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A SEASON IN EGYPT
1887

si-

BY

W:
AUTHOR OF

M:^

FLINDERS PETRIE
AND TEMPLES OF
GIZEH," " TANIS
I.

" PYRAMIDS

AND

II.,"

" NAUKRATIS,'' ETC.

ILLUSTRATED.

FIELD & TUER, "THE LEADENHALL PRESS,"

TRUBNER &
CO., 57

E.G.

&

59

LUDGATE

HILL,

E.G.

1888

FIELD

<&^

TUEK,

THE LEADENHALI.

PRESS, LONDON, E.C. (t. 4347).

-^aje^v,

Lf>

nJ\y

CONTENTS.
INTRODUCTION.
PAGE
1.

CHAPTER
I I

V.
&c.
23 23 23
25

2.

3. 4.
J.

CIRCUMSTANCES OF THE PRESENT WORK, OUR NILE SAILORS, ON A NATIVE TROOPSHIP, ETHNOGRAPHIC WORK AT THEBES, TENT LIFE AT DAHSHUR,
POLICE AFFAIRS,

34.
3s.

Funereal Cones, nature of the cones,

their classification, translations of the cones, inscriptions purchased,
.

4 4
5

36.

37.

6.

CHAPTER
7.

CHAPTER
I.

VI.

The Rock Inscriptions of Assuan. nature and position of the inscriptions,

COPyiNG, kings' names in this volume, THE title nebt per, FEMALE relationship, example OF inscriptions,
.

The Pyramids of Dahshur.

38.
39.

8. g.

40. 41. 42. 43.

10.
1 1.

12.
13. 14.

9 9 10
II

DETAILS OF THE COPIES, INSCRIPTIONS BY THE PHILAE ROAD,

DO. DO. DO.
DO.

44.
45. 46. 47.

positions of the pyramids, the southern pyramid, triangulation around it, form of the south pyramid, angle of the casing, height of the pyramid, entrance and passage,
.

26
27

27 28 29

30
-30

15. 16. 17.

RIVER,

AT ASSUAN, AT ELEPHANTINE,

small pyramid, the peribolos wall, design of these pyramids,

30
31
.

12 12

31

CHAPTER
The Rock
18.

CHAPTER
II.

VII.

Inscriptions below Assuan.

48.

19.

20.
21.

22.
23.

inscriptions above silsileh, THE SABA RIGALEH VALLEY, GRAFFITI NORTH OF SABA RIGALEH, GRAFFITI SOUTH OF SABA RIGALEH, GRAFFITI DOWN THE NILE,
.

The Earliest Column. THE TOMB of KHUFU-KHAF, AND COLUMNS,

ORIGIN OF THE COLUMN, OTHER EARLY COLUMNS, DESIGNS OF CAPITALS,

32
32 33
33

14
14
IS

49.
50.
S
I.

16

16
17

QUARRY MARKS,

CHAPTER
The Fayum
52.
.

VIII.

CHAPTER
24. 25.

Road,

III.

26. 27. 28.

29. 30.

Some Historical Data. the inscriptions of the xith dynasty, reconsideration of the xith dynasty, reconstruction of the xith dynasty, the vague and fixed years, the inscription of una, the date of king pepi, the initial sothis epoch,
.

53.

17 18 18 19

54. 55.

56.

discovery OF the roads, course of the fayum road, DISTANCES of THE WAY MARKS, THE OASIS ROAD, LEVELS IN THE DESERT,

33

34
35

35

19

20 20
57.

CHAPTER
The Weights
58.

IX.

of Memphis.
36
37 38
41
41

CHAPTER
31.
32.

IV.

character of the weights, arrangement of tables,

tables of weights, notes on the kat weights, the other standards, the egyptian balance,
.

The Horus-name or Ka-name.

SOURCE of the form OF THE TITLE, THIS TITLE THE NAME OF THE ka, FIGURES OF THE KING'S KA,
.

59.

21

60.
61. 62.

22 22

33.

42

PLATES.
I-XIII.

XIV-XIX. XX.
XXI-XXIII.

ASSUAN INSCRIPTIONS. INSCRIPTIONS BELOW ASSUAN.

XXIV.

THE HORUS-NAME OR KA-NAME. BALANCES. CONES AND INSCRIPTIONS. SOUTHERN PYRAMIDS OF DAHSHUR.

THE EARLIEST COLUMN AND CAPITALS. THE FAYUM ROAD. XXVII. DIAGRAM OF WEIGHTS. XXVIII. FORMS OF WEIGHTS. XXIX-XXXII. INDEX OF NAMES IN THE VOLUME.
XXV.
;

XXVI.

;!

INTRODUCTION.
In rendering the present account of another
as well to to say

I.

using his work on the rock inscriptions, and his

continual
verification

work in Egypt, it may be that this volume does not profess

season's

of
is,

my own
Mr

copies.

The

contain the

individual responsibility

whole of the results. Much of my time was spent on procuring the ethnographical casts from the monuments; ^nd these are only alluded to here, as they require a photographic process to render them effective, and such would have been too expensive They have accordingly for a general publication. been arranged separately, as we shall notice below. When last autumn, to my great regret, it seemed
undesirable to co-operate further with the existing
administration of the

each inscription here. I the many occasions on which

however, duly noted to should also acknowledge

Griffith

has given

me most
study.

unreservedly the benefit of his reading and

a true pleasure to be able to co-operate

It is

so freely with a student whose line of

what

different to

therefore all

work is someown, and whose knowledge is the more valuable in joint work.

my

Egypt Exploration Fund,

found myself tied, by the acceptance of a small grant from the British Association, to undertake the work of ethnological casts in Upper Egypt. That grant, although sufficient for the mere cost of materials, left to my own charge nearly all the expense of travelling

Passing Middle Egypt, we went to Minieh by and there sought for a boat. Happily we found there a small open boat, which had had a cabin
2.

train,

and residence for a season. I therefore considered what subjects I could best take up, to render my stay The general in Egypt of archaeological benefit.
examination of out-of-the-way parts of the Nile cliffs the rock affair that I had long wished for inscriptions of Assuan were awaiting a copyist and the pyramids of Dahshur were a promising subject for an accurate survey. Such were the subjects that I accordingly selected to occupy a season in Egypt, That nothing here in addition to the racial casts. appears of the work in the rock tombs, is due to

was an

on to it that just sufficed to hold us this cabin was only 12 feet long, and as it was but 7 ft. wide at the most, with a cupboard taken out of it, there was scarce room for a bench on either side to sleep on, table was out of and a passage up the middle. the question so hanging two loops of string over nails in the roof, a box lid was laid in the loops, and we had a swinging table. It kept up its character well for swinging, and if there was any wind we had continually to steady it, and save our plates. vigorous carver would have made short work of it
built
;

but as

we

readily dissected our fowls in

Arab

fsishion,

the firmness of the dinner table was not so needful.

a partition of subjects which was agreed on between my friend Mr Griffith and myself. I had the great
to Assuan, and the working on each place, sometimes separately, but more often each checking the other's work, and consulting together. Thus it became' impossible to separate our respective copies and as he had done more during the past season on tombs,

pleasure of his

company up

us our old reises. Said and Gabri; the first looked after our property and did some cooking, the latter walked with us everywhere, a regular shes. Two boatmen and a boy made up our crew. The boy, little Abd

We

took up

with

Muhammed

el

benefit of our both

el

Minm, was the

best of

them
his

possessing a remark-

able freedom of speech, he used to

lively in

make

the boat

the evenings

observations, generally

amusing, and sometimes, I fear, scandalous, serving to keep the attention of the ship's company. He was

while

had attended more

to divide the results,

to rock inscriptions,

we

agreed

each taking in a share of

the other's work.

Journals and otherwise, the ing my copies while here

;

Thus Mr Griffith will publish, in tomb inscriptions, includI

always ready for work, whatever it might be if the rudder swung, or the mast creaked, in the night, a whisper would be heard outside, from the tent which
;

have the advantage of

hung over the outer deck for our men, " Get up, oh and with a little grunt, one soon Abd el Minm
'' ;

;!

A SEASON IN EGYPT.
heard the pat of his feet above on the top. One day Said having purchased a skinny fowl, the bird inconsiderately flopped
(in

decapitating knife.

overboard while waiting for the As we were in mid-stream, the

mind as well as body), and he liked to go about at night, and did not mind living a long way out of the village. One night he passed the body of a man who had been slain, lying by the road-side; the
hyaenas were
round it, but hesitated to begin their feast, because the wind flapped the dead man's mantle. Whenever I came in late often alone the mingled chidings and rejoicings of my men were
all

only thing to do was to put the boat about and sail after our fowl. By the time the clumsy craft was

heading down stream, the fowl was out of sight. Anxiously I stood on the top rail of our cabin roof, telescope in hand, searching the watery waste for our dinner. At last, when despairing, 1 caught sight of it about half-a-mile down a sort of start that would have taken full half-a-day to catch up with a
;

worthy

of

any

congregation
is

of

village

crones.
if

Practically, night

the safest time to go about,

to

you are not known

because every one
In
six
is

be taking a particular road, afraid to be out.

light wind.

Now

was Abd

dropping his overall shirt, plopped into the water, and swimming with splashing right and left stroke, which Arab boys love, he soon reached the shore. Running down for a mile or so, he then went in again, and intercepted the fowl. By that time it was drowned, and we watched him trotting back fowUess so that misguided bird went down to the dark and Typhonic regions of the north,
;

Minm's opportunity his little brown body

el

weeks we went from Minieh up to There we pitched our tents in a bay far above the town, and lived for ten days, while wandering over all the neighbourhood up to Philae, copying Assuan in these times is one of the inscriptions. to be met with. In one small mixtures most curious swirling Nile, and rolling the bright compass is the
3.

Assuan.

crops,

the utterly barren

desert,

with

its

piles

of

while

we

sailed with a favouring

wind from Amentl,

race,

up toward the blameless Ethiopians. The Nile boatmen are an interesting

as

and

it is

granite crags, the Maltese grog-shop, the Arab, the Nubian, and the wild desert Bedawin with their enormous heads of dressed hair, the officer who

well to

study their habits as soon as you get

;

evidently thinks that the

first

duty of jevery human

among them
the traveller

for their

want of cleanliness

will lead

being

is

to learn English, the suave Italian dealer,

to the invariable rule of anchoring always above their boats, as necessarily as he anchors above a town. Fortunately, the Nile is a big lot of

ancient tablets of past ages standing

mute witnesses

water.
in

saw a curious form of divination, off; the boatman had some small object in a cloth, which he dashed to and fro between his hands, crying " Wallah Wallah Wallah!" (By God); suddenly he flung the article into the stream from the cloth, saying " Will you go or come ? " and anxiously watched which way it Seeing it pass outward into the river, he drifted. said, " It goes "; and he had got his answer. It is
I

One day
not

a boat

far

on the granite rocks at every corner, and Tommy Atkins, his parades, his stores, and his bands pervadHowever, as it is a choice ing the whole place. between having a slice of Woolwich at Assuan, or
else

a fresh invasion of the

Tirhaka, the traveller

he finds them.
class
in

On

Blemmyes or a new glad to take things as leaving, we heard that the first-

may be

strange
at

how averse they are to stopping for the night an islet or shoal in the stream they always will lie up by the shore. Yet they are so afraid of thieves that they greatly object to put up anywhere but at a village and if one boat ties up for the night in a lonely place, others are sure to stop if they come
;
;

some weeks in was an insufferable cabin, the air thick with tobacco and onions and dirt. So we elected to go third on deck, and very comfortable that way is to anyone with a proper roll of blankets. Only not when the Egyptian government are relieving troops there is always room by third-class in theory, but in practice it is rather hard to find room when sixty native soldiers have divided all the
advance.

the steamer was engaged

The

second-class

near
ness

it

in

the twilight, for the sake of safety in

small deck space with military regularity amongst themselves and their baggage. The civilians who

numbers.
is

Putting this together, it shows that loneliwhat they dread more than actual thieves it is the " afrit " more than the " bad people that they An Egyptian is a very timid being to go out fear. at night, especially to any distance, is a terror to him the long and lonely road, and still more the dark shadows of trees or woods, will scare almost any One man I was told of who was very strong native.
;
''
; ;

came on clumped themselves down in the narrow pathway left between the ranks. After seizing on
a space while the soldiers were away, we had to fight morally if not physically to hold our own.

We

were told to go, but demanded to have a clear space somewhere else before we stirred. After some friction, and an unpleasant hour, they made the best of it, and let us have just space enough to lie on

INTRODUCTION.
our edges
the night.
;

on the

flat

was impossible.

My

friend,

alone with

me

this

time,

generally found

however, had a man's foot in his stomach most of

sitting rather

disconsolately, with less

;

him room about

We all got on well together afterwards and our next neighbour, one of the corporals, was a very good fellow. The sacred space allotted for the promenade of the first-class during the day was only intruded on by stealth j some of the men could not resist the sight of a clear deck and plenty of room
just over the

him than when I had gone it needs the presence of a living and acting personality to secure any space in such a crowd. But at night, when every man wants his six feet of deck, then comes the squeeze, and the early sleepers have the best of it. There is
only a couple of thin iron bars around the deck, without any bulwarks, and the lower rail is more than a foot above the deck. Hence it is needful to
lie

hand-rail barrier.
fill

Certainly,

if

the

Egyptian Government

up

all

the space with as

many

soldiers as they think can be

all

stowed on the

end-on to the boat's

spaces,
rail

side, or else

roll

would send

deck, and then take

in addition,

some

the passengers they can get stretching of the rules of accommo-

a sleeper into the water.

coveted
of

The paddle-boxes were

legally

course

forbidden,

and

dation ought to be allowed.

built to

The

boats are not

for

without any

or barrier whatever around them,

be choked in

this
is

way; and the apology

sanitary arrangements

scandalously inadequate. If the whole affair were proclaimed to be on par with a pilgrim boat, one would take it all as it

came, rough and ready; but the first-class and its civilization hedges off the deck, and curiously inspects the herd which is penned up before it. Coming down from Luxor some weeks later, the same state
of matters was
all
still

going on

only this time

was

settled into the midst of a cargo of Convict soldiers,

undergoing sentence for some crimes. They were duly guarded day and night by sentries, and not one was allowed to leave the upper deck without a soldier behind him, bayonet in hand. This I thought tolerable company, squeezed together as we were but at one place a gang of civilian prisoners, all
;

heavily ironed together

to neck, were brought on,

by massive chains from neck and settled down just on the

;

top of myself and baggage I had secured a piece of the pathway, and so my neighbourhood was a little
clearer than elsewhere.
last

After some clamour, we at got our load of wretches shunted off into a corner. gang of Egyptian prisoners looks strange at first these were all utter villains, except one boy, men whom I would never have employed under

than the deck. Watching an opportunity, I saw a soldier get up one afternoon from his space on the box, and I instantly seized it, and spread my blankets, in token of a settler in occupation of his claim. My head was safe, for the box tapered away too narrow for anybody to get at that part my legs were steadily intruded on until I asserted myself by a good thrust on that side then some one on the other side gently insinuated his legs across my feet, and was gaining ground for a while, until, when his position was matured, a convulsion from below tossed his heels in the air, and he meekly withdrew. It was not the company that I objected to, but having too much of a good thing individually, an Egyptian is a very pleasant fellow to travel with, conversable, kindly, and in short chummable. These soldiers had be.en seized as conscripts, probably marched off from their villages in chains, and then sent to At many a garrison in Nubia for three years. steamer passed, a man that the and town village would rise and stand looking out at every soul
but yet rather clearer
; ;

any circumstances, from their faces alone each man walked on hugging with his chained hands his sack of provisions thrown over his shoulder, for they seemed to be required to provide all their own food. They had been seized for murders and robberies, and were on their way to trial at the Mudiriyeh. During the day there was just moving room to pick one's way across the legs and among the bodies of all our cargo of scoundreldom and many a pleasant hour I spent, sitting on the barrier of respectability,
:

talking to a friend

who
boat,

was, luckily for me, going

down
I

in the

same

and luckily

for

him

first-

class, there

being a lady in the question.

to

When

returned

my

faithful

Muhammed, who was

some of his family, then and brothers' names, in hopes that some of them might be in hearing. At one place a boy sighted his brother on board, and ran along the bank at full tear for a mile or two, Happily we came to shouting "Hasan! Hasan!" a stop near there, and Hasan's brothers and sisters and parents all came down, and rejoiced and wept over him for ten minutes, until the whistle blew, and Hasan was once more lost to their sight. These poor folks do not know how to write, and even when they do send a letter it is often not received. The post office, though excellent when a European's letters are in question, is but lax with Arab correspondence one man had written three or four letters from Assuan to his family at Dahshur, but none were ever received. When Muhammed was there with me
in

sight,

searching

for

call out his father's

A SEASON IN EGYPT.
he took a message
delivered.
4. While at Thebes, I was out every day taking paper casts and photographs of the innumerable sculptures of foreign races on the monuments. The great battle scenes, the rows of captives, the lines of forts, all supply examples of the physiognomy of the various races with which the Egyptians came

for

them, which was

faithfully-

by chlorate of potash seems the simplest and best way to work with it in confined spaces, and the materials are non-explosive until they are mixed
of the metal
for use.

