life. If it is an inner urge, the decision is sound. If it is due to

my innocent postcard 2 to Lala Dunichand, the doctor is hopelessly
wrong. In the first place the postcard has to do with the whole
Congress atmosphere in the Punjab which has resulted in a distrust not
of this or that individual but of myself. A critic may call it cowardice
if he likes. But whether it is cowardice or want of self-confidence, I am
useless as a mediator so long as my malady persists. So, when Sardar
Mangal Singh and other friends from Ludhiana came to Wardha
armed with authority from Dr. Satyapal, I told them that I was useless,
but that Rajendra Babu as the head of the Congress organization was
the proper person to go to the Punjab. He has consented to go as soon
as his health and other engagements permit. But I have suggested to
these friends that there is no help equal to self-help. They must, by
their own exertion, put their house in order. If Dr. Satyapal has not
gone out in obedience to the inner urge, he will not be able to keep
himself out for any length of time. His nature will revolt against the
artificial self-suppression. I therefore suggest a better course. Let him
cease to be a party man. Let him forget old quarrels and let him be
intent on producing real solidarity in the Punjab. I cannot say how
this can be done. I have not even the data for laying down a plan of
action. He must devise it himself. All I can say is that if he really wills
it, he can do the thing. Everybody knows that he has a following in
the Punjab, that he is an indefatigable worker and has sacrifice to his
credit. If, therefore, anybody can bring about peace among Congress-
men in the Punjab, it is certainly Dr. Satyapal. But whether it is he or
anybody else, that one will have to efface himself and put the people’s
cause, which is the Congress cause, before his own or his party’s.
Behind my diffidence must be read an intense wish that the Congress-
men in the Punjab should unite without mental reservations and act as
one man.
INDIAN STRUGGLE IN SOUTH AFRICA
Whether our countrymen in South Africa have to take up
passive resistance or not, there is no doubt that they will not be able to
vindicate their position if they cannot close their ranks and act as one
man and act unselfishly. Their corporate existence cannot be main-

1
Member of the Punjab Legislative Assembly
2
Vide “Letter to Dunichand”, 20-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 233

tained with honour, if individuals in order to serve their selfish ends
compromise the community’s interest and honour. There is, at the
time of writing these lines, a cleavage between the local Congress and
the passive resisters. The resisters seem to have the bulk of the Indian
population with them. But the name and prestige of the South African
Congress is with the non-resisters. Now there is a prospect of a lawsuit
over the possession of the Congress books, funds and offices. I would
warn the resisters against falling into the legal trap. Let them follow
my example. The equivalent to the Congress in my days was the
British Indian Association. From the very commencement of passive
resistance, I recognized that all Indians would not and could not join
the struggle although all might be, as they actually were, in sympathy
with it. Although it was open to me, being secretary, to utilize the
name and prestige of the Association, I founded a separate organi-
zation1 leaving the British Indian Association free to act as it might
within constitutional limits. It was possible by this arrangement to
protect the non-resisters from harm, retain their sympathy and save
the resisters from the embarrassment that would undoubtedly be
caused by non-resisters if they were members of the same body. Let
the present passive resisters work along their own lines and rely upon
getting more than prestige by their strength, sacrifice and capacity for
suffering. A passive resister should have a generous heart and
represent not only his own companions but even his opponents.
Whatever rights he secures, he will secure for all. He is a friend of all
and enemy of none. That is the first condition of successful passive or
civil resistance.
KHADI AS FAMINE INSURANCE AND MEDIUM OF INSTRUCTION
There has been a full discussion among the khadi workers at the
meeting of the A. I. S. A. held at Wardha on the 12th instant and
thereafter. It has been claimed for khadi that it has at least three
definite functions. It provides a supplementary occupation to the
semi-starved and semi-employed millions of India on a scale un-
equalled by any other occupation. It provides, with the least possible
loss, work in famine areas; and it is the best medium of instruction for
the boys and girls of India in the primary stage.
But there is one definite condition for the success of khadi as
famine insurance or medium of instruction in the primary stage.

1
The Natal Indian Congress; vide Vol. I.

234 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

What is to be done with the khadi produced in famine areas and in the
schools? If khadi cannot be sold, it is as useless as the stones broken
in many parts of India during famine time. I have suggested often
enough in these columns that all the khadi produced under the last
two heads must be taken up by the State. This can be most easily done
through the A. I. S. A., if the State guarantees the losses as it
guarantees today railway dividends and many other things. Consi-
dering price, khadi is undoubtedly dearer than mill-cloth. Therefore it
commands a market only among patriots and philanth-ropists. But
those who have no spare cash will not be easily actuated by
philanthropy or patriotism. They will go to the cheapest market. It is
therefore the business of the State to shut out or tax heavily enough
such goods as compete with those which, for the general good, should
command a market. I think it can be taken as proved that khadi comes
under such goods. The administration of eight provinces is virtually in
Congress hands to an extent enough to protect khadi and the like.
There is no reason why the other provinces should not follow the
Congress provinces in matters like protection of khadi on which there
is no difference of opinion. Hindu-Muslim unity may not come as
early as many of us wish. But even as we breathe common air and
drink the common water supplied by the rivers, wells or waterworks,
surely we might agree on a common policy regarding other
necessaries of life, without in any way interfering with our differences,
if we must unfortunately hug these and use them for warring against
one another. But whether the other provinces fall in line or not, it is
necessary for the Congress provinces to confer with the A. I. S. A. and
the A. I. V. I. A. and evolve a line of action whereby the difficulty I
have pointed out can be solved without delay.
SEGAON, W ARDHA, August 14, 1939
Harijan, 19-8-1939

300. LETTER TO JIVANJI D. DESAI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 14, 1939
BHAI JIVANJI,
What sort of an article do you expect from me? Hadn’t you
better leave me out? You should give me a reward even if I am able to

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 235

do all the other work you have given.
I understand about the Autobiography1 .
Blessings from
BAPU
BHAI JIVANJI,
P. O. BOX 105, A HMEDABAD
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9947. Also C. W. 6921. Courtesy:
Jivanji D. Desai.

301. LETTER TO RAVI SHANKAR SHUKLA2

August 14, 1939
BHAI SHUKLAJI,
To this I have replied thus: 3 “ I have your ultimatum. Please
know that your proper course is to ask the Prime Minister or the
Parliamentary Board.”
Do you have anything to say?
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

302. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 14, 1939
STUPID GIRL,
You are really stupid. You sit there and are afraid. You even
forget that time is doing its work. And why should you be scared
when someone attributes to you a failing you do not have? Why do
you not learn this much from me that we should not allow ourselves to
be affected however much we may be criticised or condemned? May
be when you come here, you will face neither criticism nor condem-
nation.
The reply to Dr. Young is enclosed, He used to accompany me
to the Working Committee meetings. Once Pyarelal and Shirin came
along.

1
Vide “Letter to Jivanji D. Desai”, 31-7-1939.
2
This was in reply to a letter from the addressee, Premier, Central Provinces,
who had forwarded to Gandhiji a telegram from H. J. Khandekar, M. L. A ., Secretary,
Depressed Classes Satyagraha Committee, Nagpur. Khandekar had threatened to
resume “Segaon Satyagraha” unless demand for a Harijan Minister in Central
Provinces Ministry was conceded within a fortnight. Vide also Letter to H. J.
Khandekar”, 7-8-1938 and “Discussion with Harijan Satyagrahis”, 27-8-1939.
3
In the source the following two sentences are in English.

236 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 It will not do to be careless about food and sleep. It would be
good if you did not spoil your eyes by falling to the lure of films. But
if the craving is too strong, go and see them.
Nimu left for Bombay yesterday Krishnachandra will be coming
in a day or two. Kundar1 has gone to Ba.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

303. LETTER TO LAKSHMISWAR SINHA

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 15, 1939
MY DEAR LAKSHMISWAR 2 ,
I hope you will not take the final step without consultation with
Aryanayakam3 . I would like to see you with him, if that is at all
possible.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From the original: C. W. 1473. Courtesy: A. K. Sen

304. LETTER TO DR. JIVRAJ N. MEHTA

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 15, 1939
BHAI JIVRAJ,
I got your frank letter only today. I am immensely pleased. I
had not expected anything different. I understand what you say.
Maybe, I might not fully implement your advice. Would you object
even if I had a massage in the nude at the hands of a man? Do you
believe that it is injurious to health if people slept side by side even in
the open air? Please examine this question independently of the

1
Kundar Diwan
2
Author of Teachers’ Handbook of Basic Education through Cardboard
Mode-ling. Sinha was working at the Basic Teachers’ Training Centre, Wardha, and
had requested Gandhiji to allow him to quit the Centre.
3
E. W. Aryanayakam, Secretary, Hindustani Talimi Sangh. At Gandhiji’s ins-
tance, he had invited the addressee to draft a syllabus in respect of basic crafts to be
included in the Zakir Husain Committee’s report.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 237

supposed inpropriety of a woman sleeping by the side of a man.1
I have developed the habit of reading, etc., in the latrine since
many years ago. You can look upon it as a kind of addiction. It is a
pitiable condition that my bowels move freely only if I have some
worth-while reading material with me and that in its absence I am
constipated. But I am only taking advantage of the fact that I have to
rush along. It would be just as well if you could frighten me out of
this bad habit.
Vandemataram from
M. K. GANDHI
From the Gujarati original: Jivraj Mehta Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library

305. LETTER TO ARORA SINGH

August 16, 1939
I have come to know that what you fear about Hon’ble M. Y.
Nurie is groundless.2
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

306. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR

August 16, 1939
CHI. LILA,
You will see that the doctor’s letter is very clear. He is not
blaming me in any way. You had, therefore, no cause to be unhappy.
Isn’t his report of his conversation with you correct? How I shall
tackle the problem3 is a different question. You need not worry about
that.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9593. Also C. W. 6565. Courtesy:
Lilavati Asar

1
Vide also letter to the addressee, “Letter to Dr. Jivraj N. Mehta”, 9-8-1939.
2
The addressee had complained that Nurie, a Congress Minister, had amassed
too much wealth.
3
Vide “Letter to Lilavati Asar”, 9-8-1939.

238 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 307. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA
August 16, 1939
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
Sit down for an hour and spin; join me on the walks. Then do
whatever job falls to your lot. Anyone, including Tarabehn, may learn
Hindi from you to their heart’s content.
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 4326

308. TELEGRAM TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

WARDHA GANJ,
August 18, 1939
JAWAHARLAL NEHRU
ANAND BHAVAN
ALLAHABAD
MAY YOUR CHINESE MISSION BE CROWNED WITH SUCCESS.
MAY GOD BE WITH YOU AND BRING YOU SAFE HOME. REGRET SRI
PRAKASA. HE SHOULD SUSPEND ACTION TILL AFTER YOUR
RETURN.1 PROPOSE ISSUING A STATEMENT2 ON CRISIS AND WAR RESOLUTION
UNLESS YOU WISH OTHERWISE. SEND YOUR CHINESE ADDRESS. LOVE.
BAPU
From the original: Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library

309. DRAFT TELEGRAM TO MULKRAJ3

August 18, 1939
TRANSFER FUND BANK OF NAGPUR WARDHA THROUGH
IMPERIAL BANK WARDHA.

From the original: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

1
Sri Prakasa wanted to resign from the Congress. Vide also “Telegram to Sri
Prakasa”, 26-8-1939.
2
Vide “A Statement”, 20-9-1939.
3
Secretary, Jallianwala Bagh Memorial Fund Committee; vide “Letter to
Mulkraj”, 5-4-1939; “Telegram to Mulkraj”, 18-4-1939 and 22-4-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 239

 310. LETTER TO C. RAJAGOPALACHARI
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 18, 1939
MY DEAR C. R.,
What a sad letter to Mahadev Desai! What does it matter, what
Srinivasa Iyengar says, when you have a clear conscience?1 It is one
and the same thing whether you are in or out. You have to labour in
either case.
I hope Laxmi2 and the children are doing well.
Mahadev is in Simla for the Punjab prisoners.
Love.
BAPU
From a photostat: G. N. 2075

311. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 18, 1939
CHI. NARANDAS,
I have your letter. I will write more if I get time. Tell
Chhaganlal3 that I have not been able to write to him. I shall arrange
to send somebody if the drought4 continues. Whom should I send on
the Rentia Baras Day? How about Mirabehn?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II. Also C. W. 8560. Courtesy:
Narandas Gandhi

1
On August 7, Rajagopalachari introduced in the Madras Legislative Council
“The Temple-entry Authorization and Indemnity Bill” as passed by the Assembly. T.
C. Srinivasa Iyengar, who expressed the view that it should not be left to the trustee
to gauge public opinion, suggested that a representative commission might be set up
to ascertain public opinion by means other than the ballot box.
2
Addressee’s daughter
3
Chhaganlal Joshi
4
In various parts of Kathiawar; vide also “Threat of Famine”, 2-8-1939.

240 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 312. MESSAGE TO DEPRESSED CLASSES CONFERENCE 1

[On or before August 19, 1939] 2

I received the invitation to attend the Conference. I wish it all
success.
The Hindu, 24-8-1939

313. LETTER TO N. S. HARDIKAR

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 19, 1939
DEAR DR. HARDIKAR,
You are having unnecessary trouble. We have landed on evil
times. But, if we keep straight, the clouds will pass. I adhere to the
statement signed by me. I am sorry for the distortions in the extracts
sent by you. My advice is not to retort. You should contradict false-
hoods where necessary and insist upon truth even though for the time
being you have to incur unpopularity.
Yours Sincerely,

From a copy: N. S. Hardikar Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and

Library

314. LETTER TO ISWAR SARAN

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 19, 1939
DEAR MUNSHIJI,
Your letter is very interesting. I am glad you are making rapid
progress.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
Form the original: C. W. 10200. Courtesy: Municipal Museum, Allahabad

1
According to the source, the message was read out at the All-India Depressed
Classes National League Conference, held in Delhi on August 19, with Karan Singh
Kane, Parliamentary Secretary to the Education Minister, United Provinces, in the
chair.
2
Ibid

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 241

 315. LETTER TO N. S. VENKATAKRISHNAN
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 19, 1939
DEAR FRIEND 1 ,
The portion you object to is inoffensive in terms of non-vio-
lence of the type the Congress has reached. Moreover Congress
Governments have to represent both Congressmen and non
Congressmen.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat: C.W. 10973. Courtesy: N.S. Venkatakrishnan

316. LETTER TO Y. M. DADOO

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 19, 1939
MY DEAR DADOO,
It has stirred me to find you leading the Satyagraha band.
Manilal and Medh have together given me a good account of you. It
makes me glad to know that you are son of a valued client2 of mine.
You know that I am watching your movements as closely as I
can. You have done well in sending me the relevant literature. There is
just a ray of hope that we shall reach a settlement. But you will not
expect anything heroic nor will you promose great things. If you have
to fight it will be a fight for honour. You won't get anything very
substantial. Too much has already been surrendered during these
years. You are engaged in a very hard struggle. And if as a result of
the present effort, a handful of you make the mission of your life to
serve the cause there, you will gradually build up a prestige that will
stand you in good stead.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat: C. W. 11346. Courtesy: E. S. Reddy; also South Africa's
Freedom Struggle, p. 305

1
A Congress worker who had objected to the last paragraph of the Congress
Working Committee’s War Resolution of August, 1939, on the ground that it
breathed violence and was repugnant to the non-violent creed of the Congress: vide
Appendix-“Congress Working Committee Resolution”, after 18-7-1939
2
Mahomed Mamuji Dadoo

242 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 317. LETTER TO VALLABHRAM VAIDYA
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 19, 1939
BHAI VALLABHRAM,
I have your letter. It will make me very happy indeed if
Chandan-behn1 is completely cured. If you have the courage to treat
Vijaya’s2 father3 , go and visit him even without being sent for and
examine him. Vijaya should be in Varad. There has been no letter
from her for some time.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI VALLABHRAM VAIDYA
MANDVINI P OLE, D EVNI SHERI
AHMEDABAD
From a copy of the Gujarati: C. W. 2907. Courtesy: Vallabhram Vaidya

318. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI

August 19, 1939
CHI. AMRITLAL,
I have your letter. I think Vijaya is still in Varad. Again there
has been no letter. I am forwarding the vaid’s letter to Varad.4
She had not gone to Bombay at all. Naranbhai had gone to
Bombay before she left.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 10793

1
Chandan Parekh who married Satish Kalelkar
2
Vijayabehn Pancholi and Naranbhai Patel
3
Ibid
4
Vide also the preceding item.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 243

 319. LETTER TO SARALADEVI SARABHAI
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 19, 1939
DEAR SISTER,

I have already given you the blessing that your operation may
be successful. I satisfy myself by seeking news of you from anyone
who comes and knows you. You know how much I respect you. But
this letter is to convey my good wishes to Ambalalbhai. Your ope-
ration will certainly go off without any trouble. I am even praying that
both of you should always be happy and go on doing public service.
There is no need to answer this letter.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 11148. Courtesy: Sarabhai Foundation

320. SPINNERS’ WAGES

The following is the translation of the resolution adopted by the

A. I. S. A. at its meeting on the 15th instant at Wardha:
The A. I. S. A. has for the past four years recognized the duty of making a
progressive rise in the wages payable to the spinners. In the performance of this
duty, the Maharashtra Branch of the Sangh has paid the highest rate of all the
branches. But the result of this experiment of the Branch has been that khadi has
proved unable to bear the burden and the sales have considerably gone down. The rise
in wages should not result in a diminution in the capacity of khadi to provide work for
the unemployed. It seems that in view of the existing circumstances it is necessary to
postpone the insistence on giving the spinners more than three annas for eight
hours’ spinning. There is much unemployment. There is a sufficient number of
spinners eager to work for less than one anna for eight hours’ spinning. Other people
are ready to give them work at such low wages to the detriment of the principle laid
down by the Sangh. Apart from the Sangh providing them also with work, there
seems to be no other way of combating the evil. Thus there are two duties before the
Sangh: one that of raising the spinners’ wages to eight annas for an eight-hour day,
and the other of finding work for the unemployed sisters. There comes an interim
period before reaching the simultaneous performance of the two duties.
Moreover there is a danger of famine overtaking some parts of the country.
The spinning-wheel is being proved to be of the greatest help at such times. But

244 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 question arises whether it is necessary to make the scale of wages lower than
even three annas. A third problem arises from the fact of the production of yarn
in the schools conducted according to the Wardha scheme of education.
Taking all these things into consideration the Sangh has come to the
following conclusion :
Generally the scale of three annas for eight hours’ work of the fixed
standard be not touched for the time being. But it should be open to any branch
to rise higher than the scale, provided that it takes over the responsibility of
sustaining its sales under the higher scale. In the event of the necessity being
felt of lowering the wages of artisans in the famine areas, the decrease may be
made with the previous permission of the Secretary. The Sangh should take over
from the respective Governments the sales of khadi prepared in famine areas and
in schools conducted under the Wardha scheme of education, provided that these
Governments bear the losses sustained in the disposal of such khadi.
This is an important resolution. It marks a slowing down of the
speed with which I was goading the Sangh to rise to eight annas wages
for an eight-hour day for the spinners. I knew that the goal was not to
be reached in one jump. I had, however, nursed the hope that every few
months would show a progressive increase in the wages. But reports
from the different branches and the partial failure of the ex-periment
carried on under my nose by Shri Jajuji 1 under the guidance of Shri
Vinoba with high hopes of going forward with the rise, have opened my
eyes to the stern and grim reality that this country is so terribly poor
that it cannot afford to pay a wage of eight annas per day of eight hours
to millions of women. Generally nowhere in rural areas do village
labourers or artisans earn eight annas for eight hours’ work. Spinners
could not earn eight annas without all the other classes doing likewise.
And the purchasing classes simply have not the money to pay an all-
round wage of eight annas per day unless conditions are radically
altered. The crushing and unproductive military burden drains the
country dry. Add to this the inordinately high salaries and
correspondingly high pensions paid, and spent abroad. There are other
internal causes also for this gnawing poverty. But I must not stray from
the purpose of this article.
Be the cause or causes what they may, the painful fact has been
brought home by khadi workers that in spite of all the will in the world
the middle-class khadi buyer simply has not the money to buy khadi
at the increased price necessitated by the rise in wages beyond the point

1
Shri Krishnadas Jaju

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 245

of three annas. They report that for the time being at any rate that is the
saturation point. The resolution is a recognition of this painful fact.
But even the scale of three annas cannot be sustained if the Pro-
vincial Governments do not come to the rescue. They can do so both
through legislative and administrative effort. This they will only do if
they will use the A.I.S.A., the A.I.V.I.A. and the Hindustani Talimi
Sangh as their own expert, voluntary and honorary agencies. I present
them with the prospect of putting several lakhs of rupees into the
pockets of the famishing villagers by providing them with employ-ment
during leisure hours. But no progress can be made if the manu-factures
of the villagers do not become current coin.
SEGAON, August 20, 1939
Harijan, 26-8-1939

321. NOTES
AMONG ‘ CRIMINAL TRIBES’
Shri H. S. Kaujalgi of the Karnataka Branch of the A.I.S.A. sends
me beautiful slivers and equally good yarn prepared and spun by the
women in the‘criminal tribes’ settlement near Bijapur and writes :
The women are not criminals themselves, but they are the immediate
dependants of the habitual criminals that are placed under certain restrictions in
the settlement. The manager of the settlement asked the A.I.S.A. Karnataka
Branch to try to introduce spinning in the settlement. As spinning was unknown
to these women, they had no prejudices for any particular kind of spinning-
wheels or carding process. So we thought it in the best interest of the spinners to
introduce Andhra methods of spinning and carding. We began on the 19th of
July. Five women are attending the class. They belong to the Bhat, Corvi and
Waders communities. They are paid one anna and six pies per day as stipend
during the course of spinning. They can now spin 500 yards in three hours. The
cotton used is Jayawant and the yarn spun is between 30 and 40 counts. We are
continuing the class till the end of August, after which time we shall be
providing them with cotton and purchasing yarn from them. If the experiment
succeeds, we are introducing spinning in other criminal settlements also. Shri
Dhruva, the Backward Class Officer, Poona, is enthusiastic about it.
Towards the end of August we are holding a competition in spinning. We
are giving a sari as a present to all those who spin more than three hundred yards
of 30 counts yarn in one hour. As the women are quick and intelligent it is
possible that every one of the five spinners will get a sari.

246 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 This is a good beginning. If the Provincial Governments will take
the fullest advantage of the three expert constructive bodies, viz.,
A.I.S.A., A.I.V.I.A. and Hindustani Talimi Sangh, they will find the
maximum amount of productive work with the minimum expen-diture
of money and energy. But of course they have to face the problem of
the sale of goods manufactured through the activities of these three
bodies. Such a question arises only in this unfortunate land. In other
countries the State sees to it that the people use the goods that are
manufactured by or under State supervision. The Pro-vincial
Governments have the opportunity, though to a limited extent, of
putting things right.
SEGAON, August 20, 1939
Harijan, 26-8-1939

322. LETTER TO VIJAYABHEN M. PANCHOLI

WARDHA,
August 20, 1939
CHI. VIJAYA,
It is very unkind of you not to write to me these days. I hope you
received the letter sent yesterday.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7112. Also C.W. 4604. Courtesy:
Vijayabehn M. Pancholi

323. WANTED PURCHASERS

The following is taken from a letter from the Gandhi Ashram,
Meerut :
The A.I.S.A. is giving work today to more than three lakhs of people. Its
operations extend to 13,000 villages. 2,571 workers are engaged in this great
nation-building activity. The quota of the United Provinces is no mean one. We
have more than 40,000 spinners on our registers. The number of other artisans,
weavers, washermen, carders, etc., is 4,780. Nearly 3,043 villages are covered
by our activities, and 600 workers carry the message of khadi to different parts of
the province. It brings all the creative forces of the nation into play. We learn to
combine, plan, co-ordinate and build. Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru has been reported
to have said in the Working Committee that the spinning-wheel cannot fulfil all

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 247

 our needs of cloth today. I feel this statement underrates the possibility of the
spinning-wheel. I can say from our experience that we have not been able to
touch even the fringe of the problem. Production can be multiplied a thousand
times within a very short period provided we have a ready market for the khadi we
manufacture.
I have omitted the portion containing an appeal for sales. I hope
that their effort will meet with the success it deserves. But what I wish to
consider here is the reason for the sales not keeping pace with the
production. Propaganda undoubtedly has its place. But more than
propaganda is wanted scientific research. There is no doubt that our
people use on an average 15 yards of cloth per head per year. There is
is no doubt that this cloth costs the country a figure approaching 100
crores of rupees, meaning less than three rupees per head, coun-ting
India’s population at 35 crores. It is easy enough to say that the sales
can be effected if the State protects khadi. That khadi deserves
protection is in my opinion a self-proved proposition. 1 But have the
khadi workers who have the qualifications found out whether we have
done all we could to command sales even without protection? There are
two obstacles. Mill-made cloth is said to be much cheaper than khadi,
and has a variety of colour, design and finish which khadi does not
possess. The second has been largely overcome, but more is perhaps
required to be done. There must be a limit beyond which probably
khadi cannot go. If there is, we must frankly confess it. But my fear is
that sufficient research has not been made as to the prices. Professor
Kumarappa has put forth a startling claim for the spinning-wheel. He
has produced figures in support of it.2 But the man in the street asks the
questions: ‘Then why is khadi dearer than mill-cloth?’ This question
has to be satisfactorily answered. The obvious answers I would not
consider to be satisfactory. The answers themselves have to be
thoroughly examined and the way to overcome the difficulties
discovered and pursued till khadi comes to occupy its natural
supremacy.
It is a shame that we who grow more cotton than we need should
have to send it abroad for being turned into cloth for us. It is equally a
shame for us that we who have in our villages unlimited unused labour,
and can easily supply ourselves with village instru-ments of

1
Vide also “Notes”, sub-title, “Khadi as Famine Insurance and Medium of
Instruction”, “Letter to Jivanji D. Desai”, 14-8-1939.
2
Vide “Mills v. Charkha”, 7-8-1939.

248 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

manufacture, should send our cotton to the mills of our cities for it to
be manufactured into cloth for our use. We know the history of the
shame. But we have not yet discovered the sure way to deal with the
double shame beyond a patriotic appeal to the public. The latter have
returned an encouraging response. But the recent resolution seems to
show that we have reached the limit of the patronage. We may not be
satisfied until khadi becomes an article of universal wear. It may be that
in the prosecution of our search we may find, as some suggest we shall,
that khadi can never become an economic pro-position. We should then
have no hesitation in making the admission, however it may hurt our
pride and demolish the proposition we have hitherto advanced with so
much confidence. But the admission cannot be made till we have made
every search that is possible for a human being to make so as to yield an
unequivocal answer to the questions propounded by me.
SEGAON, August 21, 1939
Harijan, 26-8-1939

324. NOTES
W HY ONLY PROHIBITION?
A correspondent thus twits me:
It was all very well for you to have insisted on prohibition.
Do you suppose that the ‘satta’ in the share market, the ‘ank
farak’, the dens of gambling, the races and the cinemas do less
damage to the morals and the pockets of the people than the drink
evil? I hear you have never gone to the cinema. Do go, if only
once, and you will see things on the stage and among the
spectators that will set you athinking. I assure you that the
institutions I have mentioned demand your attention as much as
the drink monster.
This is the substance of a fairly long indictment in Gujarati. There
are other things packed into the letter. But I have given in my own
words the relevant portions.
I have no difficulty in agreeing with the correspondent that the
evils named by him are serious and should be dealt with. But who will
bell the cat? If I could have, I should have dealt with the lady long ago.
I have my limitations. I have only recently shown 1 that I am not so

1
Vide “Am I All-Powerful”, 6-8-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 249

powerful as some people imagine. The drink evil has been recog-nized
as such by the people of this land. But the other evils are more or less
fashionable. If I led an agitation against the share gambling, I should be
in danger of losing some of my willing and regular donors. If I incited
people against the races and the infernal gamble that goes on there, all
the high personages from the Viceroy downward would be up in arms
against me. And those who patronize the race specials? If I led a raging
compaign against the cinemas, I should lose caste among educationists
and reformers. They have often sought to con-vert me by pleading that
cinemas are a fine medium of education and that churches and
reformers in the West give them their patronage in an ever-increasing
measure. Therefore if I treated these evils as I have treated the drink evil
and if I began to organize picketing in respect of them, I should lose
caste, lose my mahatmaship, and even lose my head which of course has
very little value at this time of my life. But as I do not wish to suffer the
triple loss, I must allow my corres-pondent and others like him to think
that I am shirking an obvious duty. I know the evils. I hope that greater
reformers than I will deal with them. For me one step is enough.
A F RAUD ON KHADI
The Secretary, A.I.S.A., Punjab Branch, writes:
I am sending per separate parcel an advertisement of Butala khadi. They
were our certified centre till the end of 1937. Some suspicion then arose
regarding the purity of yarn used by them. The matter was investigated and the
Ahmedabad Office decided that they must keep an A.I.S.A. inspector for their
centre to watch that no mill-yarn was used. They refused to abide by that
decision, on which their certificate was cancelled. They are now exploiting our
certificate that was given to them while they were working as a certified centre.
They do not say that their certificate has been cancelled since, but quote the old
certificate giving a false impression to the public that they have still got the
patronage of Mahatma Gandhi, Shri Jamnalal Bajaj and other leaders of esteem. I
feel something might be done to remove this impression.
I have omitted the advertisement. The action complained of in the
letter is obviously a fraud on khadi. It is probably an actionable wrong.
Though the A.I.S.A. has followed the policy of relying upon public
opinion to protect khadi against fraud, the wrong-doers should know
that the A.I.S.A. has taken no vow not to seek legal protection if it
became necessary. I hope that the party making use of a cancelled
certificate will wisely give up the practice, return the certificate to the
Association, and refrain from dealing in khadi in contravention of the

250 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

rules of the A.I.S.A. The Secretary of the Branch should warn the
wrong-doer against the wrongful use of the cancelled certificate and
report the result to the Central Office.
S EGAON, August 21, 1939
Harijan, 26-8-1939

325. LETTER TO M. MUJEEB

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August, 21, 1939
MY DEAR MUJEEB,
Have you read the pamphlet issued by the Jamiat-ul-Ulema? They
sent a copy to the Working Committee. Rajen Babu read extracts from
it. One of them attacked the Wardha Scheme by saying that it was wrong
to say that non-violence was an integral part of Islam and that Islam
taught equal respect for the known religions—it taught toleration.
Another suggested that Hindustani was merely another word for Urdu.
If you have not seen the pamphlet please procure it and if you
have it, please send me your reaction to these extracts which I have
quoted in my own words. I have not the original before me.
What about your finances? How are you otherwise doing? Is there
any effect being produced on the attendance at the Jamia? How is Zakir1
progressing?
Love.
BAPU
From the original: C.W. 1465

1
Zakir Husain

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 251

 326. LETTER TO KUNVAR SIR JAGDISH PRASAD 1
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 21, 1939
DEAR SIR JAGDISH,
I know you have been putting up a good fight on behalf of the
Indians in S. A. I have been staying their hand. But they are getting
restive. They won’t be satisfied with any patch-work settlement. I know,
too, that nothing brave is to be expected from here. It is therefore
doubly necessary not to prolong the agony. If you can, you should tell
Rama Rau2 to keep himself in touch with the Passive Resisters. As you
know there are two parties there. He should take the P. R. s into his
confidence. They complain that he does not even recognize them. I can
hardly believe this of Rama Rau. I am making inquiry. But I thought
you should know what I am getting from S.A.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: National Archives of India

327. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 21, 1939
CHI. AMRITLAL,
Kaka’s letter is enclosed. Bear your burden well. Personally I am
of the opinion that he should stop travelling. I can stop him only by
ordering him, but you can reason and plead with him. What he writes is
perfectly true. The only amendment needed is that he has always been
like a child and has not become childish through senility. You should
write to Vijaya as you have been doing. She had suggested that you
should write the full name of Naranbhai. There has been no letter from
her. This suggests that she is in a fix. But she will be able to manage. I

1
Sir Jagdish Prasad wrote to Gandhiji on July 13 and 21, 1939. In the first letter,
he suggested that the move by some Indians in South Africa to embark on passive
resistance would be a grave mistake. In the second letter, he expressed gratitude to
Gandhiji for asking Transvaal Indians to postpone passive resistance.
2
Sir Benegal Rama Rau, Agent-General of India in South Africa

252 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

am sure I shall get a letter from her in a day or two.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10794

328. LETTER TO SANYUKTA GANDHI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 21, 1939
CHI. SANYUKTA,
Why should I write to you? Are you not included in Jaisukhlal?
Very well then; I won’t include Jaisukhlal in you. You will certainly
benefit from all the service you are rendering. Kasumba is getting a new
lease of life. Let us see what other exploits you claim now.
Jaisukhlal should try to do only what he can there and rest
content.1
Blessings from
BAPU
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./III

329. LETTER TO MANILAL AND SUSHILA GANDHI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 21, 1939
CHI. MANILAL AND SUSHILA,
Now you will have no occasion to complain about the absence of
letters from me. But that will be because of the struggle. Remember that
both of you have to sacrifice your all there. Once the struggle starts it
won’t end soon. What will you do about the children? You must have
thought about every contingency. If you cannot keep them there, then
Sushila will perhaps have to keep out of the struggle and bring over the
children here. Or, if she has the ability, she may single-handed run
Indian Opinion. Thus think out your plans beforehand.
Here everything is all right. And, besides, what time can you get
now to wonder about what is happening here?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 4902

1
Vide also “Letter to Jaisukhlal Gandhi”, 31-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 253

 330. LETTER TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ
S EGAON,
August 21, 1939
CHI. JAMNALAL,
What is to be done about what you say regarding the Punjab
National Bank? I have already sent over the information regarding
Nagpur [Bank].1
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

331. LETTER TO KISHORELAL G. MASHRUWALA

August 21, 1939
CHI. KISHORELAL,
Do you know anything about this? 2 What is this talk about prin-
ting the Vedas? And what contributions is he 3 talking about?
I hope you got my note of yesterday.
Blessing from
BAPU
[PS.]
Please credit the enclosed cheque to my account. As for parti-
culars, you can mention that it is from Magan Jerajani towards famine
[relief] or some such cause.
BAPU
S HRI KISHORELALBHAI
From the Gujarati original: Gandhi Nidhi File. Courtesy: Gandhi National
Museum and Library

1
From Bapu Smaran; vide also “Draft Telegram to Mulkraj”, 18-8-1939.
2
The reference is to a quarterly work report, dated August 20, 1939, from
Tummala Basavayya, a member of the Gandhi Seva Sangh, stating, inter alia, that he
had spent eight days outside Vinayashram (where he lived) in order to collect funds for
the publication of the Vedas. The letter is written at the back of the report.
3
Ibid

254 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 332. LETTER TO PYARELAL
August 21, 1939
CHI. PYARELAL,
Every day I want to have a talk with you, but I have not been able
to do so. There must be some hidden fear behind it. Otherwise the wish
would be fulfilled somehow. I cannot bear your fasting at all. It does
disturb my work. You may be endowed with indefatigable energy, but
the very knowledge that you are fasting prevents me from freely taking
work from you. How nice it would he if you would forget about fasts,
etc., and give greater importance to your duty towards me! The
adjectives Devdas employs may be inapt but there is some justification
in what he says. I am tolerating your philosophy but I do not
understand it and I burn within. You can quench the fire if you so wish.
That would bring peace to me. It would bring peace to Sushila and it
would be good for her. Write a brief letter to Devdas.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

333. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 21, 1939
STUPID GIRL,

I have been wanting to write to you every day but can find no
time. Today I have sat down to write this after my morning meal though
it is Harijan day. I did not like your last two letters. They were
hysterical. Why are you so restless? Why are you so much afraid of
Devdas and the people here? Why should you tremble at the thought of
coming here? What has happened to your knowledge of the Gita and all
the talks we have had? On the one hand you are proclaiming to the
world what you plan to do here and on the other you have doubts about
your continuing to stay here. What stupidity! Free your-self of it. Why
are you dying before your death?
Your description of your talk with Devdas is good. your answers
were also good. This dialogue has certainly done good. I hope you did
not show any anger during the talk. The misunder-standing will be
further cleared with more talks.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 255

 There is an Agrawal Eye Hospital at Daryaganj. Go and see it. I
hope you are well and you observe rules in the matter of food.
There is always trouble from Pyarelal in the shape of fasts and so
on. You are mischievous. Young wrote to me only because you gave
him the occasion. If you had said you could not wait till after August,
he surely would not have written? When the needs of the patients there
are mentioned, how can I refuse? You yourself could not have refused.
Now l am waiting for the 16th. What should I do? We shall see about
your hospital after your arrival here. Shirin has not come.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and Library.
Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

334. NOTE TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ

[Before August 22, 1939] 1
You must of course go. Seeing the ways of Om I can only advise
that she should be married off as quickly as possible. She is not old
enough in years but physically and mentally she is quite mature. I
doubt very much if she can restrain herself any more. Of course you
must consider well before settling the marriage. You must then leave it
to her. In the end she will do as her fate dictates. If a suitable young
man comes along do not wait too long. Consult Om again and again.
Tell her of my distrust of her. Take her a letter from me if you wish.

From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 10990. Courtesy: Ramakrishna Bajaj

1
From the reference to Om who was betrothed on August 22, 1939

256 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 335. LETTER TO POPATLAL CHUDGAR
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 22, 1939
1
CHI. CHUDGAR ,
Sardar is in sole charge of everything. I will approve of whatever
he decides, if at all my approval is necessary.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI POPATLAL C HUDGAR
BARRISTER
R AJKOT C ITY
KATHIAWAR
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 9831. Courtesy: Popatlal Chudgar

336. LETTER TO KISHORELAL G. MASHRUWALA

August 22, 1939
CHI. KISHORELAL,
I am writing to Lakshmidas. . . .2 Do not enter [anything]
concerning Jamnalal in the account books. Leave it for the present.
As I have not been able to digest what you say about forgive-ness,
try to convince me. If not now, whenever you have the time. I shall
understand even if you write a few words.
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Gandhi Nidhi File. Courtesy: Gandhi National
Museum and Library

1
Barrister; legal adviser of the Rao Rana of Sikar
2
Illegible in the source

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 257

 337. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS1
S EGAON,
August 23, 1939
I continue to receive letters, mostly abusive, about what may be
called the Subhas Babu resolution2 of the Working Committee. I also saw
a letter addressed to Rajendra Babu, which can hardly be sur-passed in
the use of filthy language. I have seen some criticisms about the war
resolution3 .
I owe it to the public to make my position clear about both these
resolutions. I must confess that the Subhas Babu resolution was drafted
by me. I can say that the members of the Working Committee would
have shirked the duty of taking action if they could have. They knew
that there would be a storm of opposition against their action. It was
easier for them to have a colourless resolution than to have one which
was no respecter of persons. Not to take some action would have
amounted to abdication of their primary function of preserving
discipline among Congressmen. Subhas Babu had invited action. He
had gallantly suggested that if any action was to be taken it should be
taken against him as the prime mover. In my opinion the action taken
by the Working Committee was the mildest possible. There was no
desire to be vindictive. Surely the word vindictiveness loses all force and
meaning when the position of Subhas Babu is considered. He knew that
he could not be hurt by the Working Committee. His popularity had put
him above being affected by any action that the Working Committee
might take. He had pitted himself against the Working Committee, if not
the Congress organization. The members of the Working Committee,
therefore, had to perform their duty and leave the Congressmen and the
public to judge between themselves and Subhas Babu. It has been
suggested that Subhas Babu has done what I would have done under
similar circumstances. I cannot recall a single instance in my life of
having done what Subhas Babu has done, i.e., defied an organization to
which I owed allegiance. I could understand rebellion after secession
from such an organization. That was the meaning and secret of the non-

1
This appeared under the title “The Two Resolutions”. The statement was also
published in The Hindu, 23-8-1939, and The Hindustan Times, 24-8-1939.
2
Vide “Congress Working Committee Resolution”, 11-8-1939.
3
Vide Appendix-“Congress Working Committee Resolution”, after 18-7-1939

258 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

violent non-co-operation of 1920.
But I am not penning these lines so much to justify the action of
the Working Committee as to appeal to Subhas Babu and his suppor-ters
to take the decision of the Working Committee in the right spirit and
submit to it while it lasts. He has every right to appeal to the A.I.C.C.
against the decision. If he fails there, he can take the matter before the
annual session of the Congress. All this can be done with-out bitterness
and without imputing motives of the worst type to the members of the
Working Committee. Why not be satisfied with the belief that the
members have committed an error of judgement? I fancy that if a
majority of the A.I.C.C. members signify in writing their disapproval of
the action of the Working Committee, the latter will gladly resign. By
imputing motives whenever there are differences of opinion,
Congressmen pull down the structure that has been built up by the
patient labour of half a century. Indeed, even if a bad motive is
suspected, it is better to refrain from imputing it, unless it can be proved
beyond doubt. It is necessary for the sake of healthy public education
that leaders of public opinion should judge events and decisions on
their merits.
On the war resolution I had a conclusive defeat. I was invited to
draft a resolution, and so was Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. I was proud of
my draft, but my pride went before destruction. I saw that I could not
carry my resolution unless I argued and pressed for it. But I had no
such desire. We then listened to Jawaharlal’s. And I at once admitted
that it represented more truly than mine the country’s opinion and even
the Working Committee’s as a whole. Mine was based upon out-and-out
non-violence. If the Congress heartily believed in non-violence in its
fullness even as a policy, this was its testing time. But Congressmen,
barring individual exceptions, do not believe in such non-violence.
Those who do, believe that it is the right thing only for a fight against
the Government for wresting power. But the Congress has no non-
violent message for the world. I would fain believe that the Congress
had such a message. The conclusion to both the resolutions need not
have been radically different. But the motive power being different the
same conclusion would bear a different meaning in a different setting.
In the face of the violence going on in India itself and in the face of the
fact that Congress Governments have been obliged to fall back upon

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 259

military and police assitance, a declaration to the world of non-violence
would have seemed a mockery. It would have carried no weight in India
or with the world. Yet, to be true to myself, I could not draft any other
resolution than I did.
The fate, to which I was party, of my resolution proved the
wisdom of my withdrawal of official connection with the Congress. I
attend the Working Committee meetings not to identify myself with its
resolutions or even its general policy. I attend in the pursuit of my
mission of non-violence. So long as they want my attendance I go there
to emphasize non-violence in their acts and through them in those of
Congressmen. We pursue the same goal. They all of them would go the
whole length with me if they could, but they want to be true to
themselves and to the country which they represent for the time being,
even as I want to be true to myself. I know that the progress of non-
violence is seemingly a terribly slow process.1 But experience has taught
me that it is the surest way to the common goal. There is deliverance
neither for India nor for the world through clash of arms. Violence,
even for vindication of justice, is almost played out. With that belief I
am content to plough a lonely furrow, if it is to be my lot that I have no
co-sharer in the out-and-out belief in non-violence.
Harijan, 26-8-1939

338. LETTER TO NARAHARI D. PARIKH

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 24, 1939
CHI. NARAHARI,
I understand that Amtul Salaam’s Hanif 2 is under your charge
and that he is learning carding. If the man is promising, then it is our
duty to turn him into a fine craftsman. It will be a fine thing if he
becomes a good craftsman and an expert. I should like him to be
trained to learn all processes up to weaving. We have with us very few
who are experts in all the processes. A lot of work can be done if we
can give such training to one or two Muslims. Just as in Godhra I
wanted that a cobbler or carpenter should take the chair, similarly I do

1
The source, however, has “progress”.
2
A khadi worker of the Punjab

260 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

believe that Hindu-Muslim unity can be achieved through ordinary
Muslims. I would, therefore, be happy if persons like Hanif and Akbar
also chance to come our way. However, you should be guided by your
own experience and ability.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 9115

339. LETTER TO AZAM ABED

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 24, 1939
BHAI AZAM ABED,
I have your letter. I got the cuttings, including the one about the
late Nawab Khan. I don’t think anything can be done from here about
Nawab Khan. I was sorry to read the news about him.
Vandemataram from
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 815

340. LETTER TO RAOJIBHAI N. PATEL

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 24, 1939
CHI. RAOJIBHAI,
I see that your yajna is becoming a very great one. We will be able
to solve the problem of disposing of khadi only if we go deep into the
matter and study it carefully. This will require collection of figures.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 9010

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 261

 341. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 24, 1939
STUPID GIRL,

Pyarelal has gone to Nagpur with Krishnadas to visit David.

Prakash arrived yesterday. He has taken her also with him to show her
the clinic, etc. I have got two patients here—Durga and Asha Devi—for
whose sake I do feel the need of your presence. Durga is afraid she may
have appendicitis and Asha Devi has been suffering from fever for the
past two months. But what can you do about this? However, I am so
perturbed that twice in my dreams I spoke to you about it, telling you
that you had neglected your duty by staying on there—had there not
been work enough here? When I woke up I said to myself‘after all what
could you have done?’ Young compelled you and you passed the
responsibility on to me! I could take only one decision. The dream was
the expression of my anxiety. Why so much anxiety? That shows
inadequate practice of the Gita! You must be free of all worry and
complete your work.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and Library.
Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

342. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI

[Before August 25, 1939] 1
CHI. AMRITLAL,
I have your letter. You may come over whenever you can. There
has again been no letter from Vijaya but I think she is in Varad. I
enclose a postcard for her. There is some blank space in it. Utilize that
for writing. I have forgotten the name of Naran Patel’s father. Send it.
If the father’s name is not written, the letter miscarries.
Blessings from
BAPU

1
From the reference to absence of any “letter from Vijaya”, and the enclosed
“postcard for her” which had crossed her letter to Gandhiji; vide “Letter to Vijayabehn
M. Pancholi”, 25-8-1939.

262 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

[PS.]
Post the accompanying postcard after entering the complete
address on it.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10792

343. PLEA FOR VOLUNTARY FEDERATION

Imposed federation is likely to divide India more than it is today.
It would be a great step if the British Government were to declare that
they would not impose their federal structure on India. The Viceroy
seems to be acting in that fashion if he is not saying so. If my surmise is
correct, I suggest that a clear declaration will add grace to his action and
will probably pave the way for real federation and therefore real unity.
That federation can naturally never be of the Government of India Act
brand. Whatever it is, it must be a product of the free choice of all India.
But before that political and legalized federation of free choice
comes, there should be voluntary federation of parts, to begin with, if
not of the whole. This reflection arises from famine conditions today in
parts of lesser Gujarat and the whole of Kathiawar. I have received
angry protests from correspondents drawing my attention to what they
have termed the heartless policy of the Bombay Government in
prohibiting the movement of fodder and grain. I could not believe my
correspondents. I knew that the Sardar was moving heaven and earth to
cope with the distress both in Gujarat and Kathiawar. But in order to
make assurance doubly sure, I wired to the Prime Minister. Immediately
on the same day came the following answer :
Removal of fodder from six districts not permitted without the permision
of Collector as the necessities of our Province must be first considered. Excess
will be permitted to be removed.
The wire was followed by a letter enclosing a copy of the Bill
about to be introduced in the Bombay Assembly. It simply controls the
movement and prices of grain and fodder during times of famine or
scarcity. This is no policy of prohibition but it is one of control over
and regulation of the movement of fodder and grain so as to prevent
hoarding in speculators’ hands or disposal to the extent of starving the
places where it is grown and stored. The Premier’s letter contemplates
collection of grain andfodderfrom available sources outside the
Province and its distribution in famine areas including Kathiawar. The
Bombay measure I consider not only to be necessary but conducive to
the interest as well of the whole of the States part of the Province as of

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 263

the British part. I call it an act of voluntary fede-ration. The reader must
not quarrel with the stretch of the mean-ing of the word.
This little act introduces the reader to what can become a big act
of voluntary federation. I reproduced 1 the other day a letter from a
correspondent suggesting a federation of the Kathiawar States in many
matters of common interest. The correspondent’s ultimate aim was
political federation. What I contemplate has nothing to do with politics.
My present and ultimate aim here is purely humanitarian.
If the Kathiawar States would voluntarily federate, say, for water,
forests and roads, purely for saving life, there would be no danger of a
water famine such as threatens the cluster of States. There are States rich
enough who can provide water for the whole of Kathiawar. I know it
cannot be done in a day. But the dog-in-the manger policy followed in
Kathiawar has made impossible any scheme of big waterworks. Kathiwar
has fairly good rivers and hills. There is no limit to the possibility of
artesian wells. If only all the States will combine and the rich ones will
use their riches for the common good, they will be saved the awful
prospect of people and cattle having to die of thirst. I have faith that it is
possible for Kathiawar to ensure a proper supply of water even in dry
years. But no common waterworks will answer the purpose for all time
unless there is a long-view scheme of afforestation. There are practically
no forests in Kathiawar. The Princes and the people have to combine to
plant trees on an extensive scale. This cannot be done unless the States
and the people regard the whole of Kathiawar as their joint and
common land and have wisdom enough to desire to live on their land
without the perpetual dread of having to die of thirst when the god of
rain stops supplies.
SEGAON, August 25, 1939
Harijan, 2-9-1939

344. MOTOR V. CART

Gram Udyog Patrika for August examines the respective merits
of motor-vans and carts for village propaganda. Those who will read
the whole argument should send for the Patrika. I give below the most

1
Vide”Confederation of Small States”, 14-8-1939.

264 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

important part of the argument.1
We have been asked whether District Boards and such other local bodies,
who wish to set apart a certain amount of money for village work, will do well to
invest in motor-vans for propaganda work of various kinds in villages. . . .The
question is whether speeding up matters by the use of motor-vans which can visit
more than one village in a night will suit the purpose.
In all our expenditure, especially when that expenditure is undertaken
expressly for the benefit of the village people, it is necessary to see that the
money spent goes back to the villager. District and local Boards obtain their
money from the people, and their purchases must be such as will help to circulate
money among the people. . . .
What the villager needs above all is profitable employment. We steadily
deprive him of employment by buying imported articles, and by way of
compensation give him lectures, magic-lantern shows and tinned music all at his
expense, and pat ourselves on the back that we are working for his welfare. Can
anything be more absurd?
Compare with this what happens if in the place of the motor-van the
much despised bullock-cart were used. . . . It can reach the most remote villages
which a motor-lorry cannot do. It costs only a fraction of the money required for
a van, so that many bullock-carts can be bought, if necessary, to serve groups of
villages in the district. The money spent on them goes to the village carpenter,
blacksmith and cart-driver. Not a pie of it need go out of the district. . . .
Rural work and motor-vans appear, therefore, to go ill together. What is
required is steady, constructive effort, not lightning speed and empty show. We
would commend to local Boards and public institutions genuinely interested in
village welfare to start by using only village-made goods, to study the
conditions which are steadily producing poverty in the villages, and concentrate
on removing them one by one. When every side of village life needs intensive,
well-considered effort, it seems a waste of public money to throw it away on
methods which attempt to bring about village uplift overnight.
It is to be hoped that those who interest themselves in village
welfare will take to heart the obvious argument advanced in favour of
the cart. It will be cruel to destroy the village economy through the very
agency designed for village welfare.
SEGAON, August 25, 1939
Harijan, 16-9-1939

1
Only excerpts are reproduced here.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 265

 345. LETTER TO SHIVJI DEVSHANKAR
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 25, 1939
BHAI SHIVJI,
I got your letter. Since people attach excessive importance to my
words, I write only what is absolutely necessary. Despite that if once in a
while a mistake remains, should not people overlook it?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./III

346. LETTER TO VIJAYABEHN M. PANCHOLI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 25, 1939
CHI. VIJAYA,
You must have received the letter I wrote to you before I got
yours. I am here for the present. If, therefore, you can free yourself
from there, come over immediately. I hope you are keeping good
health. Naranbhai must be improving.
Here owing to the rains everything is fine. The fear of drought has
disappeared. I hope everything is all right there too.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI VIJAYABEHN
C/ O NARANBHAI VALLABHBHAI P ATEL
VARAD
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 7113. Also C.W. 4605. Courtesy:
Vijayabehn M. Pancholi

347. MACHINE OIL AND “GHANI” OIL

The village ghani, the village chakki, the village loom and
charkha, and the village sugar-cane-crusher were once inseparable
parts of the village. The A.I.S.A. and the A.I.V.I.A. are trying to

266 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

revive some of them. We know fairly well how the loom and the charkha
can be revived. Khadi has become a science to be mastered in all its
aspects. Maganlal Gandhi laid the foundation of that science. The
village chakki and the village sugar-cane-crusher have yet to discover
their science men. But the ghani has. Shri Jhaverbhai Patel of
Maganwadi is studying the ghani in all its aspects with the zeal and
precision of a scientist. He has made improvements which he claims
have lessened the labour of both men and animals who work at the
ghani and have at the same time increased the output of oil. He has
studied the oil market and the movement of seeds. The result is that he
is today able to sell his oil at almost the bazaar rates and therefore
commands a ready market. His oil is superior to the machine product
which is, as a rule, adulterated and never fresh. But Shri Jhaverbhai is
not satisfied merely because he competes successfuly with the local
market in Wardha. He has found out why the machine oil is at all
cheaper than the ghani oil. He gives three reasons, two of which are
unavoidable. They are capital and the ability of the machine to extract
the last drop of oil and that too in a shorter time than the ghani. These
advantages are neutralized by the commission. The owner of the mill
has to pay to the middleman. But Shri Jhaverbhai cannot cope with the
third reason, adulteration, unless he also takes to it. This naturally he will
not do. He therefore suggests that adulteration should be dealt with by
law. This can be done by enforcing the Anti-adulteration Act if there is
one or by enacting it and by licensing oil mills.
Shri Jhaverbhai has also examined the cause of the decline of the
village ghani. The most potent cause is the inability of the oilman to
command a regular supply of seeds. The villages are practically
denuded of seeds after the season. The oilman has no money to store
the seeds, much less to buy them in the cities. Therefore he has
disappeared or is fast disappearing. Lakhs of ghanis are today lying
idle causing a tremendous waste of the country’s resources. Surely it is
the function of the State to resuscitate the existing ghanis by
conserving seeds in the places of their origin and making them available
to the village oilman at reasonable rates. The Government loses nothing
by giving this aid. It can be given,so Shri Jhaverbhai contends,
through co-operative societies or panchayats. If this is done, Shri
Jhaverbhai is of opinion, based on research, that ghani oil can
compete with the machine product and the villager can be spared the
infliction of the adulterated oil he gets today. It should be borne in

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 267

mind that the only fat the villager gets, when he gets any, is what the oil
can give him. To ghee he is generally a stranger.
SEGAON, August 26, 1939
Harijan, 2-9-1939

348. A MAHARJA’S THREAT

I received some weeks ago an important letter from Patiala. It
contained such grave statements attributed to the Maharaja Saheb of
Patiala that I referred them to him for confirmation or otherwise. It is
now more than three weeks since I wrote to him. But I have no reply.1 I
therefore presume that the statements reported by my correspondent are
substantially true. Here is the main part of the letter :
The Patiala State Praja Mandal launched satyagraha against the Hidayat of
2
1988 , a lawless law curtailing the civil liberties of the people. On our advice the
satyagraha was suspended unconditionally. The Publicity Officer, Patiala, on
behalf of H.H.’s Government, stated in a Press communique dated 15th April that
the Government would repeal or withdraw the aforesaid Hidayat within three to
four weeks, and further stated that the Government had constituted a Committee
to go into its provisions and submit an early report. But the announcement has
remained up till now a dead letter. And instead, H.H. has by Ijlas khas orders dated
25th May ordered the strict enforcement of the Hidayat for a period of another
six months. In view of this, no propaganda of any kind can be carried on by the
Praja Mandal workers, the provisions of the Hidayat being very wide and
sweeping. The workers arrested in connection with this agitation are still in jail
and others are being tried. Apart from this there is at present another movement
going on within the State, i.e., between landlords and tenants.
Some of the Praja Mandal workers were allowed an interview with H. H.
on the 18th instant. During the interview H. H. addressed them as follows :
“My ancestors have won the State by the sword and I mean to keep it by
the sword. I do not recognize any organization to represent my people or to
speak on their behalf. I am their sole and only representative. No such
organization such as Praja Mandal can be allowed to exist within the State. If

1
For the Maharaja’s reply, which was received subsequently and which appeared
along with this, vide Appendix-“Letter from Yadavindra Singh”, 9-9-1939. Also for
Gandhiji’s note appended to these, vide “Remarks on ‘A Maharaja’s Threat’”, 12-9-
1939.
2
Of Vikram calendar, corresponding to 1932 A.D.

268 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 you want to do Congress work, get out of the State. The Congress can terrify the
British Government, but if it ever tries to interfere in my State it will find me a
terrible resister. I cannot tolerate any flag other than my own to be flown
within my boundaries. You stop your Praja Mandal activities, otherwise I shall
resort to such repression that your generations to come will not forget it. When I
see some of my dear subjects drifting away into another fold, it touches the very
core of my heart. I advise you to get out of the Mandal and stop all kind of
agitation; or else remember I am a military man; my talk is blunt and my bullet
straight.”
It may be that my letter never reached the Maharaja Saheb, and
that if it had, he would have disputed the correctness of my corres-
pondent’s letter. If any repudiation is received by me, I shall gladly
publish it. But I must say that my correspondent is a respon-sible
person.
Assuming then that the Maharaja did make the remarks quoted, it
is a serious thing for any Prince, no matter how powerful he is, to use
the threats the Maharaja is reported to have done. With due respect to
him, I suggest that there is too much awakening among the people
throughout India to be suppressed by threats and even corresponding
action. The days of unadulterated autocracy are gone for ever. It is
possible perhaps by intense frightfulness to suppress the rising spirit of
the people for some time. But I am quite sure that it cannot be
suppressed for all time.
I have no desire to eliminate the Princes. Friends have com-
plained to me that Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru has, however, made such a
statement although the Congress has enunciated no such policy. I have
not had the opportunity of asking him about the alleged remark. But
assuming that he did make the statement, it can only mean that some
Princes are so acting as to bring about their own elimination. It is wrong
to judge him by newspaper reports. His considered opinion is to be
gathered from his statement on behalf of the Standing Committee of the
All-India States People’s Conference. Therein he has even warned
people against hasty action. He is much too loyal a Congressman to
contemplate any action in advance of known Con-gress policy.
Therefore the fear and hatred of the Congress on the part of some
Princes are misplaced and are calculated to injure rath er than help
them. The Congress is not seeking to interfere directly in the
affairs of any State. But the Congress does guide the States people.
They are part of the Congress organization. They derive strength and

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 269

inspiration from their connection with the Congress. I do not know how
this organic relationship can be avoided. To wish its termination is like
an attempt to make children disown their parents. For better or for
worse it is well to recognize the fact that
just as the vast mass of people of British India look up more to the
Congress than to the Government for the removal of their woes, even so
do the people of the States look to the Congress for their delive-rance. It
is under the Congress advice and inspiration that the people of the States
say that they want to grow to their full height under the aegis of their
respective Princes. I hope, therefore, that the Maharaja Saheb of Patiala
and those Princes who hold the opinion attributed to him will revise
their views and welcome the movement of their people for liberty to
grow to their full height and not regard the reformers in their States as
their enemies. It will be well if they will seek Congress aid in the
settlement of their people’s demands. But they need not do so, if they
distrust Congress friendship. It is enough if they will placate the
advanced section of their people by granting substantial reforms.
What is worse in my opinion, however, than the alleged threat of
the Maharaja is the breach of the promise referred to in my corres-
pondent’s letter. There is no doubt so far as I can see that the promise
of withdrawal of the Hidayat of 1988 was made; there is equally no
doubt that the promise has been broken. It is a dangerous thing even for
a rich and powerful Prince to break his plighted word. Breach of a
promise is no less an act of insolvency than a refusal to pay one’s debt.
I plead with the Maharaja Saheb to redeem the promise and hope that
his counsellors will advise him to do so.
SEGAON, August 26, 1939
Harijan, 16-9-1939

349. TELEGRAM TO SRI PRAKASA

S EGAON,
August 26, 1939
DELIGHTED. JUST LIKE YOU.1 AWAITING YOUR LETTER.

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

1
The addressee had withdrawn his resignation from the Congress; vide also
“Telegram to Jawaharlal Nehru”, 18-8-1939.

270 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 350. LETTER TO MULKRAJ
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 26, 1939
DEAR LALA MULKRAJ,
I had a wire from Shri Mookerjee about Punjab National. I have
not replied as I have sent you the papers about the Nagpur Bank. There
is now no question of banking the money elsewhere. I hope therefore
that you have given effect to my instructions.1
Yours sincerely,

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

351. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 26, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,

Your letter is dated the 22nd. I wrote to you on the 24th. You
must have received the letter. I am greatly rushed, of course I find
comfort in the thought that Pyarelal writes to you every day.
My health of course is all right. Prakash and Pyarelal came from
Nagpur yesterday. What Krishnadas has is not T.B. but pyorrhoea.
Prakash gave me news of Mother. Since you were with Mother,
has something been done about her teeth? What is the diagnosis? Does
is mean additional responsibility for you? Should I also give it a
thought?
Mahadev reached here at 3 o’clock
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and Library.
Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

1
Vide “Draft of Telegram to Mulkraj”, 18-8-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 271

 352. NOTES
BOMBAY CORPORATION AND HARIJANS
The following important resolutions were carried by the Bom-bay
Municipal Corporation on 17th and 18th August respectively:
That the attention of the Commissioner be invited to the absence of
bathing and washing facilities for the Municipal Labour Staff, particularly the
Health Department sweepers and Drainage Department cleaners, after they finish
their work on the streets, and he be requested to report as to whether it would not
be desirable to construct a number of special bathrooms and washing places near
their centre of work so that they can wash and clean themselves after finishing
their day’s duties and return home tidy and refreshed.
That the attention of the Commissioner be invited to the fact that the dress
used by the municipal sweepers and similar other menial staff gets extremely
dirty as a result of their condition of work, and that the continuous use of such
dress by this class of employees even during off-duty hours presents a very
shabby appearance and is harmful to their health, and he be requested to report
whether it would not be desirable to provide these employees with working suits
which they may put on just before starting their work and take out at the end of
their duty.
The resolutions should have been carried long ago. Both the
points covered by the resolutions are important as well for the
employees as the citizens. Sanitation of a big city like Bombay is
dependent largely upon the efficiency of the those who are employed to
attend to it. And yet all over India they are the least looked after. I
needed a Congress majority in the Corporation to pass these necessary
resolutions. Let us hope that the Commissioner will report favourably
without delay. There can be no objection to the reforms in principle.
The objection so as I can see can only be on the score of finance. But in
matters such as the sanitary welfare of the city, financial objection can
have little weight. Assuming that the report is favourable and not
delayed, there will still be another stage to be gone through before the
reforms become accomplished facts, for the necessary sanction of the
Corporation will be required. I hope the mover and the seconder of the
resolutions will, therefore, not rest till they see washing places and
working dresses provided for the sweepers, cleaners and the other
members of the labour staff.
SEGAON, August 27, 1939
Harijan, 9-9-1939

272 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 353. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS1
S EGAON,
[August 27, 1939] 2
A sister from London wired on the 24th instant :
Please act. World awaiting lead.
Another wire from another sister in London received today says:
Urge you consider immediate expression of your unshakable faith in
reason not force to rulers and all peoples.
I have been hesitating to say anything on the impending world
crisis which affects the welfare not of a few nations but of the whole of
mankind. I have felt that my word can have no effect on those on whom
depends the decision whether there is to be war or peace. I know that
many in the West believe that my word does carry weight. I wish I
shared their belief. Not having such belief I have been praying in secret
that God may spare us the calamity of war. But I have no hesitation in
redeclaring my faith in reason, which is another word for non-violence,
rather than the arbitrament of war for the settlement of disputes or
redress of wrongs. I cannot emphasize my belief more forcibly than by
saying that I personally would not purchase my own country’s freedom
by violence even if such a thing were a possibility. My faith in the wise
saying that what is gained by the sword will also be lost by the sword is
imperishable. How I wish Herr Hitler would respond to the appeal of the
President of the United Sates and allow his claim to be investigated by
arbitrators in whose choice he will have as effective a voice as the
disputants.
Harijan, 2-9-1939

1
This appeared under “Notes”, sub-title, “The Impending Crisis”. The statement
was also published in The Hindu, 29-8-1939.
2
Vide the following item. The source, however, has “August 28”

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 273

 354. LETTER TO C. F. ANDREWS
S EAGON, W ARDHA,
August 27, 1939
MY DEAR CHARLIE,
Your illness disturbs me. I think this—the latest attack—is a
warning from God that the South African visit should be given up
altogether. The very fact of your brooding over it will retard your
recovery. It really amounts to this that you should confine yourself to
India, going to England for health’s sake whenever necessary.
Dorothy Hogg and now Agatha have sent me cables 1 for a word
on the situation. Here is a copy of what I am sending to the Press. Please
thank Jesudasan for his letter. I am not writing to him sepa-rately.
Love.
MOHAN
From a photostat: G.N. 1299

355. A LETTER 2

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 27, 1939
DEAR SISTER,
I have your letter. You are hasty in your judgments. How can you
identify the Ministers with what appears in the Nagpur Times even
though it is a ministerial organ? Those who care to render public service
have got to put up with criticism, both fair and unfair. Much of the
writing you have sent me is simple banter.
I do not know what impropriety Shri Bhulabhai Desai committed.
I undersand that his appointment 3 was welcomed by the leaders of the

1
Vide the preceding item.
2
The addressee, presumably, was Anasuyabai Kale, Deputy Speaker, Central
Provinces Legislative Assembly.
3
According to The Indian Annual Register, 1939, Vol. II, pp. 215-6, Bhulabhai
Desai was appointed by the Congress Working Comittee to investigate into certain
allegations made by some M.L.A.s against D. P. Mishra, Minister of Local Self-
Government, Central Provinces. The enquiry had hardly lasted for two days when the
complainant’s representatives T. J. Kedar and others sought withdrawal from the enquiry
“on the grounds that Bhulabhai Desai (1) shut out some evidence to which they attached

274 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

complaining group. But you must not expect me to interest myself in
such matters which are for the Working Committee to deal with.
I know nothing about Dr. Sonak and you will not expect me to
enquire into what is after all a purely private affair. If I were to
undertake such a mission I should be of no public use. What little
energy is left in me must be reserved for dealing with questions which
have become my life-work. My withdrawal from the Congress was
deliberate act to save myself, among other things, from attention to
administrative details. All the three things you mention are matters of
administrative detail.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat: C. W. 6902

356. LETTER TO INDU N. PAREKH

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 27, 1939
CHI. INDU,
Is there no limit to your foolishness? If you would listen to me,
get out of all this entanglement and plunge yourself in whatever little
service you can do. This is the only way to come up. Your brothers will
look after themselves. Tell Bapasaheb about the shortage. Of course you
will certainly speak to the Sardar. Personally I should like you to free
yourself at the earliest.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 6257

importance, and (2) did not admit official documents under the plea of the Official
Secrets Act. . . .B. Desai reasoned. . . .as to the groundlessness of their apprehensions
and urged them to proceed with the inquiry. . . . They, however, declined to do so. . . .
Thereupon the inquiry was suspended.”

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 275

 357. LETTER TO VIJAYABEHN M. PANCHOLI
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 27, 1939
CHI. VIJAYA,
I will respect your wishes regarding the rakhadi, even though it is
of silver. Even if you apply a mud-pack on the throat, you will be able
to take the steam through the mouth as Rajkumari used to do. For food,
take only fruit juices. But you will not be able to do all this by yourself.
If the vaidya takes the responsibility, follow his advice. Otherwise follow
Bhaskar’s1 . To get your ears pulled for getting angry come here as soon
as you can. But so long as it is your duty to stay there, I don’t want you
to do anything else.
Blessing from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7114. Also C.W. 4606. Courtesy:
Vijayabehn M. Pancholi.

358. LETTER TO NIRMALA GANDHI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 27, 1939
CHI. NIMU,
I got your letter after a long wait. I for one like your idea about
Bhavnagar. It would be proper for you to settle down there only and let
Ramdas return at his convenience. He will not willingly let you come
here. He will be thinking of you all the time. And if he does let you
come here, you will be able to profit by your stay only if he lets you
remain for a year. If you can manage that, you may depend upon me to
make the necessary arrangements for your stay. But surely you must
agree to stay for at least a year, shouldn’t you? It is possible Ramdas
may not agree to such a long period.
Krishnadas has returned. He is being examined. He has no trace at
all of consumption but he feels extremely weak. He is staying at the
Mahila Ashram.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Mrs. Sumitra Kulkarni Papers. Courtesy: Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library

1
Dr. Bhaskar Patel

276 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 359. KHADI IN TAMIL NADU
The extracts from the half-yearly report of khadi work in Tamil
Nadu ending 30th June, published elsewhere in this issue, should be
read with interest. The report was followed up by a personal letter from
Shri Aiyamuthu, the indefatigable secretary of the Tamil Nadu Branch
of the A.I.S.A. Relevant extracts from the letter being very instructive
are given below:
Three years have passed since the first attempt was made for determining a
minimum living wage for the spinners. The second step has also been taken
since the Ist of this month. There has been a definite increase in the earnings of
spinners, though it is not exactly the same as we aim at. A lot of spade-work has
been done towards improving the spinning and carding efficiency of the spinner.
Use of machine-ginned lint has been given up and kapas has been made the basis
of all spinning. Improved implements have been distributed. The age-old village
charkha has been rejuvenated by the addition of a transformer. The time has now
come to pause and consider all the changes that have resulted from this step.
You have always visualized khadi only as part of the home economics of
the villager. Our ancients gave us the small wheel and the spindle as their
heritage for all posterity. In this their idea was that each home should spin
enough for its own immediate requirements. They viewed production only from
the viewpoint of the natural consumer, that is, the producer and his family or at
the most the village. May be the village weaver took a few cloths to the
shandy 1 . But the commercial aspect of utilizing the spinning-wheel for catering
to the needs of distant consumers never occured to them.
Till 1935, when the first step towards increasing the wages of spinners
was taken, the Association had been looking more to the interest of the
consumer than to that of the spinner. The Association always aimed at bringing
down the price of khadi, thereby enabling more and more people to purchase it.
It acted as a check against individuals entering the field and trying to exploit the
consumer. Very few persons were willing to take to khadi business and the few
who entered the field fell back as soon as they found that khadi did not pay them
up to their expectations.
The spinner till 1935 was able to earn on an average only four annas
per lb. as spinning wages. Spinners who spun yarn above the average quality

1
Market

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 277

 were paid a little more, the maximum being six annas per lb. In those days when
a spinner was fined a mere pice she felt the loss so keenly that sometimes she
burst into tears. In the same way, the addition of a copper or two to her
expectations brought forth a ray of smile on her face. A copper more or less made
all the difference in her outlook. It appeared so big.
In 1936, without her asking for it, the spinning wage has been increased
far beyond her wildest expectations. While in 1935 the average spinning wage
per lb. of yarn was only four annas, in 1938 it is Re. 0-12-3, i e., her wage has
been increased by 200 per cent. This should naturally have resulted in inducing
her to spin better, to spin more twisted and even yarn. But this has not been the
case. The only reaction to our efforts at improving the standard of living of the
spinner has been that in a vague way she feels that she is being paid more, vastly
more, than is due to her labour. So much so that when she is penalized for
spinning yarn of an inferior quality she does not feel it at all. We pay the full
wages only for yarn that meets all our rigid tests. The spinner feels it is not a
loss to her to be paid ten annas per lb. She is not sorry if she is paid only eight
annas. She does not care even if it is only six annas since it is a 50-per-cent
increase on her own estimate of her labour and there is always a man who is
willing to purchase it at that price. He does not use the rigid tests of the
Association. He is always glad to purchase it at that value. It is the uncertified
dealer, who pays 50 per cent of the wages paid by us and markets the cloth
produced of that yarn at 75 to 80 per cent of our standard rates. Since 1936 we
have interested ourselves more in the spinner than in the consumer. We have
aimed at getting the maximum out of the consumer and paying it to the spinner.
And the uncertified dealer (his number is increasing day by day) is given a free
hand to exploit both the spinner and the consumer. The result is that in spite of
an increase in wages and that without her asking for it, we are not able to show a
corresponding improvement in the quality.
The increase in spinning wages has resulted also in more women
registering themselves as spinners. Till 1935 spinning wages were not
attractive enough to make the spinner sit at the wheel as a full-time worker. But
with the increase of wages she has found spinning a profitble whole-time work.
The value of our production has risen from Rs. 6 lakhs in 1936 to Rs. 16 lakhs in
1938. With the capital resources we have, it is not possible to purchase all the
yarn that is produced. Nor have the sales increased in corresponding degree. We
are forced to reject yarn from many who naturally sell their yarn to the
uncertified dealer on his own terms, thus enabling him to undersell us.

278 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 Since 1936 we have always held the view that the producer should be the
prime consumer, and that what is produced in excess of the producers’ needs
should alone be marketed. With this end in view the spinners have been asked to
deposit with us a portion of their output for their own use and the balance alone
is being purchased. This deposit has increased from 13 per cent of the total
production in 1936 to 31 per cent in 1938. This percentage can be raised to any
limit but for the trouble with the uncertified dealer. Perhaps his activities are at
its worst in this case. He is not above purchasing the cloth thus distributed by us
at a low price and selling the same elsewhere at a profit. In this instance he is
doing more harm than even the vendor of mill-cloth.
The remedy for all this lies perhaps in localizing khadi. Khadi must not
be made a commercial product, produced in villages to be sold in distant towns.
As at present the spinner thinks she is spinning not so much for her own
requirements and that of her family as for selling the yarn for an unknown
destination. As such she does not understand, nor does she want to, what quality
of yarn she has to spin. We are not able to control the count of the yarn to suit
our requirements. If we are to produce khadi only for sale, we are bound to study
the requirements of the consumer. We have to study what is required and how
much to produce and in what quality. In the case of an organized industry like the
mill, it is possible to so regulate the production that only what is wanted is
produced. The entire spinning is done in a limited space and the spindles are
inanimate things working to a definite motion and spinning what is wanted. In
the case of khadi it is not so. The spinner and her spindle are different entities.
She lives and thinks independently of us. But if she is induced to spin only for
her own immediate wants, she will understand what she needs, what quality of
yarn to spin and how much of it to spin. And if there is any surplus, it can be
collected by a central organization which will find a market for it. It may be that
the village panchayat can be authorized to hold in deposit the surplus yarn
produced in the village and to sell it at the price which will ensure the spinner a
standard wage for the hours of work she has put in producing the same.
A workers’ conference was held at Tirupur on 27th June when Shri
Shankerlal Banker addressed the workers. The question of a further increase in
spinning wages was raised. Of the 93 workers who had assembled only two were
for an enhancement. The rest were opposed to it, not because they were
averse to giving the spinner something more but becuase such enhancement
does not bring the desired result. The increased wage does not improve the
quality of production. Not only that. That uncertified dealer is given greater

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 279

 scope to exploit both the spinner and the consumer. We feel helpless, not being
able to control nefarious activities of the uncertified dealer. We were not able to
clarify our position well to Shri Shankerlalji. We are not sure that we have fared
any better now. We would only request you to view the problem from our point of
view and realize our difficulties.
Perhaps the only remedy for this is for the Government to step in and
give the spinner the protection that is her due. She must be saved in spite of
herself. It may be that the price of hand-spun yarn should be determined by an act
of legislation and it be made an offence against the State to purchase yarn at a
lower rate. It may also be made an offence for anybody to purchase yarn from a
spinner, when the spinner herself is in need of the same for her clothings. The
village panchayat or on its behalf the A.I.S.A. may be authorised to hold in
deposit the surplus yarn in the village for sale at the scheduled rates. With the
Congress Ministries at the helm of affairs in the different provinces it is not
impossible to bring in this piece of protective legislation. We only pray that
you give the matter your consideration and advise the different Ministries to
bring suitable legislation.
The secretary is an impatient enthusiast. Both enthusiasm and
impatience are good up to a point in any great venture. Khadi is the
greatest I have been able to conceive inasmuch as it conserves the
simultaneous good of millions of human beings without regard to status
or religion. It can therefore take in as many impatient enthu-siasts as
will come to it provided that they are honest, pure, incorrup-tible and
unselfish. And impatient enthusiasts will have to remember that in the
end only coolness, patience and tireless research will win.
Let me now examine Shri Aiyamuthu’s difficulties.
1. Uncertified dealers are a curse; they are enemies of their own
sisters which the spinners are; they are enemies of progress and ulti-
mately of themselves. But the royal road to neutralize their mis-chievous
activities is to buy all the yarn that the spinners produce. This is a matter
of pure arithmetic. Shri Aiyamuthu is the sole con-troller of higher
prices. He can pay even eight annas per day to the choicest spinners.
They are useful for his laboratory work. He will regulate their number.
He will buy up all the other yarn at the price lower, than under the
increased scale, if the spinners are willing to sell their yarn. He will thus
automatically eliminate the uncertified dealer, so far as yarn is
concerned. I know that is a dangerous experiment, if the experimenter
is not always, in all that he is doing, thinking solely of the spinners and
the ideal wage he is anxious to pay to each one of them. If he fulfils this

280 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

condition, having got hold of every spinner and eliminated the
uncertified dealer, he will educate the former in the art of getting a
better wage for her work. In the end she will know with whom she
should deal and she will be a willing pupil. Then the secret sale of khadi
meant for the spinners’ use will automatically stop.
2. I wholly endorse the proposition that khadi should be
decentralized to the extent that each village produces its own cotton and
manufactures its own cloth. If there is a surplus, it should be sold where
it is wanted, e.g., in the cities or places where cotton is not grown and
where it will be cheaper to take khadi from the nearest khadi centre.
This deal will only be reached when each branch selects one village and
attempts to carry out the experiment which will require the best expert. I
settled in Segaon in order to carry out this among other ideals, but I
must confess that I seem to be as far from it as when I came here three
years ago. They need not expect miracles to take place immediately
they go to villages; and they should take heart from the fact that if I
could show little or nothing after three years of stay in a village, they
need not despair nor be ashamed if after due effort they cannot show
results.
3. It will induce lethargy among workers if they expect Congress
Governments to work wonders.
Unscrupulous men will run a coach and four through any legis-
lation. Congress Governments have their limitations. At the same time
some help is possible through legislation. I have already pointed out the
direction in which legislation can help. Dealing in khadi by uncertified
vendors should be penalized. Khadi can have protection through
subsidy as was done in the case of the Tatas, and the subsidy can be
raised by taxing the sales of mill manufactures. The fines collected from
uncertified dealers may also, subject to deduction for expenses, be paid
to the A.I.SA.
4. The question of sales is undoubtedly a problem. I have
discussed this question in a previous article1 . But there is no doubt that
Congressmen should make all their purchases of cloth from khadi
bhandars. By properly handling the whole question, Government—
Congress and non-Congress—can help khadi and thus themselves in

1
Vide “Wanted Purchasers”, 21-8-1939

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 281

the shape of giving employment to the unemployed with the mini-mum
of expenditure.
SEGAON, August 28, 1939
Harijan, 2-9-1939

360. NOTES
WILL THEY LEARN ?
Hirdaynath Baijal was a medical student in Agra. Whenever I pass
through big stations after a lapse of time there are as a rule wild
demonstrations. For causes I have not been able to divine, there were
wilder demonstrations during my recent journey to the Frontier
Province and wilder still on return from there. Such a demonstration
took place at Agra on the 27th ultimo. My ears cannot cope with the
noises however affectionate they may be. Plugging with cotton wool
does not answer. I have to plug them with my fingers as hard as I can in
order to deaden the noise. The demonstrators are themselves so lost in
their frenzy that they do not listen to the piteous appeals I and my
companions make to them. It is not their fault. They do not know what
is being said to them. And they cannot understand why persons in
whose honour demonstrations are made should resent them. They make
no distinction between night and day. This Agra demonstration took
place at night. Among the demonstration was Hirdaynath. He boarded
the train in order to reach me and get my autograph. Before he could
come near my compartment he slipped and fell. The train moved and
ran over him, and he had to lose his legs.
A correspondent suggests that the railway authorities could have
or should have managed the crowd, that the train should have been
stopped in time, and that first aid was not provided as it should have
been. Be that as it may, the fact of the injury to Hirdaynath remains.
Kind correspondents kept themselves in touch with me after the
accident. Hirdaynath’s father too wrote to me. I was thus able to write a
word of cheer to the young man and give such consolation as I could to
his father and his friends. Unfortunately in spite of the best treatment he
breathed his last on the 22nd instant. My heart goes out to the
deceased’s father and his friends. The reason why I pen these lines is to
warn the public against these demonstrations in which no order is kept.
If demonstrations there must be, and I suppose there will be, they must

282 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

be regulated either by the demonstrators themselves or the police. This
is the second accident within the past few months. One took place on
my return from Brindaban1 . There also the injured party was a student.
Fortunately he has lived, though without a leg. Hirdaynath seems to
have been a student of exceptional qualities and a great favourite with
the students. I suggest to the students that the very best way in which
they can treasure the memory of their dear comrade is by organizing a
discipline brigade whose mission would be to introduce order in
demonstrations, meetings and other crowds. With ever-increasing mass
awakening we need to know the laws governing the conduct and
movement of crowds so as to enable vast masses to gather together
without fuss, noise or disturbance.
SEGAON, August 28, 1939
Harijan, 2-9-1939

361. TELEGRAM TO RAJENDRA PRASAD

WARDHAGANJ,
August 28, 1939
R ASHTRAPATI R AJENDRA P RASAD
R AMGARH
(HAZARIBAGH)
MOST INCONVENIENT LEAVE WARDHA BUT WILL GO ANYWHERE
FOR YOUR HEALTH. WARDHA PERHAPS BEST FOR YOU BUT
LET DOCTORS DECIDE.
BAPU
From the original: Rajendra Prasad Papers. Courtesy: National Archives of India.

1
Where Gandhiji attended the Gandhi Seva Sangh conference in May 1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 283

 362. CABLE TO Y. M. DADOO 1
August 28, 1939
MAKING EFFORT. HAVE INFORMATION SAYING UNION GOVERNMENT
WILL CONCILIATE INDIAN OPINION. NOTHING RELIABLE. WILL SOON
GIVE DEFINITE NEWS.
GANDHI
From a photostat: C. W. 11351. Courtesy: E. S. Reddy; also South Africa's
Freedom Struggle, p. 307

363. LETTER TO JUGLAL CHOWDHARY

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 28, 1939
MY DEAR JUGLAL,
I have a copy of your letter to Kripalani. Three years is the limit.
If Ministers can bring about prohibition in a year, they are expected to
do so. Conversely, if in spite of great effort they cannot finish the
programme within the prescribed period, they will not be blamed. Three
years should be counted from the date of the Congress resolution. But
of course the President’s ruling should be your guide.
Yours sincerely,
HON. J UGLAL C HOWDHARY
MINISTER
P ATNA
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

1
In reply to the addressee's cable received on August 27 which read: “Reliable
information that Union Government rejected Indian Government offer for Round Table
Conference. Union Government intimated that advance copy contemplated legislation
shall be forwarded to Indian Government. Appeal negotiations proceeding on future
legislation. Concerned no mention Act 1939 on which we pledged struggle. Pray inform
progress”.

284 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 364. LETTER TO PYARELAL
August 28, 1939
CHI. PYARELAL,
I do not interpret it the way you do. Here, what Devdas said had
nothing to do with Sushila. He only referred to the fact that you were
causing worry to everyone. If you have any doubt about it, you must
ask Devdas. However wrong his ideas may be, his letter is frank. Even I
agree with his comment about the fast. Ba said that even Prakash was
crying today over your fast. It irks me that you seem to derive some
pleasure in making people cry like that. You have not even replied to
my letter. To whom should I reveal my pain? Should I cry like Sushila
and Prakash? What would I gain by crying? Who can measure the pain
you are causing through this fast? I long for a solution to this affair. I
am daily praying to God for it.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

365. LETTER TO PYARELAL

[After August 28, 1939] 1
CHI. PYARELAL,
What you have written about Sushila is not correct. If it is not her
duty to remain in Delhi on account of Mother, she has to pass her test
here. In that alone lies her good. Devdas says that there is no need to
think about him. Ba is pining for her. That is sufficient for Sushila. She
is asking me every now and then when Sushila will be coming. My
saying that you find pleasure in making a person cry is to be
understood in terms of popular expression. When we make someone cry
through our action, it is said, and rightly, that we find pleasure in
making them cry. Should it not be said that at Abbottabad I derived
pleasure from making Sushila cry?2 No matter how much I myself may
have cried at heart.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

1
From the contents; vide preceding item
2
Gandhiji was in Abbottabad from July 7 to 26, 1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 285

 366. LETTER TO LORD LINLITHGOW
August 29, 1939
DEAR LORD LINLITHGOW,
I thank you for your letter 1 of 26th instant. I reciprocate your
wish that the world will be spared the calamity of war. But if it comes
and you think my presence necessary in Simla, of course I shall come.
I am,
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a microfilm: Lord Linlithgow Papers. Courtesy: National Archives of
India.