On

bringing
arose

the

question

how

paper casts to England, the best to utilise them. First, I

;

soaked them with wax then I took plaster of Paris casts from them, forming about one hundred and These slabs will be fifty slabs of various sizes.
presented by the British Association to the British Museum, after their exhibition at the South Kensington

in contact.

of these

Until this year, no general collection had been made and only drawings of some few heads and figures were available in England. My work then lay in securing good examples of every variety of type, especially
;

Museum, by the kind arrangement of the

searching
general

for

all

bearing

race

names.

Of

squeezes, or impressions;

names, or paper the paper being beaten

direct
local
I

From the slabs, which were in relief like the original stone sculpture, I then took a series of photographic negatives and
Palestine Exploration Fund.
;

these

took

prints of all these negatives, as well as those of the

painted figures, can be had by any one

who

cares to

thoroughly on to the stone while wet, and left to dry on; after that it could be removed, with an impression which will bear any ordinary travelling
jects

pay a photographer for printing off copies. On applying to Mr Browning Hogg, 75 High Street, Bromley, Kent, he will forward a set of the photographs
prints,
;

photograph most of these subwould have been a very long task, many of them being so high up on walls that a large scaffold would have been needed to bring a camera into position. However, by hangwithout injury.
successfully

To

if

only a selection

is

needed, a set of loose

which can be taken from their sheets at 2s. 3d. a dozen, will be sent if a whole set of one hundred and ninety photographs is wanted, they will be sent pasted on sheets of parchment
;

ing a rope-ladder
at the top
I

over the wall, weighted

down

paper, with printed

titles, in

a cloth case, for 45s.,

by Muhammed

(enjoined not to move),

could scale up, holding the paper and brush in

teeth
;

my

and then, hanging on by an elbow, beat the paper on to the sculpture. Altogether, nearly two hundred sheets were done, including about two Also many painted hundred and seventy heads. subjects were photographed in the tombs. When near the outer air, the sunlight could be reflected in by sheets of tin-plate, and many photographs were thus taken. But in the depths of the large tombs it was necessary to use artificial light. This was obtained by mingling powdered magnesium with an equal weight of chlorate of potash, and then
exploding the mixture.

Also the British Association have agreed to supply copies of the report by myself giving the details of position of each subject, and a paper on
post
free.

the geographical

identifications
;

by

my

friend,

the

H. G. Tomkins and these copies will be presented to any person ordering a whole set of the
Rev.

photographs, so far as they may be available. By these arrangements, I hope that this large ethnographical
will be quite as useful to were published while any publication by a mechanical process would entail so large an outlay, that it would be impossible to supply the prints at such a low rate of cost price as at

collection
if it

students as

By

calculation of the proI

present arranged.

portions of magnesium- and sun-light to candles,

reckoned that forty grains of the metal burnt at 8 feet distance from the subject were needful to This proportion light it enough to photograph. gave excellent results with ordinary dry plates. Of course, at 4 feet (half the distance) only ten Since grains a quarter of the quantity is needed. German has published England, a to return my directions for taking instantaneous photographs by using sulphide of antimony with the magnesium,

S.

From Thebes
the

crossing

but this would foul the air too much in a close tomb and an American has used a mixture of guncotton and magnesium but the direct oxidation
:

baggage ass part was little known; but there is nothing to examine beyond a few small sites, and the town of Atfih, all of which are Roman or Arab, so far as they can be seen. Crossing over to Memphis, I settled at Dahshur, in order to survey the pyramids there. Though the village of Menshiyet Dahshur is nearer than any other to the pyramids yet its distance, and the great stagnant pool of water by it, were objectionable. So I pitched

went down to Wasta and Berimbal, walked with a down the east shore to Helwan. This
I
;

river

to

my

tent at

INTRODUCTION.
the edge of the cultivated land,

some half mile from

it.

heard

they

elsewhere found a boy instead, reburied

it

the village, beneath a small grove of palms on a

him, and thought

was

all

done.

Finding the police

sandy

rise,

with several fairly good wells around

were not
visits

told, I sent

over to them, and had sundry

The only

trouble was the need of having guards, owing to the distance from the village. Happily I got two very quiet men, whom by many injunctions I restrained from talking at night; for when living in a tent, one is one's own policeman, and the slightest whisper outside is enough to break a sound sleep. Those guards slept in an enviable manner one night the mounted police came round, and angrily demanded why they were not awake the poor fellows could do nothing but stammer out " yes, yes, yes," to every question and could barely find sense enough to give their names. They were in great dread of being fined, and begged me next day to write a letter to say that I preferred them to sleep. As their official beat, however, was about two miles long, I feared the excuse would not be thought worth much. Another night I was awoke by a whine, and leaning forward to my man Muhammed, who was also awake, he said that a hyaena had been smelling the guards' feet, but thought they were alive, and so hesitated to begin on them. On Muhammed moving, he had slipped into the shadow of a palm, and stood whining at being disturbed from a prospect of supper. The guards were snoring quite steadily, when I just sent
; ;

of investigation from policemen and inspector;

finally

and

remains until a doctor could

a guard was appointed to watch the arrive. These unlucky

guards were levied from the neighbouring villages, twelve in all, with four policemen they passed their time lying about at a corner of the pyramid, hearing
;

the "afrits" of the murdered

men by
desert
;

night,

baked by day

in the barren

parties

and went

down

to water nearly

two miles

off in the valley,

and returned to relieve the others in rotation, until the grand day when the doctor came. Then a full examination took place, and two bodies of men The were overhauled and officially reported on.
boy, neither
I

nor

they knew of

at

that

time.

While the
waiting

police (unfortunately then horseless), were

pyramid, a party of three from the Fayum, challenge followed, then ran right across them. an exchange of fourteen bullets, and then the thieves

about at the

thieves, driving five buffaloes over

So that evening the policemen marched triumph back to the village with the cattle. When I was first surveying about the pyramids, twice a day, men passing I used to see, about with horses or cattle; but after this stir with
bolted.
in

the

police

such

travellers

entirely

ceased.

a shot over toward the beast to scare it off; as the crack of the revolver died away, I heard the same snore continuing without the least break or change.

Happy

sleepers

who can

ignore such a sound just

over their heads

6. There was some need of guards in the place, as Dahshur is the terminus of the thieves' road to the Whenever cattle are lifted, either about Fayum. Sakkara, or in the Fayum, they are driven along this road and sold at the other end. The first day that and I was going about the pyramids I smelt a smell following my nose I came on some uncanny legs, off which the hyaenas had eaten the flesh, sticking out of a hollow behind some stones. I thought they looked so when I had Muhammed up there the suspicious next day I told him about them. He came to me, looking mysterious, and said it was a man he was certain of it, for he felt his hair stand on end, and
;
; ;

bottom of the affair was that these and a boy had been murdered in a blood feud they having murdered the brother of another family of thieves, and their brother had shortly before The been hung for murdering some one else. matter was complicated by their having sundry business relations with the people of Menshiyet Dahshur; and when the mother of the murdered
party came over with the police, she at once identified pistol and pouch, which the shekh of the village guard was wearing, as having been her son's. How

The men two

he came by them had to be explained, but as he wore them openly on such an occasion, I believe When I left the place, the shekh in his innocence.
of the village, the shekh of the guard, all villagers who had known anything of the parties, and all
available relations of the parties, were
still

in lock-

up

at

Gizeh.

In

Egypt,

it

is

quite necessary to

seize

and lock up your witnesses as securely as the

in

moreover there were the clothes about. Certainly, the leg bones did not agree with anything I knew of quadruped anatomy. So I sent word that evening to the shekh of the village. His terror was that the police should hear of it; he therefore sent up the guards to rebury the remains but as I afterwards
;

prisoners,
their

order to reduce
bribes,

the

probabilities

of

receiving

and

also

to

increase

the

opportunities of getting bribes out of

detention.

Every time a man

is

them during examined he makes

things pleasant to the clerks, otherwise troublesome errors might appear in the record, and the police

A SEASON IN EG YPT.
omnipotent against a man. When once his name gets into the police office about any affair, as plaintiff, defendant, or witness, he is liable to squeezing for years to come. Whenever a policeman wants a dollar, he may perhaps call out the unlucky man, and tell him that he is wanted on such and such a case, but if he will pay up, the policeman cannot find him. Of course he pays, for fear worse things should happen to him. While I was at Dahshur, a pohceman went from Kafr el Ayat to Sakkara, where he had no authority he then conspired with a guard, and called out twelve men on a false charge, and drove them off some way toward
record
is
;

ago I most reluctantly decided on giving up the work which I had been carrying on for three furnish years before, and which seemed at the time to my only opportunity of excavating in Egypt. Smce been surprise, private resources have then,

A year

to

placed at

my my

disposal

for the cost

of excavations,

and
the

shall in
I

Fayum.

coming season be at work in hope next autumn to have an account

the

to give of the antiquities of that district.

CHAPTER

I.

Kafr el Ayat, and then intimated that a dollar a head a week's wages there would settle matters so they found twelve dollars, which were sweetly divided between the policeman and the shekh of the guard. Luckily this case came to the ears of the European authorities, and I even heard that the money was to be refunded. Probably the examination would cost the men more than their first loss. As the Arabs say, when one remarks " Surely such an one does not take bakhshish .?" " Everything that has a mouth will feed." Nothing but a long course of stringent and incorruptible control will ever put the country into order. A most quiet and inoffensive man, brother of my overseers, had annoyed a slavedealer by refusing to let his house at Gizeh be used

THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS OF ASSUAN.

7. Amid and behind the houses of Assuan, rise the rounded granite rocks which have in past ages resisted the wear of the Nile torrent, when the stream was far stronger and higher than it ever is in these days. On their grey and brown polished faces, every visitor will have noticed figures and inscriptions

some carved with

fine regularity,

some hammered

or bruised on the surface of the rock, so that they

as a cover for the trade

the caravans of slaves

usually descending from the desert near there, at

Abu

Roash.

When

the dealer was caught, he falsely

fellow

show more by their lighter colour than by any depth of cutting. These rock inscriptions are to be seen not only about the present town, but also in a bay to the south of it, on the rocks of Elephantine, and on dozens of blocks all along the road from Assuan to Philae, up the older bed of the Nile they there reach a profusion as they near Philae, and culminate on the
;

accused

an accomplice, out of was seized and imprisoned for over two months, while his agriculture was neglected, and he paid about twenty pounds to various officials. At last the case came before an honest Bey, a Turk most likely, and he asked if
revenge.

my

friend of being

pile of vast

So the poor

towering masses of granite known as Konosso, on which nearly all available places have been occupied. Others are to be seen on the opposite island of Bigeh some rude ones on the mainland east of Philae and many are scattered on the rocks along the side of the Nile, between the
;

the slaves had identified the accused. Some of the slaves were fetched; they at once identified the dealer,

three villages which

several others,

lie

south of Assuan.

The

cross

valleys between the river

but said they had never seen my friend, nor another man who had been similarly treated with him. So the innocent got off at last, and live in dread of being levied on in future. No doubt the poor peasantry
could appeal for justice to the European heads of departments, if they knew how. But how can a man
obtain a
fair

and the road also contain and many are known on the island of
of these inscriptions
is

Sehel at the cataracts.

The purport

very various.

There are several royal tablets, most of which have been published by Lepsius in the Denkmdler, and therefore have not been recopied. Many are of
private persons, dated in the reign of some king, or naming their offices under him. But the greater

hearing

who cannot

write,

who

dreads

above all and who probably does not know

or

things stirring the resentment of the police,

whom

part
is

to appeal to,

of

them

how to

find, or reach,

the ruling power?

He

needs,

made

are funeral stelae, stating that an offering to some god or gods, generally those of

moreover, a course of education to believe that there is, at any stage of government, such a thing as honest
justice to be found,

district Khnum, Sati, and

of the deceased person,

Anket for the ka, or soul whose titles and family are

the

though

this is at last
cities.

understood

by

those

who

live

near the

usually stated. These inscriptions are thus exactly the same as the funeral stelae found in tombs else-

THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS OF ASSUAN.

where; as
the granite
it

was impossible

to excavate

tombs

in

but

if

painting had been general, more would have

roclcs,

the interments must have been

been

visible

now under

the very minute examination

generally in the sand, and the stela, in place of being

in

of the cracked surfaces that has been continually

a tomb, was cut on the rocks.

Other

inscriptions,

made
8.

in the course

of copying the inscriptions.

all

whicTi

merely state the name arrd titles of some official, were probably cut by travellers while waiting in the neighbourhood for their boat to pass the cataracts, though not one actually refers to the passage of the cataracts. These brief mentions are very rough in general, and abound on the rock at the east side of the lower end of the rapids, just where voyagers would disembark.

In the accompanying plates

the inscriptions

not hitherto

published are

here given.
Griffith,

As

they

were copied partly by

myself, the copyist's

Mr

and partly by
is

initial,

G. or

P.,

placed at

the foot of each

and where a copy has been checked

a photograph has been used, the
;

by a second
copyist's.
letter

reader, the checker's initial follows the

Where

The positions of the inscriptions Some are on the granite faces which down into deep water, and, are below
;

are

various.

dip straight
the present

generally they are at the level of level of high Nile they stand, or raised somewhat by which the roads faces of rock. Effective display has on prominent most cases the corner of some for in been sought
;

road, or an unusually large block of stone, or a wide flat face, well exposed, have generally been occupied.

In some cases, as the scene, No. 109 and others, by Amenemapt, the highest faces on the cliffs have been used, about 100 feet above the road beneath, and
several tablets cannot have been cut without ladders

Prominence was not, however, always wished for; and one very beautifully deep-cut inscription, No. 86, is on the flat side of a huge block facing to the cliff, and not to be seen without climbing up some distance over the piled masses, so
or scaffolding. as to reach
its level.

and in a few cases ^ where an inscription is given in the Denkmdler, the variations between that copy and this are noted. The order of the copies here is geographical from South to North, without an exact distinction however between those in the same group, though generally they follow in nearly their order on the ground. The positions of Mr Griffith's originals not being connected with those of mine, his copies are placed in a group 131 to 154, which is parallel with my group 68 to 130; and some additional copies of his appear as an addendum to the general order, Nos. 332 to 356. The quickest and most satisfactory way of working was by my making the copies, and Mr Griffith checking them, and this plan was
follows the copyist's
,

followed

In the time of the Empire, the courtiers of the XVIIIth dynasty were not too scrupulous as to the positions they seized on and just south of Assuan,
;

on the road to the Cufic cemetery, are

tablets, the

many

early

Besides the 338 as we could. Assuan to Philae, there are from inscriptions here Denkntdler in the ; these will be about two dozen (Usertesen I) 118 123 (3); 144; found in Band IV. 150 b. c. (Mentuhotep) 151, e. f h. (Noferhotep) V. 16 (Tahutmes I); 69 (Tahutmes IV); 81 (2), and 82 (3), Amenhotep III.) VII. 202 (Merenptah) and VIII. 274 (Psamtik, Haabra, and Aahmes). About
as
far
; ; ;
; :

engraving of which has been cleared out, and fresh inscriptions cut on the stolen sites (No. 274, In all earlier times, however, a strict regard &c.).

60

have been hitherto published by Lepsius, Champollion, Mariette, &c.; all of these bear kings' names, and scarcely any of them have been rein all

seems to have been shown to older inscriptions. It is seldom that the face of the rock has been specially dressed down, either in a bordered square or otherwise usually the smooth worn face, or a flat cleavage face of the granite was selected, and the inscription cut on it.. Thus the natural wearing of dark brown, or the shiny pitchy black where exposed to the Nile,
;

published here.

9.

Several

tablets

with

kings'

names, however,

have been hitherto unnoticed, and these are given in full ; the- following being the list of kings' names
occurring in these inscriptions, including those lower down at Silsileh and Thebes, and the cones and

served to throw up the light bruised surfaces of the cutting, so that no more than a mere hammering on the surface, and stunning of the crystals, sufficed for

other

monuments on PL

xxi.-xxiii.

some cases. Some inscriptions, indeed, are so slightly and roughly marked, that it needs an examination of the granite crystal, by crystal, to trace
distinction in

Nefer-kha-ra, No. 309. Unas, No. 312.

Pepi

I.,

Rameren

Nos. 309, 539, 630. (year 4), Nos. 81 ; 338.

the course of the bruised lines. In a few cases there are remains of red or of yellow paint on the figures

Pepi XL, No. 311. Antef, No. 489. Antefa, No. 310.