367. LETTER TO A. GUPTA

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 29, 1939
DEAR FRIEND,
I thank you for your letter. I am entirely at one with you that
imputation of motives is a frailty common to all. If you will re-read my
statement 2 you will find that it is of a general character. I have just read
in today’s paper that there was a black-flag demonstration against
Subhas Babu at Patna. I was sorry to learn of it.
Yours sincerely,
S HRI A. G UPTA
BENGALI ASSOCIATION
DINAPORE, B IHAR
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers, Courtesy: Pyarelal

1
Which, inter alia, said: “. . . though I have no justification for thinking war
inevitable, you will agree with me that international situation is very ominous and
should war by any chance break out it has been in my mind to invite you to come to see
me at once. . . . should wiser counsels not prevail and should we find ourselves in war, I
hope that you will not misunderstand it if I send you a telegram . . . to come to see me.”
2
Which, inter alia, said: “. . . though I have no justification for thinking war
inevitable, you will agree with me that international situation is very ominous and
should war by any chance break out it has been in my mind to invite you to come to see
me at once. . . . should wiser counsels not prevail and should we find ourselves in war, I
hope that you will not misunderstand it if I send you a telegram . . . to come to see me.”

286 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 368. LETTER TO PREMABEHN KANTAK
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 29, 1939
CHI. PREMA,
I got your letter only today. The rakhadi was tied by Amtul
Salaam and now I am writing this letter.
First your question. Why don’t you hand over the sum of Rs. 125
to Deo 1 ? There should be no objection to accepting anything which
somebody might give for the book 2 . You may hand over to Deo
whatever you receive or a part of it.
I fully agree with Deo’s argument, that his expenses should be
met by Maharashtra itself. If Maharastra does not bear them, it means
the province does not want his services.
Patwardhan3 may come and stay with me whenever he wants. It is
always crowded here, of course.
Come over for a visit whenever you can. There is no question of
overcrowding in your case. Rest assured that if you come over here
you will get well. Yes, there is one risk, or course, that meanwhile I may
have to go out. But what even if I have to? You will immediately know if
that happens.
Kelkar4 and I alone know what efforts I have made to win him
over. It was I who got him appointed on the Working Committee, the
sole reason being that he was regarded as Lokamanya’s heir. I thought
it my duty to accommodate him as much as I could and do my best to
win him over. I still think so. Despite my differences with Lokamanya, I
regard myself as his devotee. I had the highest regard for his learning,
patriotism and courage.
There is no truth at all in Swami Satyadev’s statement. I could
never say such a thing. If I did, my truth and ahimsa would stand
disgraced. I do believe, of course, that he would resort to untruth and
violence for the sake of the country. He himself told me so. We had
some correspondence too about the matter. He had advocated shatham
prati shaathvam5 , against which I had asserted shatham prat-yapi
satyam 6 . Didn’t you know this?
1
Shankarrao Deo
2
Kama ane Kamini, a novel written by the addressee
3
P. H. Patwardhan
4
N. C. Kelkar
5
‘Roguery against a rogue’ and ‘Truth even against a rogue’; vide also “Speech
on Satyagraha Movement”, Trichinopoly”, 25-3-1939.
6
Ibid

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 287

 I think I have answered all your questions.
I was eagerly waiting for your letter. I have no comments to make
on your activities which you have described. I don’t believe that you
should consult me in everything you do. What even if you make a
mistake? I am confident that you bear in mind, and will always bear in
mind, the Ashram vows in all that you do.
Yes, Rajen Babu did ask about you. 1 I told him that you were
certainly capable of shouldering the responsibility and that if you
agreed to do so I would not oppose. It would, I said take a heavy load
off his shoulders, but I added that I would not press you and suggested
that he should address the request for you to Deo, as you are working
under him. Are you satisfied now?
The letter from Sushila is enclosed. I will use the dhoti2 when I get
it, no matter of what quality it is.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 10401. Also C.W. 6840. Courtesy:
Premabehn Kantak

369. LETTER TO PRABHAVATI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 29, 1939
CHI. PRABHA,
I got your letter. I am asking Kanu to send you Rs. 50. I had a
talk with Rajen Babu. He said that he did not insist as you were ill. The
choice has fallen on Prema from among all the names considered. It has
been decided that you will help Prema as much as you can. There was
a letter from Prema today saying that she would go there in October3 .
Kanti is studying in Mysore. He does not write to me. Nor does
Saraswati3 . She is expecting. It is nearly five months now and she must
have gone to her father’s place. He is studying in the Medical College at

1
It was about sending the addressee to Ramgarh, Bihar, to organize the women
volunteers; vide also the following item.
2
The addressee had resolved to send two hand-spun dhotis to Gandhiji every year
specially on his birthday. She sent them in 1939 for the first time and kept her resolve
till the end.
3
Vide also the preceding item.

288 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Mysore. In my view he has fallen to a great extent. May God bless him.
Sushila is in Delhi. The present arrangement is that she will stay there up
to the 15th of September. Her address is: Lady Hardinge Medical
College, New Delhi. Amtul Salaam and Rajkumari are here. Krishnadas1
and Manojna2 have come here to stay for some time. Krishnadas is ill. I
am fairly well. Ba also is all right. The Ashram is full. Amtul Salaam has
brought a Muslim girl also.
Take proper care of your health. Send me a specimen lesson.
Carry on study for the present. See that your brain is not overbur-
dened.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 3531

370. LETTER TO VIJAYABHEN M. PANCHOLI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 29, 1939
CHI. VIJAYA,
It is not right on your part not to write to me regularly. What did
you decide to do finally? Don’t you wish to call in Vallabhram? I have
written to him that, if he has the courage, he may go to Varad even
uninvited and examine you. I am not particularly enthusiastic about
your going to Patna, but if Father or you are, it would be your duty to
go. I hope you are not worried [about Father].3
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7115. Also C.W. 4607. Courtesy:
Vijayabehn M. Pancholi

1
Younger son of Chhaganlal Gandhi, and his wife
2
Ibid
3
Vide also “Letter to Vijayabehn M. Pancholi’, 11-9-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 289

 371. MESSAGE TO THE POLES
[Before August 30, 1939] 1
TO ALL THOSE IN POLAND WHO BELIEVE THAT ONLY TRUTH AND
LOVE CAN BE FOUNDATIONS OF BETTER DAYS FOR HUMANIT
AND WHO A R E D O I N G T H E I R B E S T T O S E R V E THOSE IDEALS WITH
THEIR LIFE I SEND MY GOOD WISHES AND BLESSINGS.
M. K. GANDHI
The Bombay Chronicle, 31-8-1939

372. LETTER TO A. VAIDYANATHA IYER

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 30, 1939
DEAR VAIDYANATHA IYER,
Under separate cover I send you the papers received from Shri
Prasada Rao. I would like you to give me your reply to his allegations.
He seems to be a seasoned co-worker. Why is it difficult to win him over
if his allegations are untrue? If they are true, there is something wrong
about the whole affair. Have the Brahmins and the orthodox non-
Brahmins boycotted the temple2 ?
Yours,

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

373. LETTER TO V. M. PRASADA RAO

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 30, 1939
DEAR FRIEND,
I have carefully read all the voluminous papers you have sent me.
You won’t expect me to express an opinion without knowing what those
have to say against whom you have brought serious charges. I am

1
The message was reported by the London correspondent on August 30, as
“appearing in tonight’s issue of Wiodomosci Literackie, a Polish newspaper from
Warsaw”. Vide also “Cable to Paderewski”, 8-9-1939.
2
The reference is to the Meenakshi Temple, Madura, which was thrown open to
Harijans on July 8.

290 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

therefore sending the papers in the first instance to Shri Vaidyanatha
Iyer.1 But I observe that you have been a co-worker with all those
against whom you feel aggrieved. I suggest, therefore, that it is your
duty to see their viewpoint and discover a basis for common service.
You can still adopt this course.
As for the Rao Bahadur, I asked the very parties to whom he had
referred me and they point-blank repudiated his statements.
I took him at his word and naturally believed his referees.
Yours sincerely,

S HRI. V. M. P RASADA R AO
WEST AVANI MOOLA S TREET
MADURA
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

374. LETTER TO PADMAJA NAIDU

MAGANWADI,
WARDHA (C.P.),
August 30, 1939
MY DEAR LOTUS-BORN,
You are a brick! I shall make wise use of your labours. You will, I
know, continue to do the needful in the difficult times there. Keep well.
And how about the old lady?
Love
P LAYMATE
S HRI P ADMAJA NAIDU
ZAHEER MUNZIL, R ED HILLS
HYDERABAD, D ECCAN
From the original: Padmaja Naidu Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library

1
Vide the preceding item.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 291

 375. LETTER TO ANASUYABEHN SARABHAI
S EGAON,
August 30, 1939
CHI. ANASUYABEHN,

I received your gift. It is not good that you are not getting well.
Write to me what Dr. Erulkar says. Bhabhi’s fever should abate now. Is
that doctor still there?
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI ANASUYABEHN
MOUNT PLEASANT R OAD
BOMBAY
[PS.]
If Shankerlal is there, tell him that I have sent a message for
Tirpur paper.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S. N. 3282

376. LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI

S EGAON, WARDHA,
August 30, 1939
CHI. VALJI,
If you feel heavy after a meal, certainly reduce the amount. The
doctor will not object. The patient should eat only as much as he can
digest. Sometimes you may take only milk and fruit and see how you
feel. I see some point in what Chitre says. Don’t be careless about your
health. The easiest remedy for stone is to get it removed. I feel there is
nothing wrong if the sanatorium bears Chitre’s expenses as regards
food. If the sanatorium does not and if you can easily bear them, you
may do so, but not at the cost of any hardship to yourself. I am not
writing separately to Chitre.
Blessings from
BAPU
P ROF. V. D ESAI
S ANATORIUM
P. O. VANI VILAS MOHALLA
MYSORE
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C. W. 7486. Courtesy: Valji G. Desai

292 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 377. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR
S EGAON ASHRAM,
August 30, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,
I read your long letter last night. The scene at Abbottabad rose
before my eyes when I had scolded you and you had cried. I cannot
forget your face as it looked then. Now when I think of my heart-
lessness my heart cries. Your answer to D. was correct.
You are faced with three questions: coming to me, fear as to what
would happen if you came and your duty towards Mother. Your fear is
meaningless. If you can learn to be tolerant, what do you have to fear
and why? Can you not be content with serving me, and looking after the
sick and working in the mess?’ The problem concerning Mother is very
important. It is your duty as well as mine to thin about it independently.
But I do not have anything on which to base a decision. Pyarelal can be
of little help in the matter. You alone should think calmly over it. You
must also assess your own strength. My feeling is that Mother will have
to come here and be with you. Not now. Let your dispensary be ready;
let me have a room built for you. Then, too, there will be the question
whether Mother can leave Mohanlal. You have to carry a great burden.
You can decide the matter even after coming here on the 16th. Do not
be afraid. God will be your guide. You do not have to get away before
the 15th. Com-plete what you have undertaken.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Why are you not writing to Ba? She is yearning for you.
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and Library.
Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

378. NOTES
R URAL v. URBAN
An educationist writes :
If you do not take care, you will find that basic education in urban areas
will take a different form from the rural areas. For instance English will be introduced to
the injury of the mother tongue and a kind of superiority complex developed.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 293

 I must confess that my scheme was conceived in terms of the
villages, and when I was developing it I did say that some variation will
be necessary in applying the scheme to the cities. This had reference to
the industries to be used as media of instruction. I never thought that
English could ever find place in the primary stage. And the scheme has
so far concerned itself only with the primary stage. No doubt the
primary stage is made equivalent to the matriculation, less English. To
inflict English on children is to stunt their natural growth and perhaps to
kill originality in them. Learning of a language is primarily a training in
developing memory. Learning of English from the beginning is an
unnecessary tax on a child. He can only learn it at the expense of the
mother tongue. I hold it to be as necessary for the urban child as for the
rural to have the foundation of his development laid on the solid rock
of the mother tongue. It is only in unfortunate India that such an
obvious proposition needs to be proved.
SEGAON, August 31, 1939
Harijan, 9-9-1939

379. LIMBDI
Though I have had protracted correspondence with the Limbdi
people, I have refrained for a long time from saying anything about
their woes. My silence was due to the hope that those who were trying
to bring about peace between the Ruler and the people would succeed.
But it was a vain hope. Much has happened since the beginning stages
of that struggle. Perhaps nowhere has the policy of ruthlessness been
pursued with so much precision and persistence as in Limbdi. If the
reports received by me are to be believed, and I have no reason to
disbelieve them, the peasants have been hunted out of their homes. The
heaviest blow has been aimed at the hated Bania who was at one time the
State’s friend, favourite and main supporter. But he was to be crushed
because he dared to think and talk of responsible govern-ment, dared to
go amongst the peasantry and tell them what was due to them and how
they could get it. The shops and houses of these merchants who have
performed hijrat 1 are practically looted. I cannot use any other term.
There has not even been, so far as I know, any legal formality observed.
The will of the administrator of the policy of ruthlessness is the supreme
law.The idea is to terrorize the people into

1
That is, those who have migrated

294 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

subjection. No wonder some have weakened. I would advise those who
are in charge of the movement not to try to keep them from surren-
dering. Of course they should be told what is in store for them. But
there are people who prize possessions before honour. They can only
be a burden on a freedom movement. Free-dom is always won by a few
brave self-sacrificing souls who will stake everything for the sake of
honour. Those who understand the value and the necessity of sacri-fice,
whether they are few or many, should feel glad that their posse-ssions in
Limbdi have been taken away. They should not live in sus-pense nor
entertain any hope of immediate settlement. They should engage in
healthy pursuits outside the State, always in the firm faith that a day
must come when the people of Limbdi will come into their own. When
that day comes, as it must, it will have come because of the sacrifice and
the bravery of those who will have refused to bend before repression,
however severe. Let them remember Thoreau’s immortal words that
possession is a vice and poverty a virtue in a tyrannical State.
So much on reliable evidence before me. But should Limbdi be a
tyrannical State? If there is exaggeration in the statements made to me,
let the State authorities send me a contradiction. I would gladly publish
it. Better still will be an impartial judicial inquiry into the allegations
made, if they are disputed. I wish to make a public appeal to the
Thakore Saheb of Limbdi. I have the privilege of knowing him. I have
enjoyed his hospitality. He has the reputation of being a pious,
Godfearing man. It is not right that there should be this estrangement
between him and his people, some of whom are well-known people with
a reputation to lose and a stake in Limbdi. It would be wrong to regard
them all as a discontented lot. They have no axes to grind. They have
not earthly gain to make by ranging themselves against the State. They
have incurred much material loss by becoming exiles from their own
home. A wise ruler will think fifty times before facing the discontent of
such people. He will conclude from it that there must be misrule and
injustice on the part of his officials. He will summon the discontented
people, listen to their complaints and pacify them. The Thakore Saheb
has not adopted that course. It is not too late for him to do so even now.
SEGAON, August 31, 1939
Harijan, 9-9-1939

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 295

 380. TELEGRAM TO G. D. BIRLA
August 31, 1939
GHANSHYAMDAS
LUCKY
C ALCUTTA
MY FIRM ADVICE IS COMMERICAL COMMUNITY 1 SHOULD REMAIN
SILENT TILL ACTUAL RESULT IS KNOWN.

From a copy: C.W. 7833. Courtesy: G.D. Birla

381. TELEGRAM TO MULKRAJ2

August 31, 1939
IF TRUSTEE’S PERMISSION NECESSARY FOR TRANSFER,
CIRCULATE MEMORANDUM CONTAINING JAMNALALJI’S AND
MY OPINION NAGPUR BANK.

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

1
In his letter dated August 26 to Mahadev Desai, G.D. Birla said: “I am enclosing
herewith a manifesto which may be issued under the signature of various businessmen,
in case war breaks out. I should like to know immediately, if necessary by wire, if Bapu
has got any comments to make on the same. The contents of the manifesto express our
own independent views, and our own feeling is that it is not incompatible with the
attitude taken up by the Congress. However, we would not like to do anything in case
Bapu thinks otherwise. . .” G. D. Birla made the same request in a telegram dated August
30 to Mahadev Desai.
2
This is extracted from a letter of even date from Amrit Kaur to the addressee
which read: “I am desired by Gandhiji to acknowledge your letter of the 27th instant. He
wishes to tell you that all the points raised by you were duly considered.” Vide also
“Draft Telegram to Mulkraj”, 18-8-1939 and “Letter to Mulkraj”, 26-8-1939.

296 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 382. LETTER TO V. A. SUNDARAM
S EGAON ASHRAM, W ARDHA,
August 31, 1939
MY DEAR SUNDARAM,
It is a great thing that Sir Radhakrishnan has become Vice-
Chancellor1 . I hope you all will insist on Malaviyaji taking rest.2
Love to you both.
BAPU
From a photostat: G.N. 3185

383. LETTER TO PATTOM THANU PILLAI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
August 31, 1939
MY DEAR THANU PILLAI,
I wish you had given me more time but I suppose you could not.
I do not like the Dewan’s reply. I think that you should make
your own position clear. You should see that the State Congress does
not propose to do anything in secret. Whilst, therefore, its decisions will
be its own and it will not bring any outsider inside the State, it will,
whenever necessary, seek the advice and guidance of persons outside
Travancore. You would also make it clear that whilst any scheme that
might be hammered into shape by mutual consultation will be loyally
worked by the Congress, the end in view in working the scheme will
always be to make an advance, even through the scheme, towards
responsible government.
If these two positions are in any way left in doubt negotiations
should be dropped and you should do such work, constructive and
other, as is possible to do.
In all your talks and writings offensive and highflown language
should be scrupulously eschewed. And in season and out of season

1
Of the Banaras Hindu University
2
Madan Mohan Malaviya resigned from the Vice-Chancellorship on August 29,
on health grounds.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 297

you should reiterate the two conditions above made. They should be
held good for all time.
You should cease to think of the prisoners. The fact of their being
in jail is their unique contribution, provided that they appreciate the fact
that being in jail as model prisoners is part of their struggle.
I hope the forthcoming meeting will be successful and that those
who gather together at Kayankulam will more and more appreciate the
efficacy of self-imposed restraint and quiet, silent, persistent constructive
work, however small it may appear to be.1
Yours,
BAPU
From a photostat: C.W. 10201. Courtesy: Government of Kerala. Also Pattom
Thanu Pillai Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library

384. LETTER TO MANUBEHN S. MASHRUWALA

S EGAON ASHRAM, W ARDHA,
August 31, 1939
CHI. MANUDI,
Your time for delivery is nearing. Where do you intend to go?
What about Rajkot? Write to me and give me all details. Do you keep
good health? What do you eat?
Ba is sitting by my side. She sends her blessing to you all.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 2671. Courtesy: Manubehn S.
Mashruwala

1
This paragraph was published in The Hindu, 7-9-1939.

298 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 385. LETTER TO PURSHOTTAMDAS A. PATADIA
S EGAON ASHRAM, W ARDHA,
August 31, 1939
BHAI PURSHOTTAMDAS,
I got your letter. You must have received the wire I sent you.
Sardar also has made some arrangement. You must have got the
required fodder. I don’t think you need any more.
Vandemataram from
M. K. GANDHI
DR. P URSHOTTAMDAS AMERSHI P ATADIA
WADHWAN C AMP
KATHIAWAR
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 2687. Courtesy: Dr. P. A. Patadia

386. LETTER TO AMRITLAL V. THAKKAR

S EGAON ASHRAM, W ARDHA,
August 31, 1939
BAPA,
Before you write to me about your doings, I mostly get to know
about them. Whatever may be the case with others, we have benefited by
the Congress Raj. Harijan work has progressed fairly well. If they mean
to, they can do a lot more. Shantilal has sent me Barve’s letter. Instead
of writing in Harijan, I am directly dealing with Kher1 in order that the
work may be done more expeditiously. Barve will meet me on the 7th.
Won’t you take some rest?
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 1184

1
B. G. Kher, Premier of Bombay

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 299

 387. LETTER TO JAISUKHLAL GANDHI
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 1, 1939
CHI. JAISUKHLAL,
I got your wire. It was a deliverance for Kasumba. Even if she had
lived on, she would have remained ill all the time. Thanks to the
doctor’s hard efforts, she lived a little longer. She took from you what
you owed her and went her way. None of the girls should weep.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./III

388. LETTER TO MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI

S EGAON ASHRAM
WARDHA,
September 1, 1939
CHI. MATHURADAS,

Give my condolences to the relatives of the late Lakshmidas

Tairsi. I only have sweet memories of his company. I had once written
to him. I had also received a reply.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HETH MATHURADAS TRIKUMJI
74 WALKESHWAR R OAD
BOMBAY
From the Gujarati original: Payarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

389. THAT UNBECOMING DEMONSTRATION

The first I heard of the black-flag demonstration against Subhas
Babu on his visit to Patna was through a courteous letter received from
the Secretary of the Bengali Association of Bankipore. 1 I then saw a

1
Vide “Letter to A. Gupta”, 29-8-1939.

300 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

notice of it in the Press. To make myself sure of what had happened I
wired to Shri P. R. Das for an authentic and up-to-date account. He
replied from Dhanbad saying he was away from the scene and knew
nothing. The newspapers reported that there was stone-throwing and
hurling of shoes resulting in injuries to Swami Sahajanand and others.
Allowing for exaggeration, if any, there seems to be little doubt
that there was a hostile demonstration of an unseemly nature which
brought no credit to the Congress.
I have read Rajendra Babu’s eloquent statement on the unhappy
incident. It is so true and so heart-stirring that it admits of no addition
or embellishment. I endorse every word of that noble pronouncement.
It is reproduced below this article.1
The demonstrators showed an unworthy intolerance. Subhas Babu
has a perfect right to agitate against the action2 of the Working
Committee and canvass public opinion against it. The disciplinary
action frees him from any liability for restraint save what every Con-
gressman, pledged to the credal article of the Constitution, is bound to
put on himself. That action should save him from any further
demonstration of public displeasure. And those who disapprove of the
action of the Working Committee are certainly entitled to join any
demonstration in favour of Subhas Babu. Unless this simple rule is
observed we shall never evolve democracy. In my opinion the black-
flag demonstrators have rendered a disservice to the cause of freedom.
It is to be hoped that the Patna demonstration will prove to be the last of
such acts by Congressmen. The question may be asked, ‘How are those
who endorse the action of the Working Committee and dis-approve of
Subhas Babu’s propaganda to show their disapproval?’ Certainly not
through black flags and disturbing of meetings in honour of Subhas
Babu. They can express their dis-approval by holding counter meetings,
not at the same time as the others but either before or after them. These
meetings, both for and against, should be regarded as a means of
educating public opinion. Such education re-quires calm surroundings.
Black flags, noisy slo-gans, and hurling of stones and shoes have no
place in educative and instructive propa-ganda.

1
The statement is not reproduced here
2
Vide “Congress Working Committee Resolution”, 11-8-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 301

 Apropos of the ugly demonstration I must refer to a complaint I
have received that some Congress Committees have threatened action
against those Congressmen who may take part in receptions to Subhas
Babu. I hope that the complaint has no foundation in fact. Such
action will betray intolerance and may even be a sign of vindictive-
ness. Congressmen who dislike the Working Committee’s action are
bound to take part in receptions to Subhas Babu. It is im-possible to
gag them by threats of disciplinary measures. Such action loses its
value if it is resorted to on the slightest pretext. If it is true, as it is true,
that no organization can do without such powers, it is equally true that
no organization that makes free use of such powers has any right to
exist. It cannot. It has then obviously lost the public backing.
SEGAON, S EPTEMBER 2, 1939
Harijan, 9-9-1939

390. TELEGRAM TO RAJENDRA PRASAD

WARDHAGANJ,
September 2, 1939
R AJENDRA P RASAD
R AMGARH
(HAZARIBAGH)
YOUR WIRE. LEAVING FOR SIMLA TONIGHT VICEROY’S INVITATION.
PERHAPS BETTER HOLD MEETING1 AFTER HEARING FROM ME
FROM SIMLA. VENUE ACCORDING YOUR HEALTH.

BAPU
From the original: Rajendra Prasad Papers. Courtesy: National Archives of
India

1
The reference is to an emergency meeting of the Congress Working
Committee. It was ultimately held at Wardha from September 8 to 15.

302 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 391. TELEGRAM TO LORD LINLITHGOW
WARDHAGANJ,
September 2, 1939
SORRY TERRIBLE NEWS. 2 TAKING EARLIEST TRAIN. ARRIVING SIMLA
FOURTH MORNING.

From a microfilm: Lord Linlithgow Papers. Courtesy: National Archives of

India

392. NOTES
TEXT BOOKS
The craze for ever-changing text books is hardly a healthy sign
from the educational standpoint. If text books are treated as a vehicle
for education, the living word of the teacher has very little value. A
teacher who teaches from text books does not impart originality to his
pupils. He himself becomes a slave of text books and has no oppor-
tunity or occasion to be original. It, therefore, seems that, the less text
books there are the better it is for the teacher and his pupils. Text
books seem to have become an article of commerce. Authors and
publishers who make writing and publishing a means of making
money are interested in frequent change of text books. In many cases
teachers and examiners are themselves authors of text books. It is
naturally to their interest to have their books sold. The selection
board is again naturally composed of such people. And so the vicious
circle becomes complete. And it becomes very difficult for parents to
find money for new books every year. It is a pathetic sight to see
boys and girls going to school loaded with books which they are ill
able to carry. The whole system requires to be thoroughly examined.
The commercial spirit needs to be entirely eliminated and the question
approached solely in the interest of the scholars. It will then probably
be found that 75 percent of the text books will have to be consigned
to the scrap-heap. If I had my way, I would have books largely as
aids to teachers rather than for the scholars. Such text books as are
found to be absolutely necessary for the scholars should circulate
among them for a number of years so that the cost can be easily

2
Germany invaded Poland on September 1 and war was consequently declared
by England and France on September 3.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 303

borne by middle-class families. The first step in this direction is
perhaps for the State to own and organize the printing and publishing
of text books. This will act as an automatic check on their unnecessary
multiplication.
DIVIDED LOYALTY?
Shri Appa Patwardhan writes :
The Bombay Government spend a large sum in helping weavers. They have
appointed a marketing officer and salesmen. They give loans. Yet the weavers
cannot compete with mills and in my opinion the expenses incurred do not
bear fruit. Moreover the weavers use foreign yarn as well. Side by side with
this fruitless help the Government render some help to khadi also. I do not
know how far this divided loyalty is justified.
I have always held the opinion that help to the weavers who use
foreign or Indian mill-yarn is a waste of money and effort. Expe-
rience has not changed the view. Nor does it change because in certain
provinces the Congress rules. I hold this view because the disappea-
rance of the weaver of mill-yarn is a question of time only. In the
nature of things it cannot be otherwise. The weavers’ only hope lies in
a universal revival of hand-spinning. Hand-spinning and hand-weav-
ing are interde-pendent, never hand-weaving and mill-spinning. I
have, therefore, suggested that if hand-spinning cannot immediately
supply the weavers’ requirements, they should be induced to intro-
duce hand-spinning, carding, etc., in their own families if they will not
become spinners themselves. Now that in several provinces the Con-
gress rules, the saving of the weaver becomes casier. Thus the Govern-
ment can encourage spinning on a wide scale, guarantee the loss in
khadi sales as the State guarantees the foreign railway companies. It is
the primary duty of the State to guarantee employment of his choice
to everyone in need of it. This includes the weavers also. If during the
transition stage it is found impossible to guarantee weaving for every
weaver, the State has to find him some other employment, profitable
alike to the State and the individual. It should be borne in mind that
the possibilities of hand-spinning have not yet been explored by any
Government. I am of opinion that such investigation will yield star-
tlingly encouraging results. My argument undoubtedly assumes the
elimination of all mills from conside-ration. No industry, indigenous
or foreign, can be allowed to increase un- employment and thus harm
the true interest of the community as a whole.

304 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 WAYS OF F AMINE R ELIEF
Though the most terrible distress that was feared has been
averted by the falling of rains, however belated, some distress is bound
to continue for a few months, and it will be unwise for relief agencies
to go to sleep. What is more, time is now more propitious for devising
measures for making permanent provisions for preventing distress
caused by scarcity of water. I have already made some cardinal
suggestions in this direction. The Secretary of the Saurashtra Seva
Samiti sends me a business-like report of the elaborate steps taken by
that body for enlisting helpers and providing relief. I need not detain
the reader over them. He also suggests preventive methods. As these
are still seasonable I give below the substance, the original being in
Gujarati:
1. The States should refrain from auctioning their stock of
grass but they should store it as a precaution against dry year.
The store should be replaced when fresh store becomes avai-
lable. There is nowadays danger of the stacks being destroyed
by incendiaries. The States should have no difficulty in protec-
ting them. They may even allow private collectors to deposit
their stores in such areas.
2. The existing banks should be renovated and flood water
should be banked.
3. In the places where cattle are moved during famine
times, measures should be taken to ensure proper water supply
for the cattle.
4. There should be control over the cultivation of money
crops to the detriment of food crops. Thus people nowadays
sow ground-nuts in the place of most valuable fodder and food
crops, i.e., jawari and bajri.
5. Existing forests should be preserved, indiscriminate
cutting of trees should be made punishable, and people should
be encouraged to plant trees according to plan.
6. The management of pinjrapoles should be put on a
sound basis and they should become efficient famine insurance
agencies for cattle. They should become castration depots.
7. The State should encourage khadi as a famine insurance
measure.
All these suggestions seem to be sound and deserve the collective
consideration of the States and the people of Kathiawar. In this

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 305

humantarian project all can and should combine in spite of political
differences and struggles.
S ACRIFICIAL S PINNING IN ANDHRA
Shri Shankerlal Banker sends me a letter he has received from
the Andhra Branch of the A.I.S.A. I take the following from it :
On seeing Mahatmaji’s note in Harijan dated July 22, 1939, 1 we
concieved the idea of performing sacrificial spinning (sutra yajna) on the
lines followed by Sjt. Narandas Gandhi of Rajkot Rashtriyashala. Accor-
dingly we sent an appeal on July 29, 1939, to the local Krishna Patrika 2 and
the Andhra Patrika 3 for publication, calling for applications from khadi
lovers who would participate in the sutra yajna performed under the auspices
of the Andhra Branch in connection with the ensuing Gandhi Jayanti. All
participants are requested to offer 14,000 (70 × 200) yards of self-spun yarn or
70 coppers (Rs. 1-1-6) in terms of his present age. We find a ready response to
our call. Till now we have received 500 applications. Many applicants offer
14,000 yards of yarn or Rs. 1-1-6 in cash. But some poor spinners offer only
7,000 yards of yarn and we accept their offer in consideration of their poverty,
though they fall short of the minimum fixed in our appeal. Now we are going
to issue a special appeal to the spinners in the Andhra Desh to contribute
7,000 yards (nearly one warp) as a birthday gift to Mahatmaji on his 71st
birthday. In our appeal all A.I.S.A. workers were requested to give yarn
contributions only. In our central stores and central office sacrificial spinning
has been going on for the last 15 days since August 2, 1939. Some have been
spinning on the takli and some others on the improved charkha. The workers
are asked to improve and note the quality and quantity of their yarn. We have
requested the Andhra Povincial Congress Committee to help us in enlisting
volunteers for sutra yajna and see that all members of Congress committees
participate in it. In compliance with our request they issued a circular to all
Congress members to enrol themselves as volunters for sutra yajna and help
the khadi movement to the best of their ability. We hope to enlist at least
1,000 volunteers before Gandhi Jayanti.
I have letters from other quarters also showing that Shri
Narandas Gandhi’s example has caught on. I hope that the organizers
are carrying out strictest economy in organizing sacrificial spinning.
They may not, for instance, move the yarn spun from place to place
resulting in the cost of postage being incurred. Yarn should be
collected by appointed agents so that there can be hand to hand

1
Vide “Notes”, 12-7-1939.
2
Telugu weekly published from Masulipatam
3
Telugu daily founded by K. Nageswara Rao and published from Madras

306 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

delivery. If an authentic account is kept and published, it should be
accepted as completion of the yajna. Those who intend to account to
Narandas Gandhi for their spinning need only send him certificates of
their spinning. I suggest too that as far as possible yarn should be
locally woven. It is against the spirit of the khadi movement to
concentrate weaving in fixed places. As spinning has to be universal in
every home, weaving should be universal in every village.
ON THE T RAIN TO SIMLA, September 3, 1939
Harijan, 9-9-1939

393. CASE FOR INQUIRY

I published some time ago facts relating to Nallathur Harijans.1
Shri K. Tatachar sent me some time ago the notes from his diary of
the no less serious ill-treatment of the Harijans of Tenpatnam Cheri. I
publish them2 below in full.
This seems to be a case of gross failure of justice and the matter,
though comparatively old, requires investigation. There has been no
remissness on the part of the people or their friends to secure redress.
But if Shri Tatachar’s recital is accurate, justice was denied to the
Harijans because they were Harijans. The police belonging to the
lowest grade should be taught that they have to serve Harijans equally
with the others. Harijans ought to be able to feel that during the
Congress regime at least they can get justice.
ON THE TRAIN TO SIMLA, September 3, 1939
Harijan, 9-9-1939

394. NOTES
THE R ICH ARE T RUSTEES
A friend writes :
You will be glad to know that your view about the trustee-
ship of the rich was anticipated 1,300 years ago. The following
verse occurs in the sacred Hadis :
Whatever is possessed by people is my property, the poor are my family,
the wealthy are the trustees of the riches they possess. Therefore the wealthy

1
Vide “Notes”, 14-7-1939.
2
Not reproduced here

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 307

 persons who will not spend on behalf of my poor children, will go to Hadis.
And I will not worry about them.
My correspondent’s letter which is in Gujarati gives in Gujarati
script the whole verse with its translation in Gujarati contained in a
newspaper whose name he has not given. Here is the original text in
Devanagari :

The curious reader will observe that twenty-five per cent of the
words are easily understood by a Gujarati reader. In other words, they
have become current in the language.
September 3, 1939
Harijian, 23-9-1939

395. LETTER TO MIRABEHN

DELHI,
September 3, 1939
CHI. MIRA,
Just a line to send love to you all.
BAPU
S HRI MIRABEHN
S EGAON, WARDHA
From the original: C.W. 6448. Courtesy: Mirabehn. Also G.N. 10043

396. REPLY TO MEMBERS OF OXFORD GROUP 1

[After September 3, 1939] 2

It is no use dragging the Metropolitan to Wardha, but youths
may come; for, for them I have no mercy.
Harijan, 7-10-1939

1
This is extracted from “A Word to the Oxford Groupers” by Mahadev Desai,
who explains: “As soon as the war broke out, a wire was received by Gandhiji asking
for an interview with him by several members headed by the very Rev. the
Metropolitan Bishop of Calcutta.” Vide also “Discussion with Members of Oxford
Group”, “Discussion with Members of Oxford Group”, 23/24-9-1939.
2
Ibid

308 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 397. TELEGRAM TO C. P. RAMASWAMI AIYAR
September 5, 1939
S IR R AMASWAMI
TRIVANDRUM
RECEIVED STARTLING TELEGRAM SAYING YOU HAVE
PROHIBITED ALL MEETINGS PROCESSIONS AS PRECAUTIONARY
WAR MEASURE.1 I UNDERSTAND PROJECTED STATES PEOPLES’
CONFERENCE BEING HELD WITH KNOWLEDGE AND YOUR
PERMISSION. DO HOPE CONFERENCE WILL BE EXCEPTED
FROM BAN.2

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal. Also The Hindu, 7-9-1939

1
The Hindu reported: “It is officially stated, on September 4, the Travancore
Government have called upon the organizers of the Karunagappalli Conference and
other similar bodies to postpone, if not stop, all assemblages at the present juncture
in view of the preparations that are reported to have been made for processions and
demonstrations.”
2
According to The Hindu a “gist of the reply to Gandhiji” read: “Sorry, you are
misinformed again. Meetings, processions not prohibited. No ban imposed.
Suggestion made to leaders of the State Congress not to have processions,
demonstrations and controversial resolutions especially as there is a strong local
party antagonistic to the local organizers of the Conference. In the above
circumstances and the possibility of controversial resolutions and possible
disturbances, suggestion was made for postponing the Conference for the time being.
Surprised that, in such a matter, you should be appealed to on inaccurate information
and misleading data. Have issued a communique deprecating any occasion for giving
room to public excitement in view of the present international situation.” Vide also
“Telegram to Pattom Thanu Pillai”, 8-9-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 309

 398. TELEGRAM TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ1
[September 5, 1939] 2
IF EASILY POSSIBLE YOU SHOULD ATTEND MEETING
WARDHA EIGHTH.3
BAPU
Panchven Putrako Bapuke Ashirvad, p. 222

399. LETTER TO DR. JIVRAJ N. MEHTA

S IMLA,
September 5, 1939
BHAI JIVRAJ,
You are keeping good watch over my health from all that
distance. Ramjibhai4 showed me your telegram. I was aware that I
should not climb any heights and had therefore intended to swallow
the bitter draught of riding in a rickshaw. Your wire put the seal on it.
BAPU
[PS.]
I am returning to Segaon today.
DR. JIVRAJ MEHTA
KHAMBHATTA HALL
ALTAMOUNT R OAD
BOMBAY
From the Gujarati original: Jivraj Mehta Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library

1
In the source, quoting this in his “confidential” Hindi letter dated “Jaipur,
September 5, 1939”, the addressee says: “Today I tried to contact Simla through trunk
call but was unable to get Rajkumaribehn’s number. . . .So I have sent an express
telegram: ‘Arrange Mahadevbhai or Rajkumari phone tonight Jaipur 67 personal.
Urge Viceroy if possible for Indian Minister for Jaipur. Inform programme phone
number.’. . .I met Shri Maharaja Saheb twice. I will be seeing him again at 12.30 p.
m. tomorrow. I hope the ban on the Praja Mandal will be lifted. It is likely that the
question of releasing the kisan prisoners and removal of the ban on newspapers would
also be settled tomorrow. If that is so, I will try and come over. Otherwise, there are
good chances of settlement of many of the problems because of the mutual faith and
love between us. Perhaps, my absence at this stage may cause some disturbance. So I
feel that I should stay put. The help that I want from you for Jaipur is that if you are
able to convince the Viceroy that an Indian Dewan should be appointed, then most of
the problems can be solved by co-operating with him. . . .” Vide also “Jaipur
Satyagraha”, 17-9-1939.
2
The telegram was received by the addressee on this date at 8.45 p. m.
3
Vide also “Letter to Jamnalal Bajaj”, 6-9-1939.
4
The source, however, has “Ramibhai”.

310 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 400. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS1
S IMLA,
September 5, 1939
At Delhi, as I was entraining for Kalka, a big crowd sang in
perfect good humour, to the worn-out refrain of “Mahatma Gandhiki
jai” . “We do not want any understanding”. I had then my weekly
silence. Therefore I merely smiled. And those who were standing on
the footboard returned the smile with their smile, whilst they were
admonishing me not to have any understanding with the Viceroy. I
had also a letter from a Congress Committee giving me similar warn-
ing. Neither of these counsellors knew me. I did not need the warning
to know my limitations. Apart from the Delhi demonstration and a
Congress Committee’s warning, it is my duty to tell the public what
happened at the interview2 with H. E. the Viceroy.
I knew that I had no authority to speak for any person except
myself.3 I knew that I had no instructions whatsoever from the Work-
ing Committee in the matter. I had answered a telegraphic invitation
and taken the first train I could catch. And what is more, with my
irrepressible and out-and-out non-violence, I knew that I could not
represent the national mind and I should cut a sorry figure if I tried to
do so. I told His Excellency as much. Therefore there could be no
question of any understanding or negotiation with me. Nor, I saw, had
he sent for me to negotiate. I have returned from the Viceregal Lodge
empty-handed and without any understanding, open or secret. If there
is to be any understanding,4 it would be between the Congress and the
Government.
Having, therefore, made my position vis-a-vis the Congress quite
clear, I told His Excellency that my own sympathies were with Eng-
land and France from the purely humanitarian standpoint. I told him
that I could not contemplate without being stirred to the very depth
the destruction of London which had hitherto been regarded as
impregnable. And as I was picturing before him the Houses of Parlia-
ment and the Westminster Abbey and their possible destruction, I

1
This appeared under the title “The Simla Visit”. An A.P.I. report of the
statement was also published in The Hindu, 5-9-1939, and The Hindustan Times,
6-9-1939, as released by Gandhiji in the “afternoon prior to his departure” from
Simla.
2
On September 4, 1939
3
This sentence is from The Hindustan Times.
4
With reference to the war, which broke out on September 3

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 311

broke down. I have become disconsolate. In the secret of my heart I
am in perpetual quarrel with God that He should allow such things to
go on. My non-violence seems almost impotent. But the answer comes
at the end of the daily quarrel that neither God nor non-violence is
impotent. Impotence is in men. I must try on without losing faith even
though I may break in the attempt.
And so, as though in anticipation of the agony that was awaiting
me, I sent on the 23rd July from Abbottabad the following letter 1 to
Herr Hitler.
How I wish that even now he would listen to reason and the
appeal from almost the whole of thinking mankind, not excluding the
German people themselves. I must refuse to believe that Germans
contemplate with equanimity the evacuation of big cities like London
for fear of destruction to be wrought by man’s inhuman ingenuity.
They cannot contemplate with equanimity such destruction of them-
selves and their own monuments. I am not therefore just now thinking
of India’s deliverance. It will come, but what will it be worth if Eng-
land and France fall, or if they come out victorious over Germany
ruined and humbled ?
Yet it almost seems as if Herr Hitler knows no God but brute
force and, as Mr. Chamberlain says, he will listen to nothing else. It is
in the midst of this catastrophe without parallel that Congressmen and
all other responsible Indians individually and collectively have to
decide what part India is to play in this terrible drama.2
Harijan, 9-9-1939

1
Vide “Letter to Adolf Hitler”, 23-7-1939.
2
Vide also “Source of My Sympathy”, 11-9-1939.

312 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 401. LETTER TO JAMNALAL BAJAJ
DELHI,
September 6, 1939
CHI. JAMNALAL,
The Dewan affair is a little difficult. The matter was not
mentioned at all in Simla. If you think that your stay there will prove
more beneficial, do stay there. Come if you conveniently can.1
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 3004

402. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

S EGAON,
September 7, 1939
What you said yesterday was not right. You have to understand
your duty. You have to understand what Mother says. You must come
only after pacifying her. I hope you are in good health. It pains me
that you are unnecessarily making yourself unhappy. May God grant
you peace.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

403. TELEGRAM TO PATTOM THANU PILLAI

S EGAON,
September 8, 1939
RECEIVED LONG WIRE. 2 DEWAN SAYING NO PROHIBITORY ORDER ISSUED
ONLY ADVICE GIVEN. POSTING TEXT.