A SEASON IN EGYPT.
Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher (year 41) Nos. 213 and
394. 443. 489S-ankh-ka-ra, Nos. 359, 466. Amenemhat I., Nos. 67, 308.
;

additional

title

to

some wivesr we are reduced

position,

to

243

examine the one other

that

of widow.

III. (y.6) 262; (y.r2) 340. Amenemhat III. (y.14) 151; (y.15) 84,

Usertesen Usertesen

I.

(y.i) 271

(y.41) 91

Nos. 113, 273.

though not deceased persons are usually the " true having always entitled makheru, as to recite world, voice," or intonation in the other

Now
153; (y.24)

98; (y.2s) 154-

Amenemhat

IV. (y.3) 444 ; No. 703.? Neferhotep, Nos. 337, 479. Sebekemsaf, Nos. 385, xxi. 2. Karnes, PI. xxi. r.
Ti-aa-aa, PI. xxi.
i.

formulae for repelling evil spirits, according to Professor Maspero's neat explanation of the phrase. If then the nebt per were a widow, her husband, whenever his name is given, should be
the
defensive

described as makheru.
cases
14.

Is this

Amenhotep I., Nos. 476, 480. Tahutmes I., Nos. 476, xxi. i, cone
Tahutmes
II.,

in

these inscriptions,
is

nebt per

No. 476.
xxi. 3.

Hatasu, Nos. 357,

159

(Nait),
is

named, Nos. 19, and 244; and

deceased
is
;

There are six where a husband of a 82, 87 (Henutsenu) 1 14,

so.?

in

five

of these the

Tahutmes III., No. 357, cone 39. Amenhotep II., cone 6. Amenhotep III., Nos. 274, 334, 490,? cone

84.

Khunaten, PI. xxi. 7. Seti I., Nos. 109, 130. Ramessu II., Nos. 146, 275, 662, 664, 684. Merenptah I., No. 70. Seti II., Nos. 665, 666, 673, 691. Siptah, No. 278. Ramessu III., Nos. 650, 652, 659, 661, 663, 681, cone 107. Sheshank III., cone 56. Kashta, No. 263. Amenardus, Nos. 263, xxi. 8. Nekau, PL xxi. 5. Haa-ab-ra, No. 321. Aahmes II., No. 302. Amenrut, PI. xxi. 11.

he is No. 19, where he was probably dead, as there are five grandchildren named and moreover, the makheru title is not applied to any This test therefore fully one in that inscription.

husband

the

only case where

not stated to be so

out the conclusion. But one other test remains in any past generation there will be about as many widows as widowers, i.e., wives must have
bears
:

half of
half,

them died widows

of the

women
as

half, or rather more than ; should therefore appear as nebt

title
is

per, though,

that

in

many

genealogies

rarely given,

we cannot expect

full half.
is

As

it

is,

there are (in inscriptions where nebt per

used), 80

The unknown cartouche Hotep, 430 and unknown ka name Uaj, 414. Only about
;

the half a dozen of these have been published before, so far as I am aware.

10.

From
in

the large
these

number of

relationships

re-

mothers without the title, against 52 called nebt which is as close a balance as we can expect. The only explanation therefore of this title nebt per that appears possible, is that it means widow, or " mistress of the house " after her husband's death and this is fully confirmed by the two tests (i) of the husband being called makheru, and (2) of
per,

corded
fer,

family groups,
of

we may
It

ascertain

the

the force of a very well

or
"

known feminine
the
house.''

title

mistress

Neb-t has been

supposed to be a synonym for wife, as endowed with her husband's property but from inscriptions No. 1 14, we see that Thi was both nebt per and hemt which is the regular title for wife: and in No. we see the same condition of Nait further, 1 59
;

equality of numbers to that of the wives. Probably, where a son or daughter took possession of the house and estates on his father's death, the widow might not have this title; and this would account, as well as the
lists,

for

the

title

as

mere omission of it in the occurring to four-tenths instead

of half of the mothers named.

II.

we always

find the wife called hemt-f, " his wife,"

find
this

An
of

important point, which

these families,
is

is

very prominent
relationship

though we never seems clear that

It
is

nebt per-f,

"his

?",

it

in

all

that

was

can
of
its

neither be a

synonym

for a wife, nor yet

a secondary wife or concubine.

title

reckoned on the mother's, and not on the father's side. In every case of stating the descent of a
person, throughout the whole of these inscriptions (and I might add the tombs and funeral stelae
in

certainly

a
it

continually used, and

some respect, as it is meaning shows a position

an
heiress, in default of

of authority.
sons,
it

If

signified

most

cases),

it

is

the

could not be
;

to

have been

common as we find it and moreover, we see in No. 145

so

the

father rarely appears,

unless

mother who is stated; he is separately

that the nebt per Hennut was not an only child, and another such case is in No. 289. Being then neither heiress nor secondary wife, and yet an

commemorated. The parental identification of a man was by his mother's name. This might be thought to be only a surer identification, as a man often had children by different wives
{e.g.,

four

; ;

THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS OF ASSUAN.

mothers of one set of brethren being named in No. 270), whereas re-marriage of a widow is not
of property in the female line thus tended to increase

the

energy

and

ability

of

family

while

the

known
filled

so

far.

But

it

was much more than

;

this

the father was ignored

offices,

so long as he lived, and he was important, but on his death he became nobody, and was not reckoned as a link in the family. For instance, in inscriptions Nos. 86, 87, and 1 14, all of one family, the mother is commemorated and repeatedly named, the father is never mentioned the mother's mother is named also. In Nos. 267-8 there is not a single husband mentioned among over twenty wives, only a few unmarried sons appearing. Again, in No. 270, the four mothers of a set of brethren 'are named, the father being but once mentioned, and then not as any bond of union to the whole. It is the same in the tombs at El Kab; there interminable relations cover the walls in rows, the tombs seeming to be a sort of joint-commemoration of a whole family and their friends, for their benefit in the future worlds possibly a pious duty of the head of a house; possibly a memorial got up by joint-subscription. But in these tombs the relations are all on the female side, except the very nearest. Paheri,
;

modern system of male descent rather increases its mere beauty. Perhaps the Egyptians were the
wiser.

12.

As an
we may

illustration

of the reading of these

inscriptions, for those

who

are not already familiar with

159.

them,
are
in

take No.

"A

royal

offering

presented to Sati,

Khnum, Anket, and

the gods

who

Ta-kens (the land of the bow, or Nubia) giving to them services, bread, wine, beeves, and fowls, and all things that are good and living amongst the gods, for the ka (soul) of the chief of the south thirty (a district of the frontier perhaps the Dodekaschoinos of later times), Amenemhat, true-voiced {makheru) born of the widow {nebt-per) Thenasit, true-voiced and for the son of his brother Amendudu, true-voiced and for his wife, his beloved, the widow Nait, true-voiced and his daughter Senb-tesi and his daughter Annutpu." The pre-

cise significance of

many

of the formulae continually

;

met with is still more or less uncertain but this example will, at least, show how such inscriptions
a royal offering," has been very happily explained by Professor Maspero his view being that the king was the only intermediary between his subjects and the gods he alone could offer acceptably to the gods and whatever was offered could only be done in his name, as being done for him thus every offering was a " royal
run.
; ;
:

for

instance, has
sons, but

his

father, wife's

father, brothers,
;

The

constant opening,

"

and

whereas his first cousins in the female line, " daughters of the sister of the mother of his mother," are given at length. And we see from other cases that this was no mere accident of relationships. Matriarchy was in great force in Egypt, the husband in many
contracts even gave his wife everything he possessed;

no further male relations

offering."

and it seems highly probable that though offices might descend from father to son, property would go in the line in which relationship was reckoned and commemorated; so that a widow was, by -her
rights, mistress of the house, or nebt per.

De Rouge

has shown reasons for believing that Khufu married a daughter of Seneferu, and succeeded to the throne instead of any of the sons of Seneferu ; Khafra similarly married a daughter of Khufu, and succeeded

Turning now to some details of the inscripshould be noted that, in most cases, they are copies and not transliterations that is to say, the style and character of the original is preserved as nearly as may be in a hand copy. Where they
13.

tions, it

are very rude, as in Nos.

are

to 18, ra!ch line

;

is

repro-

duced as exactly as can be readily done

in

better style, as in

where they Nos. 19-22, the forms of

any of the sons of Khufu and Menkaura Here we see that is not among the sons of Khafra. the throne descended in the female line and the
in place of
;

the signs have been duly observed, the

number

of

waves

in n,

the

number of

strokes on men, and such

details,

have been

in nearly all cases copied.

These
eye

long

list

of priestesses of

Amen
It

at Thebes, an office

details are of considerable value in educating the

in styles

which also went

that,

in the female line,

shows

this

same

of various periods, but they are generally

course of inheritance.

seems

highly probable

ignored
cise

by

copyists

down

to the latest times, the only legitimate

pictorial plates of the

succession of

was

in

the female line;

legally

and the sons

copy

will differ

even in the ostentatiously Denkmdler, a seemingly prealtogether from its original in

kings could

only rule

by the system

of sister-marriages, which was begun in the Xllth dynasty, and fully carried out in the XVIIIth and The Egyptian system of the descent later dynasties.

From this carelessness has a neglect and indifference to the historic variation of such details, which is a hindrance to any Egyptologist who works from books and not
the forms of the signs.
arisen

; ;

A SEASON IN EG YET.
from the originals. copy should be a true copy, and not a transcription into a style of a wholly different period and if any signs are unintelligible they should not be altered, but an explanatory form added as a note. Such of the copies in this volume as are mere transcripts are distinguished by being drawn in open outline, as Nos. 25 to 30; though in these any remarkable forms are observed. The hieratic forms often found in these rock in;

mainland, except at high Nile forming part of the eastern shore from January onwards each year. It is needful to note this, as in Murray's Guide the position is wrongly stated.
are joined to the

of the inscriptions of Konosso are the largest and most striking of all many of them, however,

Some

belong to the Empire, the most conspicuous being the large dressed faces of the tablets of the XVIIIth dynasty. High above every other is a square containing the cartouches
title

scriptions are

of considerable interest.

They show

of Psamtik
is

II.

A
chief

frequent

the free use of hieratic for

early date of the
over,

common

purposes at the

in

the

earlier

inscriptions
{v.

"

of

the

Xlth and Xllth dynasties. Morethey are in many cases more difficult to form
their hieroglyphic equiva-

interior of the treasury"

20, 22, 29, 33, 34A, 46,

SS);
later,

on the stone surface than

lents,

Another

and not
straight

being adaptations for writing upon papyrus for cutting on stone, curved rather than
lines
;

probably a local title in the principal temple. title of less important persons, and probably is that of "scribe of the youths," perhaps of

and yet as they were used in preference, it shows that they were far more familiar to the users than the hieroglyphics, which were They form, therecertainly very commonly known.
fore,

(v. 30, 35); while a "youth of the land," or son of his country, ii shown on 41 (Amenemheb-

the recruits

jedaf),

42 (Hui), and 43, and these

may

well be the

cadets in the charge of the scribe.

At Bigeh most
lished
;

of the inscriptions have been pub-

a distinct evidence of the

common

use of hieratic
;

writing on papyrus in the middle

dence quite in accord with that The date in which clerks are so often to be seen. at which the various forms of hieratic signs were in use is of great interest, as bearing on the question of the early hieratic papyri being original or of later copying. Here we have a large quantity of hieratic, in various stages of decadence from the hieroglyphic, and mostly capable of being approximately dated by the names found. For instance, the Antef and Mentuhotep names, which are so frequent, are probably all before the Xllth dynasty, as in that age a fresh style came in of Amenemhats and Usertesens, and all their compounds. The Sebak names are unusual before the Xlllth dynasty, and
.

kingdom an eviof the tomb paintings

334-6.

but a few fresh ones are given here, 56-9, Bigeh, or Biggeh, is the large island on the
;

west side of Philae

limited to the rocks

the inscriptions seem to be

on

its

south-east part above

the temple
separate,
slight
in the

around the

rest of the island, including

is

the whole of
I

the northern half, which

of a village with late

almost
is

did not find a single letter.

There

mound

Roman

pottery

gap between the two halves.

greater part of the inscriptions lie along the road from Philae to Assuan, which in its southern
part branches into
tions
different
all

The

valleys.

The

inscrip-

from the Vlth to the XlXth dynasty, though mostly of the Xllth. Some, such as No. 79, are very rudely hammered
are

of nearly

periods,

while others, as 86, are of fine

very rare before the Xllth. All of these scarcely survived into the Empire, and with them perished
the

sweet early names of primitive times, Apa, Beba, Teta, and such simplicities. By these data of the names the various periods of the forms of
characters

monumental cutting. most complete family records is that in the three fine inscriptions, 86, 87, and 114; on drawing this out we have five generations recorded Beba the grandmother, Tetauat the mother, her

One

of the

five

sons

Usertesen-ankh-sneferu,

Usertesen-senb-

may be

ascertained within the

time of

penti-n, lusenb,

one dynasty and one change of fashion.

14.

We

will

now make

notes on a few points in

the plates in their order.

The

inscriptions

to 18,

which are

on the east or further side of the plain

last.

opposite Philae, seem to be

except, perhaps, the

all of the Xlth dynasty, Konosso is the high pile of rocks, around two enormous twin masses which tower up on the eastern side of the Nile, where it makes a bend around Philae they are thus on the
;

Amenisenb, and Senb-f The first married Henutsenu, and had a son Res-senb, and a daughter Amensit, who had a son Nebui. The second married Thi, sister of Ameni, whose mother was Henutpu, and had seven children, Seneferu, Amensi, Teta-uat, Teta-ankhtha, Henutapu, Tetasenbet, and Nehia. Besides these nine other persons are named whose relationship to the family is not
shown.
Several
to the disc,
peculiarities

hieroglyphics.

north

of Philae.

Though

called

an

island,

they

may be noted among the appears with the serpent attached as in Nos. 76 and 152. iV is generally

Ra

"

THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS OF ASSUAN.

reduced to three waves, sometimes to only two, as in No. 80 the great number of small waves being a late type of the empire, while in the middle and
;

Xllth dynasties.
as Ra-s-sen, yet
is

it

Although No. 179 reads strictly seems not improbable that this

a blundering abbreviation for Ra-s-hotep-{ab), or

I., the more so as it is quite possible Horus-name above the cartouche to have

old kingdoms four or five the Assuan rocks, and

is

the usual
is

number on
frequent on
first

Amenemhat
for the

six or seven

Memphite

carvings.

What

appears at
kli (as

like

been intended

for

nem-mes-tu.

An

inscription cut

decorated form of the disc

270, after dnkJi),
is

in

Nos. 80 and
sign, in a

by a stranger who

really the usual

town

group which

merely dnkh but dnkh-n-nu, " living in the town," or " citizen." It appears full length in No. 99. Among other titles appears udrtu (^6, first line), which has been rendered "foot-soldier" or " courier " but in this place it seems to belong to such a high official (Rasehotepabsenb being governor of the town according to his next title), that it rather seems equivalent to king's messenger or gentleman usher. Another title, mer shent, is supposed to be equivalent to master of the rolls, literally, perhaps also actually it appears in Nos. Apparently a variant is her shen 85, 165, 166, 168. in No. 167. curious variant of Sati, with the bone in place of the transfixed skin, is seen in No.
is

not

is seen in No. 211; it records " the noble, the chief of the prophets of Hathor, lady of Kes (Cusae), named Senba." Another tablet with a royal name is No. 213, dated in the forty-first year of Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher; it mentions the visit of Khati, son of Sitra. This is

visited the place

of

some importance, as below

No. 489 as here, appears as
;

Silsileh is

the great

tablet.
title

there a Khati,

who

bears the

same

vizier to Antef,

who

adores

the deceased Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher.

That Men-

tuhotep was deceased is not only to be presumed from the tablet, as Eisenlohr has done, but is shown

by No. 443,

in

which Khati alone adores the

mumin

mified form of Mentuhotep.

As

there

is

the

89.

The

title "

master of the boats

"

occurs in No.
in

and its repetition No. 134, also markable form of sat is given in No.
97,
_

147.

re-

133,

compared

with 89. On reaching the southern part of the long straight

valley which leads from
it

Assuan toward

Philae, before

branches amid the

cliffs,

a pile of rock stands in the

;

midst of it at the highest point of its bed this pile has been a favourite spot for royal tablets of the XVIIIth dynasty, but these have been already published. On a rock just to the east of them, however, is a private tablet. No. 155, of Ramesside age, and a rough

The rest of the inscriptions in this graffito, 156. road are scattered along the first mile or so out from Assuan. The Greek inscription is a splendid piece of work, equal to the very finest hieroglyphics
;

whole of Lieblein's Dictionary of about 7,400 persons, but one Khati with the title khebt net, or chancellor, among the dozen or so of men bearing the name, it is not likely that we have to deal with two different chancellors Khati in the inscriptions before us. It is almost certain, therefore, that Antef of No. 489 is adoring his immediate predecessor Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher, as Khati was chancellor within a few years of the death of Mentuhotep (from No. 213), and appears to have been retained as vizier by the successor Antef. This past ministry of his in the last reign accounts for the unusual appearance of him with the king in the adoration of Mentuhotep. This inscription (213) is on a cleavage face of granite in a pile of blocks on a low granite cliff overlooking
the Nile, just at the foot of the lowest of the rapids.
rocks near No. 213;
until reaching

There are many other short inscriptions on the and then no more are found

the sharpness of the cutting, the equality of all the lines, their depth, and clear square-cut ends, makes

a masterpiece of granite working. It stands on a block on the east side of the valley, facing The west, opposite the south end of the barracks. inscriptions of the master of the rolls, 165, 6, 8, are on a very prominent and high block below the barracks, and 167 is near these in the middle of the valley. Several other large inscriptions accompany 167, but the rock is so buried in the sand
this

a village in the first piece of shore south of the cliffs below the camp. Here is cut another tablet of Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher (also

named
at the

dated in his 41st year), in hieratic, by a nobleman Merri. This is on a southward face of rock,

that they cannot be copied.

extreme north of the village, some way up Near it are also two tablets of one family No. 244 is of " the priest, scribe of offerings of the god Tahuti, Lord of Hermopolis (Eshmunen), a noble of Nefrus (a town near Hermopolis), great one of the five in the temple of Tahuti (title of high
the
cliff.
;

priest

at

Hermopolis),
;

Am-nefer, devoted to his

beloved, the

Turning now to a more southerly point we begin on tlie river bank at the village of Shellal. Here several inscriptions occur of the Xlth and
15.

lord,

revivified

and

his mistress, his

widow, dwelling in his heart, the priestess of Tahuti, lord of Hermopolis, his wife, Nekhtemuaimer

A SEASON IN EGYPT.
"cut stone," wfith the determinative of an obelisk, occurs here after Hermopolis, but the meaning is not clear. This inscription is over
set,

The word

be thus commemorated as deceased, so that

refers here to

si

rather

refer to their

That it does not priestesses being sons of a number of

some adult

title.

Am-nefer and his wife seated, and was evidently cut on the occasion of his death. The next inscription, 245, gives

and

a family

list

had the same name and

other titles;
is

office,

of another person who together with some

different

but that

it

means a
;

person

probable by the wife's

name being
so,

she having died before him

uaimer was a second wife, belong to different persons. Proceeding further down the stream, the riverside path ceases, and tracks lead up to the top of the hill. Here a small cap of sandstone remains upon the granite, not yet denuded away; and where the path skirts along this, several very rude graffiti have been cut. These seem to belong entirely to the Xlth to Xlllth dynasties, judging by the names Apa (249), Sebakhotepi (252), Mentuantef (254), Khati and Ankhnes (342), Usertesen (343),

and Nekhtemthese inscriptions must

Merit,

seems born in the temple precincts titles. priestly having never shown by their mothers of number a of mothers No. 270 mentions four two Ankhsi father, the brethren, and in one case grandmothers, Keku and Kemt, and one greatgrandmother, Pent, are the oldest members of the
thus
.

unless

family.

16.

On

the south side of the town of

Assuan

is

fine inscription, 273, cut

Ankhu

(344),

Mentuhotep

(345),

&c.

On

the

same

And under Usertesen I. on the side toward the Cufic cemetery are several early inscriptions cut in large bold characters, but now half buried. They all border on the line of path which still runs out toward Philae, showing that this identical road has been in use for 4000 years but during that time it has been so much raised by blown sand and rubbish from the successive town ruins, that the inscriptions, which were cut large and boldly because of their height from
;

sandstone cap, where a road first winds down to the most southerly valley which is reached after the cliffs, just below the English camp, there are

the

eye,

are

now
as

nearly

buried.

The

courtiers

of the Empire,

we have

observed,

appropriated

two more

same date, 256-7, naming Antefaker, Sebakdudu, Mentuensu (who scrawled also on the cliff east of Philae, Nos. 2 and 4), Mentu and Ameni. Below this, on the riverside, there are some rude signs on a loose block. Further south there is a long bay broken into two or three lesser bays, between the camp cliff and the old Assuan cliff. About the middle of
graffiti

of the

earlier panels, and cut out the older inscriptions, sometimes leaving palimpsest traces as in No. 274, where we read an old name, Haksit, "daughter of

the prince."

Assuan

which the modern town of have many inscriptions on them. Some are very rude, as Nos. 279-284; but most of them are fairly cut, with shallow lines, and are
rocks
is

The

amid

built

of the usual types

this part, north of the

store

camp

in

the bay,
dated.

is

rocks below the high

a group of five inscriptions.

Two
III.

are
I.,

No.
in

271 the

in

the

ist

year of Usertesen
Usertesen

and 262
is

6th

year of
is

A
of,

remarkable

lists. One on the No. 393, is very large and deeply cut, and can be read from afar. 295 contains the only dedication in the place to Ptahres-anbu-sokar, Ptah-sokar of Memphis. On the

of

family

Nile,

inscription,

of a period of which there

no other

trace at Assuan,

that of Harer, a superintendent

of the palace, praising, and beloved of King Kashta, the priestess of

the daughter

opposite bank of the Nile are a few scrawls on the sandstone, which here comes down to the water's edge (Nos. 305-7).
17.

Amen, Amenardus.

title priestess of Amen was hereditary in the female line of the royal princesses, and distinguishes the legitimate female line of descent in the end of the empire. The other inscriptions here are long

The

At Elephantine

there

inscriptions on the riverside;

are a few very rough these are marked by

bruising

family
their

267 and 268 name four brothers, with mother, grandmother, and cousins on the
lists;

away the lustrous black coat which has formed upon the granite wherever the Nile flowed over it. There are also some better inscriptions,
of Aahmes II. (302), which have bfeen hitherto overlooked. By far the most interesting, however, is a set of tablets cut on a block of granite which sticks up out of the accumulated dust and n\ud in the beginning of the road to the village, just above the ferry. While looking around for
including the

names

together with several other scraps of relationships which probably belong to the same family; but not one husband or father is named.

female side;

seems

to

list of persons entitled si-enmehen, "child of the dwelling of Osiris"; it seems hardly likely that a lot of young acolytes should

No. 269 gives a long

inscriptions

THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS OF ASSUAN.

saw the top line of this, naming Rameri, on the some heads of further inscriptions below, as this was then juried as far up as the topmost
I

13

is

strange,

and

may

be of

importance
here
is

m3^hoof

rock, with

logically.

The next
(309),

inscription

Pepi

Rameri
this

appropriating

the

older inscription

signs

in

the

tablets.

After

getting a couple

of

away the dust for two or three feet beneath, the whole came to light. The earliest inscription has been a band along the top (309), afterward usurped by Rameri, who altered the cartouche and the prefixed title. That this must be originally before Pepi Rameri is therefore certain
to clear
;

men

Unfortunately the latter part of weathered away. Then Pepi H., Ra-nefer-ka, engraved another tablet (311), using the side of that of Unas. Among the inscriptions known of him there is a fragment from Girgeh, now at Bulak, which mentions the sed festival that appears
of Ra-kha-nefer.

band

is

on

this tablet.

This festival occurred at the sed or

thirty

and

it

runs rather sloping, diverging from the top

"tail" of

each period of

years,

or

week's,

of the

Unas

tablet

below

it,

in

way which
would

it

would not do if cut later than not conform to it, as such a

tipped his figures over

that.

Unas could
have
it is

line

change of the rising of Sirius in the Sothis period. Next Antef-a engraved his tablet (310), which shows us that the Horus-name (or Ka-name) Uah-ankh,
given by Lepsius (Kgsb. 156(2) belongs to this Antef, apparently the second of Lepsius thus showing the second and fourth Antef of Lepsius to be
;

backwards.

Hence

probably before Unas. The traces of signs left in the cartouche show Ra, then a flat-based sign, and then nefer at the end. The only king to

probably the

same person, with

or

without

the

whom
in

this

can agree

is

Ra-kha-nefer, Hor-a-kau,
likely

suflix of "great."

We

shall

further consider this

the middle of the

it.

Vth dynasty, a most

This is the more interesting, as the king is hitherto only known by this name in the list of the tomb of Tunari at Sakkara. The only other mentions which have been supposed to belong to this same king are in the table of Abydos, where he is called Ra-nefer-f, and on scarabs bearperiod for ing Ra-nefer ;

period in dealing with the tablet No. 489 further on. Lastly, Amenemhat I. has carved on the

opposite
his

side

of the

block
throne

tablet

(308)

with

both of these

are,

however, referred
writers, leaving

to another king, Ra-ases-ka,

by other

the table of Sakkara as our only instance hitherto

the

name Ra-kha-nefer. He is supposed to be same person as Hor-a-kau, whose name twice appears in land names on tombs of the Vth dynasty.
of the

This

line

of inscription
tablet,

projects

in

the

original
is

beyond the Unas

but

its

position

here

shifted a little for the convenience of drawing.

The

next inscription placed here was that of Unas (3 1 2), and it is remarkable for several details. The king
is

name. This block, with its successive inscriptions, shows plainly the decadence of Egyptian art. The details of the hawks in each inscription are enough in that of Unas the claws are clearly shown, the legs are naturally bent, and the head is expressive; under Antef the legs and claws are sticks, and the head is conventional; while under Amenemhat the bird is a mere travesty. This series of tablets, for their age, their historic interest, and their size, are among the finest rock inscriptions of the district; and it seems strange that no archaeologist walking into the village of Elephantine had noticed them before. We have now noticed the positions and most
;

Horus-name and

striking points of the multitude of rock inscriptions

represented standing, with the hud, so familiar

later sculptures,

of

Assuan and
Mariette,

its

neighbourhood.

Those of the

in
I

above him.

This

is,

so far as

island of Sehel, having been already largely copied

this

remember, by far the earliest representation of symbol; yet it appears with all the details
in

as

later

times,

the disc, flanked

by

serpents,

amid the outstretched wings.

is

Beneath the cartouche

a fresh title, "lord of the mountains," referring to the sovereignty of Unas over this rugged region. The line at the bottom gives a curious mode of
spelling the name of the god Khnumu; first the vase khnum, and then the u expressed as a plural

we did not visit that place. This must be looked on as a supplement to the small number of the most important inscriptions which have been published before but it will give a large quantity of fresh matter on both the subjects of titles and also of names, as will be seen on referring to the index of names. Those in the
by
collection
;

index with
Lieblein's

prefixed

are

already published
the

in

Dictionary;

those with a spot are vari-

by three rams.

Khnumu

is

often followed

by the

ants

of those in the
fresh.

Dictionary;
light

unmarked

ram-headed god as a determinative {see ^6, 77, 84, 106, &c.), and in one case (36) is expressed by but the god with the vase khnum on his head the appearance of the three rams here as a plural
;

thrown on family relationships has also to be considered and in these and other ways this long series will afford material
ones are
;

The

for study.

14

A SEASON IN EGYPT
19.

CHAPTER

II.

THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS BELOW ASSUAN.

1 8.

At about
hills,
it

six

miles north of Assuan a low

plateau of broken up sandstone extends out from

the eastern

the

Nile
base,

rises

through the fertile plain, toward about twenty feet above the

present alluvium, and as the road skirts along by

most below Assuan, to the region of Silsileh. The important group of inscriptions here He along a valley which was the line of a caravan road in the This early days of the Xlth and Xllth dynasties. in who 1853 Harris, valley was first noticed by but he point; this at worked along the Nile bank a noticing only it, up gone does not seem to have in Eisenlohr 1869 it. of large scene at the mouth also visited it, drawn hither by the mention in
^

We

now descend

miles the Nile for about 40

have been tempted to record their names on the blocks. There are several Cufic inscriptions, and four in hieroglyphics, Nos. 313-6; but apparently not of importance. At about two or three miles further north the cliffs approach the river, and at about a dozen feet from the ground is a fine inscription (318J of the temple scribe, Khnumu-hotep a little further north
its

travellers

Murray's Guide : but he did not go up it, according to his account in the Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch., May The place is opposite to Silweh, and is 3, 1881.

known

as

Hosh

called Shut-er-regil,

and Antef is mighty (lion-like) men."

valley
"

and more specifically the ravine is and the group of Mentuhotep known as Es sab'a rigdleh, or "the
;

Marietta alludes to
Fouilles)
in

this

{Des

Nouvelles

these

words:

is

name

Two

or three miles further

river,

of a priest, Pa-amen-mes (317). still, the cliff descends

abruptly into the

and the
level.

riverside

path has

to rise over the broken slope of rock,

the obstruction at a high

and passes At the south end

flat

exists, it is said, near Gebel Silsileh a valley midst of the desert, where the rocks preserve the names, cut by ancient travellers, of nearly all in the tongue of the kings of the Xlth dynasty the land it is called the Hunter's Rest it .js needful

There

in the

of this path there

is

high up on a

face of the

also to search there."

We

landed

in search of this

rock a very neatly cut inscription (17 inches X 29) of Haa-ab-ra (No. 321). This probably shows the date of quarrying here for building at Kom Ombo,
as
this

valley on the west side of the river, at a few miles

quarry

was the only one south of that

blocks

place from which and, as

could be floated

down

we shall see further on, the quarry marks here are the same as on the blocks at Kom Ombo.

By

the side of this

in,

is

a boat with 8 oars

roughly

which is evidently far older than the Also a drawing of the forepart of a grain tablet. boat (320), showing the projecting platform at the side on which cargo is placed, and the heaps of
grain, or fodder, exactly as in boats of the present

marked

below it, and thus found another series of graffiti which we shall notice further on. We here begin with the upper end of this valley it is a ravine in the sandstone, with more or less cliff-like sides, about twenty to sixty feet high its width is seldom more than about 50 yards, the bottom being of deep sand. The inscriptions are on the south side, which is both the most upright and the shady side.
;

They begin near

fills

the point where a large sand-drift only one occurring beyond this, and that at a considerable distance (No. 357). This is the valley
;

in

time.

The

repetition

of

"

scribe "

about

this

sug-

reign

gests that the

many

graffiti

of scribes on the rocks

may

record the scribes of estates,

who accompanied

cargo boats down the Nile to attend to the sale of the produce. Two names of scribes are near this On going up the path (319), Meta and Kakhent.
a Coptic inscription of 14 lines is to be seen, cut at the highest point of the pass, with a long and And at the finely-cut Arabic inscription below it. north end of the path, on a large block of the sandstone which has have been scratched.
intelligible
;

and under the and is therefore a very unusual conjunction of names, as Hatasu's (or Hatshepsu's) name, so far from being inscribed after her death, was almost always erased then.
of

honour of Hatasu

after her death,

Tahutmes

III.,

As

it

is

a funereal tablet for the chief of the works

(or,

of the palace Penaa

Penaati),
it

as

we

shall

see in

476,
after

shows that he must have died just

the
erasure

Hatasu, before the edict for

of

her

name had gone

fallen

from above,

many

graffiti

of them over further since these were cut, they are many of them almost inaccessible beneath it. Just to

Nos. 323-331 show what are but as the block has rolled

Also it shows that the destruction of her memorials did not take place instantly on her decease suggesting that her death was not accompanied or caused by open rebellion and violence.
forth.
;

the north of the end of the path

is

a small quarry.

The beginning of the series of inscriptions is on a large block bearing Nos. 358 to 365. The most important of these is the scene 359, where Ra-s-

; ;

THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS BELOW ASSUAN.

ankh-ka, as deceased and mummified, is seated by a table of offerings, with various attendants around
him.
of her
scribe

IS

and before Tahutmes III. had ordered the removal name from the monuments. In No. 479, a
has placed his
Neferhotep.
I.,

Two
in

nobles
his

kneel

behind

him,

one

with

Tahuti

name; while two attendants one named Mentuhotep bring ibexes to offer to him.

name with
in

that
is

of his sovethe

reign

And

480

name

of

In the original there

is

a considerable space beofferings,

tween these
space
tion,
is filled

last

and the table of

which

"beloved of Horus, Lord of Meh," the capital of the XVIth nome of Upper Egypt. Adjoining this, and apparently contemporary, are
the inscriptions 483 and 488. The principal object in the valley, occupying the most prominent place,

Amenhotep

this is No. 366. On a block near this are Nos. 367-70. and 8, 363, 7, 9 are clearly all the same inscription written rather differently. After these a long space is bare of inscriptions, until

which Sankhkara;

is

by a wholly different style of inscripby its position evidently earlier than

on a

flat

face

of rock just

at

the mouth,

is

the

reaching 371,

In 385 appears the cartouche of This seems probably to be that of the king, as Ra was sometimes prefixed to names which are generally without it; as for instance Sneferka and Rasneferka, Ases-kaf and Ra-ases-kaf The draught-board, with signs opposite the squares, is curious it is marked on a flat block in the floor of the valley, on which persons could play, but the
etc.