From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

1
Vide also “Telegram to Jamnalal Bajaj”, 5-9-1939 and “Jaipur Satyagraha”,
pp17-9-1939.
2
Vide 2nd footnote of “Telgram to C. P. Ramaswami Aiyar”, 5-9-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 313

 404. CABLE TO PADEREWSKI1
S EGAON,
September 8, 1939
OF COURSE MY WHOLE HEART IS WITH THE POLES IN
THE UNEQUAL STRUGGLE IN WHICH THEY ARE ENGAGED FOR
THE SAKE OF SAVING THEIR FREEDOM. BUT I AM
PAINFULLY CONSCIOUS OF THE FACT THAT MY WORD CARRIES
NO POWER WITH IT. I WISH I HAD THE POWER TO STOP THIS MAD
DESTRUCTION THAT IS GOING ON IN EUROPE. I BELONG TO A COUNTRY
THAT HAS LOST ITS INDEPENDENCE AND IS STRUGGLING TO BE FREE
FROM THE YOKE OF THE GREATEST IMPERIALIST POWER ON
EARTH. IT HAS ADOPTED THE UNIQUE METHOD OF NON-VIOLENCE
TO REGAIN ITS LOST FREEDOM. THOUGH THE METHOD HAS
PROVED ITS EFFICACY TO AN EXTENT, THE GOAL SEEMS FAR OFF.
ALL THAT I CAN THEREFORE SEND TO THE BRAVE POLES IS
MY HEARTFELT PRAYER FOR THE EARLY TERMINATION OF
THEIR FEARFUL TRIAL AND FOR THE GRANT OF THE REQUIRED
STRENGTH TO BEAR THE SUFFERING WHOSE VERY CONTEMPLATION
MAKES ONE SHUDDER. THEIR CAUSE IS JUST AND THEIR VICTORY
CERTAIN. FOR GOD IS ALWAYS THE UPHOLDER OF JUSTICE..

Harijan, 16-9-1939

405. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR

S EGAON,
September 8, 1939
CHI. LILA,
I have your letter. You seem to have formed the habit of

1
This appeared under the title “To the Brave Poles”, as Gandhiji’s reply to a
“cable from Morges (Switzerland) from Paderewski, the aged ex-President of the
Polish Republic and celebrated pianist”, which read: “On behalf of a nation who is
today defending the sacred right to remain free against a cruel and nameless tyranny, I
appeal to you as one of the greatest moral authorities of the world to use your noble
influence with your countrymen to gain for Poland their sympathy and friendship.
Throughout the thousand years of its history, the Polish nation has always stood for
the highest ideals of humanity, for faith, for justice, and peace. In this terrible hour
when innumerable innocent women and children are massacred daily, a word of
sympathy and encourag-ement from you, great teacher of your own nation, would
profoundly move the heart of every Pole.” Vide also “Message to the Poles”, 30-8-
1939.

314 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

whining and complaining. I was relieved after Mahadev had told me
the facts about you. You have no difficulty even in Vanita Vishram.
Overcrowding, etc., have got to be put up with. You have all the
facilities for studying, the teachers take good care of you and you
have plenty of scope for working hard. Despite all this, if you still
remain unhappy, there is nothing for you and me to do but endure it.
Never mind if you could not come. Come during the long vacation.
Give the benefit of the short vacation to your brother and sister-in-law
and spend the time in studying.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Mahadev has been sent to Ranchi. He is expected back
tomorrow.
S HRI L ILAVATIBEHN ASAR
C/ O S HRI ACHARYA [M. T.] VYAS
NEW E RA S CHOOL
HUGHES R OAD, B OMBAY
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C. W. 10092. Courtesy: Lilavati Asar

406. LETTER TO BALVANTSINHA

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 8, 1939
CHI. BALVANTSINHA,
You must have got my letter. You can go to the Delhi dairy in
October. Ishwardas has written to me. If you want to try him for ten
days or longer, please do so. He is a capable man. I met Sardarji 1 at
Simla. Mahadev has gone to Ranchi to see Rajendra Babu. He may
come here tomorrow. We are all well.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 1924

1
Datar Singh

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 315

 407. LETTER TO R. R. DIWAKAR
S EGAON ASHRAM, 1
September 9, 1939
MY DEAR DIWAKAR,
Of course ahimsa can be organized. But the method of organi-
zing ahimsa is wholly different from that of organizing himsa.
That I have failed badly shows my own unworthiness. My sadhana 2 is
incomplete. This does not cause despair in me. I must have and do
have infinite patience. Faith without patience is an empty thing.
What our conduct in terms of non-violence should be you will
see developed in Harijan.
Yours,
BAPU
From a facsimile: Mahatma, Vol. V, between pp. 200 and 201

408. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

S EGAON ASHRAM,
September 9, 1939
STUPID GIRL,

I got up by 3.30 a. m. Then I could not sleep. Though invisible,

you have been before me ever since we met in Delhi. You will have
received my letter. Ba’s first question was: Hasn’t Sushila come? Last
night she asked when you would come. Babudi Sharada writes to ask:
Hasn’t Sushilabehn come? When will she come? Lila asks the same
thing in her letters. All this from this side. As for myself what shall I
say? But you are not to concern yourself with thoughts of me or of
this place. You must consider independently what your duty is. You
will come only with Mother’s blessings, not after quarrelling with her.
It is your duty to please Mohanlal. I must not do anything to make
you neglect their happiness on my account. Your first duty is towards
them. The second point concerns your letter to Pyarelal. You have
mentioned your doing M. D. You have praised the life there. There is
nothing wrong in it. It is only natural. You are free to do M. D. Even
if you want to take up the study today, you should not think of me. If
your coming here does not give you contentment, you should not

1
The source has this in Hindi.
2
Effort, spiritual striving

316 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

come. It would be proper to come here when your duty compels you
to do so. If you come I shall be very happy. If you cannot come, I
shall understand that your duty is to be there, not here. It would be a
shame if you got scared of the atmosphere here. Now it is prayer time.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

409. NOTES
S URPLUS KHADI1
Under the impulse of the phenomenal rise in the spinners’
wages, voluntarily made by the A. I. S. A., there has been a great
output of yarn. It has been difficult everywhere to cope with the khadi
thus produced. In Tamil Nadu alone khadi production shot up to
nearly 15 lakhs from about five and a half lakhs and the sales
increased to only 11 lakhs from nearly nine lakhs. I have already
dealt with the difficulty in the U. P.2 These are only typical instances.
The difficulty is almost universal. I have suggested that khadi experts
should study this aspect of it in a scientific manner and discover the
remedy. This research work, like all other research work, will take
time. Meanwhile the surplus stock must be cleared. It is up to the
patriotic public to come to the assistance. I have no love for the
celebration of my birthday. Any other day is as good or as bad as a
birthday. My parents, so far as I recollect, never celebrated the
birthdays of their children. I remember the date of my birthday only
because I had to take the birth certificate for the London exami-
nation. But I never thought of the date until after the rebirth of khadi.
Khadi-lovers made the date of my birth an occasion for pushing
khadi sales. I did not mind such exploitation of my birthday but tried
with more or less success to give it the name of Rentia Jayanti so far
as the Gujarati-speaking public was concerned. For it was they who
first set the vogue for celebrating the date. Ever since, the Khadi Week
has been celebrated in many parts of India for popularizing khadi and

1
In The Hindustan Times, 29-9-1939, this appeared as Gandhiji’s “appeal”,
reported by the Assistant Secretary, A. I. S. A., “on the occasion of Gandhiji’s 71st
birthday”.
2
Vide “Wanted Purchasers”, 21-8-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 317

village products. Khadi-lovers are setting much store by the
forthcoming 2nd October according to the Christian calendar and the
10th October according to the Vikram Samvat. U. P., Tamil Nadu and
other provinces have issued khadi hundis for which they expect a
heavy demand in expectation of the coming celebration. Special fuss
is being made because I shall have completed seventy years on those
dates, assuming of course that I shall survive till then. But whether I do
or not the dates will come unfailingly. And if it is of any value to the
public to know it, let them know that my spirit, whether embodied or
disembodied, will certainly rejoice to think that there are sufficient
men and women in India who will combine always to take up, for the
sake of Daridranarayana, all the khadi that can be produced by the
semi-starved villagers. Let no one plead the war as an excuse for not
buying khadi. War or no war, so long as there is life in us, we shall
need to feed and clothe ourselves. What can be better than that we
cover ourselves with cloth produced through the labours of the needy
sisters and brothers of the villages?
P LEA FOR S ELF-DENIAL
Shri Banker writes to say that the prices of foreign dyes have
considerably gone up owing to the war. In order to make khadi
attractive, the A. I. S. A. have allowed the use of foreign dyes for
colouring khadi cloth. Now if the use of foreign dyes is continued,
there will have to be an increase in the price of khadi. The best way of
avoiding the increase is for khadi depots to drop the use of foreign
dyes and restrict themselves to the use of indigenous dyes and be
satisfied with such colours as can be produced therefrom. But this can
be done only if the public will, by simplifying their taste, encourage
the A. I. S. A. in the experiment. If they will, it is just possible that
necessity will be the mother once more of many inventions in the
matter of producing beautiful colours from indigenous dyes.
NOT AUTHORITATIVE
The Secretary of the A. I. S. A. draws my attention to my article
“Spinners’ Wages” 1 in Harijan of August 26th regarding the pur-
chase of underpriced yarn of quality below standard. He says in
effect:
Many people take your word as authoritative, more so in
matters of khadi since you are President of the A. I. S. A. Will

1
Vide “Spinners Wages”, 20-8-1939.

318 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 you not therefore state clearly that your opinion, expressed in
Harijan, does not in any way affect or alter the resolutions of
the A. I. S. A., and that those who have occasion to take up your
advice have to do so subject to the previous permisson of the
Secretary in accordance with the recent resolution of the A. I. S.
A. on the subject of prices of yarn?
I need hardly say that I endorse every word of what is said by
the Secretary. Whatever I write in Harijan has as much authority as
any editorial writing has and no more. It must be treated as an indivi-
dual opinion, always subject to the resolutions passed by competent
authority on the subject in question.
INTOXICATING WINES IN J UDAISM
When I saw that a claim was registered, and accepted by Dr.
Gilder,1 for the use of spirituous liquors on behalf of Jews, I was much
disturbed. For my experience of Jews among whom I had many
friends in Johannesburg was wholly against the claim made in Bom-
bay. I therefore wrote to my friend Herr H. Kallenbach to send me an
authoritative opinion from the Chief Rabbi in Johannesburg. Here is
Dr. Landau’s opinion :
I beg to state that the orthodox Jew may use only specially prepared
(kasher) wine for the sanctification of the Sabbath or holidays in the Syna-
gogue after Divine Service and at home before meals, and on the two eves of the
Passover Festival.
The wine need not be fermented.
I may state that the use of wine is not a law but a tradition which the
orthodox Jew cherishes, as it is referred to both in the Talmud and in Jewish
Codes of Law.
If the Jews of Bombay accept this opinion as authoritative, they
should withdraw their claim and be satisfied with the juice of fresh
grapes which I understand is the original meaning of the word wine. It
is worthy of note, too, that even this use has the authority, not of the
Jewish scriptures but of tradition only.
SEGAON, September 10, 1939
Harijan, 16-9-1939

1
Vide “Telegram to Dr. D. D. Gilder”, 24-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 319

 410. LETTER TO HARIVANSH SINGH
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 10, 1939
SIR,
I have your letter. I do not find anything alarming in the maga-
zines that you have sent. I am trying my level best to see that there is
no harassment by the kisans. But the landlords should be prepared to
render full justice. I shall try to write on this in Harijan.
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI
S HRI HARIVANSH S INGH
TIRWA
From a copy of the Hindi: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

411. SOURCE OF MY SYMPATHY

The statement1 made by me just after my interview with H. E.
the Viceroy has had a mixed reception. It has been described as
sentimental twaddle by one critic and as a statesman-like pronounce-
ment by another. There are variations between the two extremes. I
suppose all the critics are right from their own standpoint and all are
wrong from the absolute standpoint which in this instance is that of
the author. He wrote for no-body’s satisfaction but his own. I abide
by every word I have said in it. It has no political value, except what
every humanitarian opinion may possess. Interrelation of ideas cannot
be prevented.
I have a spirited protest from a correspondent. It calls for a
reply. I do not reproduce the letter as parts of it I do not understand
myself. But there is no difficulty in catching its drift. The main
argument is this :
If you shed tears over the possible destruction of the English
Houses of Parliament and Westminster Abbey, have you no tears
for the possible destruction of the monuments of Germany?
And why do you sympathize with England and France and not
with Germany? Is not Hitler an answer to the ravishing of
Germany by the Allied Powers during the last war? If you were

1
Vide “statement to the Press”, 5-9-1939.

320 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 a German, had the resourcefulness of Hitler and were a believer
in the doctrine of retaliation as the whole world is, you would
have done what Hitler is doing. Nazism may be bad. We do not
know what it really is. The literature we get is one-sided. But I
suggest to you that there is no difference between Chamberlain
and Hitler. In Hitler’s place Chamberlain would not have acted
otherwise. You have done an injustice to Hitler by comparing
him with Chamberlain, to the former’s disadvantage. Is
England’s record in India any better than Hitler’s in another
part of the world in similar circumstances? Hitler is but an infant
pupil of the old imperialist England and France. I fancy that
your emotion at the Viceregal Lodge had the better of your
judgment.
No one perhaps has described English misdeeds more forcibly,
subject to truth, than I have. No one has resisted England more effec-
tively, perhaps, than I have. And my desire for and power of resistance
remain unabated. But there are seasons for speech and action, as there
are seasons for silence and inaction.
In the dictionary of satyagraha there is no enemy. But as I have
no desire to prepare a new dictionary for satyagrahis, I use the old
words giving them a new meaning. A satyagrahi loves his so-called
enemy even as his friend. He owns no enemy. As a satyagrahi, i.e.,
votary of ahimsa, I must wish well to England. My wishes regarding
Germany were, and they still are, irrelevant for the moment. But I have
said in a few words in my statement that I would not care to erect the
freedom of my country on the remains of despoiled Germany, I
should be as much moved by a contemplation of the possible destruc-
tion of Germany’s monuments. Herr Hitler stands in no need of my
sympathy. In assessing the present merits, the past misdeeds of
England and the good deeds of Germany are irrelevant. Rightly or
wrongly, and irrespective of what the other Powers have done before
under similar circumstances, I have come to the conclusion that Herr
Hitler is responsible for the war. I do not judge his claim. It is highly
probable that his right to incorporate Danzig in Germany is beyond
question, if the Danzig Germans desire to give up their independent
status. It may be that his claim to appropriate the Polish Corridor is a
just claim. My complaint is that he will not let the claim be examined
by an independent tribunal. It is no answer to the rejection of the
appeal for submission to arbitration that it came from interested quar-
ters. Even a thief may conceivably make a correct appeal to his

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 321

fellow-thief. I think I am right in saying that the whole world was
anxious that Herr Hitler should allow his demand to be examined by
an impartial tribunal. If he succeeds in his design, his success will be
no proof of the justness of his claim. It will be proof that the Law of
the Jungle is still a great force in human affairs. It will be one more
proof that though we humans have changed the form we have not
changed the manners of the beast.
I hope it is now clear to my critics that my sympathy for Eng-
land and France is not a result of momentary emotion or, in cruder
language, of hysteria. It is derived from the never-drying foun-tain of
non-violence which my breast has nursed for fifty years. I claim no
infallibility for my judgment. All I claim is that my sympathy for
England and France is reasoned. I invite those who accept the
premises on which my sympathy is based to join me. What shape it
should take is another matter. Alone I can but pray. And so I told His
Excellency that my sympathy had no concrete value in the face of the
concrete destruction that is facing those who are directly engaged in
the war.
SEGAON, September 11, 1939
Harijan, 16-9-1939

412. KATHIAWAR STATES

The other day I referred1 to the series of articles in The
Tribune suggesting a scheme of confederation of States with special
reference to Kathiawar. I had kept the cuttings containing the articles
by R. L. H.2 for the purpose of giving, when the pressure on Harijan
columns admitted it, a reproduction of the most important extracts
from the articles which appeared in The Tribune dated 5th and 7th
July. The extracts3 , published elsewhere in this issue, should interest
both the Princes and the people of Kathiawar. The writer is evidently a
friend of the States. He desires reform, not destruction. His scheme is
worthy of serious consideration by all who are interested in the
question of the administration of the States.
SEGAON, September 11, 1939
Harijan, 30-9-1939

1
Vide “Confederation of Small States”, 14-8-1939.
2
R. L. Handa, vide 10-8-1939.
3
Vide Appendix “Kathiawar States”, 30-9-1939.

322 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 413. LETTER TO G. N. KANITKAR
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 11, 1939
1
DEAR BALUKAKA ,
I excuse you for sending me your long letter and you should
excuse me for my inability to follow you. Show the public some
tangible result and you will have success. In the days of yore you were
doing something even though it was . . . .2 Now you are propounding
schemes and delivering lectures.
What a fall !
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
S HRI BALUKAKA KANITKAR
HIND M ATA M ANDIR
341 S ADASHIV, P OONA 2
From a photostat: C. W. 968. Courtesy: G. N. Kanitkar

414. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 11, 1939
CHI. NARANDAS,
I note what you say regarding your birthday. Give the enclosed
letters to the persons concerned.
Soon you will have come to the end of your vanavasa3 Time is
flying. Since you keep an account of every moment of your time and
are spending it well, you have no problem how to pass it. You still
have a lot of work to do. God will grant you a long life for that.
It is enough that you have followed my point about the
Praveshika4 . I am in no great hurry about it.

1
Also known as Sevananda
2
A word is illegible here.
3
Literally, ‘life in the forest’; here, being away from Gandhiji and doing his
duty sincerely.
4
The reference seems to be to a booklet on the science of khadi which
Gandhiji had asked the addressee to write; vide “Letter to Narandas Gandhi”, 10-8-
1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 323

 Kanaiya1 is really keeping good health. He is always engrossed
in some work or other. Pyarelal also entrusts a good deal of work to
him.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M. M. U./II. Also C. W. 8561. Courtesy:
Narandas Gandhi

415. LETTER TO VIJAYABEHN M. PANCHOLI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 11, 1939
CHI. VIJAYA,
I got your letter. Now our only wish should be that Father
should be released from his suffering. My advice is that he should be
given no food. Let him drink as much water as he can. If he likes, he
may take mosambi juice, but not milk. This will reduce his suffering
to the minimum. See that he sleeps in a properly ventilated room.
Encourage him to keep repeating Ramanama. You should sing
bhajans to him. Persuade Mother to be patient. If you do not lose
courage, the others will automatically gain courage. Keep up a smiling
face till the end. He who has faith in God never cries. Ba and I are all
right. I had been waiting for you. But now I give up that hope.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI VIJAYABEHN OF S EGAON
C/ O NARANBHAI VALLABHBHAI P ATEL
VARAD
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 7116. Also C. W. 4608. Courtesy:
Vijayabehn M. Pancholi

416. REMARKS ON ‘A MAHARAJA’S THREAT 2

As doubt was raised whether my letter to His Highness the

Maharajadhiraja was received or not, I sent a telegram to inquire

1
Addressee’s son, Kanu
2
Vide “A Maharaja’s Threat”, 26-8-1939.

324 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

whether it was received. As the reply1 came saying that the letter was
not received, I recalled the foregoing article which had already been
sent to the manager of Harijan. Owing to great pressure under which
all who are assisting me are working, the article sent for Harijan Sevak
(Hindustani) was not recalled. Hence I thought that the ends of truth
would be served by publishing both my English article and His
Highness’s reply to my letter. The reply speaks for itself. It substan-
tially confirms what my correspondent said about the Hidayat of
1932. It is to be hoped that the Hidayat will be repealed at an early
date. When the very war which is going on is claimed to be fought for
democracy, it ill becomes any prince to curtail the liberty of the
people without just cause.
SEGAON, September 12, 1939
Harijan, 16-9-1939

417. LETTER TO VIJAYABEHN M. PANCHOLI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 13, 1939
CHI. VIJAYA,
What a silly girl you are! You must have received my letter2 and
stopped crying. If you lose heart, then all the others in the family will
keep crying and there will be no peace in the house. Thus it
depends entirely on you whether or not peace prevails. You have faith
in God. For such a person, to die, to live or to be born, all these things
are the same. All the three things are momentary. If you understand
this much, you will dance with joy all the time. As for Father I have
sent a wire. You must have received it. Tell him not to lose courage
and to prove himself worthy of the name he bears. Let him return
Home with Narayana’s—Rama’s—name on his lips. Whatever state he
attains after death he will have nothing but peace. Ask him not to
worry in the least about those whom he would be leaving behind.
Water is the food for him and Ramanama the best medicine. For the
present write to me daily.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 7117. Also C. W. 4609. Courtesy:
Vijayabehn M. Pancholi

1
Vide Appendix “Letter from Yadavindra Singh”, 9-9-1939.
2
Vide “Letter to Vijayabehn M. Pancholi”, 11-9-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 325

 418. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 13, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,

Ba is becoming impatient. Everybody is asking: “Is Sushila-

behn coming on the 16th?” I therefore advise you to come within the
stipulated time, But if Mother feels unhappy you should do what you
consider to be your duty. Maybe you can make your final decision
after coming here. l have great need of you for Krishnadas.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

419. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS1

S EGAON,
September 15, 1939
The Working Committee’s statement on the world crisis took
four days2 before it received final shape. Every member expressed his
opinion freely on the draft that was, at the Committee’s invitation,
prepared by Pandit Jawaharlal Nehru. I was sorry to find myself alone
in thinking that whatever support was to be given to the British should
be given unconditionally. This could only be done on a purely non-
violent basis. But the Committee had a tremendous responsibility to
discharge. It could not take the purely non-violent attitude. It felt that
the nation had not imbibed the non-violent spirit requisite for the
possession of the strength which disdains to take advantage of the

1
This appeared under the title “Gandhiji’s Comment on the Manifesto”. The
Hindu, 16-9-1939, reported: “When the Hindu representative and other Pressmen
approached Gandhiji for his views on the Working Committee’s statement, Gandhiji
agreed to make a statement and invited them to Segaon for the purpose. Sitting down
soon after evening prayers, Gandhiji began drafting his statement. . . .After an hour
the statement was ready and as Mr. Mahadev Desai began reading it out, a little party
gathered round the hurricane lantern. Gandhiji also joined and, as Mr. Desai
proceeded, touched up and corrected the language of the statement here and there. . .
.When Mr. Desai had finished reading, one of the Pressmen asked, ‘Is that all
?’ ‘Is that not enough? replied Gandhiji with a smile and retired.” For the text of the
Manifesto, vide Appendix “Working Committee’s Manifesto”, 23-9-1939.
2
From September 10 to 14

326 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

difficulty of the opponent. But in stating the reasons for its conclusion
the Committee desired to show the greatest consideration for the
English.
The author of the statement is an artist. Though he cannot be
surpassed in his implacable opposition to imperialism in any shape or
form, he is a friend of the English people. Indeed he is more English
than Indian in his thoughts and make-up. He is often more at home
with Englishmen than with his own countrymen. And he is a
humanitarian in the sense that he reacts to every wrong, no matter
where perpetrated.1 Though, therefore, he is an ardent nationalist his
nationalism is enriched by his fine internationalism. Hence the
statement is a manifesto addressed not only to his own countrymen,
not only to the British Government and the British people, but it is
addressed also to the nations of the world including those that are
exploited like India. He has compelled India, through the Working
Committee, to think not merely of her own freedom, but of the
freedom of all the exploited nations of the world.
The same time that the Committee passed the statement, it
appointed a Board 2 of his choice with himself as Chairman to deal
with the situation as it may develop from time to time.
I hope that the statement will receive the unanimous support of
all the parties among Congressmen. The strongest among them will
not find any lack of strength in it. And at this supreme hour in the
history of the nation the Congress should believe that there will be no
lack of strength in action, if action becomes necessary. It will be a pity
if Congressmen engage in petty squabbles and party strife. If any-
thing big or worthy is to come out of the Committee’s action, the
undivided and unquestioned loyalty of every Congressman is
absolutely necessary. I hope too that all other political parties and all
communities will join the Committee’s demand for a clear declaration
of their policy from the British Government with such corresponding
action as is possible amidst martial conditions. Recognition of India,
and for that matter of all those who are under the British Crown, as
free and independent nations seems to me to be the natural corollary
of British professions about democracy. If the war means anything
less, the co-operation of dependent nations can never be honestly
voluntary, unless it were based on non-violence.

1
The source, however, has “perpetuated” .
2
With Abul Kalam Azad and Vallabhbhai Patel as members

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 327

 All that is required is a mental revolution on the part of British
statesmen. To put it still more plainly, all that is required is honest
action to implement the declaration of faith in democracy made on
the eve of the war, and still being repeated from British platforms. Will
Great Britain have an unwilling India dragged into the war or a willing
ally co-operating with her in the prosecution of a defence of true
democracy? The Congress support will mean the greatest moral asset
in favour of England and France. For the Congress has no soldiers to
offer. The Congress fights not with violent but with non-violent
means, however imperfect, however crude the non-violence may be.
Harijan, 23-9-1939

420. LETTER TO DUDABHAI DAFDA

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 16, 1939
BHAI DUDABHAI,
I got your letter. I was pained to hear that you married a woman
who had already been married once. Try to do whatever you can from
there. I am helpless.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 3246

421. LETTER TO PYARELAL

September 16, 1939
CHI. PYARELAL,

I was distressed to read your letter. You say that it was not part
of your duty to send for the medicines, that you only had to instruct
Krishnadas ! If it was not your duty why did you not entrust the task
to me? Why did you not ask me who should fetch the medicine or
have it fetched? Why did you not immediately entrust it to Mahadev?
Why did you wait for three days? Other people accusing you is one
thing; what I myself observe is something else. You may as well say
that you are neither willing nor able to undertake any responsible job.
If this was made clear, then I would consider my wrath out of place. I
would consider it proper to say that I should never get angry under
any circumstances at all. But it is impossible to stop being angry with

328 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

one’s dear ones. Thus the images of people who provoke my anger
are always present before me. Let us see when this can be remedied. I
accept, the implied meaning of your letter that I am facing the conse-
quences of my own unfair actions. Hence I am just watching much of
it and I know I have to go through it. On occasion I lose in a moment
whatever I have gained.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

422. JAIPUR SATYAGRAHA

Jaipur satyagraha has ended satisfactorily as announced in Sheth
Jamnalalji’s public statement. He had had several interviews with the
Maharaja Saheb. The result has been that the regulation regarding
public meetings and processions has been withdrawn. So has the ban
on newspapers. Amelioration in several other matters has been
assured.1 For this happy result both the Maharaja and Sheth Jamnalalji
deserve to be congratulated—the Maharaja for his just-mindedness
and Shethji for his wisdom and moderation in conducting the nego-
tiations on behalf of the Jaipur Praja Mandal. It is a happy ending to a
struggle which was conducted with great restraint and calmness. It is a
triumph of non- violence. From the very beginning the demands were
restricted to the barest minimum necessary for self-expression and
political education. The goal of responsible govern-ment has been
always kept in view, but it has never been offensively or aggressively
advanced as if the insistence was on an immediate grant of full
responsibility. The Praja Mandal has wisely recognized its own limi-
tations and the backward state of the people. Practically no political
education has been hitherto allowed in many of the Rajputana States.
It will be solid gain if civil liberty in its real sense is assured to the
people of Jaipur. For this, as much will depend upon the wisdom with
which it is used by the people as upon the restraint of the Jaipur
authorities.

1
According to The Indian Annual Register, 1939, Vol. II, pp. 229-30, the
main terms of the settlement were: (1) the release of political prisoners, (2) the
lifting of the ban on all newspapers, and (3) satisfactory amendment of the Public
Societies Act so as to render unnecessary for a society to get itself registered.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 329

 In this connection Sheth Jamnalalji has raised a most important
question. He insists that no European should be appointed Dewan. I
have had to perform the painful duty of criticizing the administration
of the State by one of its English Dewans 1 . I have no doubt that an
English Dewan is any day a misfit in an Indian State. He has to serve
an Indian Chief. But retired English officials from whom Dewans are
chosen are not by habit used to take orders from Indian Chiefs. They
cannot understand the caprices of Indian Princes and will not
accommodate themselves to them. The Chiefs themselves never feel at
home with English Dewans. Moreover no matter how conscientious
they are, Englishmen can never understand the people of the States or
have patience with them. And the people can never take the same
liberty with them that they can and will with men who are drawn from
among themselves. Thus an English Dewan is a double handicap in an
Indian State and robs it of what little scope there is left in it for
indigenous development. Add to this the fact that the appointment of
English Dewans in States is a cruel encroachment upon the very
narrow field left for the expression of Indian administrative talent.
Supposing Dewanships had been a preserve of retired English offi-
cials, we would have missed Sir T. Madhao Rao or Sir Salar Jung, to
mention only two among the well-known Dewans of Indian States.
It is to be hoped, therefore, that if H. H. the Maharaja has really
a free choice, he will select an Indian known for his integrity, ability
and sympathy for popular aspirations. It is to be hoped further that if
the choice has to be made by the British Government, they will not
impose a European Dewan on the Maharaja.
SEGAON, September 17, 1939
Harijan, 23-9-1939

423. LETTER TO PURUSHOTTAM K. JERAJANI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 17, 1939
BHAI KAKUBHAI,
I have read through the correspondence between you and Bhai
Lakshmidas Naye Gandhi2 . It seems you have not replied to him. Do

1 =
Sir W. Beauchamp St. John.
2
In Bapuna Patro–7: Shri Chhaganlal Joshine, p. 399, Lakshmidas Gandhi, a

330 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

send your reply if you can. Why did the person who copied it write
only on one side? That involves wastage of paper and additional
postage.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C. W. 10857. Courtesy: Purushottam
K. Jerajani

424. NOTES

S IROHI
Sirohi is a Rajputana State with a population of 1,86,639 and
revenue of Rs. 9,70,000. It has figured in the Press for its lathi charge
said to be wholly unprovoked. I have authentic information of the
event from Shri Gokulbhai Bhatt who belongs to Sirohi. He has
gained a reputation as an efficient teacher and a devoted Congress
worker. He is saturated with the spirit of non-violence. He has been
recently staying in Sirohi attempting to gain elementary rights for the
people. He thus writes about the lathi charge to Shri Kishorelal
Mashruwala :
The events of the 8th instant in Sirohi make it a memorable
day for its people. The police swooped down upon a meeting all
of a sudden, began to pull down the Praja Mandal flag and
delivered a lathi charge. This was not the national flag. When
the Hon. Resident, Mr. Lothian, was in Sirohi last February he
suggested that we could use the Praja Mandal flag in our office,
in our processions and at our meetings. And we were acting
accordingly.
On the 3rd instant the Dewan Saheb prohibited its use in our
processions. In order to avoid a breach of the order, we
discontinued the procession. There was no prohibition against
its use at meetings, so we had it at our meeting. Suddenly
appeared the police in great style and, without warning, without
any order, began to pull down the flag. Some of the workers
held on to it. They could not, however, keep their hold for long
against the superior police force. They were separated. I had

co-inmate of Chhaganlal Joshi in Thana Jail, has been described as “a satyagrahi of

Bombay known as ‘Naye Gandhi”.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 331

 somehow retained my hold. So they dragged me with the flag.
They caught me by the neck and beat me. Then began an
indiscriminate lathi charge on the audience. Some notabilities
are said to have been inciting the police not to spare the people
who said, “You may beat us as much as you like. We will not
leave the meeting.” Women were also bravely taking part in this
struggle. The charge must have lasted about seven minutes. The
meeting continued to the end. The event has not demoralized
the people. It has put heart into them.
Knowing Shri Gokulbhai as I do, I have no reason to disbelieve
his account which is in Gujarati. It reflects no credit upon the Sirohi
authorities. I have before me a long list of the grievances of the
people. They are trying, in a perfectly constitutional manner, to seek
redress. But instead of granting redress the authorities are evidently
trying to crush their spirit. If, however, the people have imbibed the
right spirit of non-violent resistance, they are bound to gain their end,
lathi charges notwithstanding.
A P OLISH S ISTER’S1 AGONY
In spite of all I am going to try to reach Poland, sailing tonight to Basra
in Iraq, then through Turkey and Rumania. The inner call is irresistible. It may
seem madness from the ordinary human point of view. Now I am not going for
my mother’s sake nor for my dearest friends who are now on the battle-fields—
ready to die at any moment—it is for Poland itself. I believe countries have
also souls. Souls of nations are a reality, not a theory, for me. If I reach the
soil of Poland I will feel satisfied, even if I do not find those whom I love. It is
the soul (and body) of the nation itself that is in its supreme hour of
martyrdom. I believe Poland bleeds and struggles not only for her own rights
but for the right, the just, the true; for the freedom of all nations, India
including. I feel Hindu to the bottom of my heart; Indian as much as Pole,
both Motherlands are to be in my soul to the last day of my life. But I could
not live if I would not do what is humanly possible to reach the feet of the
Mother who is now bleeding in agony of pain. I shall write from the way, but
not when I reach the war zone; I shall only think often about you and send
mental messages as well as I can. Bapuji, do pray in all fervour of your great
loving heart for those thousands of innocent people who suffer incredible pain
and misery in Poland. It is these that need most sympathy and blessings and
tender thoughts.

1
Wanda Dynowska, also known as Uma

332 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 This is the letter a Polish sister wrote from Bombay harbour. I
have known her for some years. She has become as much Indian as
she is Polish. She had decided to work at Maganwadi in the Magan
Museum.1 But the rumours of war upset her. She has an aged mother
in Poland whom she could not bring out owing to passport
difficulties. When the war actually broke out, she calmed down so far
as her mother was concerned. But her highly strung nature would not
let her rest whilst her nearest and dearest were in peril of their lives for
no offence of theirs. She is herself a believer through and through in
non-violence. But her very non-violence made her restless. Her whole
soul has rebelled against the wrong, as she thinks, that is being
perpetrated against her motherland. So she has gone to find the
Poland of her imagination fighting to the last ditch, not for merely
preserving her own freedom but for the freedom of all those nations
who have lost it. And in this she naturally includes her second love,
India. May her dream prove true. If Poland has that measure of
uttermost bravery and an equal measure of selflessness, history will
forget that she defended herself with violence. Her violence will be
counted almost as non-violence.
SEGAON, September 18, 1939
Harijan, 23-9-1939

425. TEMPLE-ENTRY
I had a complaint from a sanatanist in Madura regarding the
manner in which the celebrated Meenakshi temple was opened. I had
forwarded the complaint to Shri Vaidyanatha Aiyar and sent it to
another friend too. I got a categorical refutation from the latter. 2 He
added in his letter that Shri Vaidyanatha Aiyar was so persecuted by
the sanatanists that his nerves were shattered. Thereupon I sent him a
long wire urging him not to take to heart what his persecutors may say
or do, and that as a religious reformer he had to work with perfect
detachment keeping himself unruffled in the midst of persecution and
worse. To my wire he sent the following consoling reply :

1
The Magan Museum of khadi and other village crafts was opened by Gandhiji
on December 30, 1938, in memory of Maganlal Gandhi. Besides khadi, there were
gur-making, paper-making, soap-making, oil-pressing and tanning sections in the
museum.
2 Vide “Letter to V. M. Prasada Rao”, 30-8-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 333

 With Shri Meenakshi’s grace and your blessings acquired usual calmness.
Continuing work. Expecting other big temples will follow shortly. Your love
and blessings my strongest support.
The reply is characteristic of this great reformer. He is one of
the humblest and the most silent among the workers in the cause of
removal of untouchability. He is a godfearing man. This is what Shri
Brijkrishna Chandiwala of Delhi, who had gone on a pilgrimage to the
South, writes of his experience in Madura :
I stopped seven days in Pondicherry, five in Ramanashram and went as far
as Rameshwar. I had a great desire to visit the temples of the South. But I
would not enter those that were closed to Harijans. I did, however, see the
temples in Madura and Tanjore. The others I contemplated from without. I
tarried awhile in front of many of them—and for the first time I realized what
the bar sinister must mean to the tens of thousands of Harijans who, though
eager for darshan 1 could never cross the precincts of the great temples. We
who have the right to visit them never think of entering. But this time I was
overwhelmed. I felt a longing to visit them and prayed from the depth of my
heart that God might move the sanatanists to open the other temples to
Harijans so that I too could visit them. I saw, too, at Shri Vaidyanatha Aiyar’s
house, what temple-entry costs reformers like him. Had I not seen with my
own eyes what has been happening to Shri Vaidyanatha Aiyar, I could never
have believed that human nature could descend so low as I discovered in
Madura. The conduct of the sanatanists towards him has been most unseemly.
One of the ways adopted by them is to spread lies about Shri Vaidyanatha
Aiyar. But both he and his wife are bearing this persecution bravely.
Only four days ago I had a letter from some ladies of Kumbak-
onam complaining of the treatment meted out to them by reformers.
They asked for an appointment. In the midst of my work I sent them
an early appointment, warning them of my views on untouchability.
They repented of their wire and said that since I had taken no notice
of their complaint, they did not propose to come. I have since read the
report in The Hindu of the happenings in Shrirangam. Dr. Rajan has
given a graphic account of the disgraceful behaviour of the so-called
sanatanists there. I have no reason to doubt Dr. Rajan’s account. It is a
shame that innocent women are being exploited for supporting a
wrong. I have a vivid recollection of what used to happen to me
during my Harijan tour. No lie was too bad to be spread about me or

1
Sight of a person or thing considered to be holy

334 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

my tour. So far as I could see, the opposition was confined to a
handful only. I never opened a temple until I was satisfied that there
was no opposition worth the name from the temple-goers. But the
organizers of the opposition resented the very propaganda I was
conducting. No doubt their opposition proved fruitless. My point,
however, is that it was unscrupulous and violent. If I survived the
year’s tour, it was no fault of theirs; it was God’s grace. Sixty-four
charges were recorded against me. Not one of them was true. I am
therefore loath to believe the complaints now made about the cam-
paign in the South. I have not found any of them substantiated. Un-
touchability is itself a lie. Lies are not known to have been supported
by truth, even as truth cannot be supported by lies. If it is, it becomes
itself a lie. There is no wonder, therefore, that from everywhere evi-
dence continues to pour in that the sanatanist opposi--tion is confined
to a few and that the few do not hesitate to resort to any method,
however unscrupulous it may be.
Nevertheless the case against untouchability is not to be sus-
tained by the weaknesses of opponents. It has to be supported by
purity of character, industry and strictest honesty of reformers and a
limitless capacity for sacrifice. For I should not wonder if the wrath of
the opponents takes a heavy toll of the lives of reformers. No sacrifice,
however great, will deter the reformers from pursuing the God-given
mission of ridding Hinduism of the curse of untouchability. For I
must repeat for the thousandth time that Hinduism dies, as it will
deserve to die, if untouchability lives. Only let the reformers know that
impatience will be fatal to success. They must not open a single
temple where a clear majority of temple-goers to a particular temple
are demonstrably opposed to its opening. Untouchability will not be
removed by the force even of law. It can only be removed when the
majority of Hindus realize that it is a crime against God and man and
are ashamed of it. In other words, it is a process of conversion, i. e.,
purification of the Hindu heart. The aid of law has to be invoked
when it hinders or interferes with the progress of the reform as when,
in spite of the willingness of the trustees and the temple-going public,
the law prohibits the opening of a particular temple.
SEGAON, September 18, 1939
Harijan, 23-9-1939

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 335

 426. TELEGRAM TO ABUL KALAM AZAD
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 18, 1939
MAULANA ABUL KALAM AZAD
C/ O M INISTER HAFIZ IBRAHIM
LUCKNOW
HOPE BY GOD’S GRACE AND YOUR EFFORT SHIA-SUNNI QUARREL
WILL BE AMICABLY SETTLED.1
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

427. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 18, 1939
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
Here is my letter to Chiang Kai-shek. The letter became longer
than I had wanted it to be. Perhaps it will be well to send a typed copy
with the original.
Mahadev went to Madras yesterday.
Love.
BAPU
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library.
Also A Bunch of Old Letters, p. 380

1
Vide also “Letter to President, Tanzeem-ul-Mominin”, 4-8-1939.

336 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 428. LETTER TO RAMAKRISHNA DHOOT
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 18, 1939
MY DEAR RAMAKRISHNA,
The analysis is not what I wanted. It is argumentative. I want an
unvarnished examination showing categorically on one sheet of paper
what is bad. Your analysis does not absolve me from having to read
the original ponderous papers. But need anything be done now? Will
not everything be hung up during the war?
Yours,
BAPU
S HRI R AMKISHEN DHOOT
HYDERABAD S TATE C ONGRESS
S ULTAN BAZAR
HYDERABAD DECCAN
From the original: C. W. 10155

429. LETTER TO JAIRAMDAS DOULATRAM

S EGAON,
September 18, 1939
MY DEAR JAIRAMDAS,

Please see that I get a car for Gosibehn at the latest at 1.30 p. m.
She has to transact business at Maganwadi and then entrain for Bom-
bay. I hope Devi and Premi have arrived safe and sound.
Love.
BAPU
From the original: C.W. 11046. courtesy: Arjun Jairamdas

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 337

 430. LETTER TO PADMAJA NAIDU
MAGANWADI,
WARDHA (C. P.),
September 18, 1939
DEAR LOTUS-BORN,

I have your beautiful letter in font of me unanswered. Well, you

are playing the game. But don’t overwork yourself nor be overstrung.
Take things calmly. Don’t take them to the breaking point.
Love.
P LAYMATE
S HRI P ADMAJA NAIDU
ZAHEER MUNZIL
R ED HILLS
HYDERABAD, D ECCAN
From the original: Padmaja Naidu Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library

431. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI

September 18, 1939
CHI. AMRITLAL,
You must have got Vijaya’s and Uttamchand’s letters which I
sent with Shriman1 yesterday.
It is time for Sushila to arrive but one cannot say when she will
come. There is no news from her.
Bisen2 should take hip-baths as also sun-baths. He is sure to
benefit from them. I would certainly try and see how far they are
helpful to him if he comes here some time.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 10795

1
Shriman Narayan
2
Shiv Balak Bisen, who later became Gandhiji’s private secretary for some
time.

338 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 432. LETTER TO BRIJKRISHNA CHANDIWALA
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 18, 1939
CHI. BRIJKRISHNA,
I have your letter. I hope to be here for the present. I cannot
say when and where I may be required to go.
I understand what you say about Brother1 .
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 2473

433. LETTER TO Y. M. DADOO

S EGAON,
September 19, 1939
MY DEAR DADOO,
I was glad to have your reply. Of course there is no absolute
reason why passive resistance should be stopped because war has bro-
ken out in Europe. But wisdom may dictate that course. Of this you
should be the best judges. I am trying my best to have the enfor-
cement of the obnoxious law postponed. As the letters are delayed,
you will use the cable when necessary.2
Yours,
BAPU
From a photostat: G. N. 4903. Also C. W. 1316. Courtesy: Sushilabehn
Gandhi

1
Addressee’s brother, who was ailing
2
Vide also “Statement to the Press”, 29-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 339

 434. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI

S EGAON,
September 19, 1939

CHI. NARANDAS,

My blessings on your birthday. You seem to be making fairly

rapid progress. The girls also seem to be doing good work. If, how-
ever, the people are tempted to pay money only by the sight of the
girls, you should consider how far it is desirable to send them out.
You can know more by asking the girls themselves. This is only for
you. Satish Babu will certainly come. But not Ba. I will think about
Mirabehn. Rajkumari is not enthusiastic. I shall consider how the
money should be used1 .