Ra-sebek-em-saf

Mentuhotep and Antef (No. 489), which is raised some distance from the ground. It is cut in fine low relief, with well wrought details as ii4 also the small tablet No. 443, which is on a fallen block a little to the west. For the consideration of the historical results, reference must be made to the chapter on " Some Historical Data."
large tablet

of

20.

After reaching the mouth of the Seba Rigaleh

number
always

of squares,

3x9,

is

different to the

3x10
ast,

found

in

later

times.

The

title

mer

" chief of the place," often occurs, as in

,

Nos. 380-2, Such of the names here as 398, 404, 408, 416, &c. are certainly legible, are entered in the index of

names.
belongs

The Ka-name
to
it

though

No. 414, probably dynasty from its style, does not agree to any of the few known
the

Uaj,

Xlllth

The cartouches, 430, seem to be of an unknown king Ra-hor-a, or Ra-em-a, with the private name of Hotep. Though they have been a good deal bruised, it is certain that they do not
of that age.
represent any king hitherto known.

be seen on the sandstone rocks, which border the west side of the Nile for some three or four miles northwards. These inscriptions (497-569) record various travellers who passed the most important of them, perhaps, being the Phoenician inscription. No. 523. This is on a low cliff face, someway above the river, but accessible from rocks in front of the cliff; it is partly hidden by a block which lies in front of the north Professor Sayce translates it "Bodka end of it. cried to Isis," and assigns it to the 6th or Sth century B.C. (see Babylonian and Oriental Record, October 1887). In No. 539 there seems to be the name of Pepi.
valley, a straggling succession of graffiti are to
;

The form need

and

Along with all these inscription-graffiti is a vast number of figures of animals, &c., not necessarily
graffiti, and in most cases wholly and of a different age. These figures have never received any attention hitherto, and their number deters one from copying or even cataloguing them. They are of all periods some probably done in modern times others later than the inscriptions, but ancient; and others older than the inscriptions. Beneath the great Mentuhotep tablet are several figures of giraffes, hammered in upon the rock face, and one of these distinctly has interfered with the arrangement of a graffito of Amenhotep I. (It is

not surprise us

the ending with the seated figure

in

connected with the

distinct,

is

paralleled

the

name
is

of king Aufna:
"

this

might possibly read Ra-em-a,

the personal a king

Griffith

name Hotep

very

Ra is in me": common at this

period of the middle kingdom.

who

No. 444 belongs to can hardly be identified, although Mr

and myself examined the cartouche very Ra-ma-kheru (Amenemhat IV.), it must be a new king. The copies signed with E. beside G.P. and ^, mark those published by
carefully; if not

Eisenlohr in Proc. Soc. Bib. Arch., 3rd

May

1881.

His remark there on the omission of makheru after the name of Tahutmes I., in No. 476, is doubtful, as Mr Griffith has it in his copy from which I It rather seems that Penati was have drawn. superintendent of the royal works under Amenhotep I., Tahutmes I., and Tahutmes II., placing
this

possible that these figures are intended for camels but the necks are quite straight, although raised

upward, and there is no hump shown, so that it seems more likely that they are giraffes.) With this certain evidence of the antiquity of such animal figures, we may be prepared to give full weight
to the collateral

inscription

in

the reign of
357,

the

last;

while,

according to No.

he died just

after

Hatasu,

appearance.

One

evidence of their weathering and of the clearest cases is on the

i6

A SEASON IN EG YFT.
Kab
;

'"'.>

great isolated rock in the valley at El

there,

alongside of graffiti of the Vlth dynasty, is a drawing of a long boat with a great number of oars and though the graffiti are but little darkened from the
;

^^ which was very probably at Esneh, as work is executed there under Antoninus. One Psaman ...
eager to record his feat in getting out great stones 01 II cubits for the pylon of this temple (No. 57 1)Three of the inscriptions (570, 572, 578) mention the mooring place where vessels came to embark the
stones;
rising

colour of fresh rock, during the thousands of years

they have been exposed, yet the boat is almost as dark as the native surface of rock of geologic age. This is no isolated case repeatedly on the rocks of the Soba Rigaleh neighbourhood, the animal figures alongside of the inscriptions are seen to look far older than the graffiti of the Xllth and XVIIIth
;

and
to

(570, 571, 578?)

we read

of the

Nile

mooring place or quay. This rising took place on the 25th day of the month Mesore (see 570, 578, and 572 1), which was equivalent in
the

dynasties.

There

is

a great range of colour of the

;

149 A.D. to the 8th of July. The historical questions with which this is connected are discussed in the
chapter on "

surface

by which to judge the fresh sandstone is of a slightly browny white, while the ancient weathering is of a very dark brown the absolute loss of the rock
;

Some

Historical Data."

face being probably not the thickness of a single

thousands of years in most Hence, while on the average we might say that the inscriptions of four thousand years ago are but perhaps a quarter or half as dark as the old face, the oldest of the animal figures are perhaps threequarters of the way toward the colour of the primitive surface. The amount of rain wash running down the
grain of sand during
parts.

21. Turning south from the Saba Rigaleh valley toward Silsileh, many more graffiti and quarries are to be seen a family of quarrymen are recorded in No. 592, Oneous, his three' sons Psenanes, Petosiris, and Ones, and the son of Petosiris, called after his uncle Ones. On reaching Silsileh, we meet with an
;

inscription of Pepi
riverside,

Rameri on a large block by the

cliff,

below the

south of the temple of

of this
is

Horemheb.

The

position

important as

face of the rock

makes great
cases

difi"erences in the colour-

giving a decisive

guarantee that no great change

ation

but in

many

graffiti close

together in

we can compare such a way that

figures
all

and

has affected the narrows of Silsileh since the Vlth

dynasty.
idea
of

natural

All appearances are strongly against the

effects are equalised.

This whole subject of these primaeval drawings deserves full study by itself; my object at present is to give such an account of what I saw while copying the inscriptions, as to ensure these
representations receiving the notice which
is

any appreciable difference place along the river bank within

probably not a quarter of an since the XVIIIth dynasty except occasionally where a fallen down, owing to wear
It is to

having
historic

taken
times

certainly at the narrowest point not a foot of rock,

due

to

the oldest remains in Egypt. The figures of all ages include men, horsemen, giraffes, camels, elephants (four N. of the Phoenician inscription, with tusks and
trunks, and large African ears), ostriches and boats of
all

been removed tombs were cut there, few feet thickness has and decay beneath it. geologic time,when every gorge in Egypt
iuch, has

one of the largest boats has thirteen oars besides the steering oar, with a figure seated on the top of the cabin, and an attendant behind it. It seems probable that many of these figures date from a time when the elephant and ostrich lived in Nubia and Southern Egypt such was the case within the
kinds
;
;

poured down its floods into the river, when the Nile stream rolled on 100 feet in depth, scouring banks of debris along its sides, and wearing palaeohills,

period of hieroglyphic writing, as the elephant occurs in the name of the island called thence by the Greeks

implements which now lie high up on the it is to that age that we must look for the filling of the vast old channels on the eastern side, both at Silsileh and at Assuan. It would need dozens of such Niles as the present to fill the old bed on the east of Gebel Silsileh-; and when that was
lithic

Elephantine.

In and near the quarries, two to four miles north of the Saba Rigaleh, are several Greek graffiti of interest
(Nos. 570-579
1885).
;

see also Eisenlohr in Zeit's Aeg. Spr.

They seem to have been all written by one set of quarrymen, who were there in the i ith year of Antoninus, 149 A.D. The engineer Apollonios, and
the chief engineer Apollos Petesos (575, 576) were apparently the principal men and the work was being carried on for a temple of Apollo (or Horus),
;

the present little cut through the rocks was merely a bye-path, quite insufficient for the full stream, which probably began to wear it through by rising high enough to pour over a saddle between the
filled
hills.

22.

At El Kab
all,

of the

Vlth dynasty

some, or them.

is a large mass of graffiti but knowing that they were published, we did not stop to copy
;

there

few on the

little

temple of Amenhotep

III.

THE ROCK INSCRIPTIONS BELOW ASSVAN.

are here given.
in early times.
;

17

No.

6t^6 is

on a

pillar,

plastered over

The

others are on the inside of the

temple and also elaborate jokes of inscription for the kas of Mariette and of J. De Rouge, and one dated in the nominal reign of the Comte de Chambord. The Greek one, No. 648, is published by Bockh in the Corpus, but incorrectly. ' The Theban grafifiti do not call for any remark; they are all of the XlXth and XXth dynasties, and the king's names and private names are fully catalogued in this volume. In 693 we may just note that Alexander

Silsileh, "jg. At Kom Ombo, where no quarry lay above it from which the blocks could be floated down, except one where the path runs over the cliff, there we meet just the two quarry marks which are found

at this southern quarry. at Silsileh

The
like

large designs, 82 to 99,

;

mere quarry marks but the type of a shtine may well have belonged to this quarry, from the fine shrine of Amenhotep III. which stood here, surmounted by a hawk the fragments of this shrine and of the bird may still be seen.
;

seem hardly

came from Thmuis. The Dahshur quarry marks on the stones are interesting from their age. On 697 is noted the i6th (?) day of the month Mesori. I looked longingly on the blocks for traces of carwhat may be a part of one No. 703, where most of it has been dressed away in building. This looks like Ra-ma and, if so, this south stone pyramid of Dahshur must belong to
touches, and only found
in
. . .

CHAPTER

III.

SOME HISTORICAL DATA.

have already briefly mentioned the tablets 24. of Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher, and some of the historical results to be drawn from them. will here

.,

We

Amenemhat
(like

IV. Such a result would be just in accord with the fragments of clustered lotus columns

We

Hasan, and the temple of have seen in the ruins of the temples at Dahshur. The style of construction of the pyramid, and its position, are nevertheless both

those

of

Beni
I

length the changes which must follow in our views of the period. The tablets 489
at

consider

more

Howara) which

against the attribution of

23.

it

to the

Xllth dynasty.
is

The

subject of quarry marks

;

much connected

with the

graffiti

and while examining the quarries

took note of the various quarry

for inscriptions, I also

marks on their sides. At the quarries of W. Silsileh and down to Silweh, it was a custom to sculpture in relief at the head of a quarry some distinctive mark by which all the blocks from there were to be known. These relief types, or standard quarry marks, are carefully carved, and some of them are given in outline in the plate (Nos. 17, 18, 19, 64, 65, and 81). Besides these, sets of marks may be seen on the quarry side, giving the standard marks with some additions; these are shown here, each group being divided by a point from the others. Probably these were type marks, to be copied on to the blocks of one When we copy the quarry marks particular batch. from buildings, then it is easy to settle from what place, and sometimes even from which quarry, the blocks have been brought. Thus all the blocks of the eastern pylon at Denderah bear the theta and arrow (53), which is the standard mark of one particular quarry north of the Soba Rigaleh (19). At Edfu on the quay we find the table of offerings (54), which seems to be characteristic of Silsileh (69, 70, The quay at Esneh also bears the table of 73> 93)offerings mark, 100, 103, and the shrine 109, like

and 443, even taken alone, prove conclusively that Antef succeeded Mentuhotep, and worshipped him, as did also the chancellor Khati; and No. 213 shows, as already remarked, that Khati had been the chancellor of Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher, and continued in the same position under Antef. From all this we may conclude that Mentuhotep Ra-neb-kher and his wife Aah (or Aaht, Wiedemann, or Mertefaah, as Eisenlohr reads it) were the parents of Antef We have obtained, therefore, two very strong presumptions from the rock inscriptions which modify our views of the Xlth dynasty, (i.) We see that the form of the Antef names was not invariable for Lepsius gives (Kgsb. 156 bis) the Horus-name Uah;

ankh, as associated with the king Antef; while at Elephantine the same belongs to king Antef-a (310).
Unless, therefore, two kings of one dynasty took the

same Horus-name, a thing never known in any other case, we must believe that the adjunct a, " great," was added at a later date to an Antef who began his reign without it. (2.) We find an Antef, son of Mentuhotep
Ra-neb-kher, succeeding him, like the similar case

where Antefaa

is

known

to be son of queen

Khnum-

nefer-het (pyramidion, Br. Mus. 520), the wife of a

Hence the Mentuhotep (coffin, Br. Mus. 6656a). Antefs and Mentuhoteps must have been to some extent alternate, and Lieblein's arrangement must be

The same result is very strongly marked in the rock inscriptions; there the names Antef and Mentuhotep are completely intermingled,
altogether set aside.

and one

is

seldom found without the other near C

it

i8

A SEASON IN EGYPT.
this is the

they are even joined in one name, Mentuhotep-antef (598)5 everything points to their being of one family,

two

succession of Antef- a brothers (Wiedemann, 223).

and An-antef as
Hitherto,
this

and certainly not

periods.

rival

dynasties,

or

of

different

Further, another consideration

seems to

have been overlooked: the Antefs of the table of Karnak must, by their insertion there, certainly be the most legitimate Theban line; and hence they cannot be other than the Antefs buried at Thebes, in spite of a difference of title. This reduces the dozen of Antefs that have been written about to less than half the number as also the name Uah-ankh found at Elephantine has reduced Antefa and Antef to one.
;

could not have been accepted, owing to the difference of names, but the tablet 310 has just shown Antef-a to be otherwise Antef; and similarly Anantef

may

well be only a variant of Antef, written-

the sounds a and n of the sign an. Next, another clue is in the six lost kings of the Turin papyrus, probably equivalent to the six at

with both

And
.
. . .

still

further, these six

names
;

in the

Karnak

table

have been said to be all Antefs but one begins Men and another is lost, so that there are but four Antefs guaranteed here.
,

Karnak, followed by Ra-neb-kher and Ra-sankh-ka. agrees to Ra-neb-kher Mentuhotep being outside of the Antef list of Karnak and as two Mentuhoteps are allowed for in that, we have three altogether, which suffices for all historical facts. There are then the two Mentuhoteps, Neb-hotep and Ra-neb-taui, to be assigned to the second and
This
;

fifth

places of
is

Karnak; there
being

is

not

much

to

show

25.

Let us now,

after necessarily parting

theories hitherto held, see briefly

from the how much can be

the

which
to

which, but a small

consideration points

made from
present
all

the existing data

setting aside for the

are without

monuments bearing simply

Antef and Mentuhotep, which

tinctive
title

names any disFirstly,

or evidence of relationships.
is

the alternation of the two names

as

strongly shown,

we

noticed above
after

and the Egyptian custom of

his

calling a child

grandfather

'

we

see

fully

out in the list of the Vlllth Memphite dynasty. In that, the 2nd, 4th, 6th, 8th, loth, nth,
carried
13th,

and iSth kings

of the table of

Abydos,

all

bear

the

name
that,

of Ra-nefer-ka with various distinctions.

So
to

two
is

brothers, or

there

with the exception of one step (due perhaps the succession of a grandson), an unbroken series of alternate generations

As this immediately bearing the same name. preceded the Antef-mentuhotep family, the same principle there may be expected. In place of believing in as many Antefs as possible, let us then
rather see
as a basis,

He is entitled on 5. good god," and we find this title assumed by the Antef No. 6, next to No. 5. It is not likely to have been taken by No. 2 and then dropped again until No. 6. Thus M. Neb-hotep will be the Mentuhotep who married queen Khnum-nefer-het-Mentuhotep, recorded on a pyramidion (Br. Mus. 520). Lastly, we have to divide between the Antefs in No. i and No. 6. These must be the Ra-seshes-har-apu-maa Antufa of the Abbott papyrus, and Ra-nub-kheper Antef of the same, who reigned over fifty years, and whose tomb was found by Mariette. There is little to settle the attribution between these but as Ra-nub-kheper has left many remains, and a fine tomb, he is rather more likely to have come later on when the dynasty had more fuUy developed, and was evidently more flourishing, than
Ra-neb-taui

No.

scarabs Neter nefer, "the

at the very beginning of it.

His long reign of over

fifty

years, moreover, gives

room

how few we have

order,

are required

by

history.

for a long co-regency to

Firstly,

read
*

the

the table of Karnak.

^

There we
^

Antef,
^

Men
If,

account for part of the over forty-six years of his successor Ra-neb-kher Mentuhotep.
26.

(tuhotep),

Antef,

Antef, ^(lost), and

Antef

on the analogy of
lost

We may

the Vlllth dynasty,

we

allow the

be Mentuhotep as a working hypothesis, have only a certain irregularity of two Antefs together; and the point which exactly explains
Turin
Papyrus.

name to we then

then say that the data lead us to

this period, referring to the

the following
Rois.

scheme of

K5ngsbuch, Lieblein's

Chronologie,

and Livre des

Table of Karnak.

Kgsb.

Lieb.

Liv. Rois.

Names on Monuments and Remains.

(i)

Antef

I.

68
I.

127

(2)

Mentuhotep

162

77 69
?,6

136 }
^45 }

Ra-seshes-har-ap-maa Antufa (Abbott pap).

Neb-hotep Mentuhotep.

Tablet at Konosso.

{'l''''^g^g^""'"-"^f^'-h^t

Mentuhotep (B.M. 520, 578,

SOME HISTORICAL DATA.

Turin

19

;;

A SEASON IN EGYPT.
during the time of the inundation, both for facility of transport, and for the supply of labourers who
are
first

few days of November; and, granting that

it

then disengaged.

Now

this
I

is

strikingly con-

may have been rather earlier than was reckoned on by Una, we may put the arrival of the boat at Memphis
(which must have been after the fall had made a about the 5 th November. As it had to come about 250 miles down the Nile, but
distinct difference) at

firmed

by the

inscriptions

which

here publish from

the quarries near Silsileh (570-578). In them we see that the quarrymen awaited the rise of the
Nile,

and the day when

it

rose high

enough was
transports in

recorded as the 25th of Mesore, or the 8th of July.

Further,

Una

records that he
" at

made

the land of Uauat, and,

tion,

the time of the inunda-

loaded them with very

much

granite."

Now,

does not mention the month in which he brought down this granite but he gives what is
;

Una

may have been delayed on the voyage, the departure The 17 from Siut would be about 20th October. beginning begin about the days of Epiphi would thus of October. Hence the month Epiphi would have begun about 2Sth September, with an uncertainty of a week either way for the part of the month not being
fixed,

and another week

fell

for the state of the

Nile

perhaps a stilL better datum. block of alabaster had to be brought from Hanub, the quarries near Siut. This work seems to have been hurried, as the short time occupied in getting it, and in build" I also extracted ing a boat for it, is specified. that slab in seventeen days. ... I made for it a boat of burthen in the little dock, sixty cubits in length, and thirty in its breadth, put together in seventeen days, in the month of Epiphi." Apparently the boat was building while the block was being quarried and brought down, the period, seventeen days, being the same; and the special mention of the time, when no other such periods are named in this long inscription, shows that the work was a tour de force. But it was not done in time for
the inundation.

altogether a limit of uncertainty of about a fortnight.

400 B.C., and 4930 B.C.; each date within a a limit of uncertainty of 60 years either way. The first two dates are of course impossible for the reign
at that season in the years

Now, Epiphi
19 10
B.C.,

3420

B.C.,

of Pepi;

the last also

exceeds the limits of

B.C.,

all

chronologers.
is

Hence, 3240

within sixty years,

the date

shown by

this seasonal

statement

made

by Una.

On
all

looking at the various chronologies,

we

see that Champollion, Boeckh,

Wiedemann, Unger,
;

and Mariette,

place Pepi before this date

later

while

Brugsch, Lauth, Bunsen, Lepsius, and Lieblein successively bring

him

down

in history.

Hence

Una

continues,

"

Then

there

was
is

not water in the turns (of the

river) to

tow

to the

amongst the various reckonings the nearest to it being that of Mariette, about two centuries earlier, and of Brugsch (by genealogies)j about as much later. Even if any one may raise
this result falls well

pyramid

Sha-nefer of

Merenra

safely."

This

Birch's translation {Records of the Past, vol. ii.), the exact words being, " not water upon turns

Dr

an objection to this treatment of the passage, yet one result is certain, that Epiphi could not have

come

for four

months

earlier in the season, as

;

then
it

to-enter-port unto

"

the pyramid.
is
;

The phrase
thes

" in

there would have been plenty of water

hence

is

the turns"

is

her thesu, which

as
yet,

considered as un-

equally impossible for the date of Pepi to be put

translateable

by Erman

means not
"

anywhere between 3400 and 2900

all

only a " turn," or " cord," or

" knot,"

but also

high

the facts

the

B.C.

But from

known

habit of transporting stone

land " or " mountains," possibly referring to the water not reaching to the hills. The determinative needs re-examination. This does not, however, affect
the sense of the passage, which shows that after the hurrying of the work in seventeen days, a haste which

during high Nile (both from the Greek inscriptions and that of Una)the special mention of the haste with which the block was cut and yet the water

being insufficient to float

it

would be needless
at the foot of the

if

the vessel could not reach up

the Nile had been already low,

to the landing stage

when it arrived I think it may be granted that we have here a firmer basis than those yet proposed for the date of the Vlth dynasty. This stands solely
on a seasonal fact, and not on any uncertain festivals which may have been changed, and whose identity has been so much disputed.
30.

to the base of the hills

causeway to the pyramid, because the Nile had begun to fall. Either a delay in coming down from Siut, or a fall of the Nile earlier than usual, had just upset their calculations. Such seems to be the very natural sense of the passage, and one exactly in harmony with the details of transport during high Nile, which we know of otherwise.
29.

One

other

examined.
139
A.D.,

The

datum exists which ought to be Sothis period of 1460 years falls

The

fall,

of the Nile does not begin

till

the

1322 B.C., 2782 B.C., 4242 B.C., 5702 B.C., But as the actual cycle astronomically is of 1 508 years, it follows that Sirius cannot have actually
&c.

SOME HISTORICAL DATA.

risen heliacally

day),

on the ist day of Thoth (New Year's on more than one of these epochs; all the

others are dead-reckonings

by

the incorrect cycle

from some actual observation. On which of these epochs, then, was that fundamental observation made which started the calendar ? This is not a case where the knowledge of an ancient people may carry us back into a fictitious past, but where the ignorance of a people will lead us back to the real source of their error and no further. The error in one Sothis period is
years,

of 1460, or

4 X 365

satisfactorily explained. It has been Horus-name, as being surmounted by a hawk the square name, as being in a square and the royal banner or standard, from a mistaken idea of the lines beneath it representing a fringe. The Egyptian name for it is simply srekh, from rekh, " to know," with the causative s prefixed, reading " that which makes known." To determine its meaning we must first examine the earliest forms of it. As I have pointed out, in Tanis, p. 5, the supposed fringe is really a false door, such as is

hitherto been
called

the

forty-six years (subject to small changes, for astro-

seen in the tombs.

together
all

In PL xx. will be seen collected

various

nomical variation in the precessional and proper motions of Sirius, the length of the day, &c.) this is of a cycle; and hence, at the close of 1460
;

years, Sirius will not rise heliacally

on the same day of the year, but at twelve days from the anniversary or, in other words, on the anniversary it will rise
forty-eight minutes too soon or too late.

This

is

perfectly appreciable
direct

amount; and we should, by

if
it

observation, be able thus to settle on which

Sothis epoch the cycle was started, or

was

adjusted at each epoch in default of any accuracy in the continuous chronology. The requisite obser-

day of the year on which be seen before sunrise as observed in Middle Egypt; this falls in the middle of May now, and so the climatic conditions would be much the same as on the initial day in July. Corrections for the precession of the equinoxes would be required, both for the change of distance between the sun and Sirius, which would affect it differently in the dawn-light, and also for the position of Sirius to the pole, and its proper motion. If some person, suitably situated, between Siut and Thebes, would watch Sirius morning by morning during May,
vations are the present
Sirius

can

last

noting
it

how

long

it

is

visible

before sunrise, until

not to be caught sight of owing to the glow of dawn, as it rises later each day, the main fact
is

would be obtained of the actual interval between the rising Sirius and the sun which renders it inand, with corrections, we should have the visible
;

foundation of the Sothis cycles secured.

examples of early date which throw light upon this most of them are from the Denkmdler. First, note in fig. 7 a fine example of the patterning of the earliest type of the false door, which always stood on the west side of the tomb chamber this was the entrance by which the ka or double passed between the inner burial chamber and the outer chamber of offerings. The designs of these representations of entrances vary somewhat, but the typical idea of a doorway flanked by recessed panelling is always seen. This door type, by gradual dwindling of the door, and increase of the inscribed panel over it, developed into the funereal stela, as Professor Maspero has shown. Now, when we turn to the pattern beneath the square panel of the Horus-names, we find exactly the same design compare especially figs. 3 and 7 note the little space over the door niche (equivalent to the " drum " in real doors), and see how like fig. 7 It is quite clear it is reproduced in figs, i and 4. that throughout the old and middle kingdoms the idea of a false door of a tomb was before the sculptor's mind. Turn next to the Empire, when such false doors had ceased to be made, and were unfamiliar objects. We then see that an actual In fig. 12 the realistic entrance was represented. two sides of a double door are clear. Fig. 13 is the sumptuous patterning of the decoration beneath a Horus-name (equal to the so-called fringe), on a recess at the Deir el Bahri temple the shading here is according to the heraldic colour signs, only the chequer square should be red and white in the square portions, and yellow and white in the long-shaped
the
; ; ; ; ;

parts.

CHAPTER

IV.

a door, the painter put in the

cross

Here, not content to show only the sides of lintel, door sill, pivots,

THE HORUS-NAMES OR KA-NAMES OF

EGYPTIAN KINGS.
31.

beams of the door, and the two bolts. This example is conclusive that the idea of a door of access was still the meaning of this ornaprecious
prelittle later, in fig. 16, we see a double ment. door with its framing and diagonal braces shown. simple form of doorway also appears at the same

The

very familiar form -of

name which

cedes the cartouche-names

of each king has not

"

A SEASON IN EGYPT.
Descending to Ptolemaic times this space beneath the name was still regarded as a doorway and it is shown both under Ptolemy II. as a straight(fig. 20) and Ptolemy XIII. (fig. 21) forward doorway, and nothing else, having its double door closed by a pair of bolts. We need not say more to prove that throughout Egyptian art, from Seneferu to the last of the Ptolemies, the Horusname was intentionally and knowingly written over a doorway, which, in the earlier cases, is seen to be copied from the false door of a tomb.
time in
fig.

19.

the very doorway which is represented beneath his name. Slightly different is the idea on a beautiful sculpture at the Bath Museum, where Ramessu II. is accompanied by his ka ; the king having his cartouches, and the ka having the ka-na.me above him.

Behind

them

is

the

inscription

14

"

The

king,

Ra-user-ma, Sotep-en-ra, within the

sarcophagus.

The

king's

ka

chamber of his (who is) the king

;

gliding in the temple (or place of worship) within the

tomb."

The
and
it

last sign is strange

it

must mean the

intended to show the dark opening of a rock tomb, beneath the mountains,

tomb

looks as

if

32.

What

does this connection

is

mean

.?

The square
must be the

whose sign

is

upon

it.

Here the

king's

body was

to

in

which the Horus-name

written

exact equivalent of the square panel over the false door in the tombs, and the name is the equivalent of
the. figure

remain in his sarcophagus, while his ka was to glide about in the outer chamber, where offerings were
provided, either of perishable materials, or imperishable representations.

and name of the deceased written on those

the

In inscriptions 17 and 18

is

panels.

It is

name

of the king as deceased

the

shorter form which only relates to the benefit of the

name
But
it

as

owner's name, written

over the doorway.

was the

ka, or double, or ghost, of the deceased

;

it was solely ka to pass from the burial vault beneath (the shaft of which was supposed to pass behind this false door) into the upper chamber, where its food of funereal offerings was provided for it (see Professor Maspero's Arckhlogie Egyptienne,'^. 115, &c.). The name therefore must be the name of the ka. Private persons had but one name, and their ka was of the same name. But a king, who took a second name on

person which possessed that doorway

for the

ascending the throne, took also a third name for his ka. This ka name alone occurs on the doorway in
the Step pyramid of Sakkara. Under the Empire, as he had many ka statues, so he had many ka names.

33.

Now

observe what the monuments show

fleshly king, there is often

us.

Behind the actual

his

double or ka, making offerings with him. the ka is of the same size as the king, sometimes lesser. And on his head he bears, as in
times
fig.

shown Some-

"The king's ka living within the chamber of the sarcophagus, giving him life and happiness," and " the king's ka within the chamber of the sarcophagus, giving him life." Another form of the same idea is where the ka-na.me appears to act and live of itself, provided with ka arms which hold a feather, and a staff surmounted by the head of the "king's ka" (fig. 16); and this is known as late as Tiberius (fig. 23). The ka was young when the king was young; Amenhotep III. as a child, at Luxor, is borne by a nurse, and has also his ka borne by a nurse behind him the ka wearing the ka-na.me, between the ka arms, on a stand upon his head. It is needless to multiply examples or to describe them further. The ka-name of the king was always, down to the latest times, associated with the doorway of the tomb by which the ka passed to and fro and the ka itself whenever represented, from Amenemhat
ka to the body.
; ;

I. (fig.

10)

down

to Vespasian, always bears the ka-

15,

arms.

For

the Horus-name embraced between the ka fear even this was not sufficient, an inking's
ka, life of the

scription nearly always accompanies him, reading, in

15,

Let us and and write of the ka-name as we do of the throne-name and personal name of each king. The subject of the
henceforth, then, recognise what is so amply carefully explained to us on the monuments,
significance of the >^a-names,

name upon

his head, as his special

name.

"The

lord of both lands

when thus understood,

(Upper and Lower Egypt) within the chamber of the sarcophagus, and within his chamber of offerings all life, happiness, and stability, all health to him, all joy The word within of heart to him, like Ra."
;

''

must leave to authorities in the matter of reading; generally the names seem to refer to virtues or deeds of the king which would avail him in his journey through the hours of night, or to place him under the
protection of
neteru,

(khent)

may mean
It

" presiding over,"

but the sense

is

unchanged.

could not be stated more explicitly

that the ka, which bears the Horus or ka-mme on his head, is to pass from the body to the offerings, by

some deity ; while such names as KauKa-nekht (written with the ka arms, as well
&c.,

as the

bull) Usert-kau, Khent-kau-ankhu-nebu, should not be overlooked in their allusions.

5 ;

FUNEREAL CONES AND OTHER INSCRIPTIONS.

35.

23
it is

In dealing with some hundreds of these,

CHAPTER

V.

necessary to have some simple and direct method of

FUNEREAL CONES AND OTHER INSCRIPTIONS.

34. In most Egyptian collections are to be seen a few long cones of pottery, stamped on their bases with inscriptions in relief; generally but few of these

Generally it happens that no one example of a cone gives the whole inscription and hence the need of comparison, and the difficulty of sorting by the names, since the name being at the edge is often lost. Sorting by alphabetic names,
classifying them.
;

moreover, cannot give a grouping according to age dr

class
;

brought home by any traveller or collector, their weight and cumbrousness being inconvenient. Hence they are far scarcer in museums than would be expected on seeing their numbers at Thebes. But few have been published hitherto; perhaps twenty or thirty types, at the most, from any one
are
collection
;

and some

characteristics of the style are there-

fore better to follow for classification.

As
I

a simple

system, which

is

always applicable,

have

here

yet their interest and value are quite equal

begun with the inscriptions in vertical columns, from five down to two columns (1-47) next those without dividing lines, which are read vertically in three or two parts, or a single column (48-63) next those
; ;

to

that

of the shorter funereal stelae.

this year I

Thebes

While at steadily collected them from the

reading horizontally, in two, three,

(64-70);

or four

parts

then those with horizontal dividing lines

Arabs, and as the inscriptions are all that is really required, the bulk of the cone was removed, either by sawing, if soft, or breaking, if hard. Thus, with a

in three, four, or five divisions (71-99);

and

lastly,

various arrangements with scenes (100) and in square

borders, or in cartouches (101-7).

The

copies here

reduced a collection of over 250 to On working through a more manageable bulk. these in England they were seen to be of a hundred different types and these, with two or three that I have seen since in England, are published here in
very small
loss, I
;

given do not profess to be exact facsimiles, but to

show the general

style and forms of the signs the narrow raised parts being represented by a single The line, and the broad raised parts being outlined.
;

Pis. xxi-xxiii.

The

sizes of these cones are variable

inches long, and

others are

They

are painted white, sometimes -with a coat of red beneath it. They are found always outside the tomb either
;

some are 1 4 inches across the inscribed base not more than half that size each way. nearly always solid, and are usually
;

numbers following some of them show the number of copies examined. By the arrangement here followed, it will be easy to compare other cones with this collection and such a system would be perhaps the best also for a museum.
;

36.

As some
titles,

readers

may

wish to follow out the

reading of these cones, and as they form a good series

of short
for

the sand and chips which covered over the entrance to the tomb, or, it is said, in the sand Among those here shown, before the entrance.
in

translations of
I

them are here given

several of the readings

am

indebted to

Mr

probably one of the earliest (XHth dynasty .'), and the

son, chief of the

is

No. 72 of

Amenemhat

worked over them. The opening formula which is most common \s Amakki kker
Griffith,

who has

also

latest,

that of the king's

Mashuash (99) (XXIVth dynasty). The custom of making these cones seems to have
covered the long range of history, from the rise of the middle kingdom to the incoming of Greek iniluence, as Professor Maspero states them to range from the

Asar {ee.g. 4-9); this is perhaps best rendered "Devoted to Osiris"; it is abbreviated as D. O. below here. Another formula is Asar {ee.g. 14-16)
"the Osirian," or the deceased as identified with The usual title of Osiris; marked below as O. deceased persons, makheru, which follows the determinative figure at the end of the name (see 20, but usually appearing as merely two lines) is, according to Professor Maspero's explanation, the
"true voiced,"
i.e.,

Xlth to the XXVIth dynasty.