Blessings from

BAPU

[PS.]

Is Shambhu Shankar still in prison? What did he do? What is the

state of affairs in Palitana? Dhebarbhai may be able to tell you.

From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II. Also C. W. 8562. Courtesy:

Narandas Gandhi

435. LETTER TO RAMASINHA

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 19, 1939

BHAI RAMASINHAJI,

Only today I could reach your letter of August 28. The letter is
excellent. If the Garasia brethren really take up the work which you

1
Vid e also “Notes”, 12-7-1939 .

340 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

have described, both they and Kathiawar would forge ahead.

Vandemataram from
M. K. GANDHI

From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 5228

436. LETTER TO SURENDRA B. MEDH

S EGAON,
September 19, 1939
CHI. MEDH,

I have your letter. You will see [for yourself] from the letter1 to
Bhai Dadoo that I understand what you say. I am doing all that I can.
Manilal must be getting these letters, so I won’t be particular in
writing to him. What is this about somebody in Boksberg having been
killed? There seems to have been some report to that effect in The
Rand Daily Mail. It seems there too a terrorist gang has come into
existence.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 4904

1
Vide Letter to Y. M. Dadoo”, 19-9-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 341

 437. DRAFT RESOLUTION FOR PROVINCIAL
LEGISLATURES 1
[September 20, 1939] 2
This Assembly regrets that the British Government have

1
K. M. Munshi explains: “With the declaration of war, Central encroac-hment
on Provincial autonomy was inevitable. Sardar Patel, therefore, issued a circular letter
to all the Congress Prime Ministers advising them on the attitude they should adopt,
pending a decision by the A. I. C. C. or the Working Committee. . . . The Working
Committee met on September 9 and continued their deliberations till September 15. .
. . Gandhiji, at first, was for supporting the British unconditionally, but ultimately he
yielded to Jawaharlal Nehru. . . . The Congress Ministries in the Provinces simply
could not continue in office for a long period during which they were bound to accept
the direction of a Central Government with which they felt no sense of identity. . . .
During the time. . . my relations with Sir Roger Lumley, the Governor, had become
friendly. . . I tried to prevail upon Sir Roger Lumley to convey to Lord Linlithgow
that there should not be any difficulty in meeting the Congress demands, viz., (1)
clarification of war aims, (2) assurance as to India’s future, and (3) the immediate
steps to ensure Congress participation at the Centre. . . . The outlook became gloomy
when, on September 18, Kher, like other Congress premiers, received a letter from
Sardar Patel intimating that the Working Committee’s statement [Appendix X] should
be taken as the background for the time being; that the Ministries should do nothing
inconsistent with it and, in particular, should not allow their responsibility as
Provincial Governments to be overridden. . . . The more important part of the letter
was a directive: Provincial legislatures, or, in default of legislatures, Provincial
Governments, should as early as possible pass a resolution, a draft of which was
appended. . . . Sir Roger realized the grave implications of the resolution and told me
that a resolution of this character would create the impression that the Congress had
given up the intention to co-operate in the war. He, therefore, strongly urged that I
should point out to Sardar the implication of the course advocated in the letter. I gave
Sir Roger’s message to Sardar Patel. He, however, told me that the letter had been
drawn up by the Congress War Sub-committee and that he could not cancel it without
the consent of the other members of the Sub-committee, namely, Nehru and Maulana
Azad. He, therefore, advised me to go at once to Wardha and see Gandhiji and Rajendra
Prasad who was still there. I left for Wardha the same evening and returned on
September 21. Gandhiji gave me a patient hearing, spinning the charkha all the time.
I remember to have argued the case at length. When I finished, he told me: ‘Munshi,
you have presented your case well, but the country will not accept the course of action
recommended by you’. He was, however, prepared to modify the peremptory attitude
reflected in the resolution. He gave me a statement defining his views on the
situation. . . Gandhiji also gave me a draft of the resolution which be passed by the
Provincial legislatures if a satisfactory solution on the lines indicated was not
acceptable to the British Government. . . .As a result of my inteview with Gandhiji on
September 20 . . . instructions were issued to the Congress Ministries postponing
action on the proposed resolution for a week.”
2
Ibid

342 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

declared India as a participant in the war between Great Britain and
Germany, without the consent of the Indian people and without
consulting this Assembly. The Assembly considers this declaration,
made in complete disregard of the opposition from Indian opinion, a
contravention of the spirit of Provincial autonomy, as also further
measures adopted and laws passed in England and India limiting the
powers and activities of Provincial Governments.
The British Government have stated that the war is for the pre-
servation of democracy, but their policy in India militates against this
profession. While this Assembly has the fullest sympathy for the
cause of democracy and freedom, and condemns the aggression of
the Nazi Government on Poland, it cannot offer co-operation in the
war, unless the principles of democracy are applied to India and her
policy is guided by her people. The Assembly invites the British
Government to make a clear declaration that they have decided to
regard India as an independent nation entitled to frame her own
Charter of Freedom, and to accompany this declaration by suitable
action, in so far as this is possible, even in the prevailing war condi-
tions. The Assembly is further of opinion that no war measure or
other activity should be undertaken in this Province except with the
consent and through the medium of the Provincial Government.
Pilgrimage to Freedom (1902-1950), p. 58

438. A STATEMENT 1
[September 20, 1939] 2
1. I (Gandhi) know that my views in regard to unconditional
co-operation are not shared by the country. The resolution of the
Working Committee reflects the Congress opinion properly.
2. Since the Congress is unable, owing to past experience, to
give unconditional co-operation, it can only co-operate if it is able to
convince the country that it has in substance achieved its purpose and
that therefore there is a complete understanding about it between the
British Government and the Congress.
3. If there is a real understanding between the British Govern-
ment and the Congress, it follows that there must be corresponding
action even during the war. Thus Ministries must not be mere regis-

1
Foot note no. 1 of draft resolution for provincial legislatures, 20-9-1939.
2
Ibid

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 343

tering agencies of the measures coming from the Centre. Hence there
must be some method at the Centre of having a Congress represen-
tation sufficient to give it a majority.
4. The only constitutional way in which the Ministries can
declare their position is to obtain the necessary authority of their res-
pective legislatures by getting them to adopt this resolution1 , unless in
the mean time they can convince their legislatures that circumstances
in terms of 2 and 3 have come into existence which render such
resolution unnecessary.
5. If the British Government are serious in their profession that
they are fighting for democracy, they cannot marshal the moral
opinion of the world in their favour except by declaring that India will
be a free and democratic country at the end of the war and that in the
mean time it has taken steps to implement the assurances so far as it is
practicable under martial conditions.
6. If for some reason, the British Government takes a different
view, the Ministries will find it impossible to function.
7. The resolution may be kept back for a week if the members
of the War Sub-committee agree. But it must be clearly understood
that before the A. I. C. C. meets, the Working Committee which meets
on the 4th (October) must have definite material to enable it to give
the lead to the A. I. C. C. and the country.
Pilgrimage to Freedom (1902-1905), p. 57

439. LETTER TO C. P. RAMASWAMI AIYAR

WARDHA,
September 20, 1939
DEAR FRIEND,
A friend unconnected with politics writes to me to say that the
labouring population living near the sea and the back-waters are
suffering great privations due to want of employment. The writer
thinks that if I drew your attention to the matter, relief was likely to be
given to these people.
Yours sincerely,
S IR C. P.
TRIVANDRUM
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

1
Vide the preceding item.

344 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 440. LETTER TO AKBAR HYDARI
WARDHA,
September 20, 1939
DEAR SIR AKBAR,
There is Krishna Sharma of the State Congress under a ban.
Should not the ban be now removed? He is suffering distress.

Yours sincerely,
S IR AKBAR HYDARI
HYDERABAD
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

441. LETTER TO PATTOM THANU PILLAI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 20, 1939
MY DEAR THANU,
I drop ‘Pillay’ a bit for brevity. I have gone through all your
papers. I am filled with admiration and amazement. You are keeping
calm in the midst of the gravest provocation. It is all to the good. It is
the most solid progress towards the goal. Therefore go on as you are
doing. Make sure that you have no dross in your gold. It does not
matter if you are only a few. Rely only on quality. You will quicken
the pace of progress. Keep me informed.
Yours,
BAPU
From a photostat: C. W. 10202. Courtesy: Government of Kerala. Also
Pattom Thanu Pillai Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library

442. LETTER TO MRIDULA SARABHAI

S EGAON,
September 20, 1939
CHI. MRIDU,

I have your letter. Come whenever you want. I was under the
impression that I had explained the situation to you. I have no money.
Amtussalaam was to collect the money but she was to use it in my
name. Rs. 600/- belonging to her was lying with me. Now that she has

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 345

abandoned the work, she has also lost the ability to collect funds. Now
tell me what I should do. Surely, it was not as though I trusted A S.
and did not trust you or Lakshmidas? How could that be? But you
should not give up the work you have undertaken. Shankerlal is here.
I will consult him. I will discuss the matter with you if you come. I was
very happy to read about Mummy.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 11210. Courtesy: Sarabhai Foundation

443. LETTER TO VIJAYABEHN M. PANCHOLI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 21, 1939
CHI. VIJAYA,
I get your letters regularly. You must be growing calmer day by
day. Think and realize that birth and death are one and the same
thing. This is the normal thing. Death follows birth—birth follows
death. In this manner the two ever keep changing places. Why then
should we rejoice at one and grieve over the other? The coming of
night is the death of day, but we know that day comes after night and
so we are not surprised by the way it goes on. Our grief, therefore, is
only on account of the separation. But separation is only one member
of a pair. Union and separation—separation and union, go hand in
hand. This is only an intellectual statement. But it is worth
understanding. It will strengthen your faith. What I want to say, is that
your presence there should have this effect, and no one should grieve
and Father should leave with a smile on his face. He had better take
only water. I hope Manubhai 1 will not be permitted to come there.
Nanabhai2 cannot spare him even for a second. What will he do even if
he comes?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G. N. 7118. Also C. W. 4610. Courtesy:
Vijayabehn M. Pancholi

1
Manubhai Pancholi, the addressee’s husband who was himself ill
2
Nrisinhprasad Kalidas Bhatt

346 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 444. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL
WARDHA,
September 22, 1939
BHAI VALLABHBHAI,
See the telegram about Rajkot. Please forward it. I think you
should stay here, so that your burden may be lightened and we may
be able to meet every day and exchange views.
Blessings from
BAPU
S ARDAR VALLABHBHAI P ATEL
BIRLA HOUSE
5 ALBUQUERQUE R OAD, N EW DELHI
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro–2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, p. 235

445. LETTER TO RAMAKRISHNA BAJAJ

S EGAON,
September 22, 1939
CHI. RAMAKRISHNA,
May you live long and bring credit to Father’s1 name.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 3063

1
Jamnalal Bajaj

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 347

446. DISCUSSION WITH MEMBERS OF OXFORD GROUP1
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 23/24, 1939
How I wish I had the same enthusiasm that fires you. Of course I
have the experience of listening2 not merely of trying to listen. The
more I listen, the more I discover that I am still far away from God.
While I can lay down rules, the observance of which is essential for
proper listening, the reality still escapes me. When we say we are
listening to God and getting answers, though we say it truthfully, there
is every possibility there of self-deception. I do not know that I am
myself altogether free from self-deception. People sometimes ask me
if I may not be mistaken, and I say to them, ‘Yes, very likely, what I
say may be just a picture of my elongated self before you.”
And then see how one may claim to be God-guided in taking a
particular course of action, and another may make the same claim in
taking an opposite course of action. I will give you a good illustration.
Rajaji, whom you know, at any rate whose name you have heard, is I
think unsurpassed in godliness or God-mindedness. Now when I took
the 21 days’ purificatory fast in the Yeravda Jail in 1933 3 and
proclaimed that it was in answer to a call from God, Rajagopalachari
came all the way from Madras to dissuade me. He felt sure that I was
deluding myself and that I should probably die and, if I did not, I
should certainly be demented. Well, you see that I am still alive and of

1
This is extracted from “A Word to the Oxford Groupers”; vide footnotes 1 and
2 of “ Reply to Members of Oxford Group”, 3-9-1939. Mahadev Desai explains: “. . .
six friends came to Wardha on the 23rd of last month. These included a barrister and
his wife, an American journalist, a European who was a railway official, and a gifted
lady, daughter of a one-time army officer. . . .”
2
The word ‘listening’ had special meaning in the language of the Oxford
Group. Mahadev Desai says: “Their mission may be described in common parlance as
one of thinking aloud and, in their language, of ‘spiritual sharing’. ‘There is good
somewhere in all’, said one of the members, ‘and there are different ways of finding
that out. For us it is by sharing. . . .’ Another member said: ‘You have always been
listening to God. We feel that the solution of those problems for which you have
worked would be reached if all the millions of India would start listening to God. We
feel we have a place in this plan and have therefore come to you in joy.’ Some of the
members described their experiences of changes having come over the lives of men
and women by this ‘listening in’. . . . ‘Whereas people of old used to use the word
‘prayer’, ‘listening in’ is the modern word. . . . There was a discussion and
Gandhiji spoke out his mind to them.”
3
Vide 23-41933 to 21-8-1933.

348 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

a sound mind. And yet perhaps Rajaji still thinks I was deluded and it
was by an accident that I was saved, and I continue to think that I
fasted in answer to the still small voice within.
I say this in order to warn you how unwise it may be to believe
that you are always listening to God. I am not at all against the
endeavour, but I warn you against thinking that this is a kind of ‘open
sesame’ which has just to be shown to the millions. No one will
contradict me when I say I have tried my very best to make India
listen to the way of God. I have had some success but I am still far
away from the goal. When I listen to the testimonies you have given I
become cautious and even suspicious. In South Africa a preacher
came who after his sermon got people to sign their names under a
pledge, which was published in a book, binding them not to drink.
Well, I have been witness to numerous of these promises being
broken. It was no fault of these people. They signed the pledge under
the temporary influence of the preacher’s moving eloquence.
This I know that all that glitters is not gold, and also that if a
man has really heard the voice of God, there is no sliding back, just as
there is no forgetting it by one who has learnt to swim. The listening
in must make people’s lives daily richer and richer.
Let me not appear to damp your enthusiasm; but if it is to be
built on solid rock, it is better that listening in is also based on solid
rock.
This listening in presupposes the fitness to listen, and the fitness
is acquired after constant and patient striving and waiting on God.
Shanka-racharya has likened the process to the attempt to empty the
sea by means of a drainer small as the point of a blade of grass. This
process thus necessarily is endless being carried through birth after
birth.
And yet the effort has to be as natural as breathing or the
winking of the eyes, which processes happen without our knowing
them. The effort coincides with the process of living. I commend to
you this process of eternal striving which alone can take us face to
face with God1 .
What is India as a nation to do at this juncture? What would you
want her to do? How is she to repent? India may say she has
committed many sins for which she is suffering and would pray to be

1
According to Mahadev Desai, the members of the Oxford group returned the
next day and “produced another word begging the same rigorous definition and
spiritual striving as ‘listening in’, viz., ‘repentance’.”

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 349

given the strength to wipe them out. Or is there anything else at the
back of your minds?1
Harijan, 7-10-1939

447. HORIZONTAL v. VERTICAL

Prof. J. C. Kumarappa has contributed a thought-provoking
article to the Gram Udyog Patrika for September. I take from it the
following extracts2 with slight unimportant alterations.
According to the conception of the economic organization on which the
A. I. V. I. A. is based, the villager is taken as the centre around whom the
universe revolves. What contributes to his welfare is primary and everything
else is secondary. Whatever the merits of a plan may be, if it fails to give
employment and thereby direct a due share of the wealth produced towards the
villager, it will stand condemned. The result or end of economic activity is
wealth production for consumption by the producers. Wealth is usually
produced by the intelligent use of the means of production and the application
or employment of human talent or power. Planning, in the first instance,
consists in the rational coordination of these three factors. We may express
this mathematically thus: W = E + M.
Here W stands for wealth, E for employment of human talent and M for
means in the shape of tools, equipment or capital. In this equation, keeping W
constant, if M is large, E will have to be small, and vice versa, that is, E and M
vary inversely. Therefore, in planning, our first step will have to be the
ascertaining of the availability of E and M. . . .
When we look around our country we find E in abundance while M is very
scarce and, therefore, if our planning is to be effective, we have to lay our
foundation-stone on labour and not on capital. . . .
Most people seem to think that all will be well as long as we produce
large quantities of standardized goods. They cannot see that the method of
large-scale production can only be employed as a hand-maiden of the cottage
and village industries, the former supplying the basic needs of the latter on a
service basis. . . .
Properly conceived, the State should serve the citizen. The citizen may
work for his profit but not so the State. Similarly, the decentralized units may
work for profit but not so the centralized units. . . .

1
Mahadev Desai adds: “There was no satisfactory reply. ‘We should begin
listening to God as a whole,’ was their reply . . .”
2
Only excerpts are reproduced here.

350 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 It does not do to plan vertically, i. e., emphasizing the functions and
thus making them into separate industries, e. g., banking, insurance, etc.,
which is the way of capitalism. The other way is to take the industries
horizontally and study their processes and apply the functional aid at suitable
points. The plan of work of the All-India Spinners’ Association is a good
example of a horizontal system of planning, while a spinning mill is an
example of vertical planning. There can be no compromise between these two
methods.. . . .
ON THE T RAIN TO SIMLA, September 24, 1939
Harijan, 18-11-1939

448. AN INTERESTING STUDY

Shri Shankerlal Banker has sent me the following figures :
DAILY PRODUCTION 38,400 SQ. YDS., ABOUT 11,000 LB.

MILL KHADI

Cost at 8.5 as. Per Ib. Cost at 30 as. per lb.

1 1
(3 2 sq. yds.) Rs. 5,843 (3 2 sq. yds.) Rs. 20,625 1
Note. Cotton including Note. Cotton 4 as.
16% wastage 4 as. Spinning and carding
All-inclusive charges : wages 15 as.
spinning 2 as. Weaving wages 8 as.
All-inclusive charges : Washing, etc. 1 a.
weaving 2.5 as. Establishment charges 2 as.

Total 8.5 as. Total 30 as.

DETAILS RE. C OST
Cotton including Cotton Rs. 2,750
16% wastage Rs. 2,750 Spinning and carding
All-inclusive charges : wages Rs. 10,313
spinning Rs. 1,375 Weaving wages Rs. 5,500
All-inclusive charges : Washing wages, etc. Rs. 687
weaving Rs. 1,718 Establishment charges Rs. 1,375

Rs. 5,843 Rs.20,625 2

Wage at 2 as. per lb. Rs. 1,375 Wages Rs. 16,500
Interest on Rs. 23.1 Interest on Rs. 13.5
lacs at 3% for one day Rs. 190 lacs Rs. 111

1
The source, however, has “20,575”.
2
ibid

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 351

 K 16‚500
Ratio in the case of wages = = 12 K: 1 M
M 1‚375
M 190
Ratio in the case of interest = = 1 K: 1.7 M
K 111
This is a most revealing study. The cost of converting one lb. of
cotton into calico in a mill is 8.5 as. whereas that of converting it into
khadi is 30 as. In the one case the spinner and the weaver get between
them 4.5 as.; in the other, i. e., khadi, they get 24 as. Which is better to
buy—khadi though it seems dear, or the calico though it seems
cheap?
ON THE T RAIN TO SIMLA, September 24, 1939
Harijan, 2-12-1939

449. LETTER TO JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 24, 1939
MY DEAR JAWAHARLAL,
The enclosed wire for you to dispose of. It is your special
department.
I am off to Simla again. 1 I go only to act as intermediary. You
will send me instructions if any. I do hope you will be ready to answer
invitation, if it comes.
Love.
BAPU
Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library

450. LETTER TO PURUSHOTTAM K. JERAJANI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 24, 1939
BHAI KAKUBHAI,
My blessings are always there for as many khadi bhandars as
are opened and for as much khadi as is sold. Moreover Sardar is
opening your bhandar. So it is bound to be a success.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of Gujarati: C. W. 10842. Courtesy: Purushottam K. Jerajani

1
The Viceroy had invited Gandhiji for a second round of talks.

352 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 451. LETTER TO PYARELAL
MAGANWADI,
NAGPUR,
WARDHA,
September 24, 1939
CHI. PYARELAL,
1 was considerably disturbed to leave you behind. I could not
decide whether 1 should leave you or take you along. I am not at all
happy about your mental condition. But what can I do? It seems I am
suffering the consequences of my own actions. What request can I
make to you? Do I have the right to request you any more? May God
grant you peace. It would suffice even if He inspires you to think
about Sushila. Look after Ba, Krishnadas, Prithvisingh.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

452. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL

NAGPUR,
September 24, 1939
BHAI VALLABHBHAI,
Don’t ask Lilavati 1 or Hansabehn2 yet about Rajkot. 3 I have
written to Perinbehn4 and asked her to go. I felt I must write to her.
Wadia has not refused so far. I have written to Perinbehn that if
Wadia refuses I should like her to go. I will write to you and let you
know after I hear from her. I have asked for a telegram at Simla.
Blessings from
BAPU
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro–2:Sardar Vallabhbhaine, p. 235

1
Lilavati Munshi
2
Hansabehn Mehta
3
To go to Rajkot Rashtriyashala during Rentia Baras
4
Perinbehn Captain

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 353

 453. IS INDIA A MILITARY COUNTRY?
In the interesting broadcast delivered by the Commander-in-
Chief of the Defence Forces in India on the 5th instant there occurs
this passage :
India is a military country and I am a soldier. It will, therefore, perhaps
not be amiss if I give you some personal impressions of what the effect of
modernization will be on the personnel of the future army in India. They are
not just guess-work but based on what has already been done. With new
scientific weapons and with modern vehicles, there will inevitably come new
ideas and a new outlook. Modernization is likely to give increased impetus to
the already high rate of education in the Indian Army; and when nearly every
solider on discharge returns to his home with a knowledge of motor-cars and
machinery, there may well be a perceptible effect upon the age-old methods of
agriculture and ways of living. Modernization in the army may therefore have
a considerable indirect effect upon the life of India. Many of those who hear
me will regret the passing of the horse. No one regrets it more than myself.
But as a soldier who knows the fate which awaits the horse in modern warfare, I
rejoice for its sake, that one of the greatest and best of friends of man is in
future to be spared the horrors of war.
I must wholly, though respectfully, dissent from the view that
India is a military country. And I thank God that it is not. It may be
that the Commander-in-Chief has a special meaning for the term
which I do not know. Or is it that his India is composed of only the
Defence Forces under his command? For me the Defence Forces are
of the least importance in the make-up of the nation. I need not be
reminded that life would be in constant peril if the forces were
withdrawn. The forces notwithstanding, life is not free from peril.
There are riots, there are murders, there are dacoities, there are raids.
The Defence Forces avail little in all these perils. They generally act
after the mischief is done. But the gallant Commander-in-Chief looks
at things as a soldier. I and, with me the millions are untouched by
the military spirit. From ages past India has had a military caste in
numbers wholly insignificant. That caste has had little to do with the
millions. This, however, is not the occasion for examining its
contribution to the making of India. All I want to state, with the
utmost emphasis at my command, is that the description of India as a
military country is wrong. Of all the countries in the world India is the
least military. Though I have failed with the Working Committee in
persuading them, at this supreme moment, to declare their undying

354 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

faith in non-violence as the only sovereign remedy for saving
mankind from destruction, I have not lost the hope that the masses will
refuse to bow to the Moloch of war but will rely upon their capacity
for suffering to save the country’s honour. How has the undoubted
military valour of Poland served her against the superior forces of
Germany and Russia? Would Poland unarmed have fared worse if she
had met the challenge of these combined forces with the resolution to
face death without retaliation? Would the invading forces have taken a
heavier toll from an infinitely more valorous Poland? It is highly
probable that their essential nature would have made them desist from
a wholesale slaughter of innocents.
Of all the organizations of the world the Congress is the best
fitted to show it the better way, indeed the only way, to the true life. Its
non-violent experiment will have been in vain if, when India wakes up
from the present fear, she does not show to the world the way of
deliverance from the blood-bath. The criminal waste of life and wealth
that is now going on will not be the last if India does not play her
natural part by showing that human dignity is best preserved not by
developing the capacity to deal destruction but by refusing to
retaliate. I have no manner of doubt that if it is possible to train
millions in the black art of violence which is the law of the beast, it is
more possible to train them in the white art of non-violence which is
the law of regenerate man. Anyway if the Commander-in-Chief will
look beyond the Defence Forces, he will discover that the real India is
not military but peace-loving.
Nor do I contemplate without uneasiness the prospect of Indian
soldiers, trained after the modern manner, taking the motor spirit to
their homes. Speed is not the end of life. Man sees more and lives
more truly by walking to his duty.
ON THE TRAIN TO SIMLA, September 25, 1939
Harijan, 30-9-1939

454. CONUNDRUMS

Thus asks a well-known Congressman :

1. What is your personal attitude towards this war consistent with non-
violence?
2. Is it the same as or different from your attitude during the last war?

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 355

 3. How could you with your non-violence actively associate with and
help the Congress whose policy is based on violence in the present crisis?
4. What is your concrete plan based on non-violence to oppose or
prevent this war?
The questions conclude a long friendly complaint about my
seeming inconsistencies or my inscrutability. Both are old complaints,
perfectly justified from the standpoint of the complainants, wholly un-
justifed from my own. Therefore my complainants and I must agree
to differ. Only this let me say. At the time of writing I never think of
what I have said before. My aim is not to be consistent with my
previous statements on a given question, but to be consistent with truth
as it may present itself to me at a given moment. The result has been
that I have grown from truth to truth; I have saved my memory an un-
due strain; and what is more, whenever I have been obliged to com-
pare my writing even of fifty years ago with the latest, I have dis-
covered no inconsistency between the two. But friends who observe
inconsistency will do well to take the meaning that my latest writing
may yield unless, of course, they prefer the old. But before making
the choice they should try to see if there is not an underlying and
abiding consistency between the two seeming inconsistencies.
So far as my inscrutability is concerned, friends should take my
assurance that there is never any attempt on my part to suppress my
thought when it is relevant. Sometimes it arises from my desire to be
brief. And sometimes it must be due to my own ignorance of the
subject on which I may be called upon to give an opinion.
To give a typical instance, a friend1 between whom and me there
never is any mental reservation, thus writes2 in anguish rather than
anger :
In the not-improbable event of India being a theatre of war, is Gandhiji
prepared to advise his countrymen to bare their breasts to the enemy’s sword?
A little while ago I would have pledged my word he would do so, but I am not
confident any more.
I can only assure him that, notwithstanding my recent writings,
he can retain his confidence that I would give the same advice as he
expects I would have given before, or as I gave to the Czechs3 or the

1
V. S. Srinivasa Sastri
2
In a letter dated September 22, addressed to Mahadev Desai
3
Vide “If I were a Czech”, 6-10-1938.

356 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Abyssinians1 . My non-violence is made of stern stuff. It is firmer than
the firmest metal known to the scientists. Yet, alas, I am painfully
conscious of the fact that it has still not attained its native firmness. If
it had, God would have shown me the way to deal with the many local
cases of violence that I helplessly witness daily. This is said not in
arrogance but in the certain knowledge of the power of perfect non-
violence. I will not have the power of non-violence to be underesti-
mated in order to cover my limitations or weaknesses.
Now for a few lines in answer to the questions :
1. My personal reaction towards this war is one of greater horror
than ever before. I was not so disconsolate before as I am today. But
the greater horror would prevent me today from becoming the self-
appointed recruiting sergeant that I had become during the last war.
And yet, strange as it may appear, my symapthies are wholly with the
Allies. Willy-nilly this war is resolving itself into one between such
democracy as the West has evolved and totalitarianism as it is typified
in Herr Hitler. Though the part that Russia is playing is painful, let us
hope that the unnatural combination will result in a happy though
unintended fusion whose shape no one can foretell. Unless the Allies
suffer demoralization, of which there is not the slightest indication,
this war may be used to end all wars, at any rate of the virulent type
that we see today. I have the hope that India, distraught though it is
with internal dissensions, will play an effective part in ensuring the
desired end and the spread of cleaner democracy than hitherto. This
will undoubtedly depend upon how the Working Committee will
ultimately act in the real tragedy that is being played on the world
stage. We are both actors in and spectators of the drama. My line is
cast. Whether I act as a humble guide of the Working Committee or, if
I may use the same expression, without offence, of the Government,
my guidance will be for the deliberate purpose of taking either or
both along the path of non-violence, be the step ever so imperceptible.
It is plain that I cannot force the pace either way. I can only use such
power as God may endow my head or heart with for the moment.
2. I think I have covered the second question in answering the
first.
3. There are degrees of violence as of non-violence. The
1
Vide “Message on Italo-Abyssinian Crisis”, on or before 1-8-1935;
“Statement on Italo-Abyssinian Crisis”, on or before 1-8-1935.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 357

Working Committee has not wilfully departed from the policy of non-
violence. It could not honestly accept the real implications of non-
violence. I felt that the vast mass of Congressmen had never clearly
understood that in the event of danger from without they were to
defend the country by non-violent means. All that they had learnt
truly was that they could put up a successful fight, on the whole non-
violent, against the British Government. Congressmen have had no
training in the use of non-violence in other fields. Thus, for example,
they had not yet discovered a sure method of dealing successfully in a
non-violent manner with communal riots or goondaism. The argu-
ment is final inasmuch as it is based on actual experience.
I would not serve the cause of non-violence, if I deserted my
best co-workers because they could not follow me in an extended
application of non-violence. I therefore remain with them in the faith
that their departure from the non-violent method will be confined to
the narrowest field and will be temporary.
4. I have no ready-made concrete plan. For me too this is a new
field. Only I have no choice as to the means. It must always be purely
non-violent, whether I am closeted with the members of the Working
Committee or with the Viceroy. Therefore what I am doing is itself
part of the concrete plan. More will be revealed to me from day to
day, as all my plans always have been. The famous non-co-operation
resolution1 came to me within less than 24 hours of the meeting of the
A.I.C.C. at which it was moved in Calcutta in 1920; and so did practi-
cally the Dandi March. 2 The foundation of the first civil resistance
under the then known name of passive resistance was laid by accident
at a meeting of Indians in Johannesburg in 1906 3 con-vened for the
purpose of finding the means of combating the anti-Asiatic measure
of those days. I had gone to the meeting with no preconceived
resolution. It was born at the meeting. The creation is still expanding.
But assuming that God had endowed me with full powers (which He
never does), I would at once ask the English to lay down arms, free all
their vassals, take pride in being called “Little Englanders” and defy
all the totalitarians of the world to do their worst. Englishmen will then
die unresistingly and go down to history as heroes of non-violence. I
would further invite Indians to co-operate with Englishmen in this

1
Vide “The Non-Co-Operation Resolution”, 5-9-1920.
2
On March 12, 1930.
3
Vide “The Mass Meeting”, 11-9-1906.

358 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

godly martyrdom. It will be an indissoluble partnership drawn up in
letters of the blood of their own bodies, not of their so-called enemies.
But I have no such general power. Non-violence is a plant of slow
growth. It grows imperceptibly but surely. And even at the risk of
being misunderstood, I must act in obedience to “the still small voice”
ON THE TRAIN TO SIMLA, September 25, 1939
Harijan, 30-9-1939

455. THE OLD REVOLUTIONARY

Readers of Harijan know that after twenty-five years, part of
which was spent in jail and sixteen in hiding as an absconder, Sardar
Prithvi Singh finds himself a free man. He cannot call a life of
freedom those sixteen years of dodging the C. I. D., assuming new
names and new dresses as circumstances demanded. The reader will
recall that Prithvi Singh made up his mind to discover himself to me
last year when I was convalescing in Juhu, to confess his past sins and
regulate his future under my guidance. I advised him to surrender
himself to the police and purge his past by becoming a prisoner
amenable to prison discipline by choice. I had told him that though I
would try to secure his discharge, he must not bank upon my success
but should be content, if necessary, to pass the rest of his life in
prison. Quite cheerfully and light-heartedly he showed his prepared-
ness to face life imprisonment. With sincere conviction he accepted
the truth that voluntary imprisonment might be as good service of the
country as life outside.
I am glad to be able to say that he was true to his word. The
readers know from Mahadev Desai’s description of him after his visit
to the Sardar in Rawalpindi prison that he was a cent percent model
prisoner. He endeared himself to his jailors who never found
misplaced the trust that they had reposed in him. He learnt wool-
spinning and cotton-spinning and worked at the first so assiduously
that even his powerfully built body had to take relaxation from
strenuous labour. First Pyarelal’s and then Mahadev Desai’s
enthusiastic testimony in favour of Sardar Prithvi Singh’s exemplary
conduct in the jail decided me. Mahadev Desai felt confident that he
could plead the cause successfully before Sir Sikandar Hyat Khan. I
let him go. Sir Sikander made a generous response. He was impressed
with the truth of Mahadev’s description, fortified as it was by the
uniformly good reports from the officials in charge of Sardar Prithvi
Singh. Mahadev knocked also at the Viceregal gates. The result was

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 359

that Sardar Prithvi Singh was delivered to me by the authorities on the
22nd instant.
I greeted him with the remark that he had transferred himself
from one jail to another and harder. He smiled a hearty assent. He
knows that he is on his trial. He has been a staunch believer in
violence as the only way to the deliverance of his country. He has to
his credit examples of daring which may be equalled by some but
surpassed by no revolutionary. His life is rich in romance. But by
patient introspection he discovered that fundamentally his was a life of
falsity, and that true deliverance could never come out of falsity. In
spite of the glamour that surrounded his life of hiding and the
adoration of his companions who marvelled at his exploits, he had
wearied of the false life and the hiding. The gymnastic lessons he gave
to hundreds of young men had given him no satisfaction. Fortunately
he had companions like Nanabhai of Dakshinamurti. They guided his
footsteps towards me. I have told him I will not be satisfied unless he
becomes a better example of ahimsa in action than I could ever be. I
was never full of himsa in action except the himsa of a coward. He was
himsa in action personfied. If now he has assimilated ahimsa, his non-
violence should be infinitely richer in romance than his past violence.
He should by God’s grace be a modern exemplar of the proverb:
“The greater the sinner the greater the saint.” He has shown me
authenticated leaves from his diary in which he describes his first
night as a voluntary prisoner as death. I pick up the following striking
passage from it:
Today is the day of my surrender when under divine guidance I surrender
everything I can call my own. For a period of 25 years I had faced all perils and
worked hard to acquire the light which could guide me in the field of service. As
a revolutionary of good experience I used to look upon my achievements with
pride. 19th May is an eventful day in my life—the day when I realized that by
treading the trodden path I would not enrich my nation nor make any
contribution to the uplift of humanity. This 19th May is the day of the
greatest adventure of my life. The present life has no charm, no meaning for
me. I must have a new life. How can I have it without embracing death? But to
embrace death is not the objective. A new life is the objective. But how could
I come to it except through death? There was not much room for reason. It was
faith which led me to make my choice.
May the freedom the Sardar now enjoys prove that his notes
were no creation of a heated imagination but were an expression of a
yearning soul.
ON T HE TRAIN TO SIMLA, September 25, 1939
Harijan, 30-9-1939

360 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 456. LETTER TO S. SATYAMURTI AND LAKSHMI
Unrevised ON THE TRAIN,
September 25, 1939
MY DEAR SATYAMURTI,
I reach your letter of 31st ultimo only today.
Much of your argument perhaps now needs no reply.
You are unnecessarily perturbed about Jawaharlal. In spite of his
limitations he is as good as gold. Have we all not our own limitations?
You do not know how much members of the Working Committee
need him. I cannot impose myself on anyone. My services are un-
grudgingly given when they are needed.
I am with you for the most part in the matter of the Parlia-
mentary programmes. But there are great difficulties. Let us see.
I hope you are steadily improving.
Love to Lakshmi1 .
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI2
CHI. LAKSHMI,
Hope you are well.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the original: S. Satyamurti Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library

1
Satyamurti’s daughter
2
What follows is in Hindi.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 361

 457. LETTER TO P. KODANDA RAO
ON THE TRAIN,
September 25, 1939
MY DEAR KODANDA RAO,
I have your and your partner’s letters of good wishes. I know
you too well to underrate your affection. I treasure it. About non-
violence, I work in faith and I hope with the detachment prescribed in
Gita.
My love to you both.
Yours,
M. K. GANDHI
S HRI KODANDA R AO
S ERVANTS OF INDIA S OCIETY
P OONA 4
From a photostat: G.N. 6285

458. LETTER TO D. B. KALELKAR

ON THE TRAIN,
September 25, 1939
CHI. KAKA,
I have read the accompanying. We should get help. I have
assured Margarete.1 You should write in detail. Remind me when we
meet. Shankar must have met you. Wake up Chandan.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7970

459. LETTER TO PYARELAL

ON THE TRAIN,
September 25, 1939
CHI. PYARELAL,

You will have received the letter I wrote you from Nagpur. This
is another. I find your absence irksome. Why am I afraid of you?
Why this fear of writing or saying anything? Do you know the

1
Margarete Spiegel

362 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

reason? I think I know it. Having frightened you many times I have
myself become frightened. Perhaps I have no remedy for this fear. Is
it that you too do not have the remedy? In that case the situation is
doubly tragic. What has happened to my non-violence? What can
non-violence have to do with fear? Think about it and send me a
telegram if you can calm down and are able to forget my remarks.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

460. LETTER TO AMTUSSALAAM

ON THE TRAIN,
September 25, 1939
DAUGHTER AMTUL SALAAM,
Hope you are calm. Keep cheerful and take care of your health.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 678

461. LETTER TO SHARDABEHN G. CHOKHAWALA

ON THE TRAIN,
September 25, 1939
CHI. BABUDI,
I didn’t like going away from you. I will try to return soon. Let
God’s will be done. Keep cheerful. Serve everyone.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 10016. Courtesy: Shardabehn G.
Chokhawala

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 363

 462. LETTER TO KANCHANBEHN M. SHAH
ON THE TRAIN,
September 25, 1939
CHI. KANCHAN,
I am sorry that I was not able to talk with you. After I return I
will find time at the first opportunity. Try to befriend Amtul Salaam. I
hope Munnalal is calm.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 8291. Also C.W. 7055. Courtesy:
Munnalal G. Shah

463. LETTER TO BALVANTSINHA

ON THE TRAIN,
September 25, 1939
CHI. BALVANTSINHA,
I got your letter. It is good. Sardarji has also written. We shall
talk when we meet. The story of the Muslim brothers is interesting. By
the time you return from Asafpur, you will know about [the] Delhi
[dairy]. You will return home only after finishing the job. I am going
to Simla. I shall be there for two or three days. I hope Ishwardas is
doing good work.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 1925

464. LETTER TO Y. M. DADOO

ON THE TRAIN [TO WARDHA],
September 27, 1939
MY DEAR DADOO,
Haji Ismail Bhabha writes complaining that satyagrahis are
acting violently, that they had gone to the June meeting taking lethal
weapons with them, that they were exploiting Muslim women, etc. I
have written to him saying that I am writing to you. I suggest your
seeing him. Our duty is to see even the opponent’s viewpoint and

364 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

meet him wherever we can.
I hope things are shaping and proceeding well there.
Yours,
BAPU
From a photostat: G.N. 4905. Also C.W. 1318. Courtesy: Sushilabehn Gandhi

465. LETTER TO LADY RAZA ALI

[AS AT] S EGAON,
September 27, 1939
MY DEAR POORVI ,
I am writing this on a moving train. Sir Raza1 told me that you
were ailing. I promised to write to you and in order that I may not
forget I am writing this now. I hope this will find you fully restored.
Love to you all.
BAPU
LADY R AZA ALI
78 J ONES S TREET
KIMBERLEY, S. A FRICA
From a photostat: G.N. 7749

466. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

September 27, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,
I arrived this morning. I am leaving for Wardha this evening.
You will come, won’t you? The car is coming to take you. Come with
your luggage. You can keep the car waiting for a while. You will have
the opportunity to see Mother and others, won’t you?
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

1
Syed Raza Ali, who was the Agent of the Government of India in South
Africa, 1935-38; Member, Central Legislative Assembly, since 1939

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 365

 467. HINDU-MUSLIM UNITY
During my last journey to Simla my attention was drawn to the
bitterness with which, it was alleged, the Muslim League and its doings
were being criticized in some Congress organs. I have not seen any
such criticism for the simple reason that I do not see the papers except
for a few moments daily. But if there is any ground for such
complaint, it should certainly be removed. The Muslim League is a
great organization. Its President was at one time an ardent Con-
gressman. He was the rising hope of the Congress. His battles with
Lord Willingdon cannot be forgotten. The Jinnah Hall of the Bombay
Congress is a standing monument of the President’s labours for the
Congress and a mark of Congressmen’s generous appreciation of his
services. The League contains many members who were whole-
heartedly with the Congress during the memorable Khilafat days. I
refuse to think that these erstwhile comrades can be as bitter in their
hearts towards their fellow-workers of yesterday as their speeches and
writings of today will show. It is, therefore, wrong of Congressmen
and Congress organs if they are bitter against the League or its
individual members. The Congress policy of non-violence should put
an easy restraint upon the speech, writings and actions of Congress-
men in their dealings with the League and its members. They must
resolutely believe and hope that sooner or later, and sooner rather
than later, there is to be communal unity, not superficial but real and
lasting.
Zahid, the late Big Brother’s1 son, who met me in Simla said,
“We must not quarrel. Blood is thicker than water. We are of the same
blood. You must work for unity.” Other Muslim friends who met me
during the journey said: “You must bring about unity. You alone can
do it. Heaven help us if unity is not achieved in your lifetime.” I have
a similar message from a great Muslim.
All this may flatter my vanity. But I know that it does humble
me. I wish God had given me the power to realize the hope genuinely
expressed by so many Muslim friends. I assure them that not a day
passes but I think of and pray for the unity. It is neither for want of
will nor effort that I have to be a helpless witness of so much bitterness
and quarrelling between the two. I have not lost hope that I shall live
to see real unity established between not only Hindus and Muslims but