His explanation of

their meaning, as representing the conical loaves of bread with a floury outside, seems obviously true.

known at Thebes and they seem to have been made there, much as stone figures of ducks and other eatables were made at Memphis,

They

are only

possessing the true intoning of

the defensive formulae for the unseen world; it is below here abbreviated as T. V. Of the meaning
of neht per as "widow," at least in earlier times, the reasons have been fully stated in sect. 10 on

and

offered for the perpetual sustenance of the ka.

p.

(See "Guide au Musie de Boulaq"

sionally these offerings are

138).

Occa-

not conical, but square cakes, sometimes wedge-shaped, and stamped on the
edges.

the Assuan inscriptions.

I.

D.O. Scribe of the accounts (v. 37) of the cattle of Amen, .... the nomes of the south and the north,

24
Hebi, T.V.
;

A SEASON IN EGYPT.
the cattle of

Amen, Ames .... born of

son of the scribe of the accounts of the widow-

3^3233-

D.O. Chief lieutenant Amenhotep, T.V.

the

His

sister

La ...

{see 21).

D.O. Guardian of the vases (?) of Amen, Tahersettnef; by his son, making his name hve, guardian of the
vases
(?)

widow Arti, T.V. D.O. High prophet of Amen, Amenhotep. kha, T.V. His ... the widow HentD.O
.

taui.

of

Amen,

D.O. Guardian of the vases

Herari, T.V. (?) of Amen, Tahersetnef,

34-

T.V. D.O. The priest Her-ar-n-re-ga, T.V. D.O. The prophet of Ra-a-klieperu (Amenhotep II.), His sister the widow Ta Nefer-neb-neb, T.V. .... uai. D.O. Scribe of the city .... Tahuti-em-heb, called .... un-sa-er-su, T.V. D.O. Master of the sailors of the chief prophet of
Mer-pet-f (?) ; the widow Mut D.O. Chief in the heart of the king, Amen-nekht; T.V. before Amen. His sister the widow Mut-

3536.
37-

D.O. Scribe Aanen. D.O. Captain of the bodyguard, Hebi (v. 25). D.O. Guardian of the vases (?) Nefer-renp.
O. Scribe of the accounts of the cattle of Amen, His wife, the widow SitAmenhotep, T.V.

amen.
38.

39-

Amen,

Scribe of the treasury of the lord of both lands, Simut; son of the judge Pabak; born of the widow Tanefer, T.V. Second prophet of Ramen-kheper (Tahutmes III.) Amenemka (v. 53); his wife, the chantress Remerit.

nefert.

D.O. The hereditary noble, overseer of cattle (?), ., overseer of overseer of workmen, overseer of the cattle of Amen, Mai, T.V. D.O. Scribe of the table of the lord of both lands,
.
.

royal boat, Kha-em-ma, son of Aset T.V. 41. Chief of the followers, captain of the selected recruits, Pasar (see Assuan inscriptions 35, 41-3)His wife, the 42. Third prophet of Amen, Hotep, T.V.
40.

Fan bearer of the

widow Amenhotep.
overseer of the works ; Tahutiamakh, T.V. 44. Overseer of the cattle of Amen, Ha-tahuti. 45- Overseer of the treasury, scribe, Khonsu. 46. Captain (superior of the archers), chief of the infantry,
43- Overseer of the treasury
;

(the king) Neter-mes.

1314.

His wife, the widow Sitamen, devoted to the great god (the king). of Amen .... Amenhotep. D.O of Ra-a-kheper-ka (Tahutmes I.), A-kheper O .... devoted to the great god.
D.O. Amenemhat.
.

Amenemapt.
4748.
49. SC-

O. Overseer of the mares, overseer of the cattle of Amen, Piaa by his son overseer of the cattle of Amen .... T.V. 16. O. Overseer of the mares of the king of both lands, south and north, Meru .... T.V. 17- O. Hereditary noble, seal bearer, high prophet of Amen, Ra-men-kheper-senb. (v. 98) T.V. 18. The royal scribe the overseer of the temple of Amen, overseer of the granary .... pa-sar T.V. 19, Scribe of the accounts of the cattle of Amen, lord of the gods 20. Scribe, overseer of the house of the head prophet of Amen-Ra, Amenhotep, T.V.
15. .
.

Commander

of the infantry,

Amenemheb.
T.V.

D.O. Administrator of D.O.

.

offerings of funereal vestments

(or chief of the police, v. 77), Lele, Scribe, Sen-neter, T.V.

.

chief of the prophets of Anhur, scribe,

Khem-

T.V.

The

noble, scribe of the words (?).... of the lord of both lands, Pa-ura .... T.V. His son the scribe

Hap.
prophet of Amen, Khem, and ar, T.V. S3- Seal bearer, fourth prophet of Amen, Ka-em-amen
S2-

Seal

bearer,

high

Menthu,
(v- 39)-

his

name Sen

Scribe, overseer of the

granaries of the divine wife (queen), Amenhotep, T.V. ; the widow Lau T.V. born of the overseer of the granaries, Ka-Ra, T.V.

born of the widow Mahu T.V. Overseer of the palace .... the royal scribe

Captain Aah, born of Shepstuhat (?) T.V. S5- Great scribe, Amenkena, revived (living again) T.V. born of the scribe Neferemheb. 56- An official of Ra-user-ma, Meri-amen-Shenk (Shes54-

KhemS7-

hank

III.).

du-f-an 23- The tutor (father-nurse) Aahmes ; overseer of the royal harem, Aahmes ; overseer of the sanctuary (cellars?), Aahmes; overseer of the cattle, Aahmes. 24. For the ka of the chief prophet of Aah, Nefer-aah,

Scribe of the fields of the queen, Tera, T.V. S8. Scribe of the queen's palace, Tahuti-nefer, T.V. 59- Captain, Hatmeshau. 60. Governor of the city, Amenemapt.
61.
recruit (see Assuan inscriptions, 35, 41-3), Penamen. 62. Governor of the city, Hapu, T.V. 63- .... of the treasury.
64.
Priest, Tetanefer.

The

T.V.

in

Amen,
25-

The v/idow the chantress of peace. the praiser of Mut, Neter-hemt, T.V. in

peace. Satisfying the heart of the king, the captain of the

bodyguard, making pleasant the land to

its

extent

.... Deped
26.

The

transporter of the cattle (?) of Amen_. overseer of the western hill (necropolis) of Thebes ....
.
. .

Royal scribe, overseer of the treasury, Amenemha. Fourth prophet of Amen, Si-tahuti, T.V. 67. Scribe of the account of the bread of the south and
6S66.

north,
68.
70.

27.
28.

29.

ididm Master of the serfs, Aahmes; born of ... Aahhotep, T.V. Royal scribe, overseer of the granaries of the south and the north, Kh .... ser. T.V. D.O. King's son of Keshi (viceroy-prince of Ethiopia) Mermes.
.

Priest of

The

of the noble Adehmes. noble, overseer of the granaries of Amen, overseer of all the seals of the temple of Amen, the
. . .

Amenemhat. Amen, Userhat, son

7172.

73-

30.

D.O

chief of the priests of

Amen,

An-ta-ua-ref.

scribe Anen, T.V. D.O. Scribe Ma .; the widow Hui. D.O. Priest of Amen, Amenemhat, T.V. D.O. Scribe of the temple of Set, Nefer-mennu, T.V.

FUNEREAL CONES AND OTHER INSCRIPTIONS.

74.
75. 76.

25

D.O. Scribe of the accounts of bread of the lord of

both lands, Usi, T.V.

D.O. Scribe of the fields, Nebmehti. D.O. Scribe of the treasury of Amen, Meri.

99.

commander of the police, Simut, T.V. 77. D.O 78. O. Royal scribe, the fan bearer on the .... of the lord of both lands, Surer (temp. Amenhotep III.,
statue in London, No. 123). 79. Scribe of the royal bread, Piaa; his wife, the

good god (v. 17). Son of the living Horus, the noble, great chief of the Mashuash .... overseer of the prophets of Ba-nebdadu (Mendes) .... born of the widow Shapen
lands, Ra-men-kheper-senb, T.V. before the

(ast?)T.V.

widow

Netemt
80. Scribe of the granary
81.

(He) says (I am) devoted to thee, Osiris ; (he) says (I am) devoted to thee, Anpu. lOI. D.O. The hereditary chief, chancellor, sole companion of the lord of both lands, high
prophet of Amen, Amenemhat. Overseer of the ... of Khem, and of Isis, Amenhotep, T.V. His sister, the widow Kedtmert. 103. Royal offering to Osiris, lord of eternity .... chief of
.

.... of the bread, Pa-amen. chief (priest) of Mentu, lord of An (Hermonthis), the scribe, Kanekht. 82. Priest of Amen Ra-aa-kheper .... Pasu 83. D. Overseer of the royal harem, Us-ha, T.V. ; son of the judge Neh, T.V. born of Anpu 84. D.O. Scribe of the works of the palace of Ra-ma-neb

The

the police ? 104. O. Prophet of the lord of the land, overseer (?) of the priests, Ser-ka.
. . .
.

(Amenhotep III.) on the west of Thebes, Anhurmes, T.V. before the great god. 85. D.O. Fourth prophet of Amen, Menthuemhat, T.V.; his wife (see Turin No. 3425, where Ultarenset is his son's mother) loving him, royal relation, the widow, Utarenset, T.V. 86. D.O. Priest, scribe of treasury of Amen, Userhat; son
87.

105. Governor of the city, Tetamekh. 106. Overseer of the serfs, Ai. 107.

The

lord of both lands Ra-user-ma-mer-amen, happiness and life, lord of the diadems Ra-messu-hak-an (Ramessu III.) every day (perpetually) the good god, living.

of the scribe of the treasury Nebhebu. fields of Amen, head sealer of the jars of Amen, priest, Nefer-kha T.V. 88. O. Chief reporter of the lord of both lands, praiser of the good god, near his heart (?) Menkh-ra. 89. O. Chief (?) priest of Amen, director of the palace, Amenabt, T.V. His sister loving him, chantress of Amen, the widow Tamut. 90. Fourth prophet of Amen, royal scribe (?), MenthuemHis chief son, of his body, prophet of hat, T.V. Amen, royal relation, Nesptah ; born of the widow

D.O. Overseer of the

37. It

on

PI. xxi.

now remains to notice the other The stela of Mas (fig. i) is

inscriptions

of interest,

as very few^ notices of the two earlier kings

named
comes

on

it

are to be found elsewhere.

First, there

after

the priesthood to gods, the mention of the

I.;

priesthood to the king Tahutmes

earlier

then to an

king

Tau

a,

apparently the second of that

Neskhon(su). 91. Fourth prophet of Amen, noble of the town, Menthuemhat, T.V. (His) son, prophet of Amen, scribe of the drink offerings (?) of the temple of Amen, noble of the town, Nes-ptah, T.V. 92. Royal offering to Osiris, chief of the west (?) may he give the sweet breath of the north wind, .... for the ka of the scribe Rema.
93.

group of Rasekenen kings, though slightly modified from the form in the Abbott papyrus and then is the priesthood to Kames, who thus appears to be the
;

earliest of these three.

The

usually accepted relation

The

hereditary noble, the chancellor, the sole companion, beloved, the true (real) royal relation, overseer of the great house, guardian of the god, Abaa beloved of the god the living

Horus.

94

the chanter of

95. O. Scribe of the festivals (?) of his name Seturti (?) T.V.,

Amen, Meru-f Amen,

Tahuti-nefer

born of the scribe

Messu, T.V.
96.

The

chancellor, overseer of the prophets of the south high prophet of Amen, Meri ; overseer ; of the temple of Amen, overseer of the granaries of Amen, Meri ; overseer of the treasury of silver, and overseer of the treasury of gold, of Amen, Meri

and north

97.

The

overseer of the cattle of Amen, Meri. chancellor, chief prophet of Amen, Meri; overseer of the prophets of the districts of the south and north, Meri J overseer of the fields of Amen, overseer of the granaries of Amen, Meri ; (keeper of) all seals in the palace of the king, life, wealth, and health to him Meri ; overseer of the cattle of
!

Amen,
98.

Meri.

Overseer of the cattle of Amen, guardian of the temple of Amen, body-servant of the good god (the king), scribe of the food of the lord of both

Aah hotep, and father seems to be based on the jewellery found with that queen as, however, that find probably came from the first plunderings of the treasure of the Deir el Bahri cave, the collocation of the objects is of no historical significance. This tablet is of good work in fine Theban limestone; I purchased it at Thebes, and exchanged it to M. Grebaut, who wished for it at the Bulak Museum. The other objects on this plate, not being required at Bulak, I have brought home. The statuette of Sebekemsaf (fig. 2) is in fine grained dark green basalt it is of heavy, cold, work, but not badly finished the style is much like some figures from Ekhmim, but the mention of Khonsu makes it more likely that this belonged to Thebes, where I purchased it. The height of' the figure is 11^ inches to the broken neck. This is of interest, as monuments of this king are rare the only other remains of his being the statue at Bulak from Abydos, the rock tablets at Hamamat, his ushabtibox of wood, and his heart-scarab. The statuette of Tahuti (fig. 3) is a small enveloped
of Kames, as husband of queen of

Aahmes

I.,

26

A SEASON IN EGYPT.
The
stela of

squatting figure in a block form, headless, well cut in

limestone.

Mahu

(fig.

4)

is in
.

sandstone.

that

Both purchased at Thebes. The torso of a figure of Horuta (fig. S) is finely carved in the hardest and
closest black basalt, the piece

shows and Wiedemann are right in the since it would be scarcely attribution, to Amyrtaeos possible to assign this piece to the Vllth century

But now the

style of this fragment strongly

Lepsius

to king

neck being 8| inches high. Nekau (who is like the sun), the hereditarynoble, superintendent of the gate of the mountains,
Horuta."

from the waist to the It names " the devoted

(Urdamen); while, on the contrary, it precisely accords with the style of the IVth century under
B.C.

Amyrtaeos.

He
to

states

that he
(the

was sent with the

workmen
lost) to "

some place

name

unfortunately

make

great obelisks of granite, and

ments
Necho.

all

of basalt and granite."

monuHoruta seems

CHAPTER

VI.

therefore to
I

have been the chief quarrymaster to purchased this at Memphis; as also the
(fig.

THE PYRAMIDS OF DAHSHUR.

38. On the flat limestone plateau which borders the Nile valley, there stand the four pyramids of Dahshur, at about 17 miles south of Cairo. Like
all

piece of a fine alabaster canopic jar of Li

6)

with the inscription complete.

At

Tell

el

Amarna,

amongst other little things, I got the two limestone stamps, one of Khunaten (fig, 7), and the other of queen Thi (fig. 10); also a slab of limestone with the lower part of the face of Khunaten of the finest work, and a small headless and kneeless
figure

of the stream
farther

the other pyramids they are on the westeirn side but the larger two are placed rather
;

of one of his

in sandstone.

a fine green of gilding;

(in the

little daughters, well carved Thebes, an Arab dealer sold me glazed scarab of queen Amenardas

At

back into the desert than is usual, being about a mile and a half from the cultivated land. The lesser two are lower down, on more broken ground, which was not a favourable site for great structures.

The

desert in this region

is

much

cut

up by shallow
is

(or Ameniritis)

and

king
it

and with

Kashta, bearing traces a piece of a dark brown

(fig.

valleys all

along
it

its
is

edge; and
in

its

surface

not of

barren rock, as
sists, for

many

other places, but coninsoluble

limestone ushabtl of

Amenardas

8);

only one

some considerable depth, of marly

Louvre) is hitherto known. This suggests that her tomb has been lately re-entered; its place
is

remains, probably derived from the limestone which

unknown
(.')

to

Europeans.

The

little

base of a

head-rest
sister

in limestone, names the Amenmert, who is only known otherwise in the tomb of Ken at Thebes, and on the sarcophagus of Butehamen now at Turin (Wiedemann, Geschichte, 314, 317). The

from Thebes,
I.,

of

Amenhotep

This material, howbeen long beneath water, and re-deposited by water, as the flints in it are broken small and completely rounded, in place of being in large nodules or sheets. This bed is analogous, in short, to English
has been removed by solution.
ever, has

clayey gravels

just as the limestone with flints be-

fragment of a standing statuette which

got at

analogous to chalk, though stratigraphically of a rather higher level, belonging to the middle
neath
it

is

Memphis
light
in

is

of interest

it

is

made

of the finest

Eocene.*
far

green stoneware, though

cracked and spoilt

it

foundation

has

the baking, or rather incipient fusion, which received in the manufacture. The work

This material was not favourable for a but all the pyramids of this region (so as we know), are based on a layer of pavement
;

is

placed on the cleared gravel, and not sunk

to a rock bed.
I

down

very delicate and detailed both in the dress and the anatomy of the knees; and from its style, as well as the colour, it seems very hard to. assign
it

to

any age
parallel

but

the

IVth
the

century

B.C.,

the

stoneware of Hakar. Though the second cartouche is lost, we can hardly err in attributing this to the king

nearest

being

green

have completely surveyed all of but the long delay in obtaining the necessary order from the government to permit me to remove the broken chips,
to

had hoped

the Dahshur pyramids this year

prevented
pyramids.
northern

Amen-rut, the fragment of whose sarcophagus is at Berlin, and whose crystal vase is in the Louvre; no other king since the XXHnd dynasty was

attempting to examine the two lesser clearing the rubbish about the large pyramid, the ancient construction

my

And on

named
dynasty,

Ra-user-mat.