1
Shaukat Ali, who died on November 27, 1938

366 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

all the communities that make India a nation. If I knew the way to
achieve it today, I know that I have the will and the strength to take it,
however difficult or thorny it may be. I know too that the shortest and
the surest way lies through non-violence. Some Muslim friends tell me
that Muslims will never subscribe to unadulterated non-violence. With
them, they say, violence is as lawful and necessary as non-violence.
The use of either depends upon circumstances. It does not need
Koranic authority to justify the lawfulness of both. That is the well-
known path the world has traversed through the ages. There is no such
thing as unadulterated violence in the world. But I have heard it from
many Muslim friends that the Koran teaches the use of non-violence.
It regards forbearance as superior to vengeance. The very word
Islam means peace, which is non-violence. Badshah Kha 1 a staunch
Muslim who never misses his namaz and Ramzan, has accepted out-
and-out non-violence as his creed. It would be no answer to say that
he does not live up to his creed, even as I know to my shame that I do
not. If there is difference in our actions, the difference is not one of
kind, it is of degree. But argument about non-violence in the holy
Koran is an interpolation, not necessary for my thesis.
I hold that for the full play of non-violence only one party need
believe in it. Indeed if both believe in it and live up to it, there is no
appreciation or demonstration of it. To live at peace with one another
is the most natural thing to do. But neither party gains the merit that
the exercise of non-violence carries with it. Unfortunately, at the
present moment, those Hindus who do not know the use of violence,
though they have it in their hearts, are sorry for their incapacity and
would fain learn the trick—I won’t call it the art—of violence, so as to
be able to match what they describe as Muslim violence. And if peace
is to be brought about by both parties being equally matched in the
use of violence both offensive and defensive, I know that peace will
not come in my lifetime and, if it came, I should not care to be witness
of it. It will be an armed peace to be broken at any moment. Such has
been the peace in Europe. Is not the present war enough to make one
sick of such peace?
Muslim friends who hope much from me will perhaps now
recognize my agony for the unattainment of peace in spite of the
travail that I have gone through and am still going through. They

1
Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 367

should also see that my principal work lies through teaching at least
the Hindus to learn the art of non-violence unless I can bring the
Muslims to the position the Ali Brothers and their associates took up
during the Khilafat days. They used to say: “Even if our Hindu
brethren cut us to pieces, yet will we love them. They are our kith and
kin.” The late Maulana Abdul Bari used to say: “Muslims of India
will never forget the ungrudging and unconditional support that
Hindus have given to us at this critical period of our history.” I am
sure that both Hindus and Muslims of those days are the same today
that they were then. But times have changed and with them have
changed our manners. I have no shadow of a doubt that our hearts
will meet some day. What seems impossible today for us God will
make possible tomorrow. For that day I work, live and pray.
ON THE TRAIN TO WARDHA, September 28, 1939
Harijan, 7-10-1939

468. NOTES
A S TRIKING THOUGHT
A Pathan friend who met me during the journey, talking about
violent deeds, said: “You know the Government is strong enough to
put down any violence however organized it may be in our country,
but your non-violence is uncanny. You have given our country a
wonderful weapon. No Government in the world can put down non-
violence.” I complimented my visitor on the striking thought he gave
me. In one sentence he presented the matchless beauty of non-
violence. If only India can understand the full implications of the
remark so naturally, so effortlessly made by the Pathan friend, she will
become unconquerable in the face of any combination of invaders.
Ten to one there will be no raid on a people trained in non-violence.
Indeed the weakest State can render itself immune from attack if it
learns the art of non-violence. But a small State, no matter how
powerfully armed it is, cannot exist in the midst of a powerful
combination of well-armed States. It has to be absorbed by or be
under the protection of one of the members of such a combination.
Well does Badshah Khan say, as reported by Pyarelal during my last
tour in his province :
We would have fared ill if we had not learnt the lesson of non-violence.
We have taken it up quite selfishly. We are born fighters and we keep up the

368 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 tradition by fighting amongst ourselves. Once a murder takes place in a family
or a clan it becomes a point of honour to avenge it. There is no such thing
generally as forgiveness among us. And so there is avenging and re-avenging
and re-re-avenging. And thus the vicious circle never ends. This non-violence
has come to us as a positive deliverence.
What is true of the Frontier Provice is true of all of us. Without
knowing it we move in the vicious circle of violence. A little reflection
and corresponding practice should enable us to get out of the circle.
NARSINGHGARH
The reader knows that at the invitation of the Dewan of Nar-
singhgarh and with the consent of the Secretary of the Central
India States Conference I had sent Rajkumari Amrit Kaur to inquire
into certain allegations made against the State. The Rajkumari was
given every facility by the State to make what inquiry she liked. Shri
Kanhaiyalal Vaidya was present during the enquiry. The Rajkumari’s
way was made easy by the State giving her every facility. The imme-
diate cause of complaint was soon settled to the satisfaction of all con-
cerned. The Maharaja has given cautious assurances of civil liberty.
The people of these States have hitherto been strangers to civil liberty
and all it means. I hope the Maharaja and his advisers will remember
that civil liberty means the fullest liberty, consistent with non-violence,
to speak, write and do what the people like, even though it may mean
strong criticism of the acts of the State. He has, however given full
permission to Shri Vaidya to do khadi, Harijan and other constructive
work. He has also requested the Rajkumari to send Shri Shankerlal
Banker or a representative of the A.I.S.A. to the State in order to
explore the possibilities of khadi work in the State which grows plenty
of cotton. He has also shown interest in other village industries and
basic education. I hope that the beginning so well made will continue
uninterrupted, and that the people of Narsinghgarh will show political,
economic, social and moral progress on an ever-increasing scale.
From the correspondence I had with the Dewan, I have reason to hope
for the best. Much will depend upon the sym-pathy of the Maharaja
and his advisers towards all-round progress and the restrained manner
in which the workers use the liberty given by the State. I must
congratulate the Maharaja and the Dewan on having shown wisdom
and courage in calling in the Congress aid (for my aid is virtually
Congress aid) for settling their domestic difficulty. This is perhaps the
second instance of its kind.
ON THE TRAIN TO WARDHA, September 28, 1939
Harijan, 7-10-1939

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 369

 469. ANSWER TO QUESTION1
September 28, 1939
I am an optimist, I have pinned my faith in hope. The world
lives on hope and so do I.
I am sure that I shall get something.
The Bombay Chronicle, 29-9-1939

470. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS 2

S EGAON,
September 28, 1939
An advance copy of Reuter’s summary of the Lords’ debate on
Indian affairs has been shown to me. Perhaps silence on my part at
this juncture would be a distinct disservice both to India and England.
I was unprepared for the old familiar flavour in the debate in the
shape of drawing comparisons unflattering to the Congress. I maintain
that the Congress is an all-inclusive body. Without offence to anybody
it can be said of it that it is the one body that has represented for over
half a century, without a rival, the vast masses of India irrespective of
class or creed. It has not a single interest opposed to that of the
Mussalmans or that of the people of the States. Recent years have
shown unmistakably that the Congress represents beyond doubt the
interests of the people of the States. It is that organization which has
asked 3 for a clear definition of the British intentions. If the British are
fighting for the freedom of all, then their representatives have to state
in the clearest possible terms that the freedom of India is necessarily
included in the war aim. The content of such freedom can only be
decided by Indians and them alone. Surely it is wrong for Lord
Zetland to complain as he does, though in gentle terms, that the
Congress should, at this juncture when Britain is engaged in a life-
and-death struggle, ask for a clear declaration of British intentions. I
suggest that the Congress has done nothing strange or less than
1
The source reported that “when Gandhiji passed through Nagpur en route to
Wardha”, he was asked by some people “about his interview with H.E. the Viceroy”.
2
This appeared under the title “Open a New Chapter”. The statement was also
published by the The Bombay Chronicle and The Hindu on September 29.
3
Vide Appendices “Congress Working Committee Resolution”, after 18-7-
1939; “Working Committee’s Manifesto”, 14-9-1939; and “A.I.C.C. Resolution”,
14-10-1939.

370 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

honourable in asking for such a declaration. Only a free India’s help
is of value. And the Congress has every right to know that it can go to
the people and tell them that at the end of the war India’s status as an
independent country is as much assured as that of Great Britain. As a
friend of the British I, therefore, appeal to English statesmen that they
will forget the old language of imperialists and open a new chapter for
all those who have been held under imperial bondage.
Harijan, 7-10-1939

471. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI

S EGAON,
September 29, 1939
CHI. NARANDAS ,
I got your letter after I had sent you the wire. However, I intend
to send Rajkumari as I informed you in the wire. She will certainly be
of some use. She will see Mr. Gibson and Virawala Saheb, do the work
which I have suggested from a humanitarian point of view and such
other things. She will visit other places if she likes. Please arrange
about her stay, etc. She will not like to run about very much, and,
therefore, don’t make her do that. Arrange to send her back on the
10th or the 11th.
Blessings from
BAPU

[PS.]
I got Chhaganlal’s letter. I will make arrangements for the
money only after consulting you. I will send with Rajkumari whatever
yarn I have spun. The rest with anybody who happens go to that side
later.
BAPU
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II. Also C.W. 8563. Courtesy:
Narandas Gandhi

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 371

 472. LETTER TO KUNVARJI K. PAREKH
S EGAON,
September 29, 1939
1
CHI. KUNVARJI ,
How are you? I had made inquiries regarding Dharampur.
Nobody recommends it. The climate of Dharampur is certainly good,
but the sanatorium is not reputed to be good. It would be difficult to
get accommodation at Almora. It is reserved only for patients from
the United Provinces. If you don’t feel comfortable there, we can
arrange something in Nagpur. Show this to Jugatram 2 and then write
to me.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 9728

473. LETTER TO MANUBEHN AND SURENDRA

MASHRUWALA
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
September 29, 1939
CHI. MANUDI, SURENDRA,
Ba gave me the news about Surendra’s illness. How is he now? I
could not reply to your letter. I am enclosing a letter 1 to Kunvarji.
You will forward it to him, won’t you? I will be going again to Delhi.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 1575. Courtesy: Manubehn S.
Mashruwala

1
Husband of Rami, Harilal Gandhi’s daughter
2
Jugatram Vaidya
1
Vide the preceding item

372 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 474. LETTER TO AMRITLAL T. NANAVATI
September 29, 1939
CHI. AMRITLAL,
There can be no post from Simla today. I therefore, do now
know what the position is. There is no letter fromVijaya. Shankar was
to come. Why didn’t he? Let him have his meal here tomorrow. I will
talk with him at 11.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 10796

475. LETTER TO NIRMALA GANDHI

S EGAON,
September 29, 1939
CHI. NIMU,
I get no time to write to you. Ramdevji came to see me. He
could not speak and broke down. Vidyavati too was present. All of
them asked after you. I arrived here yesterday. I will be going to
Delhi again on Sunday. Are the children all right? Ba told me that
you had fallen ill. You ought to use a mosquito-net—you, Ramdas
and the children, all of you. Mosquito-nets manufactured by the
Calico Mills are good. Have you taken away the Gujarati ‘General
Knowledge about Health’? If you have, return it to me. I have made
some changes in it. If you want another copy, I will send it on.
I am not writing separately to Ramdas. Take this letter to be for
both of you. Write to me. Ramdas also should write. How are things
with you ?
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Gujarati original : Mrs. Sumitra Kulkarni Papers. Courtesy : Nehru
Memorial Museum and Library

476. LETTER TO MUNNALAL G. SHAH

September 30, 1939
CHI. MUNNALAL,
There may or may not be any sin in touch, but violation of a
pledge is a very great sin indeed. If, however, the pledge is violated

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 373

again, you and Kanchan should quietly leave the Ashram. To enable
you to keep the vow, you should not talk with each other, nor work
together or take service from each other. I would advise you to go
away for some time to Ramana Maharshi’s Ashram. If you think that
the self-control suggested above is beyond your capacity, you should
give up ambition to cultivate it.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 8560. Also C.W. 7054. Courtesy:
Munnalal G. Shah

477. NOTE TO PYARELAL

September 30, 1939
You cannot write an article without knowing anything about the
kind of paper for which you intend to write. You can write one thing
for the Modern Review, another thing for the Chronicle and yet
another for the Harijan. You do not even know where the paper is. Is
it some obscure print-out or a reputed paper? The article in question
can only be for a paper like the Statesman. It is good as an article. But
it is not accurate. It is only in praise of the experiment at Segaon.
Mentally I decry it every day. I will not support what you write. There
is exaggeration in the article and, in avoiding the mention of the
shortcomings of the people living at Segaon, it has become wholly
false. Anyone coming here with the impression gathered from that
article would go back disappointed. Hence, so long as the other side
too is not presented it would he mere untruth.
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

374 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 478. TELEGRAM TO G. V. GURJALE1
[September 1939] 2
RECEIVED LETTER, WIRE. NO RIGHT INTERFERE YOUR RESOLVE. 3 MAY
GOD GUIDE YOU KEEP YOUR HEART FREE FROM ANGER.
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

479. NOTES
THANKS
Sir Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan has made much of my seventy-
first birthday. He has sent me his book 4 of praises from friends,
known and unknown to me. With it he has been good enough to send
also a covering letter of further appreciation. I do not know when I
shall have the time to go through all the tributes collected in the
volume. I can only pray that God may give me the capacity to live up
to the contributors’ picture of me whatever it may be. To Sir
Sarvepalli and all those who have sent me their blessings and greeti-
ngs, I return my thanks hereby. It is impossible for me to send per-
sonal acknowledgements.
One warning I should like to issue to my admirers. Some would
like to erect my statues in public places, some others would have
portraits, yet others would proclaim my birthday as a public holiday.
C. Rajagopalachari knows me well and so he has wisely vetoed the
proposal to declare my birthday a public holiday. These are days of
dissensions and discord. I should feel deeply humiliated if my name
became in any way an occasion for accentuating them. Avoidance of
such opportunity is a real service to the country and me. Statues,
photographs and the like have no place today. The only praise I
would like and treasure is promotion of the activities to which my life
is dedicated. He or she who does a single act to produce communal
harmony or to destroy the demon of untouchability or to advance the
cause of the villages, brings me real joy and peace. Workers are

1
Also known as Bhikshu Nirmalananda
2
In the source the telegram is kept among the September 1939 items; vide
also “Letter to G. V. Gurjale”, 18-10-1939.
3
According to Pyarelal, the addressee had decided to go on an indefinite fast
unless the trustees of the Sri Kripapuriswarar temple allowed Harijans to enter the
temple in accordance with the public wish.
4
Mahatma Gandhi—Essays and Reflections on Mahatma Gandhi

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 375

striving during these days to dispose of the khadi stock that has
accumulated in various khadi bhandars. I can conceive no greater or
more tangible blessing to me than to know that the whole of the
surplus khadi stock was taken up by the people during the khadi week
or fortnight mis-named after me. I am nothing without or apart from
my activities.
F URTHER F ALSEHOODS
I had the misfortune to remark the other day 1 on the sanatanist
propaganda being supported by falsehoods. I have the following wires
from Madura and Kumbakonam respectively :
Srirangam temple being forcibly entered today. Armed Madura temple
peons dispersing opposing orthodox worshippers. This is waging war during
world war. Pray issue immediate instructions suspending such high-
handedness. We have after all to live together. K. R. VENKATARAMA IYER .
Minister Rajan threatening Harijan-entry Srirangam with police. Pray
interference to avoid bloodshed. Inform Rajaji. KUPPUSAMI .
Rajaji happened to be in Wardha when these wires were received.
He gave the following reply :
There is no Harijan-entry being tried in Srirangam. This is impossible
without Government consent, and the Government has not yet given any such
consent.
In the face of this flat denial I can only regard the wires as
figments of imagination. It is noteworthy that there is no complaint
from Srirangam itself. Madura and Kumbakonam are too far from
Srirangam to know first-hand what may happen there. Trichy is the
only town near enough to Srirangam to know events there, if the
people interested themselves in the happenings in that temple town.
An opposition that requires palpable falsehoods to support it, must be
on its last legs. I have seen correspondence which shows that Meen-
akshi temple has not been boycotted by anybody except a few ortho-
dox Brahmins. It is as popular as ever with the vast mass of temple-
going population.
ON THE TRAIN TO DELHI, October 1, 1939
Harijan, 7-10-1939

1
Vide “Temple Entry”, 18-9-1939.

376 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 480. LACK OF SENSE OF HUMOUR

I cannot resist publishing the following very frank and well-

meaning letter addressed to the Editor :
I earnestly request you to be kind enough to give me a few minutes to
clear some of my doubts. I write this letter not as a critic. I am an ardent seeker
after truth and one of the many ‘Ekalavyas’ of Bapuji.
I am rather very much pained to read the following in this week’s
Harijan in the course of a note under the caption “Why Only Prohibition” 1
written by Bapuji: “Therefore if I treated these evils as I have treated the drink
evil and if I begin to organize picketing in respect of them, I should lose my
caste, lose my mahatmaship and even lose my head which of course has very
little value at this time of my life. But as I do not wish to suffer the triple loss,
I must allow my correspondent and others like him to think that I am shirking
an obvious duty.”
I was not prepared for the above note, especially the portion quoted by
me, along with his previous writings and my reading of his life. For, I was,
and am still, of the opinion that Bapuji stands for ‘Truth’ and he would be
ready to lose any donation whatever it may be, his mahatmaship, his caste
and, if necessary, even his head for the sake of Truth, i. e., God.
Now let us examine some of his writings. In his Autobiography (Part
V, Ch. X) he says when he accepted Dudabhai, an untouchable, and his family,
“All monetary help, however, was stopped. . . . With the stopping of
monetary help came rumours of proposed social boycott. We were prepared for
all this.” 2
This clearly indicates that he was not ready to accept donations or
maintain his caste at the cost of his principle, i. e., Truth.
In an article “Truth v. Brahmacharya” (Young India, February 25, 1926) he
says: “My mahatmaship is worthless. It is due to my outward activities, due to
my politics, which is the least part of me and is therefore evanescent. What is
of abiding worth is my insistence on truth, non-violence and
brahmacharya.” 3 In yet another article he has tried to show the “Handicap of
Mahatmaship”4 (Young India, Nov. 8, 1928).
What else is necessary to show that he cares naught for his
mahatmaship?

1
Vide “Notes”, 21-8-1939.
2
Vide “An Autobiography-PartV, On The Anvil”, Chapter X,.
3
Vide “Truth v. Brahmacharya”, 25-2-1926.
4
Vide “Handicap of Mahatmaship”, 8-11-1928.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 377

 Moreover he says in the course of a conversation reported in Harijan,
August 29, 1936: “I am here to serve no one else but myself, to find my own
realization. . . . Man’s ultimate aim is the realization of God, and all his
activities, social, political religious have to be guided by the ultimate aim of
the vision of God.”1 In another place (Young India, October 11, 1928) he says:
“I know too that I shall never know God if I do not wrestle with and against
evil even at the cost of life itself.”2
I hope that these are enough to prove that he stands for Truth and not
for anything else. It may be perhaps that he does not recognize these evils,
viz., gambling, race, cinema, etc., as such or so dangerous as the evil of drink
or untouchability to lead an agitation against them, “to wrestle with and
against them at the cost of life itself”.
Anyhow I am sure that there will be a number of readers of Harijan like
me who will not be prepared to read a statement like this from the pen of
Bapuji. Now I ask you what does he stand for? For donations, caste,
mahatmaship, etc., at the cost of Truth, or for Truth at the cost of all these?
Will you kindly refer this to Bapuji and correct the misunderstanding created
by the above note ?
If the writer, who is manifestly a close student of my writings
and is himself a schoolmaster, took seriously my note in Harijan
about gambling, etc., there must be quite a number of other readers
who too had the same doubts as the correspondent. The corres-
pondent has quoted enough from my writings to enable him to know
that the note was written in a humorous vein. But unfortunately many
of us have no sense of humour. Therefore, in order to secure
appreciation, humour evidently has to be boldly labelled as such. The
reader should have known that by writing the note I had expressed my
disapproval of cinemas, races, share market, gambling and the like. I
had tried to show also that these vices were fashionable and therefore
were not capable of being dealt with like prohibition. I claim to be a
practical reformer. I know almost instinctively what vices are ripe for
being publicly dealt with. Of course it may be that I lack the courage
to tackle the others and cover my cowardice by pleading untimeliness.
No man can get over his limitations beyond a point.
But my correspondent has shown from my writings that at the
time I had the courage to the face unpopularity and loss of every-
thing. Let those who might have been disturbed by my innocent note
1
Vide “A Discussion with Maurice Frydman”, on or before 25-8-1936.
2
Vide “God Is”11-10-1928.

378 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

reassure themselves that I retain the same spirit as before to face
difficulties and trials in the prosecution of public causes. Time has not
weakened it in any way; it has, if possible, strengthened it. But I am
humble enough to restrain my ambition and to feel thankful to God
for what capacity He has vouchsafed to me for the service of the
country and humanity.
ON THE TRAIN TO DELHI, October 1, 1939
Harijan, 14-10-1939

481. LETTER TO GOBIND DAS CONSUL

ON THE TRAIN,
October 1, 1939
DEAR FRIEND,
I have just glanced through your production for five minutes. I
have nothing whatsoever to say against the front page or the contents.
You have every right to express your views in the manner that may
seem best to you.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a facsimile: Mahatma Gandhi—The Great Rogue of India, between
pp. 4 and 5

482. UNFORTUNATE PEOPLE OF TRAVANCORE

An evil fate seems to dog the career of the people of Travancore

in so far as they are represented by the State Congress. The Congress
is composed of some of its bravest and most self-sacrificing men. But
unfortunately there never have been happy relations between them
and the able Dewan of the State. The charges brought against him by
the Congress in the preliminary stages of the movement for res-
ponsible government somehow or other acerbated the relations. The
framers of the charges, as I happen to know from personal con-
versations with them, honestly believed in them. But when I reasoned
with them that they were bound to withdraw them if their cause was
the attainment of responsible government, and not the removal of the
Dewan—a case in which India could not be interested—they saw the
wisdom of my advice and promptly acted upon it. This cleared the

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 379

ground for them and made their case unassailable. But I feel that the
estrangement created by the charges between the Dewan and the
leaders has persisted. I wish it has been otherwise. Though civil
disobedience has been discontinued and personal talks between the
Dewan and the leaders have taken place, cordiality between them has
been lacking. On the contrary there has been a ring of distrust about
their talks. The Dewan has kept himself at a safe distance from the
leaders. Negotiations after a struggle are generally preceded by
discharge of prisoners and withdrawal of prosecutions and removal of
other disabilities. In Travancore these things have not happened. Can-
cellations of lawyers’ sanads and suspension of elected members of
the Assembly remain. In fact there is not much sign of an advance by
the State towards the leaders. And now comes like a bombshell
suspension of negotiations for political reform. These are the words of
the Travancore communique1 :
For reasons which must be obvious and which have, for instance,
influenced the Government of India in their decision 2 regarding the Federal
negotiations, no conversations can possibly take place regarding any
constitutional reforms until normal conditions are restored and the position is
stabilized.
This is followed by the following minatory warning :
With reference to the statement to the Press issued by the President of
the Travancore State Congress and his letter to the Dewan, Government wish
to point out while they do not intend to curb or put a check upon ordinary
activities of political organizations and while their ideas are unaltered as to
consultations with political organizations and leaders as soon as conditions
permit, they cannot possibly allow an organized scheme of agitation to be
conducted at this juncture, in view of the present situation and especially the
likelihood of increased unemployment owing to war conditions and the public
excitement that may be caused by the situation regarding foodstuffs and other
commodities. Such a scheme of agitation is bound to give rise to serious
repercussions and results, and the Government, who have a duty to protect the
law-abiding inhabitants of the State, cannot possibly take the risks involved
thereby nor can they at present devote any attention to questions relating to
constitutional demands. Government desire to warn the Travancore State

1
Dated September 23, 1939
2
Addressing a joint session of both the Houses of the Central Legislature on
September 11, the Viceroy had announced that the work in connection with the
preparations for Federation were held in suspense in view of the war.

380 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 Congress and other organizations with similar programme that they will be
forced to take steps both under the ordinary law and under the Defence of
Travancore Proclamation and Rules for maintaining normal conditions and a
peaceful atmosphere in the State.
The reason for suspension of contemplated reform is wholly
unconvincing. So far as I know in no State has such suspension been
thought necessary. Indeed I venture to suggest that the offer of the
States to the British Government lacks the spirit assumed to be behind
the aims of the Allies, viz., the saving of democracy for the world. The
States’ offer to be consistent with the time spirit has to carry with it the
will and the co-operation of their people. This is clearly impossible if
the people of the States do not feel that they are partners with the
Princes in the administration of the States. Viewed in this light, the
grant to the people of the greatest measures of responsibility consis-
tent with their own safety becomes a first and first-class war measure
so far as the States are concerned. And who will say that the people of
Travancore, where education has for years been given to the people
on a liberal scale, are ready for shouldering the burden of managing
their own affairs? The responsibility in large States can mean no more
than that of a big corporation in the Provinces. This suspension of
political advance in Travancore on the ground of war comes as a
shock and a surprise. What connection political reform in the States
has with the suspension of Federation is not easy to understand. But
for the opposition of the Princes, the Muslim League and the
Congress, Federation would have come long ago; and I make bold to
say that the British Government would gladly bring it in today if the
three parties desire it. Political reform in the States is overdue and has
to come irrespective of Federation.
I mean no offence to the Princes when I say that generally
speaking they may in a sense be compared to Herr Hitler. The
difference is that they have not his dash, energy, resourcefulness
and capacity. Every one of the Princes has the powers of absolute
autocrats, and they have times without number exercised such powers.
In their own sphere they enjoy powers which the British monarchs
have not possessed for centuries. The present British King is merely
the first citizen of his country. He cannot arrest a single person at his
mere wish. He cannot administer corporal punishment to a single
person without coming like any other citizen under the law of the
State. This severe limitation on the British monarchy is rightly the
envy of the world. But every Indian Prince is a Hilter in his own State.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 381

He can shoot his people without coming under any law. Hilter enjoys
no greater powers. If I am not mistaken, the German Constitution does
impose some limits on the Fuhrer. Great Britain’s position as the self-
constituted guardian of democracy is compromised so long as it has
more than 500 autocrats as its allies. The Princes will render Great
Britain a real service when they can offer their services not as so many
autocrats but as true representa-tives of their people. I venture,
therefore, to suggest to Sir C. P. Rama-swami Aiyar, the distinguished
constitutional lawyer that he is, that he has ill served the people and
the Prince of Travancore and the British Government by suspending
political reform and threatening the State Congress with dire
consequences if it dares to carry on the contemplated agitation for
political advance during these times.
NEW DELHI, October 2, 1939
Harijan, 7-10-1939

483. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR

BIRLA HOUSE, A LBUQUERQUE R OAD,
NEW DELHI,
October 2, 1939
CHI. AMRIT,
This is just to send you love. We had a boisterous journey—
crowds throughout. The Gwalior crowd was the worst. I was calm. I
had to take care of my silence. You must not overstrain yourself. I
have gone through most of the letters in the file.1
Majid must have come. I trust the other files are being looked
into. The mail received up to Monday, i. e., of two days, could have
been despatched.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the original: C.W. 3937. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 7246

1
The rest of the letter is in Hindi.

382 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 484. MESSAGE TO BRITISH PEOPLE1
October 3, 1939
It will be a very serious tragedy in this tragic war if Britain is
found to fail in the very first test of sincerity of her professions about
democracy. Do those declarations, or do they not, include the full
freedom of India according to the wishes of her people? This is a very
simple and elementary question asked by the Congress. The Congress
has the right to ask that question. I hope that the answer will be as it is
expected by the Congress and, let me say, all those who wish well by
Great Britain.
The Hindu, 4-10-1939

485. CABLE TO AGATHA HARRISON

NEW DELHI,
October 5, 1939
AGATHA HARRISON
2 C RANBOURNE C OURT, A LBERT BRIDGE R OAD
LONDON
RECEIVED 2 . HAVE WRITTEN REGULARLY AIRMAIL.
UNHOPEFUL.
GANDHI
From a photostat: G.N. 1512

486. LETTER TO MANILAL AND SUSHILA GANDHI

ON THE T RAIN TO WARDHA,
October 6, 1939
CHI. MANILAL AND SUSHILA,
I have Sushila’s letter. No matter what happens and how it
happens, we must patiently and cheerfully bear it and do our duty.
The letter for Medh is enclosed. Knowing that my Diwali greetingss
may not reach you with this, I intend to send a few words by cable.

1
This was sent through The Manchester Guardian correspondent in India.
2
The reference is to the addressee’s cable (G.N. 1511) of September 30, which
read: “My birthday wish is increased strength your peace work for India and world.
Hampered by lack direct information from you.”

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 383

Have the two organizations there come together? Manilal and the
children must be well now. We shall reach Wardha this evening.
The accompanying is for Medh.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 4906

487. LETTER TO VALJI G. DESAI

ON THE TRAIN,
October 6, 1939
CHI. VALJI,

I agree with what Chitre writes about [your] diet. I see you have
gained nothing special by staying there. If you come over to Wardha,
we can try some other ways. You must get all right. If my suggestion
appeals to you, start immediately. If you have no money, borrow
some from someone there. I could not understand Chitre’s question
regarding money.
Blessings from
BAPU
P ROF. V. G. DESAI
T. B. SANATORIUM
P. O. VANIVILAS MOHALLA
MYSORE

From a photostat of the Gujarati: C.W. 7488. Courtesy: Valji G. Desai

384 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 488. LETTER TO LILAVATI ASAR
ON THE TRAIN,
October 6, 1939
CHI. LILA,

I have your letter. Where do I have the time to write to my

heart’s content? You should complete what you have taken in hand.
Do not think of coming before the long vacation. I may not be able to
write, but you should keep on writing. Dwarkadas, Damayanti and the
children will be well. We shall be reaching Wardha today.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI LILAVATIBEHN ASAR
NEW ERA S CHOOL
HUGHES R OAD
BOMBAY-7
From the Gujarati original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Beladevi Nayyar and Dr. Sushila Nayyar

489. LETTER TO SARASWATI GANDHI

ON THE TRAIN,
October 6, 1939
CHI. SURU,
I have your letter, but only one. No matter how displeased I may
be, I do expect a letter from you both. Is not my displeasure born of
my love? There has been no letter from Kanti. That is just like him
and so I do not mind. All I want is that both of you remain happy,
healthy and pure. May God help you rise.
Blessings from
BAPU
S HRI S ARASWATI GANDHI
C/ O S HRI P ILLAY
NEYATINKARA
TRAVANCORE
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 6177. Also C.W. 3451. Courtesy:
Kantilal Gandhi.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 385

 490. LETTER TO KUNDAR DIWAN
ON THE T RAIN,
October 6, 1939
BHAI KUNDAR,
I do not write to you because Krishnachandra has been writing.
Balkrishna will certainly gain strength. Rest and diet are normal pres-
cription. He complains about lack of sleep. I am thinking of doing
something about it. I may ask him to come over to Segaon during the
cold season. I shall consult the doctor.
What suggestions can I give you regarding the takli? We are
reaching Wardha this evening.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G.N. 215

491. AN EYE-OPENER
The following note on the development of khadi work in the
Ernad taluk up to the end of June 1939 should open the eyes of
sceptics as to the possibilities of khadi as a ready-made means of
giving remunerative employment to the needy millions :1
Hand-spinning was started by the A.I.S.A. in Ernad taluk as an
experimental measure at Pulickal in June 1937. The area has had no tradition
for hand-spinning. Therefore, all those who took to hand-spinning had to be
taught the art of spinning and carding afresh. . . .
This successful experiment conducted at Pulickal encouraged the
A.I.S.A. to include in the Government grant for khadi for 1938-39 a scheme
for starting four more centres in the taluk, viz., Nediyiruppu, Pandikkad,
Randhani and Tirurangadi. . . By the end of June 1939 there were 1,233
spinners trained up in the taluk. . . .
The total expenditure. . . . has come to Rs. 5,830-8-10. . . The cost of
implements itself comes to Rs. 3,482-0-6, the whole of which was met out of
the Government grant. . . . Rs. 488-15-9 was spent out of A.I.S.A. funds in the
initial stages at Pulickal and other centres. . . .
Due to . . . proper training to spinners, the quality of yarn produced is
of a very high standard. . .

1
Only extracts from the note by C.K. Karth, Secretary, A.I.S.A., Ernad, are
reproduced here.

386 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 From February 1939, while we insisted on quality, we also increased
the spinning wages by 17.19 per cent of the cost of yarn. . . .
Efforts are being made to induce the spinners to be habitual wearers of
khadi. To facilitate this work yarn deposits are collected from each spinner. . .
. Khadi. . . . at nearly cost price is being issued to spinners in exchange for
yarn thus deposited. . . .
A khadi weaving centre is being started at Tirurangadi. . . . There is still
a demand from different places for introduction of hand-spinning. A separate
scheme for further development of khadi work in the taluk has been submitted
as part of the scheme of utilization of the Government grant for 1939-40.
Harijan, 7-10-1939

492. LETTER TO AMRIT KAUR

S EGAON,
October 7, 1939
MY DEAR AMRIT,
I missed you last night. But I was glad to learn that you had
gone to fulfil your mission. 1 You will keep your health in proper
order and condition. I found the papers in extraordinarily good
condition. You will leave there on 11th instant and report yourself in
Segaon on 13th. Of course a car will await you at the station.
More from Mahadev.
Love.
BAPU
From the original: C.W. 3660. Courtesy: Amrit Kaur. Also G.N. 6469

1
The reference seems to be to her visit to Morvi; vide “Famine Work in
Morvi”, 16-10-1939; also “Letter to Narandas Gandhi”, 29-9-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 387

 493. LETTER TO NARANDAS GANDHI
October 7, 1939
CHI. NARANDAS,
I hope the Rentia Baras programme will pass off well under
Rajkumari Amrit Kaurbehn’s chairmanship. I very much like your
decision to make the spinning yajna a permanent feature, and I hope
large numbers of men and women will welcome it.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II. Also C.W. 8567. Courtesy:
Narandas Gandhi.

494. LETTER TO VIJAYABEHN M. PANCHOLI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
October 7, 1939
CHI. VIJAYA,
I have a letter from you after a long time. Do not be so slack
again. It is all right if you have gone to Varad. As long as one
breathes, one should not lose hope. Both the views are correct. The
best thing is to rely on Ramanama. And it is also good to put in best
efforts. I am sending your letter to Amritlal. Keep writing to me.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: G.N. 7119. Also C.W. 4611. Courtesy:
Vijaybehn M. Pancholi

388 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 495. LETTER TO JAMNADAS GANDHI
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
October 7, 1939
CHI. JAMNADAS,
What have you been doing? Why don’t you make enough effort
to build up your body? How can you afford to feel old at this age?
Now stay there and take rest and leave Rajkot only after you have
fully recovered your health.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a microfilm of the Gujarati: M.M.U./II. Also C.W. 8565. Courtesy:
Narandas Gandhi.

496. LETTER TO KUNVARJI K. PAREKH

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
October 8, 1939
CHI. KUNVARJI,
I got your postcard. I had made arrangements for you at
Nagpur. But since you went to Miraj, I wired to you not to come away
in haste. The poor have but to put up with common hardships. I,
therefore, encouraged you to stay on. Now patiently overcome the
other difficulties that may arise and see if you derive any benefit. If
you do not improve write to me immediately. Keep me informed
about your progress. Do not send for the children. The best plan
would be for Bali1 to take them to Bombay.
Blessings from
BAPU
[PS.]
Surendra will write more from Bombay.
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 9729

497. INDIA’S ATTITUDE

On the 27th August last, i.e., just before the senseless war broke
out, Shrimati Kamaladevi Chattopadhyaya wrote to me as follows :
1
Balibehn M. Adalaja, sister of the addressee’s mother-in-law

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 389

 I have sent you an appeal through The Bombay Chronicle, asking you to
voice the attitude of India and of the exploited peoples of the East on the
present situation. What I meant was not mere reiteration of our old position
that we can have nothing to do with this imperialist war, but something more
than that. The present conflict is mainly centred round the usual scramble for
colonies, or spheres of influence as they are now called in polite phraseology.
On this question the world thinks there are only two opinions, for it hears
only two views: one which believes in the maintaining of the satus quo; the
other which wants a change but on the same basis, in other words, a
redistribution of the loot and the right to exploit, which of course means war.
It is in the very nature of things that such a redistribution can never come
about without an armed conflict. Whether there will be anyone or anything left
to enjoy, of course, is another question. But the world is mainly torn between
these two. If the thesis of the one is accepted, then that of the other should
also be. For, if England and France have the right to rule over large tracts and
big nations, then Germany and Italy have an equal right. There is as little
moral justification in the former countries crying halt to Hitler as there is in
his what he calls his rightful claims.
That there is a third view the world hardly seems to think, for it rarely
hears it. And it is so essential that it should find expression: the voice of the
people who are mere pawns in the game. Neither Danzig nor the Polish
corridor is the issue. The issue is the principle on which the whole of this
present Western civilization is based; the right of the strong to rule and
exploit the weak. Therefore it is centered round the whole colonial question,
and Hitler and Mussolini are never tired of reminding the world of that. And
that is exactly the reason why England has raised the cry of the Empire in
danger. This question therefore vitally concerns all of us.
We are against the status quo. We are fighting against it for we want a
change in it. But our alternative is not war for we know that the real solution
does not lie there. We have an alternative to offer which is the only solution
of this horrible muddle and the key to future world peace. It is this which I
would like to be placed before the world. It may seem today like a cry in the
wilderness; still we know that it is the voice which will ultimately prevail; and
it is those hands which seem so feeble before these mailed fists that will
finally reshape a battered humanity.
You are eminently fitted to give voice to it. India has, I think, a
peculiar place today in the colonies of the world. It has both a moral prestige
and organizational strength enjoyed by few colonies. The others look to it for
a lead in many matters. It has already shown to the world a superior technique

390 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 of struggle whose moral value the world is bound to appreciate some day. India
has therefore to tell a very distraught and maddened world that there is another
path humanity must tread if it would save itself from these periodical disasters
and bring peace and harmony to a bleeding world. It is only those who have
suffered so much against this system and who are bravely struggling to change
it that can speak with all the conviction and moral basis necessary, speak not
only for themselves but all the exploited peoples of the world.
I am sorry I had not seen Shrimati Kamaladevi’s letter to the
Chronicle. Try as I will, I simply cannot do adequate justice to the
reading of newspapers. The letter then remained on my file for want
of time to deal with it. But I think delay has not affected the object of
her letter. Perhaps this is the psychological moment for me to express
what is or should be India’s attitude. I agree with Kamaladevi’s
analysis of the motives of the parties to the war. Both are fighting for
their existence and for the furtherance of their policies. There is,
however, this great difference between the two; however incomplete or
equivocal the declarations of the Allies are, the world has interpreted
them to mean that they are fighting for saving democracy. Herr Hitler
is fighting for the extension of the German boundaries, although he
was told that he should allow his claims to be submitted to an impartial
tribunal for examination. He contemptuously rejected the way of
peace or persuasion and chose that of the sword. Hence my sympathy
for the cause of the Allies. But my sympathy must not be interpreted
to mean endorsement, in any shape or form, of the doctrine of the
sword for the defence even of proved right. Proved right should be
capable of being vindicated by right means as against the rude, i.e.,
sanguinary, means. Man may and should shed his own blood for
establishing what he considers to be his ‘right’. He may not shed the
blood of his opponent who disputes his ‘right’ India as represented
by the Congress has been fighting in order to prove her ‘right’, not
by the sword but by the non-violent method. And she has carved out
for herself a unique place and prestige in the world although she is yet
far—let us hope, not very far—from the independence of her dream.
Her novel method has evidently struck the imagination of the world. It
has the right to expect India to play a decisive part in this war, which
no people of the world have wanted, by insisting that the peace this
time is not to be a mockery designed to share among the victors the
spoils of war and to humiliate the vanquished. Jawaharlal Nehru, who
has a right to speak for the Congress, has said in stately language that
the peace must mean freedom for those who are held in bondage by

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 391

the imperialist powers of the world. I have every hope that the
Congress will also be able to show the world that the power the
armaments give to defend right is nothing compared to the power that
non-violence gives to do the same thing and that too with better show
of reason. Armaments can show no reason, they can make only a
pretence of it.
SEGAON, OCTOBER 9, 1939
Harijan, 14-10-1939

498. TWEEDLEDUM AND TWEEDLEDEE

In dealing with the situation in Travancore last week1 I omitted
to refer to the controversy between the Dewan and the State Congress
as to the source of the information on the basis of which I had wired2
to the Dewan hoping that his notice did not ban the conference that
was to be held in Travancore by the State Congress. Shri Thanu Pillai
had said that neither he nor any other member of the State Congress
was responsible for suggesting that there was any ban. He could not,
therefore, say that my telegram to the Dewan was based on such
information. In saying this he was quite correct. As a matter of fact,
however, my wire was certainly based upon the information contained
in Shri Verghese’s wire3 . But there was no suppression of fact by Shri
Verghese. Shri Thanu Pillai made his position clear in his letter to the
Dewan dated the 23rd ultimo thus :
In the letter under reference, Government seem to disbelieve my
statement that no one from the State Congress informed Gandhiji that there
was a ban on the conference. Your contention is at best an inference from a
telegram from Gandhiji while my assertion is confined to facts within my
knowledge. The following is the substance of the Government communique as
communicated by wire to Gandhiji by the Chairman of the Reception
Committee: ‘Government sprung surprise in issuing Press note this noon in
view outbreak war state of emergency arisen necessitating measures
safeguarding public peace and avoiding incidents likely creating public
excitement or large concourses. Regarding conference preparations being
made for processions and demonstrations and as large crowd may gather at
conference, Government in public interest call upon conference organizers and

1
Vide “Umfortunate People of Travancore”, 2-10-1939.
2
Vide “Telegram to C. P. Ramaswami Aiyar”, 5-9-1939.
3
Vide “Statement to the Press”, 4-4-1939.

392 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 all political or other organizations in the State to postpone or stop
assemblages at present juncture and until further notice.’ Gandhiji might have
taken the Government communique calling upon the organizers of the
conference and all political or other organizations to postpone or stop such
assemblages at the present juncture and until further notice as virtually
amounting to prohibiting all meetings and processions. If Government still
persists in their contention that the State Congress misled Gandhiji, they
should in fairness substantiate it.
The language according to the Travancore legal form may not
mean a ban. I could give it no other meaning. Whether it was
technically a ban or not, its effects was that the Congress authorities
felt obliged to cancel processions and the other demonstrative part of
their programme. If, therefore, there is any difference between the
language used by the Dewan in the Government communique and a
ban, it is the same that exists between Tweedledum and Tweedledee. It
is also suggested that the communique had to be issued because of
objections taken to the holding of the conference. Why should a big
organization be prevented from functioning properly merely because
somebody objects to its so doing? I can only appeal to the Dewan not
to harass the leaders of the State Congress beyond the point of
endurance. They should not be made useless even for constructive
constitutional activities. This is their humble programme :
This conference resolves that the immediate programme of the State
Congress will be :
1. Intense, systematic and countrywide propaganda for educating the
people on the issue of responsible government.
2. The strengthening of the State Congress organization throughout
the State and putting the same on self-reliant and permanent foundations.
3. Real and effective mass contact through a carefully planned
programme, emphasizing a mass literacy campaign, khadi and swadeshi and
prohibition.
4. Establishment of a permanent volunteer and desh-sevika service.
5. Opening of centres or camps for a minimum period of training for
workers in the various programmes outlined above.
In order to leave no room for doubt, this conference has to point out
that the above programme will be wholly constitutional, and that the State
Congress has no intention of creating a conflict with Government in the
prosecuting of the above programme. The object of the above programme is to
make the constitutional demand of the people irresistible.
They do not ask for immediate responsible government. Surely
they have every right to educate the people along the lines of

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 393

responsible government. It should be a proud day for the Travancore
Maharaja and for his people when it can be said of the latter that by
patient and quiet training they made themselves fit to shoulder the
responsibility of managing the affairs of their State.
SEGAON, October 9, 1939
Harijan, 14-10-1939

499. A MINISTER’S DREAM

If you can give a message or direction to the Provincial Governments
and the people to see that spinning and weaving are made compulsory for boys
and girls in all the schools, I have no doubt that within a short time the
children of schools will be wearing cloth made by themselves. This will be the
first step. I have not lost faith in your ideals and I am hoping to see that each
home will make its own cloth and each village will become self-sufficient not
only with regard to cloth but also every other article of necessity under your
village industries scheme and education scheme. I believe with you that real
swaraj in this land can be established only when the budget of the villager is
balanced alongside of the budget of the Provincial Government or that of the
Government of India which is brought about by artificial adjustments and
manipulations generally.
Thus writes a Congress Minister. If I had the powers of an
autocrat, I would certainly make hand-spinning compulsory in at least
the primary schools. A Minister who has the faith should do so. There
are several useless things made compulsory in our schools. Why
should not this most useful art be made compulsory? But nothing can
be made compulsory in a democratic system, if it is not widely
popular. Thus compulsion in democracy is only so called. It removes
laziness, it does not force will. Such compulsion is an educative
process. I suggest a milder preliminary course. Let there be prizes
given to the best spinner. This competition will induce many if not all
to take part in it. No plan will succeed if the schoolmasters themselves
have no faith in it. If basic education is accepted by the Provincial
Governments, hand-spinning and the like is not merely part of the
curriculum, it is the vehicle of education. If basic education takes root,
khadi surely becomes universal and comparatively cheap in this
afflicted land of ours.
SEGAON, October 9, 1939
Harijan, 14-10-1939

394 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 500. THE UNBRIDGEABLE GULF
The following letter comes from a friend :
In the Harijan dated 30-9-1939, on page 1 at the end of your article 1 ,
you write: “Speed is not the end of life. Man sees more and lives more truly by
walking to his duty.”
And then you subscribe: “On the train to Simla”. I am surprised that,
with all the fund of humour you possess, you could not see how the words “On
the train to Simla” pointed the finger of ridicule to the statement “Man sees
more and lives more truly by walking to his duty.”
Time was when this friend used to believe in my method and
was a valuable supporter. Somehow or other I have now fallen from
grace. He should have had no difficulty in following the rich humour
behind the writing which he exposes to ridicule. But I must deprive
the ridicule of its sting by informing my friend that I was in my senses
when I wrote the note referred to. I might easily have avoided the
exact place where it was penned. But I wanted to add point to my
remark and to discover to the reader the vast gulf that separates me
from my ideal. Let the waverers take heart from the fact that though
my note containing the flat contradiction of the ideal has provided my
friend with mirth, I have got the credit for trying my best to live up to
the ideals, I may profess. If I am to make an ever-increasing approach
to my ideal, I must let the world see my weaknesses and failures so
that I may be saved from hypocrisy and so that even for very shame I
would try my utmost to realize the ideal. The contradiction pointed
out by the friend also shows that between the ideal and practice there
always must be an unbridgeable gulf. The ideal will cease to be one if
it becomes possible to realize it. The pleasure lies in making the effort,
not in its fulfilment. For, in our progress towards the goal we ever see
more and more enchanting scenery.
Coming, however, to the friend’s gibe let me tell him and the
reader that I could pen those lines because it is never a pleasure to me
to travel by motor or rail or even a cart. It is always a pleasure to walk.
Nor should I mind in the least if every rail was removed and men,
except the sick and the maimed, had to walk to their businesses. I can
not only imagine but am working for a civilization in which
possession of a car will be considered no merit and railways will find
no place. It would not be for me an unhappy event if the world

1
Vide “Is India a Military Country”, 25-9-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 395

became once more as large as it used to be at one time. Hind Swaraj
was written in 19091 . Since then it has undergone many editions and
has been translated in many languages of the world. I was asked last
year by Shrimati Sophia Wadia to write a foreword 2 for the edition
that she was bringing out. I had the pleasure, therefore, of having to
re-read it carefully. The reader may know that I could not revise a
single idea. I had no desire to revise the language. It is a fair
translation of the original in Gujarati. The key to understand that
incredibly simple (so simple as to be regarded foolish) booklet is to
realize that it is not an attempt to go back to the so-called ignorant,
dark ages. But it is an attempt to see beauty in voluntary simplicity,
poverty and slowness. I have pictured that as my ideal. I shall never
reach it myself and hence cannot expect the nation to do so. But the
modern rage for variety, for flying through the air, for multiplicity of
wants, etc., have no fascination for me. They deaden the inner being
in us. The giddy heights which man’s ingenuity is attempting, take us
away from our Maker who is nearer to us than the nails are to the
flesh which they cover.
Therefore even whilst I am travelling at the rate of 40 miles per
hour, I am conscious that it is a necessary evil, and that my best work
is to be done in little Segaon containing 700 souls, and in the
neighbouring villages to which I can walk. But being a highly prac-
tical man I do not avoid railway travelling or motoring for the mere
sake of looking foolishly consistent.3 Let the reader know that during
the hurricane Harijan tours4 that Thakkar Bapa had arranged for me I
had gently suggested to him that I would like to do the whole of the
years’s tour on foot. He would not listen. And we had violent
demonstrations during the tour. Twice or oftener we escaped serious
injury and it might have been even death. When we reached Puri 5 ,
there was fear of bloodshed. So I put my foot down and insisted on
performing the remaining pilgrimage on foot. Thakkar Bapa readily
consented.6 Well, the demonstrators who were prepared only for

1
The source, however, has “1908”.
2
Vide “A Message to The Aryan Path”, 14-7-1938.
3
In “Self-reliance”, R. W. Emerson says: “A foolish consistency is the
hobgoblin of little minds, adored by little statesmen and philosophers and divines.
With consistency a great soul has simply nothing to do.”
4
From November 7, 1933 to August 2, 1934
5
On May 7, 1934.
6
Gandhiji commenced his walking tour from May 9, 1934.

396 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

demonstrations by rail and motor could not overtake the pilgrims who
covered only 8 to 10 miles per day in two stages. This was the most
effective part of our tour. The awakening was solid. Our experiences
were rich. And the demonstrators had no excitement left for them.
They had no desire to kill me in cold blood. They were out for
sensations. Sensations are not to be had with non-violent men and
women walking to their mission without any fear of man and in the
certain knowledge of having God as their infallible Guide and
Protector.
SEGAON, October 10, 1939
Harijan, 14-10-1939

501. ON TRIAL
In the course of the conversation with the members of the
Working Committee, I discovered that their non-violence had never
gone beyond fighting the British Government with that weapon. I had
hugged the belief that Congressmen had appreciated the logical result
of the practice of non-violence for the past twenty years in fighting
the biggest imperialist power in the world. But in great experiments
like that of non-violence, hypothetical questions have hardly any play.
I myself used to say in answer to questions that when we had actually
acquired independence we would know whether we could defend
ourselves non-violently or not. But today the question is no longer
hypothetical. Whether there is on the part of the British Government a
favourable declaration or not, the Congress has to decide upon the
course it would adopt in the event of an invasion of India. For, though
there may be no settlement with the Government, the Congress has to
declare its policy and say whether it would fight the invading host
violently or non-violently.
So far as I can read the Working Committee’s mind after a
fairly full discussion, the members think the Congressmen are un-
prepared for non-violent defence against armed invasion.
This is tragic. Surely the means adopted for driving an enemy
from one’s house must, more or less, coincide with those to be
adopted for keeping him out of the house. If anything, the latter pro-
cess must be easier. The fact, however, is that our fight has not been
one of non-violent resistance of the strong. It has been one of passive
resistance of the weak. Therefore there is no spontaneous response in

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 397

our hearts, at this supreme moment, to an undying faith in the efficacy
of non- violence. The Working Committee, therefore, wisely said that
they were not ready for the logical step. The tragedy of the situation
is that, if the Congress is to throw in its lot with those who believe in
the necessity of armed defence of India, the past twenty years will
have been years of gross neglect of the primary duty of Congressmen
to learn the science of armed warfare. And I fear that history will hold
me, as the general of the fight, responsible for the tragedy. The future
historian will say that I should have perceived that the nation was
learning not non-violence of the strong but merely passivity of the
weak and I should have, therefore, provided for Congressmen’s
military training.
Being obsessed with the idea that somehow or other India will
learn true non-violence, it would not occur to me to invite my co-
workers to train themselves for armed defence. On the contrary, I used
to discountenance all sword-play and the display of stout lathis. Nor
am I even now repentant for the past. I have the unquenchable faith
that, of all the countries in the world, India is the one country which
can learn the art of non-violence, that if the test were applied even
now, there would be found, perhaps, thousands of men and women
who would be willing to die without harbouring malice against their
persecutors. I have harangued crowds and told them repeatedly that
they might have to suffer much including death by shooting. Did not
thousands of men and women brave hardships during the salt cam-
paign equal to any that soldiers are called upon to bear? No different
capacity is required from what has been already evinced, if India has
to contend against an invader. Only it will have to be on a vaster scale.
One thing ought not to be forgotten. India unarmed would not
require to be destroyed through poison gas or bombardment. It is the
Maginot line that has made the Siegfried line necessary, and vice
versa. Defence of India by the present methods has been necessary
because she is an appendage of Britain. Free India can have no
enemy. And if her people have learnt the art of saying resolutely
‘No’ and acting up to it. I dare say, no one would want to invade her.
Our economy would be so modelled as to prove no temptation for the
exploiter.
But some Congressmen will say: ‘Apart from the British, India
has so many martial races within her border that they will want to put
up a fight for the country which is as much theirs as ours’. This is
perfectly true. I am, therefore, talking for the moment only of

398 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

Congressmen. How would they act in the event of an invasion? We
shall never convert the whole of India to our creed unless we are
prepared to die for it.
The opposite course appals me. Already the bulk of the army is
manned by the Mussalmans of the North, Sikhs and Gurkhas. If the
masses of the South and the Centre wish to become militarized, the
Congress, which is supposed to represent them, will have to enter into
competition with them. The Congress will then have to be party to an
enormous military budget. There may be all these things without the
Congress consent. It will make all the difference in the world whether
the Congress is party to them or not. The world is looking for
something new and unique from India. The Congress will be lost in
the crowd if it wears the same old outworn armour that the world is
wearing today. The Congress has a name because it represents non-
violence as a political weapon par excellence. If the Congress helps
the Allies as a representative of non-violence, it will give to the Allied
cause a prestige and a power which will be invaluable in deciding the
ultimate fate of the war. But the members of the Working Committee
have honestly and bravely not made the profession of such non-
violence.
My position is, therefore, confined to myself alone. I have to
find out whether I have any fellow-traveller along the lonely path. If I
am in the minority of one, I must try to make converts. Whether one
or many, I must declare my faith that it is better for India to discard
violence altogether even for defending her borders. For India to enter
into the race for armaments is to court suicide. With the loss of India
to non-violence that last hope of the world will be gone. I must live up
to the creed I have professed for the last half a centrury and hope to
the last breath that India will make non-violence her creed, preserve
man’s dignity, and prevent him from reverting to the type from which
he is supposed to have raised himself.
SEGAON, October 10, 1939
Harijan, 14-10-1939

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 399

 502. LETTER TO SHIVABHAI G. PATEL
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
October 10, 1939
CHI. SHIVABHAI,
I have your letter. You seem to have done good work.
Blessings from
BAPU
[From Gujarati]
Bapuni Ashrami Kelavani, p. 70

503. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

October 10, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,
All the way through I kept thinking of you. Why am I not able
to make you understand my point? Maybe my love is imperfect or,
which is the same thing, impure. It is acceptable to me that you have
come to me for my sake and you are going to stay also for the same
reason. But those who come only for my sake also do my work and at
times there is separation. But that is only for the sake of my work, not
otherwise. This much in brief. Your interpretation of it has no place in
it. You will be well.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

504. LETTER TO MRIDULA SARABHAI

Tuesday [October 10, 1939] 1
I am observing silence today. I may break it at 3 o’clock. But it
is impossible to find time today. Tomorrow is the meeting of the
Working Committee. It would depend on how much time it takes.
Mahadev will find out and tell you. Bharati can certainly meet me on
Thursday. You will of course stay on till we can meet.
BAPU
From the Gujarati original: C.W. 11209. Courtesy: Sarabhai Foundation

1
From the contents it appears that the letter belongs to October, 1939. It is
written on the back of a letter from the addressee to Gandhiji dated October 9, 1939, a
Monday

400 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 505. DISCUSSION WITH A FRIEND1
S EGAON,
[On or after October 10, 1939] 2
FRIEND : We have been out-and-out Gandhji-ites for several years and we do not
know what we are to do at this juncture. The Working Committee’s resolution has
puzzled us.
GANDHIJI : But let me know what you mean by ‘out-and-out
Gandhi-ites’.
Those who are prepared to follow your principles through thick and thin.
Well, then let me tell you, I am not one myself, for in my
practice I am far from what I have conceived as the ideals of truth and
non-violence.
I quite see what you mean. I simply wanted to say that in our humble way we
were trying to do constructive work as shown by you. What are we to do if civil
disobedience comes? We voted for the A.I.C.C. resolution3 because it was the official
resolution sponsored by Rajendra Babu, Sardar and others. But when we think of non-
violence we do not see how we could have voted for it.
There was nothing against non-violence in voting for the
resolution. What you will do is of consequence. And, as you will see
from the next Harijan, I am writing4 for friends like you. You will see
the position developed from week to week. But I can sum it up for
you. There is no question of civil disobedience for there is no atmos-
phere for it—at any rate there is no question of civil disobedience in
the aggressive sense as we launched in 1930 and 1932. We might have
to offer it if all constructive work was made impossible, that is to say,
if grave irritation was given by Government. I fear no such thing. At
any rate I will not keep ‘Gandhi-ites’ in the dark. You should make a
point of following carefully what I write every week.
But my difficulty is this. We believe implicitly in developing strength
through constructive work which is non-violence in action. But as we are part and
parcel of the Congress, they may come down with a heavy hand on our ashrams and

1
The discussion is extracted from “Out-and-Out Gandhi-ite” by Mahadev
Desai, who explains: “A friend who is running a rural work centre for some years, and
who having come for the A.I.C.C., had come to Segaon to see Gandhiji.” The
A.I.C.C. session was held in Wardha on October 9 and 10.
2
Ibid
3
Vide Appendix “A. I.C.C. Resolution”, 18-10-1939.
4
Vide “Statement to the Press”, 13-10-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 401

take possession of them as they did in 1930.
It will depend on what the Congress will do. Supposing what is
unlikely happens and the Congress decides upon a course of aggre-
ssive civil disobedience, for which as I have said there is no atmos-
phere, you will have to isolate your ashram from the Congress, that is
to say, you may have to secede from the Congress even at the risk of
being labelled as ‘cowards’.
I see, I see. There is one thing more about which I wanted to ask you. We have
quarrels in the course of our day-to-day work in the ashram.
Therefore, you see, you are far from being ‘out-and-out
Gandhi-ites’.
No, but we have implicit faith in your teachings, and it is only in that sense
that I used that term.
But if in spite of that faith they quarrel, then they have not
understood even the A.B.C. of ‘Gandhism’. What is faith worth if it is
not translated into action.
We may not go about parroting truth and non-violence and
steering clear of them in daily life. Take the law of gravitation. The
discovery of the law led to numerous other discoveries based on the
law. Even so unless you go on discovering new applications of the law
of non-violence you do not profit by it. You have to reduce it to a
science. To say that you have bickerings in the ashram which make
smooth work impossible or difficult, is to say that non-violence is not
being practised. Don’t you go away with the impression that we have
no bickerings here in Segaon. We have them, and that is why I said
that I was not an ‘out-and-out Gandhi-ite’. But if I seriously thought
that these bickerings would make communal life impossible, I might
close down the institution. It is not an improbability. I should not
shirk that duty if the idea possessed me. Well, that is only to say that
the difficulties are enormous everywhere. Let God guide you and me
and us all.
Harijan, 28-10-1939

402 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 506. LETTER TO HARIBHAU G. PHATAK
S EGAON,
October 12, 1939
MY DEAR HARIBHAU,
You have done well in writing as you have. What Tatyaji1 told
you is an old complaint. There is no arrogance in me. I do not plead
guilty. I do not even understand his allusions. What is this about
parties given to me? I have tried to woo him and his friends. I have
walked to Savarkar’s house. I have gone out of my way to win him
over. But I have failed. Having heard me, it is now for you to tell me
what I should do to conquer them.2
I shall glance through your book as soon as I receive it.
Yours,
BAPU
From a photostat: C.W. 2802. Courtesy: Haribhau G. Phatak

507. LETTER TO DR. B.C. ROY

October 12, 1939
DEAR DR. BIDHAN,
I know your partiality for me. But I feel utterly unable to
shoulder the burden.3 Jawaharlal is the only man with drive to take my
place. His difference of outlook will be softened. But what does it
matter, if he carries your minds with him in his new ideas? We shall
not get a more open and sincere man than Jawaharlal with his driving
power. Make therefore what use you can of me through him. I have
hitherto influenced the country through the Committee. Now I must
do so to the extent that I influence Jawaharlal. Don’t you agree?
From the manuscript of Mahadev Desai’s Diary. Courtesy: Narayan Desai

1
Presumably N. C. Kelkar. This honorific was also given to V. D. Savarkar,
President of the Hindu Mahasabha.
2
V. D. Savarkar, Chimanlal Setalvad, Cowasji Jehangir, V. N. Chandavarkar
(Liberals), N. C. Kelkar and Dr. B. R. Ambedkar had issued a statement from Bombay
on October 2, expressing the view that the Congress and the Muslim League did not
represent the whole or even the bulk of India and that any constitutional or
administrative arrangement arrived at between the Government and the Congress and
the Muslim League could not be binding on the Indian people.
3
The addressee had insisted that Gandhiji himself should take over the
command of the Congress.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 403

 508. LETTER TO KUNVARJI K. PAREKH
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
October 12, 1939
CHI. KUNVARJI,
I have your letter. If you are feeling better there, it is certainly
advisable to stay on. If you ask Rami to leave you, what will you do
about your meals? If you can make some arrangement for that, you
may let her go. There is no sanatorium in Nagpur. But the T. B.
specialist is a competent, experienced and philanthropic doctor.
Balkoba and Mathew were treated by him. You will stay at Wardha,
i.e., in Segaon, or wherever else I arrange. Hence if you do not feel
better, come over. Let the doctor there examine you. If you come
here, Rami need not accompany you.
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Gujarati: S.N. 9730

509. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR

October 12, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,

You are not unhappy about what you said about massage at the
time of bathing? Would you feel happy? Did you like the telegram
that was sent to Delhi? Are you calm?
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy: Dr. Sushila Nayyar

404 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 510. STATEMENT TO THE PRESS1
S EGAON,
October 13, 1939
I regard the recent resolution of the A.I.C.C. on the situation as
2

moderate and wise. It was bound to reiterate the Congress demand for
an unequivocal declaration. Its merit lies in not fixing any time-limit
for the declaration. It is noteworthy that the resolution was carried by
a majority of three to one. It is to be hoped that the British
Government will appreciate the friendly spirit in which the Congress is
approaching the situation. It is to be hoped also that the Europeans of
India will range themselves alongside of the Congress. But the
greatest help can only come from Congressmen themselves. If they do
not act on the square, no external sympathy and even help will be of
any avail. I see that impatience has seized some Congressmen who
want to be doing something to signify their opposition to a war which
they believe to be for defending imperialism. I suggest to them that
they will be defeating the common purpose by acting in opposition to
the Congress decision expressed in the only way open to a democratic
organization. They had their say at the A.I.C.C. meeting. They are in
honour bound to defer direct action till the Working Committee or the
A.I.C.C. decides otherwise. No reliance can be placed upon an
organization which is not able to exercise effective control over its
members. Imagine an army whose soldiers, under the false belief that
they are advancing the common cause, adopt measures in defiance of
those taken by the head-quarters. Such action may well spell defeat.
Therefore I beseech Congressmen at this critical juncture to desist
from any action that would savour of indiscipline or defiance. They
should surely see that by such action they undermine Congress
prestige and weaken its influence.
Harijan, 21-10-1939

1
This appeared under the title “Notes”, sub-title, “The A. I. C. C. Resolution”.
The statement was also published in The Bombay Chronicle and The Hindu on
October 14.
2
Vide Appendix “A.I.C.C. Resolution”, 14-10-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 405

 511. LETTER TO SUSHILA NAYYAR
October 13, 1939
CHI. SUSHILA,

If Prithvi Singh can do the massage, you must tell him.

Kr[ishna] Ch[andra] must be told about bathing. Both of them have to
be seen on the first day. If I have to do all that myself, it would be a
great burden on my silence. It would be difficult to write down the
instructions for them every time. Hence, in these modifications I need
your complete co-operation.
Blessings from
BAPU
From the Hindi original: Pyarelal Papers. Nehru Memorial Museum and
Library. Courtesy Dr. Sushila Nayyar

512. FALLACY ABOUT SUGAR

The following article by Shri Gajanan Naik on the superiority of
palms over cane and beetroot for the purpose of yielding sugar is
presented for the criticism of sugar experts:1
Sugar in its pure form is composed of carbon, hydrogen and oxygen (C12 H22
O11 ). As such it does not take anything from the soil, but the crops now mainly
cultivated for extracting sugar, viz., the beet and the cane, require for their develop-
ment a number of substances from the soil in which they grow. Therefore their culture
exhausts the soil. What is worse still is that the space now occupied by the beet in
Europe and the cane in the tropics, might and ought to serve for the culture of food and
fodder crops. . . .
But people must have sugar. Is there a way of getting it without encroaching on
the soil fit for superior crops? Yes—according to the opinion expressed by
Mr. Devry at the Congress of Giessen. (Watt’s Dictionary of the Economic
Products of India, Vol. I, pp. 301-4.) He says that palms can supply the required
sugar for they can be grown on inferior soil where even to try to grow cereals
would be a vain endeavour.
The statement throws much light on the place of the palm for the gur
industry. It would be wrong to take it only as a philanthropic proposition for
exploring avenues of employment for the toddy-tappers who will be rendered
idle through prohibition. . . . It has immense potentialities in the economics of
national agriculture. . . .

1
Only extracts from the article by Gajanan Naik, Head of the Gur Department,
A.I.V.I.A., are reproduced here.

406 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 Sugarcane cannot be grown with profit in the same field year after year. It has
to be rotated with some cereal. . . . Cane has to be cultivated year after year while
palms once planted yield sugar for 20 to 50 years. Heavy manuring and regular
watering are required for cane while palms require neither. . . . Palm plan-tations are
not affected by wind, flood or shortage of rain. Moreover, and this is very important,
factory-made apparatus, such as crushers are indispensable in cane gur making while
the accessories necessary for palm gur manufacture are procurable locally in
villages, and their cost is negligible as compared with those used for cane gur.
Harijan, 14-10-1939

513. LETTER TO ABUL KALAM AZAD

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
October 14, 1939
DEAR MAULANA SAHEB,
We must declare our policy in this matter1 or do something.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a copy: Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library

1
The reference is to a letter dated October 9 from Mahomed Yunus, leader of the
Muslim Independent Party in the Bihar Legislative Assembly who had said: “In
continuation of my previous correspondence of the subject of Hindu-Muslim unity,
may I again draw your attention to what I have been writing and if you settle the
following questions, I think, the time is now ripe for us to immediately come to an
agreement: (1.) Recognition of the right of every individual to exercise his civil
rights unhampered and uninterfered with, provided he does not do anything in a
manner which may offend his neighbour. (This will include right of every community
to take out processions on roads, to kill any animal for sacrificial or other purposes
and right of every community to offer prayers in any manner that community likes).
(2.) Now that the total number of Muslim population has increased to almost one-
third in the whole of India, a representation of one-third in all Central Legislatures
and allotment of similar proportion of seats under the Government of India. These are
some of the suggestions which I am making, and I am requesting you to kindly take
up this question now in all seriousness for immediate solution. I have been writing to
you for nearly two years and I hope you will not think it impatient on my part if I
earnestly beseech you to kindly expedite matters specially in the present situation.”
Vide also the following item.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 407

 514. LETTER TO MAHOMED YUNUS
[October 14, 1939] 1
DEAR FRIEND,
You will never tire me. Only I have no powers of an autocrat,
whatever may be said to the contrary. The question is no one man’s
job. I am forwarding your letter to Maulana A. K. Azad.
From a copy: Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library

515. LETTER TO N. S. HARDIKAR

S EGAON, W ARDHA (C. P.)
October 14, 1939
DEAR DR. HARDIKER,
I have seen the Mysore friends. I am in correspondence with the
Dewan. If anything comes out of it, I shall let you know.2
Please tell Diwakar not to go to Mysore at the present moment. I
hope you are better.3
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From the original: N. S. Hardikar Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library

1
From the reference to the addressee’s letter, which was forwarded to Abul
Kalam Azad on this date; vide the preceding item.
2
According to The Indian Annual Register, 1939, Vol. II, p. 277, the State
Government failed to fulfil the promises made by the agreement arrived at in 1938
between the Dewan, Sir Mirza Ismail and Vallabhbhai Patel and J. B. Kripalani. The
State Congress was not prepared to acquisce. However, in order to explore all means
of avoiding struggle, they sought interviews with the Dewan but with no response
from him. The time limit fixed for launching civil resistance, viz. September 1,
1939, having expired without any response from Government, the fight was
launched. vide also “Letter to N. S. Hardikar”, 21-10-1939.
3
Vide also “Letter to N. S. Hardikar”, 21-10-1939, and “Fragment of Letter to
People of Mysore”, 24-11-1939.

408 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 516. LETTER TO A. EASWARAN1
S EGAON, W ARDHA,
October 14, 1939
DEAR FRIEND,
The best use I can think of is for basic education.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
From a photostat: G. N. 778

517. LETTER TO TATACHAR

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
October 14, 1939
MY DEAR TATACHAR,
C. R. says: “Why does not Tatachar see me?” Do go and see
him but don’t take his time. What he cannot do no one else can. I
know I cannot, in the matter of Harijans 2 at least. There are certain
things we must put up with. I shall take up the next step in Harijan
when the spirit moves me. This is in answer to yours of 9th.
Love.
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

1
Treasurer, Cochin Teachers’ Association, Chittur
2
Vide “Case for Inquiry”, 3-9-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 409

 518. LETTER TO SYED FAIZUL HASSAN
S EGAON,
October 14, 1939
DEAR SYED SAHIB,
You have done well in writing to me. But I would suggest your
writing to the Minister in charge of the Department. I can do nothing
without referring1 the matter to him. This I can do through the
Parliamentary Board. This means waste of time. Will you take up my
suggestion?
Yours sincerely,
S YED F AIZUL HASSAN S AHIB
P RESIDENT, D ISTRICT MUSLIM LEAGUE
BALAGHAT, C. P.
From a copy: Pyarelal Papers. Courtesy: Pyarelal

519. LETTER TO DR. GOPICHAND BHARGAVA

October 14, 1939
DEAR DR. GOPICHAND,

In the present state of communal feeling it is impossible to do

anything.2
Yours,
BAPU
From the original: Dr. Gopichand Bhargava Papers. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial
Museum and Library

520. LETTER TO VALLABHBHAI PATEL

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
October 14, 1939
BHAI VALLABHBHAI,
Please read the accompanying letter3 and after inquiring into the
matter reply to the writer. I have sent him a very brief reply asking

1
Vide the following item.
2
The addressee in his letter dated October 11 had requested Gandhiji, on behalf
of some eminent persons, to give a concrete shape to the proposal for a Jallianwala
Bagh Memorial.
3
From Syed Faizul Hassan

410 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

him to write to the Minister. But that is not enough. We should look
into such matters in great detail.
Kishorelal told me yesterday that you said I had handed over all
of you to Jawaharlal and that, therefore, you would have to obey him
now. I suppose you were joking. I have not handed over any of you. I
had a long discussion yesterday and the day before with the people
living here. It will not do if all of you refrain from using your
freedom and then hold me responsible for that.
Did Rajendra Babu leave yesterday?
Blessings from
BAPU
[From Gujarati]
Bapuna Patro–2: Sardar Vallabhbhaine, p. 236

521. LETTER TO REHMAN JIVABHAI

S EGAON, W ARDHA,
October 14, 1939
BHAI REHMANJI,
I have your letter. I am pained but not surprised by what you
write. Nowadays there is so much mutual distrust that a Hindu is afraid
to employ a Muslim who is a stranger. That fear is bound to
disappear. Please do not lose heart.
Meet Mridulabehn. Show her this letter.
Regards from
M. K. GANDHI
DRIVER R EHMAN JIVABHAI
TOY MARKET, P ANKORE NAKA
AHMEDABAD
From a photostat of the Gujarati: C. W. 9654. Courtesy: Mulubhai Nautamlal

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 411

 522. LETTER TO KRISHNACHANDRA
October 14, 1939
CHI. KRISHNACHANDRA,
I have perhaps not understood your words. Your place is secure.
What more?
Blessings from
BAPU
From a photostat of the Hindi: G. N. 4328

523. LETTER TO INDIRA NEHRU

S EGAON,
October 15, 1939
MY DEAR INDU,
I had thought that you had forgotten me altogether. Your letter
has belied the fear, thank God. I hope you are keeping well. In a way,
I envy you for the experiences you are having there1 .
Love.
BAPU
From a photostat: C. W. 9802. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum and Library

1
In Europe

412 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 APPENDICES
APPENDIX I
LETTER FROM SARAT CHANDRA BOSE 1
May 31, 1939
MY DEAR MAHATMAJI,

You have probably learnt from the papers that I and Sjt. Lalit Chandra Das,
M. L. C .,
my colleague on the Prisoners' Release Advisory Committee, felt compelled
to resign from this Committee. The reason we gave the Home Minister for doing so
was that our approach to the question of release of the convicted prisoners differed
fundamentally from that of most of the other members of the Committee. This became
clear to us during the last few weeks, more particularly in course of the discussions
following the interviews with a number of prisoners which took place on May 6, 7, 8
and 9. Those discussions showed that the attitude of the majority of the members of
the Committee was very stiff in the case of prisoners convicted in the more serious
cases, and that they were not prepared to release them either on the assurance
contained in your letter of the 13th April 1938 or on the reiteration by the prisoners
of what they had told you when you met them. It became apparent to us that the
majority of those prisoners stood no chance of being released until they had served or
practically served out their term. As regards the rest it became apparent that the most
that the majority of the members of the Committee were prepared to do was to
recommend reduction of sentences in some cases and conditional release or release on
giving specific undertakings in some other cases.
To the Home Minister we gave our reasons for our resignation in general terms
only. But I feel I ought to give you more details as well as a resume of what we did
during the time we served on the Committee.
You probably remember that when the proposal for an Advisory Committee for
the release of political prisoners was put forward and I was requested by Sir
Nazimuddin to suggest names from the Congress Party, I was not quite sure in my
mind as to what we should do. I asked Subhas to seek your advice and he discussed the
matter with you when he met you at Delhi towards the end of September or beginning
of October last. You were of opinion that I should accept membership of the
Committee. Accordingly, I made the position of the Congress Party in regard to the
question of releasing political prisoners perfectly clear to Sir Nazimuddin, and
communicated to him our decision to serve on the Committee in the hope that

1 Vide “Statement to the Press”, 14-6-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 413

theGovernment would release the prisoners within a short time. Copy of my letter to
Sir Nazimuddin (dated October 23, 1938) is set forth below :
Kindly refer to D. O. No. 3810 dated the 26th September from Mr. R. H.
Hutchings to me, in which he asked me on your behalf to suggest the name of a
member of the Bengal Legislative Assembly and also that of a member of the
Bengal Legislative Council from the Congress Party who might be invited by
Government to serve on the Advisory Committee regarding release of political
prisoners.
You are well aware as a result of the conversations you had with Mahatma
Gandhi and with the President of the Congress that the Congress Party cannot
identify itself or agree with the Government policy in respect to political
prisoners. Mahatma Gandhi’s letter1 of the 13th September to you has also made
that clear.
At the same time, I feel that we should not obstruct any endeavour to bring
about the release of these prisoners. It is out of this feeling that I am responding
to your request for assistance. I earnestly hope that Government will see their
way to set at liberty all the political prisoners at a very early date.
I would suggest the name of Sjt. Lalit Chandra Das, M. L. C., from the
Congress Council Party. As regards the Congress Assembly Party, I am prepared
to represent it on the Committee. You may issue invitations to Sjt. Lalit Chandra
Das and myself.
After this the work of the Committee began and we made some progress.
Naturally, the less difficult cases came up for consideration first, and we were able to
bring round our objecting or hesitating colleagues to our point of view, so that
recommendation for unconditional release were sent to Government, resulting in the
release of 112 prisoners, including all the women prisoners. But as we proceeded with
our work, a cleavage of opinion made itself distinctly felt. It became obvious that the
Government were not prepared to follow the recommendations of the Committee in
all cases. The unanimous recommendation of the Committee, in which the initiative
was taken by the Chairman himself (who, I may tell you, had always been over-
cautious rather than under-cautious) was referred back to the Committee. It also came
to my ears that in some cases the Government were imposing conditions (not
recommended by the Committee) when it was perfectly well known that prisoners
were not prepared to submit to any conditions or give any assurance except the one
they had given to you.
This attitude of the Government had its reaction on the members of
the Committee. In the first place, they shrank from making recommendations
even when they were satisfied about the attitude of the prisoners. Of this, the
case of Sjt. Purnananda Das Gupta. who was convicted in connection with

1
Vide “Letter to Khwaja Nazimuddin”, 13-9-1938.

414 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

the Inter-Provincial Conspiracy Case, is a good example. There was a consensus of
opinion among the members of the Committee that he had made a perfectly frank
statement disavowing faith in terrorism. Yet the majority of the Committee did not
venture to make the necessary recommendation for his release but accepted the
suggestion of the official member on the Committee that a further report be called for
from Government about him. Secondly, there was insistence on individual
declarations which amounted to a specific undertaking for good behaviour. While
most of the prisoners were prepared to reiterate their declaration to you, and actually
did so, they resented fresh individual undertakings and were not prepared to give
them. I and Lalit Babu considered that the prisoners had said enough in their
statements to you and, by reiterating their adherence to those statements, had given
convincing indication of a change of heart. After the interview I told the Committee
that I was perfectly satisfied that the prisoners had abjured violence for good and all
of them should be released. But my views did not find favour with the majority of the
Committee. They were not prepared to accept that kind of declaration as satisfactory.
I also noticed an increasing restiveness among the prisoners in respect of the
interviews as well as the assurances required. This restiveness and impatience had
been present in greater or lesser degree from the very first. But we had been able by
tactful management to keep it from becoming obtrusive. It was, however, impossible
to overcome the reluctance of the prisoners when they found that guarantees of a more
hard and fast character were required of them. In such circumstances, their hostility to
the procedure of the Committee came to the surface, and we became convinced that
sooner or later its work was bound to come to something like a deadlock.
This is in short what we saw and thought as members of the Committee. Besides
this, the general attitude of the Government in regard to the remaining convicted
prisoners had also to be taken into account. It was clear to us that the Government
were not prepared to release all the prisoners, no matter how favourable the
atmosphere was. In these circumstances I did not think it advisable for us to remain
on the Committee any longer.
After our resignation, the Government issued a communique, copy of which is set
out below :
The Committee appointed by Government to advise on the release of
terrorist convicts has considered 183 cases. Government have passed orders on
the recommendations of the Committee in 112 cases and in 68 the
recommendations of the Committee are about to be submitted to Government.
Three cases are under consideration by Government, and 56 cases remain to be
examined by the Committee. The Committee have recently interviewed a large
number of prisoners individually before disposing of their cases in particular.
All the female prisoners appeared before the Committee and were recommended

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 415

 for release after giving satisfactory assurance as to their future conduct. They
have since been released. Government regret to have to announce that two
members of the Committee, Mr. Sarat Chandra Bose and Mr. Lalit Chandra Das,
have tendered their resignations which have been accepted. The two members
gave as the reason for their resignation that their approach to the question of
release of the convicted prisoners differed fundamentally from that of most of the
other members of the Committee.
The question now is, what should be done to procure the release of the remaining
prisoners. I would very much like to have your advice as to how we should proceed.
What I am apprehensive of is that the prisoners may commence a hunger-strike. If
they do so, the situation will become extremely complicated. At the same time, I do
not know what hopes I can hold out to them.
I hope you are better now. My health is still below par.
With pranams,
Yours affectionately,
SARAT CHANDRA BOSE
Harijan, 24-6-1939

APPENDIX II
LETTER FROM LORD LINLITHGOW1
VICEREGAL LODGE , S IMLA
July 1, 1939
DEAR MR. GANDHI

Thank you very much for your letter of 22nd June. It raises one or two points on
which I should like to touch in my reply.
2. As regards Jaipur, the Durbar have, I am quite sure, no desire to detain Seth
Jamnalal Bajaj any longer than is necessary. Indeed, as you will remember, they were
at considerable pains to avoid detaining him in the first instance. Seth Jamnalal has
been made fully aware of the conditions on which the Durbar are ready to take the
desired action now in regard to him and the other prisoners, and to the best of my
knowledge the position has not altered since the departure of H. H. the Maharaja.
3. I have read with close attention what you say in the last paragraph of
your letter, and I am very grateful to you for letting me know your views. I
think it is fair to say that the Political Department have given no moreencouragement
to “anti-Congress personalities”, to use, if I may, your own phrase, than to pro-
Congress personalities to establish contacts with Rulers and their subjects.

1
Vide “Letter to Lord Linlithgow”, 22-6-1939, “Letter to Amrit Kaur”,
6-7-1939 and Letter to Lord Linlithgow”, 12-7-1939.

416 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 I hope you keep well.
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI
BOMBAY
From a microfilm: Lord Linlithgow Papers. Courtesy: National Archives of
India. Also from a copy: C. W. 7828. Courtesy: G. D. Birla

APPENDIX III
STATEMENT BY SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE1
Prohibition by stages is a feasible scheme. It will make both the public as well
as the Excise Department experienced in the task of handling problems out of the
enforcement of prohibition. Moreover, it will be financially a success and it will
release for the nation-building activities that portion of the revenue derived from
extra taxes like property tax, sales tax, etc.
Speaking generally, I may say that the motives actuating the Bombay
Government are quite laudable, but the methods they have been hitherto following or
intend following in future in connection with the problems of the property tax and
the sales tax are neither scientific nor conducive to the end they have in view. . . .
The defects in the Prohibition Scheme are more than one . . . . Illicit distillation
will increase and there will be a rush of men to the wet zone every evening and
particularly during every week-end.
Prohibition is a measure of social reform and no social reform can be
successfully brought about without winning. . . . the goodwill of the people. . . . The
fact that consistent opposition is being offered by some influential sections of the
community shows that the Government have not yet been able to carry with them the
approval and goodwill of the people in general.
Mahatma Gandhi did the right thing when he opined that prohibition should not
be forced on Europeans in India because they did not believe in it and it would amount
to coercion to force it on them. The same principle of non-violence should be applied
to Asiatics and Indian people as well both in theory and in practice. Why should we
force prohibition on non-Indian Asiatics who do not believe in it, if we do not force
it on Europeans? It would be wrong to make a distinction between Europeans and
Asiatics in this respect either in law or in actual administration.
Now turning to the economic side of the question, I may say that it is difficult to
approve of a method which involves the sudden imposition of an additional tax over a
crore of rupees on Bombay alone in order to make good the loss of excise revenue.
With millions of half-filled stomachs, with hundreds of thousands dying every year of
preventible diseases and with 92 percent of our people still unable to read or write. I

1
Vide “Statement to the Press”, 13-7-1939. Only extracts are reproduced here.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 417

consider it no part of statemanship to raise additional money by heavy taxation, not
one rupee of which would go towards the better fulfilment of stomachs or saving
human lives or making our people more literate. I am, therefore, inclined to think
that the introduction of prohibition by stages is the more appropriate and scientific
method. This would not involve heavy taxation for financing prohibition, would
save a portion of the taxable capacity of the people for future requirements and would
not involve a sudden change in our national economy.
Nobody who has eyes to see in Bombay can fail to be impressed with one
important aspect of the Government policy. It unfortunately happens that one small
community in Bombay which for many years past has been extensively engaged in
the liquor trade is being directly affected by this policy. The Parsis are a small but
influential community. Who does not know of the many beneficial institutions and
activities which have been brought into existence and conducted by them? The
overwhelming majority of the community have been opposing this policy and as a
minority community the Parsis are entitled to be heard. I understand that the Parsis are
apprehensive that the sudden launching of immediate and total prohibition in
Bombay will throw into the streets a large number of families and would prejudicially
affect the income of the charity trusts many of which are for the benefit not of Parsis
alone but of the Indian community in general.
Besides the Parsis, the Muslims of Bombay are also affected by the programme.
While they are not opposed to prohibition on principle, they have objection to the
10 percent property tax, which is required for financing prohibition. It is urged on
their behalf that the 10 percent property tax subjects them to exorbitant taxation as
compared with their population and they resent being taxed in order to force non-
Muslims to abstain from drink.
The effect of prohibition on our general economy is of greater consequence than
even its effect on the Parsis or Muslim community. To give a small instance, a large
number of hotels and restaurants will be badly hit and may have to close down. Not
only will their owners suffer loss but the employees will also be thrown out of
employment. It is not impossible that migration from the prohibited area to outside
places may take place and the importance of the port of Bombay may also be affected.
The fact is that while piecemeal introduction of partial prohibition is possible,
piecemeal introduction of total prohibition is next to impossible. . . .
The Bombay Chronicle, 11-7-1939

418 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 APPENDIX IV
LETTER FROM SIKANDAR HYAT KHAN1
S IMLA,
July 20, 1939
MY DEAR MAHATMAJI,

Many thanks for your letter of the 17th July which I received this morning.
This has crossed my letter of the 18th July.
I am sorry I overlooked to answer your query about the representation of
Harijans in the proposed Lahore Corporation. I have made enquiries from the Minister
concerned and am informed that no provision has been made in the bill to provide
separate electorates for Harijans. The method of election and representation is at
present embodied in the rules and it is proposed to leave th is matter to the rules in the
new measure also. I am almost certain that the question of separate representation for
Harjans will be raised in the Assembly when the bill is under consideration as several
representations have been received from Harijan organizations. So far as Government
is concerned, they do not contemplate at the moment to make a departure from the
existing practice unless the Harijan representatives in the Assembly press for a
revision and, if so, it would largely depend upon what view the Assembly takes
regarding this matter. Personally, as you are aware, I am not averse to joint
electorates; but unfortunately the trend of events during the past few years has made it
even more difficult to achieve this ideal in the absence of genuine rapprochement
between the two major communities.
I am grateful to you for careful consideration to my alternative scheme of
Federation. Allow me to remove one or two misapprehensions which seem to have
arisen due to the reason that you have not had time to make a comparative study of my
scheme with the one embodied in the Government of India Act. My proposals do not
contemplate a wholesale rejection of the scheme adumbrated in the Government of
India Act. At the most it would necessitate modification of about half a dozen sections
in the Act and the addition of perhaps two or three new sections. It would of course
involve a revision of the Federal, Provincial and the concurrent lists as you will have
noticed from the revised list which I sent with my letter of the 18th July. As regards
the ‘Zonal’ Legislatures contemplated in my scheme, there again seems to be some
misapprehension. You must have noticed that I do not contemplate any executive
authority for the ‘zones’, and the legislative powers delegated to the Regional
Legislatures are meant only to bring the various units in a ‘zone’ closer together in
order to bring about mutual confidence and trust between the various units. It would

1
Vide “Letter to Sikandar Hyat Khan”, 17-7-1939 and 25-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 419

not involve any additional expenditure since the members of a Regional Legislature
would also be members of the Federal Legislature and will collectively constitute the
Federal Legislature. No separate building or organization will be required. If and when
necessary, they will meet together to ratify or pass a measure on which the units in a
particular ‘zone’ are agreed. As a matter of fact, my scheme would be comparatively
less expensive as I have suggested a unicameral instead of a bicameral Federal
Legislature.
As regards the composition of the Army, I have suggested no more than
retention of the status quo so far as the peace-time strength of the Army is concerned.
As I explained to you in the course of our conversation, my insistence on this
provision is actuated by a desire to create mutual confidence, and in the interests of
national harmony and solidarity.
I appreciate your remarks regarding acceptance of Dominion Status. I am aware
that all the important political organizations in the country have now adopted
‘complete independence’ as their final goal. But I am sure you will agree with me that
in the circumstances it would be inadvisable to clutch at a shadow and discard the
substance if it happens to be within our grasp. After all, what we want is complete
control over the administration and affairs of our country and this will be obtained if
we get Dominion Status. I am fully aware of the fact that some of our fellow-
countrymen would prefer to chase a will-o’-the-wisp rather than give up their demand
for complete independence; but it would be for an eminent patriot and leader like you
to persuade them to accept the substance and leave alone the shadow.
You mention in your letter that “Yours is the only proposal of a constructive
character on behalf of the League.” Let me hasten to make it quite clear that my
scheme has got nothing to do with the League. It has been formulated by me alone and
without consultation with any member of the League or for that matter of any other
party in the country. It has been conceived with the intention of providing a solution
of our communal and political problems and I trust it will be examined and studied by
all concerned in the spirit in which it has been conceived.
As regards your draft solution of the communal problem and my comments
thereon, I shall be grateful if you would kindly give me some more definite
indications of your views, if you desire me to1 proceed with the matter further. I quite
realize that the draft represents only your views; but that is quite sufficient for my
purpose provided you approve of my suggestions with reference to the various items
of the draft. I can then proceed to sound important Muslim leaders and the Working
Committee of the League and let you know their reactions. It would be no use my
trying to bring them round to my point of view unless I am assured of your whole-

1
The source, however, has “or”.

420 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

hearted approval and support in regard to the points mentioned in my note which I
handed over to you at Bombay. I need hardly assure you that the correspondence
between us will be treated as strictly confidential. Perhaps, you would like to consult
the Working Committee of the League and other prominent Muslims. If there is
agreement on these points, then we could bring the representatives of the two
Working Committees together to approve and ratify them informally.
As regards services, I do not think we need worry about the number of
communities which would fall under the category of ‘minorities’. The obvious course
would be to fix the share of the majority community in each province and leave the
balance to be distributed amongst the minorities. This is what we have done in the
Punjab We have given 50 per cent to the Muslims and 50 per cent to non-Muslims.
The proportion (7 per cent) surrendered by the the majority community was added on
to the share of the smaller minorities in the shape of weightage. So the problem is
not so complex as it appears to be at first sight. What we need is a genuine change of
heart and once this is achieved there should be no difficulty in adjusting differences. I
am afraid my letter has become somewhat lengthy; but in view of the issues involved
I have taken the liberty of encroaching on your time by answering the points raised
in your letter in some detail.
With best wishes and kind regards,
From a copy: Gandhi-Nehru Papers, 1939. Courtesy: Nehru Memorial Museum
and Library
APPENDIX V
HARIJAN SEVAKS’ CONFERENCE RESOLUTIONS 1
June 4/7, 1939
1. This Conference of Harijan sevaks resolves that Harijan sevaks should not
visit those temples which Harijans are not allowed to enter. It should be clearly
understood that Harijan sevaks are not to enter such temples, not only for the purpose
of worship but also for sight-seeing, provided that this rule is not intended to come in
the way of doing service to Harijans. Similarly Harijan sevaks are not to attend public
meetings which are not open to Harijans.
2. The Western and Central India Harijan Sevaks’ Conference held at Poona
very much appreciates the organization of Harijan welfare work in Holkar State as
explained by Prof. R. K. Yardye, Hon. Secretary of the Indore H. S. S., but considers
that the grant of Rs. 7,000 is too low for the purpose and therefore requests His
Highness the Maharaja Holkar and his Government to raise the grant considerably to
enable the work to be organized efficiently. This Conference is also of the opinion
that the object of the State regarding Harijan emancipation will be better served by

1
Vide “A Harijan Sevaks’ Conference”, 30-7-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 421

the appointment of a special officer, as is done in Bombay, Mysore, Travancore and
Cochin, to look after Harijan interests.
3. The report of the Harijan Sevak Sangh, Gwalior State, submitted by the
Secretary to this Conference, shows that the cause of Harijans suffers on account of
the utter lack of practical support by the Government of Gwalior. Considering the
views of His Highness the Maharaja Saheb as expressed repeatedly in his public
speeches, it is most regrettable that such indifference should exist. This Conference
respectfully draws the attention of the Administration and the Ruler of the Gwalior
State to the necessity of taking an active part in the work of the amelioration of the
conditions of Harijans, as well as the removal of untouchability. For this purpose
this conference requests the appointment of a special officer or that of a Committee
with an annual grant of a substantial sum of money in the annual budget. This
Conference is also of opinion that a public declaration of the State policy granting
civic rights to Harijans for the use of public wells, tanks, temples, conveyances and
schools should be issued forthwith.
4. The universal disinclination to do physical work, particularly work
involving the handling of dirt, is one of the causes that are responsible for the
custom of untouchability. For example, scavenging, flaying of dead cattle, tanning,
leather work, barber’s work and similar duties are regarded as causing pollution.
Similarly personal service and hospitality rendered to a member of a so-called lower
caste is forbidden.
To achieve total eradication of untouchability, it is necessary to remove as
early as possible this false feeling of detestation towards socially beneficial
occupations. This Conference therefore appeals to all Harijan sevaks and persons
interested in the cause of Harijan uplift that they should feel no hesitation in doing
with their own hands the aforesaid duties and thereby demonstrate to the world that
they involve no indignity or pollution.
This Conference further appeals to all Hindu sisters and brothers to remain
absolutely certain that no individual loses his caste by virtue of personal service of
any description. Bearing this religious principle in mind they should extend to guests
of whatsoever caste coming under their roof the same cordial hospitality that they
render to their own caste people. One need not have a guilty conscience in rendering
service to such guests.
A growing tendency is to be noticed among self-respecting Harijans to
abandon their hereditary occupations because these are socially despised. Although
this Conference does not regard any honest occupation as low, it fully appreciates the
feelings of Harijans and declares that they have every right to give up these
occupations if they so choose, and that it would be unjust on the part of caste Hindus
to coerce them into doing such tasks.

422 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 5. With a view to remove untouchability and bring about a speedy uplift of
Harijans, this Conference requests all Provincial Boards of the H.S.S. concerned to
take necessary steps in order that elementary education is made free and compulsory at
least for Harijan children in those places where there are already schools of a District
School Board or a Municipal School Board.
6. This Conference takes this opportunity to point out to the managers of
Harijan students’ hostels of the H.S.S. that segregation is not the object of
conducting Harijan hostels, and that therefore an endeavour should be made to secure
the admission of Harijan boys and girls of all Harijan sub-castes and also of a few
caste Hindu boys and girls in the Harijan hostels, provided that no monetary burden is
thrown on the resources of the Sangh in respect of caste-Hindu pupils.
7. This Conference is of opinion that it is necessary to afford legal protection
to Harijans who are subjected to social boycott on account of their enjoying a
common civic right, and recommends to the Bombay Government, as a measure of
partial protection, that the Government should undertake, along with other
legislation contemplated by Government, suitable legislation to provide that refusal
on the part of a shopkeeper or a regular dealer in articles which are necessaries of life,
to sell such articles to a Harijan or his servants or his family dependants as an item of
social boycott on the ground of such Harijans trying to enjoy or having enjoyed any
common civic rights, should be made a punishable offence.
8. It is resolved by this Conference that the various Provincial Boards should
request the Municipalities in their jurisdiction to start welfare work for their Harijan
employees on the lines of the Bombay Municipal Corporation, and the
Municipalities may be requested to use at least the Fine Funds for this purpose.
The line of work can be suggested on the following fundamental points:
recreational, educational, social, economical. And the welfare work will also include
the work of a labour officer, i. e., to receive complaints about the working conditions
of the employees and to redress them.
9. This Conference urges the Provincial Boards and the Local Committee of
the H.S.S. to make concerted and special efforts for securing to Harijans the
enjoyment of civic rights in respect of wells, hotels, etc.
10. This Conference is of opinion that the Government of Bombay should
take necessary steps to provide for free studentships to all deserving Harijan students
in the secondary grant-in-aid schools in the Bombay Presidency as soon as possible.
11. Whereas in various Harijan localities, there are no grocery shops and the
Harijans have to purchase corn and other provisions from shops belonging to
otherpeople at a very high price, this Conference requests the Harijan Sevak Sanghs
to endeavour to open such shops on a co-operative basis in those villages where the
Harijan population is sufficiently numerous.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 423

 12. This Conference requests all Harijan sevaks that they should try their best
to enlist active co-operation of women workers in the cause of service to Harijans.
13. Whereas it has been found by experience that in multi-member
constituencies for legislatures and local bodies where seats are reserved for Harijans,
votes are not, as a rule, mutually given by caste-Hindu voters and Harijan voters, and
whereas it is necessary with a view to foster brotherly feelings and to fulfil the real
purpose of the Poona Pact1 that the votes should be mutually given, this Conference
calls upon all caste-Hindu voters to exercise at least one vote in favour of Harijan
candidates, and Harijan voters to exercise at least one vote in favour of caste-Hindu
candidates. This Conference is further of opinion that the distributive system of
voting is better suited than the cumulative system to achieve the end in view.
SEGAON , July 30, 1939
Harijan, 5-8-1939
APPENDIX VI
LETTER FROM LORD LINLITHGOW2

VICEROY ’S CAMP , I NDIA (PURI),

August 2, 1939
DEAR MR. GANDHI,
Many thanks for your telegram which I have just received. I quite realize your
difficulty in getting away at this moment, and I had indeed been a little afraid that it
might, as has happened, be impossible for you to do so. I should be most reluctant to
impose the least strain on you, and I hope that you will never hesitate to let me know
if you feel that any suggestion of mine for a meeting is likely to have that effect; and
I shall not in the least misunderstand your doing so.
2. It is very kind of you to suggest that we might meet later this month. I have
in fact, as I said, nothing very special to talk about, and my invitation to you to meet
me at Delhi was merely in pursuance of my desire to keep in touch with you and
maintain contact from time to time. Nor do I want to give you the trouble of the tiring
journey to Simla. I think therefore that we might leave matters as they are for the
moment, and I will look forward to seeing you a little later in the year when I am
again back from the hills.
With all good wishes,
Yours sincerely,
M. K. GANDHI , Esq.
SEGAON
From a copy: C. W. 7831. Courtesy: G. D. Birla

1
Of September 1932, vide Appendix “Agreement between Depressed Classes
Leaders and Caste Hindu Leaders”, 26-9-1932.
2
Vide “Telegram to Lord Linlithgow”, 1-8-1939.

424 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 APPENDIX VII
KATHIAWAR STATES1
The Western India States Agency, comprising all the 284 States in Kathiawar, is,
numerically, by far the biggest Agency under the administrative control of the
Political Department. The Kathiawar States, Between themselves account for just half
the number of States in India, the total being computed at 562. These States present
the greatest possible variety in size and government. At one end of the scale are
Cutch with an area of 8,250 square miles and Bhavnagar with an annual income of
about Rs. 15 million; at the other end of the scale. . . Vejanoness which has an area of
0.29 square mile, a population of 206 souls and an income of Rs. 500 a year. . . . Sir
George Macmunn must have had these statelets in mind while writing his famous
book The Indian States and Princes. In the very first chapter he says:
The Ruling Princes of India number between five and six hundred, and their
principalities vary from that of the Nizam, as large as a third of France, to others
no larger than Battersea Park.
The real demand of the States subjects, it must be presumed, is self-government
or responsible government and not merely good government. Nothing short of
extensive democratization of the administrative machinery is likely to satisfy them.
As democratization must of neccessity involve certain financial commitments, it is
neither helpful nor politic to demand it from Rulers of States whose annual income is
less than, say, Rs. 50 lakhs. Joint administration is, therefore, the only alternative
to the existing arrangement for such States.
Joint administration for small States is no novel or visionary suggestion. His
Excellency the Viceroy himself, than whom none can claim to be more solicitous for
the welfare of the Princes, is responsible for propagating this view. The germs of this
theory, however, are traceable in the Butler Committee Report, 1928-29. Dealing
with the classification of States, the Report says:
The petty States of Kathiawar and Gujarat, numbering 286 of the total of
327 in the third class, are organized in groups called thanas under officers
appointed by local representatives of the Paramount Power, who exercise various
kinds and degrees of criminal, revenue and civil jurisdiction. As the cost of
administration rises, the States find it necessary to distribute it over larger areas
by appointing officials to work for several States. Already there is talk in some
of the larger States in Kathiawar of appointing a High Court with powers over a
group of such States.

1
Vide Letter to R. L. Handa”, 10-8-1939; “Confederation of Small States”,
14-8-1939 and “Kathiawar States”, 11-9-1939. Only extracts are reproduced here.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 425

 He Excellency’s views on this question may be gathered from the following
extract from his address delivered on the occasion of inaugurating the session of the
Chamber of Princes in March last:
In no case is the need for co-operation and combination more patent, more
pronounced and more immediate than in the case of the smaller States. Those
States whose resources are so limited as virtually to preclude them individually
from providing for the requirements of their people in accordance with modern
standard, have indeed no other practical alternative before them. I would take this
opportunity to impress upon the Rulers of such States, with all the emphasis at
my command, the wisdom of taking the earliest possible steps to combine with
their neighbours in the matter of administrative services so far as this is
practicable.
Though the principle of combination enunciated by the Viceroy can apply to
smaller States all over India, it is particularly suitable in the case of Kathiawar States.
One peculiar feature of these States is that, unlike their neighbours, the Gujarat States
or the Central India States, they are geographically one compact province. . . . The
process of combination or grouping or to be a little bolder, of confederation, is
immensely facilitated by this continuity. The total area of all these States is just over
40,000 square miles and the total population is 42,29,494. The total annual income
is estimated at about Rs. six crores.
During the last three months the Kathiawar Princes have met a number of times
and . . . they were reported to have discussed the feasibility of having a combined
police force, common Excise, Medical, Public Health, Public Works and Forest
Deparments and a common High Court. . . . It is so easy to see the futility of
combined administration in these important spheres without providing for a
combined legislature. For, the question arises, to whom will these common
administrations be responsible? Certainly not to all one score Princes and their
Governments. You cannot earnestly be responsible to twenty authorities unless
confusion is their aim and to bungle your wish.
Harijan, 30-9-1939

APPENDIX VIII
LETTER FROM SUBHAS CHANDRA BOSE TO CONGRESS PRESIDENT1
August 7, 1939

I am exceedingly sorry for the delay in replying to your letter of the 18th July,
from Ranchi. You have asked me for an explanation of my action in protesting
against certain resolutions of the All-India Congress Committee passed at Bombay.

1
Vide “Congress Working Committee Resolution”, 11-8-1939.

426 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 In the first place, one has to distinguish between protesting against a certain
resolution and actually defying it or violating it. What has so far happened is that I
have only protested against two resolutions of the A.I.C C.
It is my constitutional right to give expression to my opinion regarding any
resolution passed by the A.I.C.C. You will perhaps admit that it is customary with a
large number of Congressman to express their views on resolutions passed by the
A.I.C.C. when a particular session of that body comes to a close. If you grant
Congressmen the right to express their views on resolutions passed by the A.I.C.C.,
you cannot draw a line and say that only favourable opinions will be allowed
expression and unfavourable opinions will be banned. If we have the contitutional
right to express our views then it does not matter if those views are favourable or un-
favourable. Your letter seems to suggest that only expression of unfavourable views
is to be banned.
We have so long been fighting the British Government among other things
for our civil liberty. Civil liberty, I take it, includes freedom of speech. According to
your point of view we are not to claim freedom of speech when we do not see eye to
eye with the majority in the A.I.C.C. or in the Congress. It would be a strange
situation if we are to have the right of freedom of speech as against the British
Government but not as against the Congress or any body subordinate to it. If we are
denied the right to adversely criticize resolutions of the A.I.C.C. which in our view
are harmful to the country’s cause then it would amount to denial of a democratic
right. May I ask you in all seriousness if democratic rights are to be exercised only
outside the Congress but not inside it ?
I hope you will agree that when a resolution is once passed by the A.I.C.C., it
is open to us to have it reviewed or amended or altered or rescinded at a subsequent
meeting of that body. I hope you will also agree that it is open to us to appeal against
the A.I.C.C. to the higher court of appeal, namely, the open session of the Congress.
You will agree further, I hope, that it is open to a minority to carry on a propaganda
with a view to converting the majority to its point of view. Now how can we do this
except by appealing to Congressmen through public meetings and through writings
in the Press? The Congress today is not an organization of a handful of men. Its
membership has, I believe, reached the neighbourhood of 45 lakhs. We can hope to
appeal to the rank and file of the Congress and to convert them to our point of view
only if we are allowed to write in the Press and also to hold meetings. If you maintain
that once a resolution is passed in the A.I.C.C. it is sacrosanct and must hold good for
ever, then you may have some justification for banning criticism of it. But if you

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 427

grant us the right to review or amend or alter or rescind a particular resolution of the
A.I.C.C. either through that body or through the open session of the Congress, then I
do not see how you can gag criticism, as you have been trying to do.
I am afraid you are giving an interpretation to the word ‘discipline’ which I
cannot accept. I consider myself to be a stern disciplinarian and I am afraid that in the
name of discipline you are trying to check healthy criticism. Discipline does not
mean denying a person his constitutional and democratic right.
Apart from the fact that it is our constitutional and democratic right to protest
against resolutions which in our view are harmful to the country’s cause, a
consideration of the merits of the two resolutions will show that such protests were
really called for. In our view these two resolutions, if given effect to, will serve to
accentuate the drift towards constitutionalism, to increase the influence, power and
authority of the Provincial Ministries at the cost of the Congress organizations, to
isolate artificially the Congress from the general public as also the A.I.C.C. from the
rank and file of the Congress. Moreover, they will serve to undermine the
revolutionary spirit of the Congress. Consequently, in the best interests of the
country, these two resolutions should be immediately held in abeyance and ultimately
altered suitably or withdrawn.
In this connection I cannot help drawing your attention to certain incidents at
the time of the Gaya Congress in 1922 and after. Please do not forget what the Swaraj
Party did in those days. Please do not forget either that when the A.I.C.C. amended
the resolution of the Gaya Congress, the Gujarat P.C.C. resolved to defy it.
Lastly, please do not forget that Mahatma Gandhi wrote1 in Young India, if my
recollection is correct, that the minority has the right to rebel. We have not gone so
far yet as to actually rebel against the decision of the majority. We have simply
taken the liberty of criticizing certain resolutions passed by the majority in the teeth
of our opposition.
I am really surprised that you have made so much of what we regard as our
inherent right. I hope you will accept my explanation as satisfactory. But if you do
not do so, and if you decide to resort to disciplinary action, I shall gladly face it for
the sake of what I regard as a just cause. In conclusion, I have to request that if any
Congressman is penalized in connection with the events of the 9th July, then you
will also take action against me. If the observance of an All-India Day of the 9th is a
crime then I confess, I am the arch-criminal.
With kindest regards,
The Indian Annual Register, 1939, Vol. II, pp. 219-20

1
Vide “Notes - Congress A Fetish”, 2-3-1922.

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 APPENDIX IX
1
CONGRESS PRESIDENT’S DECLARATION
July 6, 1939
I have been much surprised to read in the papers Shri Subhas Chandra Bose’s
statement fixing the 9th July for protesting against resolutions passed by the All-
India Congress Committee at Bombay. It is well known that the resolution was
passed after prolonged debate by a very large majority against the opposition of Shri
Subhas Chandra Bose. If Committees subordinate to the All-India Congress
Committee and office-bearers of such Committees or minorities within the Congress
begin to defy such resolution and organize and hold protest meetings against
decisions arrived at after full deliberation by the All-India Congress Committee or the
Congress, there will be an end to all discipline within the Congress and a complete
disruption of the organization. I therefore desire to impress on all Congress
Committees and their office-bearers that the policy and practice of the Congress no
less than loyalty to the Congress organization require that they should carry out and
give effect to the resolutions passed by the All-India Congress Committee, and
participation in and organizing of protests and condemnation against such resolution
will be a breach of discipline. I trust the Congress Committees and their office-
bearers will desist from organizing or participating in such protests and demons-
trations.

The Indian Annual Register, 1939, Vol. II, p. 219

APPENDIX X
LETTER FROM CONGRESS PRESIDENT TO SUBHAS CHANDRA
BOSE 2
July 18, 1939
A delicate and difficult situation has been created by your action in organizing
protests against certain resolutions of the All-India Congress Committee, passed at
Bombay. As I made clear in the statements which I issued before the meetings of the
9th July were held, it appears to me that it will be impossible for the Congress
organization to function if subordinate Committees and office-bearers of the
Congress, whose duty it is to carry out and give effect to the resolution of the
A.I.C.C. and the Congress, were, instead of doing that, to organize protests and

1
Vide “Congress Working Committee Resolution”, 11-8-1939.
2
ibid

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 429

demostrations against these resolutions. I personally look upon any such action on
their part as not only destructive of all discipline but fraught with the gravest
consequences for the future of the Congress organization. I shall therefore place the
whole matter before the Working Committee for consideration and such action,
disciplinary or otherwise, as it may think fit to take. But in order that the Committee
may have your explanation of your action and your point of view also before it. I
shall be obliged if you will let me have it at an early date.
The Indian Annual Register, 1939, Vol. II, p. 219

APPENDIX XI
CONGRESS WORKING COMMITTEE RESOLUTION 1
The Working Committee have given their earnest consideration to the critical
international situation and to the danger of war that overhangs the world. In this
world crisis the sympathies of the Working Committee are entirely with the people
who stand for democracy and freedom, and the Congress has repeatedly condemned
Fascist aggression in Europe, Africa and the Far East of Asia as well as the betrayal of
democracy by British imperialism in Czechoslovakia and Spain. The Congress has
further clearly enunciated its policy in the event of war and declared its determination
to oppose all attempts to impose a war on India. The Committee are bound by this
policy of the Congress and will give effect to it so as to prevent the exploitation of
Indian resources for imperialist ends. The past policy of the British Government as
well as the recent developments demonstrate abundantly that this Government does
not stand for freedom and democracy and may at any time betray these ideals. India
cannot associate herself with such a Government or be asked to give her resources for
democratic freedom which is denied to her and which is likely to be betrayed.
At its meeting held in Calcutta on May 1, 1939, the All-India Congress
Committee reiterated this policy of the Congress and expressed its disapproval of the
despatch of Indian troops to foreign countries. In spite of this clear expression of
opinion, the British Government has sent, or is sending Indian troops to Egypt and
Singapore against the declared will of the Indian people. Even apart from the war
situation, the Central Legislative Assembly has previously declared that no Indian
troops should be sent abroad without the consent of the Legislature. The British
Government has thus flouted the declaration of the Congress and the Assembly and

1
Vide “Statement to the Press”, 23-9-1939; 28-9-1939; 18-10-1939; “A
Statement”, 20-9-1939; “Unconditional Support?”, 30-10-1939 and “Congress
Working Committee Resolution”, 22-11-1939.

430 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

has taken steps which might inevitably lead to India’s entanglement in a war. It has
further prolonged the life of the Central Assembly by another year. The Working
Committee cannot accept these decisions of the British Government and must not
only dissociate themselves from them but also take such steps as may be necessary to
give effect to the Congress members of the Central Legislative Assembly to refrain
from attending the next session of the Assembly.
The Committee further remind Provincial Governments to assist in no way the
war preparations of the British Government and to keep in mind the policy laid down
by the Congress, to which they must adhere. If the carrying out of this policy leads to
the resignations or removal of the Congress Ministers they must be prepared for this
contingency.
In the event of a war crisis leading to danger to any part of India from the air or
otherwise it may be necessary for protective measures to be taken. The Committee
will be prepared to encourage such measures if they are within the control of the
popular Ministries in the Provinces. The Committee are however not agreeable to
such protective measures being used as a cloak for war preparations under the control
of the Imperial Government.
The Indian Annual Register, 1939, Vol, II, pp. 214-5

APPENDIX XII
1
LETTER FROM YADAVINDRA SINGH
RANBIR VILLA, C HAIL ,
September 9, 1939
DEAR MR. GANDHI,
I thank you for your letter dated the 30th ultimo enclosing a copy of the letter
reported to have been despatched to me on the 3rd August which, as I intimated you in
my telegram dated 28th ultimo, was never received by me. I was somewhat surprised
to learn of the publication in the vernacular Press of the letter from your
correspondent together with your comments and was inclined to think that since you
did not consider it worthwhile to await my reply before releasing to the Press your
correspondent’s letter, it was unnecessary for me to reply to your letter. However, I
have since received your message conveyed through my vakil at Simla informing that
whereas an intimation had been given in time to the English Press to withhold
publication of this matter, owing to rush of work similar instructions could not be
conveyed to the vernacular Press. I am, indeed, thankful to you for intimating me that
the comments that have already appeared in the vernacular Press will be revised or
withdrawn in case it was considered necessary on receipt of my reply.

1
Vide “Statement to the Press”, 23-9-1939and “Remarks on A Maharaja’s
Threat”, 12-9-1939. Only excerpts are reproduced here.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 431

 Your correspondent’s letter deals with two issues, namely, (a) the Hidayat of
1988 and (b) the threatening language alleged to have been used by me during the
course of an interview I gave to the deputation that waited upon me on the 18th July. .
The main criticism against the Hidayat has been that since it was intended to
meet a special situation, its retention as a permanent law of the land was not
justifiable. The communal disturbances, as you will agree, were precisely the kind of
special situation to meet which the Government have to keep themselves armed with
such special legislation. It will appear, therefore, that it is the abuse, by those who
were responsible for disturbing intercommunal harmony, of the liberty conferred on
them, which was responsible for the subsequent order enjoining the enforcement of
the provisions of the Hidayat. The fact that this unfortunate occurrence rendered it
necessary for me to invoke the provisions of the Hidayat, was appreciated even by
those who had earlier organized agitation against this enactment, as is evident from
their voluntary decision to abide by the order issued by me on the 25th of May. The
period for which the enforcement of the Hidayat was enjoined is not yet over;
however, as the communal situation has since eased considerably and I have exercised
clemency and withdrawn cases against those involved in this communal clash. I
would have considered the desirability of revising the provisions of the Hidayat, but
as you are aware, war has since broken out and while for the successful prosecution
thereof emergency measures curtailing civic rights and liberties are being enforced,
this emergency legislation has of necessity to be retained on the statute-book. I have
not the least intention of going back over the assurance that was given by the
District Nazim, Sunam, but I am obliged to await more favourable circumstances to do
the needful.
As regards the version of what transpired at the interview I gave to the depu-
tation on the 18th July, I am sorry your correspondent has twisted what I told the
deputationists and his letter contains several half-truths and mis-statements. I had
assured them that while I was most anxious to redress the genuine grievances of my
subjects, I did not approve of their being misled by those who were actuated by
motives not wholly impersonal. I do not precisely remember the words I used, but I
think I told them that I would readily respond to all legitimate wishes of my people
but would not be intimidated by any agitation engineered by those not directly
interested in the points at issue nor would I accept any dictation from any outside
agency.
In view of what I have stated above, I feel your comments that have appeared
in the vernacular Press do not seem to be called for and I trust you will be good enough
to withdraw them. I thank you for the courtesy you have shown me in inviting my
comments on your correspondent’s letter.
Yours sincerely,
YADAVINDRA SINGH
Harijan, 16-9-1939

432 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

 APPENDIX XIII
WORKING COMMITTEE’S MANIFESTO1
1. The Working Committee have given their earnest consideration to the
grave crisis that has developed owing to the declaration of war in Europe. The
principles which should guide the nation in the event of war have been repeatedly laid
down by the Congress, and only a month ago this Committee reiterated them and
expressed their displeasure at the flouting of Indian opinion by the British Govern-
ment in India. As a first step to dissociate themselves from this policy of the British
Government, the Committee called upon the congress members of the Central Legis-
lative Assembly to refrain from attending the next session. Since then the British
Government have declared India as a belligerent country, promulgated ordinances,
passed the Government of India Act Amending Bill, and taken other far-reaching
measures which affect the Indian people vitally, and circumscribe and limit the
powers and the activities of the Provincial Governments. This has been done without
the consent of the Indian people whose declared wishes in such matters have been
deliberately ignored by the British Government. The Working Committee must take
the gravest view of these developments.
2. The Congress has repeatedly declared its entire disapproval of the ideology
and practice of Fascism and Nazism and their glorification of war and violence and the
suppression of the human spirit. It has condemned the aggression in which they have
repeatedly indulged and their sweeping away of well-established principles and
recognized standards of civilized behaviour. It has seen in Fascism and Nazism the
intensification of the principle of imperialism against which the Indian people have
struggled for many years. The Working Committee must therefore unhesitatingly
condemn the latest aggression of the Nazi Government in Germany against Poland
and sympathize with those who resist it.
3. The Congress has further laid down that the issue of war and peace for India
must be decided by the Indian people, and no outside authority can impose this
decision upon them nor can the Indian people permit their resources to be exploited
for imperialist ends. Any imposed decision, or attempt to use Indian resources, for
purposes not approved by them, will necessarily have to be opposed by them. If co-
operation is desired in a worthy cause, this cannot be obtained by compulsion and
imposition, and the Committee cannot agree to the carrying out by the Indian people
of orders issued by external authority. Co-operation must be between equals by mutual

1
Vide“ A Statement”, 20-9-1939; Statement to the Press”, 15-9-1939;
28-9-1939; 18-10-1939; “The Only Way”, 19-11-1939 and “Congress Working
Committee Resolution”, 22-11-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 433

consent for a cause which both consider to be worthy. The people of India have in the
recent past, faced great risks and willingly made great sacrifices to secure their own
freedom and establish a free democratic State in India, and their sympathy is entirely
on the side of democracy and freedom. But India cannot associate herself in a war said
to be for democratic freedom when that very freedom is denied to her, and such limited
freedom as she possesses taken away from her.
4. The Committee are aware that the Governments of Great Britain and France
have declared that they are fighting for democracy and freedom and to put an end to
aggression. But the history of the recent past is full of examples showing the
constant divergence between the spoken word, the ideals proclaimed and the real
motives and objectives. During the war of 1914-18, the declared war aims were the
preservation of democracy, self-determination and the freedom of small nations, and
yet the very Governments which solemnly proclaimed these aims entered into secret
treaties embodying imperialist designs for the carving up of the Ottoman Empire.
While stating that they did not want any acquisition of territory, the victorious
Powers added largely to their colonial domains. The present European war itself
signifies the abject failure of the Treaty of Versailles and of its makers, who broke
their pledged word and imposed an imperialist peace on the defeated nations. The one
hopeful outcome of that Treaty, the League of Nations, was muzzled and strangled at
the outset and later killed by its parent States.
5. Subsequent history has demonstrated afresh how even a seemingly fervent
declaration of faith may be followed by an ignoble desertion. In Manchuria the
British Government connived at aggression; in Abyssinia they acquiesced in it. In
Czechoslovakia and Spain democracy was in peril and it was deliberately betrayed,
and the whole system of collective security was sabotaged by the very Powers who
had previously declared their firm faith in it.
6. Again it is asserted that democracy is in danger and must be defended, and
with this statement the Committee are in entire agreement. The Committee believe
that thepeoples of the West are moved by this ideal and objective and for these they
are prepared to make sacrifices. But again and again the ideals and sentiments of the
people and of those who have sacrificed themselves in the struggle have been ignored
and faith has not been kept with them.
7. If the war is to defend the status quo—imperialist possessions, colonies,
vested interests and privileges—then India can have nothing to do with it. If,
however, the issue is democracy and a world order based on democracy, then India is
intensely interested in it. The Committee are convinced that the interests of Indian
democracy do not conflict with the interests of British democracy or of world
democracy. But there is an inherent and ineradicable conflict between democracy for
India or elsewhere and imperialism and Fascism. If Great Britain fights for the
maintenance and extension of democracy, then she must necessarily end imperialism
in her own possessions, establish full democracy in India, and the Indian people must

434 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

have the right of self-determination by framing their own constitution through a
Constituent Assembly without external interference, and must guide their own policy.
A free, democratic India will gladly associate herself with other free nations for
mutual defence against aggression and for economic co-operation. She will work for
the establishment of a real world order based on freedom and democracy, utilizing the
world’s knowledge and resources for the progress and advancement of humanity.
8. The crisis that has overtaken Europe is not of Europe only but of humanity
and will not pass like other crises or wars leaving te essential structure of the present-
day world intact. It is likely to refashion the world for good or ill, politically,
socially and economically. This crisis is the inevitable consequence of the social and
political conflicts and contradictions which have grown alarmingly since the last
great war, and it will not be finally resolved till these conflicts and contradictions are
removed and a new equilibrium established. That equilibrium can only be based on the
ending of the domination and exploitation of one country by another, and on a
reorganization of economic relations on a juster basis for the common good of all.
India is the crux of the problem, for India has been the outstanding example of
modern imperialism, and no refashioning of the world can succeed which ignores this
vital problem. With her vast resources she must play an important part in any scheme
of world recognization. But she can only do so as a free nation whose energies have
been released to work for this great end. Freedom today is indivisible and every
attempt to retain imperialist domination in any part of the world will lead inevitably
to fresh disaster.
9. The Working Committee have noted that many Rulers of Indian States have
offered their services and resources and expressed their desire to support the cause of
democracy in Europe. If they must make their professions in favour of democracy
abroad, the Committee would suggest that their first concern should be the
introduction of democracy within their own States in which today undiluted autocracy
reigns supreme. The British Government in India is more responsible for this
autocracy than even the Rulers themselves, as has been made painfully evident during
the past year. This policy is the very negation of democracy and of the new world
order for which Great Britain claims to be fighting in Europe.
10. As the Working Committee view past events in Europe, Africa and Asia,
and more particularly past and present occurrences in India, they fail to find any
attempt to advance the cause of democracy or self-determination, or any evidence that
the present war declarations of the British Government are being, or are going to be,
acted upon. The true measure of democracy is the ending of imperialism and Fascism
alike and the aggression that has accompanied them in the past and the present. Only
on that basis can a new order be built up. In the struggle for that new world order, the
Committee are eager and desirous to help in every way. But the Committee cannot
associate themselves or offer any co-operation in a war which is conducted on

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 435

imperialist lines and which is meant to consolidate imperialism in India and
elsewhere.
11. In view, however, of the gravity of the occasion and the fact that the pace
of events during the last few days has often been swifter than the working of men’s
minds, the Committee desire to take no final decision at this stage, so as to allow for
the full elucidation of the issues at stake, the real objectives aimed at, and the
position of India in the present and in the future. But the decision cannot long be
delayed as India is being committed from day to day to a policy to which she is not a
party and of which she disapproves.
12. The Working Committee therefore invite the British Government to
declare in unequivocal terms what their war aims are in regard to democracy and
imperialism and the new order that is envisaged, in particular, how these aims are
going to apply to India and to be given effect to in the present. Do they include the
elimination of imperialism and the treatment of India as a free nation whose policy
will be guided in accordance with the wishes of her people? A clear declaration about
the future, pledging the Government to the ending of imperialism and Fascism alike,
will be welcomed by the people of all countries, but it is far more important to give
immediate effect to it, to the largest possible extent, for only this will convince the
people that the declaration is meant to be honoured. The real test of any declaration is
its application in the present, for it is the present that will govern action today and
give shape to the future.
13. War has broken out in Europe and the prospect is terrible to contemplate.
But war has been taking its heavy toll of human life during the past year in
Abyssinia, Spain and China. Innumerable innocent men, women and children have
been bombed to death from the air in open cities, cold-blooded massacres, torture and
utmost humiliation have followed each other in quick succession during these years of
horror. That horror grows, and violence and the threat of violence shadow the world,
unless checked and ended, will destroy the precious inheritance of past ages. That
horror has to be chcked in Europe and China, but it will not end till its root causes of
Fascism and imperialism are removed. To that end, the Working Committee are
prepared to give their co-operation. But it will be infinite tragedy if even this terrible
war is carried on in the spirit of imperialism and for the purpose of retaining this
stucture which is itself the cause of war and human degradation.
14. The Working Committee wish to declare that the Indian people have no
quarrel with the German people or the Japanese people or any other people. But they
have a deep-rooted quarrel with systems which deny freedom and are based on violence
and aggression. They do not look forward to a victory of one people over another or
to a dictated peace, but to a victory of real democracy for all the people of all
countries and a world freed from the nightmare of violence and imperialist
oppression.
15. The Committee earnestly appeal to the Indian people to end all internal
conflict and controversy and, in this grave hour of peril, to keep in readiness and hold

436 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI

together as a united nation, calm of purpose and determined to achieve the freedom of
India within the larger freedom of the world.
WARDHA , September 14, 1939
Harijan, 23-9-1939

APPENDIX XIV
A. I. C. C. RESOLUTION1
The declaration of war in Europe has created an international situation of the
gravest import to the world and to India, and the A. I. C. C., charged with the heavy
responsibility of guiding the people of India in this moment of world crisis, has
sought guidance from the principles and declarations of the Congress in considering
this grave situation. The Congress has been guided throughout by its objective of
achieving the independence of the Indian people and the establishment of a free
democratic State in India wherein the rights and interests of all minorities are
preserved and safeguarded. The means it has adopted in its struggles and activities
have been peaceful and legitimate, and it has looked upon war and violence with
horror and as opposed to progress and civilization. In particular, the Congress has
declared itself opposed to all imperialist wars and to the domination of one country
over another.
In spite of the repeated declarations of the Congress in regard to war, the
British Government have declared India a belligerent country without the consent of
the Indian people and various far-reaching measures have been hurried through the
legislatures and promulgated in the form of ordinances, vitally affecting them and
circumscribing and limiting the powers of the Provincial Governments.
The A. I. C. C., however, does not wish to take any final decision
precipitately and without giving every opportunity for the war and peace aims of the
British Government to be clarified, with particular reference to India. The committee
approves of and endorses the statement issued by the Working Committee on
September 14, 1939, on the war crisis, and repeats the invitation contained therein to
the British Government to state their war and peace aims.
While the Committee condemns Fascism and Nazi aggression, it is convinced
that peace and freedom can only be established and preserved by an extension of
democracy to all colonial countries and by the application of the principle of self-
determination to them so as to eliminate imperialist control. In particular, India must

1
Vide “Discussion with a Friend”, on or after 10-10-1939; “Statement to the
Press”, 28-9-1939; 13-10-1939; and 18-10-1939.

VOL. 76 : 31 MAY, 1939 - 15 OCTOBER, 1939 437

be declared an independent nation, and at present application must be given to this
status to the largest possible extent. The A. I. C. C. earnestly trusts that this
declaration will be made by the British Government in any statement that it may
make in regard to its war and peace aims.
The Committee desires to declare afresh that Indian freedom must be based on
democracy and unity and the full recognition and protection of the rights of all
minorities to which the Congress has always pledged itself.
The Committee approves of the formation by the Working Committee of the
War Emergency Sub-Committee and authorizes the Working Committee to take such
steps as may be necessary to give effect to this resolution and to their statement on
the war crisis.
Harijan, 14-10-1939

438 THE COLLECTED WORKS OF MAHATMA GANDHI