These cartouches have been

to

variously attributed

Urdamen
of

of
the

the

XXVth

and

to

Amyrtaeos

XXVHIth.

* I may as well note here my finding a large palaeolithic pointed flint, well worn by river action, on a spur of the desert hills about six miles west of Esneh, and about 200 feet above the present river level. This shows that the high level of the water in the Nile valley, of which there are such abundant signs, was not at all remote, geologically speaking.

; ;

; ;

THE PYRAMIDS OF DAHSHUR.

was found to have been so much destroyed that it would need much work to find anytraces of the original base; this, therefore, was also impossible for me to survey in the short time I had left. The southern large pyramid, and the little one adjoining it, are therefore all that are here described, and in several respects this pair are the most interesting and important of the group. The two lesser pyramids, though originally appearing like the others encased in fine limestone, were in their bulk all of crude
brick
;

27

dynasty.
notipe,
in

In

favour

of this latter view

we may

the ruins of the temples which adjoin

the

the limestone

only

now remains

in

chips

around, and a few blocks buried at the bases, and

these pyramids are always

pyramids here, that the columns were in the tombs of the Xllth dynasty at Beni Hasan, and those of the same age at Hawara the fragments show them to have been composed of six colonnets clustered together, in all about 27 inches across. On one of the blocks of the south stone pyramid is apparently a portion of a cartouche, most of which has been dressed away (see inscriptions, No. 703) and among all possible names this certainly would correspond only to Ra-ma-(kheru),
brick
like those
;

now known

as the brick

Amenemhat
40.

IV.

pyramids.

It
it

one that

important to see in the southern was not built by concretion, or enlargeis

ment by
flat

successive coats, but, on the contrary, in

which

The general method of the survey was like that I made around the pyramids of Gizeh six

courses.

This

is

shown by the varied colours

;

years before.'

of the different batches of bricks, some blacker, some

greyer, some browner and where deep gashes have been made in the side of the mass, the varied courses may be seen extending into it in horizontal lines. Hence the pyramid was begun of its full size of base, and gradually completed, course by course agreeing thus with what was certainly the system large pyramids of Gizeh (see in building the Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh, pp, 163-5.) -A-t the northern large pyramid, which is of stone, I had made a triangulation around it while waiting for permission to clear the chips away but as my remaining time would not suffice to find the remains of the original base, this work was useless, and all
;

A triangulation was formed around the pyramid on fixed station marks, and from these shorter measurements were made to the ancient points of construction, by lineal measure or smaller triangulations. As, however, only one pyramid and its surrounding parts were to be surveyed, it was not
desirable to encounter a large triangulation, extensive jenough

to form

thoroughly
all

stiff

series

of

around the pyramid. sufficiently large from the same obtained better result could be independent each side rendering amount of work by
triangles

of the observations on the other sides;

or, in fact,

by measuring each
of the rubbish on

side

separately.

As

the rise the

each

face quite prevented

could do

was

to

observe the present slope of

of
the
core

corners from being visible from one another, a point was therefore chosen so near to each corner as only
just to

,the

rough
44
41',
;

surfaces

masonry.
32', S.
it is

This
44
30',

be
;

visible

appears to be on the N. 44

42',
3'.

E. 44

corners
to

in

from the similar points at the other short, the least square visible from corner

W.

mean

44 36'

Hence

clearly

corner,

EFGH

on the plan,

PI.

xxiv.

Then

to

and the only likely rule for its construction seems to be a slope of 7 on a base of 5, as this would require an angle of 44 34' 40", which is within
not 45
the uncertainties of this pyramid.
as 43 36'
1 1",

determine the length of each of the sides, a base line was measured along the flattest and most suitable piece of ground at each corner, EJ,

FK, GL,

Vyse

states this
error.

apparently just a degree in

large

39.

The southern

pyramid

is

remarkable for

and the angles were observed subtended by these bases, as seen from the other end of each side, EFJ, FGK, GHL, HEM. These secondary points, J, K, L, M, not only served thus to ascertain the
;

HM

being built in two different slopes, the upper part flatter than the lower, and also for still retaining a
large part of
its

original fine stone casing.

is

It is built

but lengths of the sides of the square, E, F, G, they were also so placed as to triangulate well with the corner of this square, for fixing the station
;

of stone throughout, as also ing

it,

the lesser one adjoin-

and the peribolus wall around them.

it

To

marks placed at the corners of the pyramid A, B, C, D. Thus altogether there were three
class checks in the set of observations:
first,

itself,

first-

what reign

is

to be assigned

is

very uncertain.
of

the

sum

of

The

similarity of

some

points

of construction to
it

those at Gizeh lead one to suppose that

the IVth dynasty.

is

the four corners of the square, EFGH, must be 360 second, the length of its north side checks the length
of the south side, the angles being

than that of the

but
it

The work Vth and Vlth

is

certainly far better

known;

third,

dynasties at Sakhara

might belong to the

fine period of the

Xllth

the east and west sides check each other likewise. The actual adjustments required to reconcile the

28

A SEASON IN EG YPT.
an average measured
constant tension, the stands which held it at each end being temporarily weighted down by blocks of

observations, are an average change of 2" on each

of the azimuths observed along the sides

change

in the angles of subtention of the

i"2"

on each azimuth, or else an equal change of '14 inch on each of the measured bases, which is equal to the effect of 7 cent, of temperature. Or, if no such corrections be made, the whole
bases of
discrepancies of the lengths of the sides of the square

The

amount to an average of '6 inch on 9000 inches. results of the main triangulation may therefore

be trusted to within half-an-inch. The surrounding points of the peribolos and the small pyramid were fixed by minor triangulation from the main stations the lines of this triangulation are not shown on the
plan, in order to avoid confusion.

The

details of the

nature of the remains at each point will be stated

further on.

For fixing the azimuth of all the triangulations a set of four observations were made with the small theodolite on Polaris, with as many on Sirius to give the sidereal time. The result for time showed a

walked from end to end alternately reading the station marks on to the tape, and so taking the length between the When they were ascertained, the pair of marks. tape was moved on another length, and 100 feet The readings, apart from more read similarly. gusts of wind, seldom varied more than i-5oth inch, and were often the same i-iooth inch throughout. The manner in which the tape would be shortened by a puff of wind, and then spring back to the same reading again, was a good proof of its delicacy of action and freedom from friction on its supports. The ends being at six inches from the ground, the length of 100 feet generally needed two supports in order to suspend it clear of the ground; with only one support in the middle, the shortening due to the catenary mode of suspension is but "04 inch, and with two supports this is reduced to -03, on the whole length of 1200 inches,
stone.
I

Then

five or six times,

mean

variation of 6 seconds in the observation, or

with
for

the

standard tension of

lolbs.

The

small

of 50" in the angle between Polaris and Sirius.

The
rather

corrections are easily applied for catenary shortening,

probable error of the resulting azimuth

is

under

i';

an amount of error

due to the great

difficulties of illuminating

the field so as to see the

spider lines and the stars together, and. the reading

the circle
lights

by candlelight. We had also to keep our shrouded as closely as we could, as my men

of level in the supports throughout, temperature the last was always read with three thermometers, one facing the sun, one facing the ground, and one in the shade, and the best circumstances for work are a cloudy sky and gentle hot wind, at about 90 to 100 F.
difference
for

and

were much afraid of attracting some roving thieves from the Fayum road which passes these pyramids and the examples we had seen of the doings of these gentry were not re-assuring. The instruments used were those already described in the Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh, chapter as having been used for that survey. The ii.,

41.

The south pyramid, according

originally
its

to this survey,

was upon

of the

following
:

size

and shape,

pavement surface
E. 7453'4
S.
?

N. 7463-2 inches 10' 35" (N. of E.)

"

i3'53"(N. ofE.)

3'

main theodolite was the very

with
lo-inch
circle,

fine

verniers

to

3",

one of Gambay's, and powerful

W.

7460-3

8" (W. of N.)

12"

microscopes.
stations

was always centered over the by transiting with two small theodolites, set
It

Mean

7459-0

9'

The

construction

of the base differs

yet the principle

up about twenty

feet

were duly levelled, they were elevated to point to the large theodolite, which was slid about on its stand, until the cone of
;

from it at right angles these and pointed to the station then

;

that of the pyramids of Gizeh,

much from owing to the absence

is

of rock foundation

the same.

was bisected by both of the small theodoThe short distance triangles were done with lites. the small theodolites of 4 and 5 inch circles. The base lengths were all measured by a steel tape in
its circle

which was intended as the apparent base, or pavement level, is fully fixed by the fine white mortared pavement which was found outside the
level

The

place of the stone paving, at the E.S.E. and S.S.W., as well as by the pavement found in situ at the N.N.E., E.N.E., and N.W. No doubt therefore can
exist

catenary suspension, as that

accurate

is

by
field.

far

the

most

on

this

point.

At

the
lies

N.W.

corner, which

is

way

of working in the

Stones were
;

the best preserved, there

a large socket block

placed to receive marks at each 100 feet of length the tape, held at one end by a stand with a hook,

in the ground; its level is 13 inches below the pavement, part of which there still overlies it. This

and by a

lever weight at the other,

was kept

at a

socket block bears a sloping bed on

its

upper

face,

THE PYRAMIDS OF DAHSHUR.

as
is

29

all

the bedding of the courses of this pyramid

inclined

inwards 5 or

10.

This bed

is

well

At

of the size of the pyramid depends, are as follows. the N.W. the original socket with sharp edge

dressed, haying of course a slight re-entering angle

to the bed;

and pavement upon

it,

showing the
is

along

its

diagonal, where the sloping bed

of the

pavement

level.

At
it

the N.E. the socket

entirely

north side cuts that of the west. Outside of this sloping surface it falls away slightly and runs about
level,

destroyed; but the casing bed was found at about

100 inches from

along each
;

side.

The

actual

to

receive

a level pavement outside of the

is

casing edge was destroyed

but by the casing face

pyramid.
another

The

block
it,

adjoining

both

over 10 feet x \\ feet, with together forming this

pi. xxiv.).

socket bed (see section in corner of plan,

remaining some feet higher up, the angle of the casing, and the angle of the bed, the original position of the edge could be fixed. At the S.E.
the corner
pits
is

The

slant face of the casing started directly

from

destroyed
side,

the edge of the sloping socket bed, and must thus

along the E.

and although I sunk several no trace of the stone pave-

have been covered over its face by the pavement This is proved by the to a depth of 13 inches. remaining block of pavement still on the socket floor, having a sloping line of dressing on its edge rising at the pyramid angle, in the plane of the And by the analogy of the great pyramid casing. casing and sockets, this is just what we should Probably the corner casing stone sunk expect. down below the pavement level into the socket, as otherwise there would be no object in projecting the slope below the pavement, in the manner in
which we find it marked down the side of the similar slanting draft is vertical paving joint. on a paving block in the S.W. socket. seen to be The pyramid therefore was based on a horizontal pavement, the edge-blocks of which were turned upward at a slope of 5 to 10 all round, to bed the sloping casing upon; while at the corners large blocks were sunk to form a similar sloping bed for the corner stones to rest upon, below the level of the others. The angle of the bedding of the sockets and pavement is, N.W. 7" 7' and 6 48', N.N.E. 13 27', E.N.E. 6 41', S.E. 6 44': mean 6 50', omitting the N.N.E. of 13 27', or 2 x 6 43'. In the upper parts of the casing the bed varies more, being at N.W. 7" 25', N. 8 35', N.E. 5 36', E.N.E.

ment could be found. The length of the S. side and azimuth of the E. side is therefore not recovered. This corner has suffered far more than others, and the casing is destroyed for nearly halfway up the pyramid hence it is impossible to restone the original edge,, unless some block of it should be found by more extensive digging. The pits here need to be sunk some fifteen feet through a mass of loose chips and blocks retaining walls have to be carefully built up; and so tender is the
; ;

ground that

dangerous to strike with a pick it all down each stone has to be gently pulled out by hand, On th S. side a part of the S.E. socket block remains, 34 inches below the paving level; and the edge of this, reduced for the slant upward of the casing from that
it

is

for fear of bringing

the point for the original base. At the of the S. side no part of the original base could be found, although several pits were sunk; here, however, the casing remained down to within
level, gives

W. end

8 42', 6 41', E. 7
S.

3',

E.S.E. 6
8',

16',

S.S.E. 10"
42',

56',

22',

S.S.W.
8'.

10

W.S.W.

41',

W.N.W.
piled
on,

There seems to be no regularity

in

280 inches of the usual level of the pavement, but only 272 above the mortar pavement remaining near that the difference of 8 inches being the error of levelling the pavement. This point is therefore carried down to the mortar pavement level, at the angle observed on the face, in order to give the base line. The S.W. corner is destroyed; but part of the pavement remains on the W. side, with a draft line on its vertical joint, running down from
;

these angles

the stones appear to have been simply of exact parallelism of their the

the edge in continuation of the casing slope, like

that on the edge of the

regardless

N.W. paving

block.

bedding angle varied anyhow, and the face was dressed uniform afterwards. The stone pavement projected but little from beyond that the pyramid, perhaps 20 or 30 inches dressed down to a hard face, was ground gravel the
bed-surfaces;
;

and a thick coat of mortar, finished with a fine white surface, was laid upon it, to form an apHow far parent continuation of the pavement.
this

computed from the bed, for i the base on the pavement are, N.N.E. -4, E.N.E. 2"6, E.S.E (mortared pavement) o, S.S.W. (mortared pavement) -f- 8, N.W. -|- 2: and the size stated for the base is in relation to its actual pavement, and not Other points are, socket to a theoretical true level. block in S.E. pit 34, socket edge N.W. 11.

The

levels observed, or

extended

did not discover.

The

actual points
is

42.

of the original construction, on which the recovery

Proceeding now to the casing, the lower part about 70 inches thick at a minimum, while at

30 the top
it

A SEASON IN EGYPT.
is

but two feet thick, and the corners

nine inches high.

deal.

The

angle of

it

varies a

good
is

The

lower half, up to the change of angle,

all

of special interest, as showing the evident signs of a flap door of stone, which turned on a horizontal axis. The joint holes in
44.

The entrance

is

convex, being in nearly

flatter

parts steeper below

is

and

the sides of the passage, and the cut-away in the

above; the difference

as

much

as

i" 36' in

one place, and only about the N. and N.E. is the variation not to be noticed. In consequence of the face thus curving over up the E. side, while rising straight at the N.E., the N.E. corner of casing, where the change of angle takes place, appears to stick out unduly some 20 inches beyond the rest of the
face at that level.

them Pyramids and Temples,, the account need not be repeated. Within the stone door was also a wooden one, on a vertical hinge. The position
roof show this
the
;

but as

have

fully described

in

of the entrance

is not, as in the Gizeh pyramids, on one side of the middle, but in the mid line. The middle of the pyramid being at 3731 '6 from

The

slope of the E. face at

either

end, the

axis

of the passage
-6

is

at

3731-0
line.

the S. end, where projected

is

down

to the N.E. corner,

there.

from the E.

side, or

inch east of the mid

this

some 60 inches
theodolite,

outside

the face

The

The

irregularities of the form,

by the varying angle

minute
is

angles of the casing were observed

the

by setting up so that its telescope was exactly in the plane of the casing; and then reading the difference of angle between the sight up the casing, and the level position of the telescope. The actual
angles of the lower part of the faces

of the sides, will far

difference;

more than cover

and we may

say that the entrance

352-3
inside

as exactly in the middle of the pyramid as that can

be defined.

As

the roof

is

the line

N.N.W.
E.N.E.
54 55
40',
4',

SS 23', near W. 54 59', 55 12', E. 55 20', E.S.E.

round are N.N.E. 55 2',

all

54 46', S.S.E.
55
2',

S.S.W.
niean 55

54
i';

38',

W.S.W.

W.N.W.
E.N.E.
54
38',

while the upper parts of the

59',

floor will be 327-7 and as the casing angle was observed as 55 10' at the door, this will be 471-0 above the pavement; or 468-0, if the angle be 55 o', as shown by the rest of the face. The azimuth of the passage is -I-13J', There is or that amount east of the true north.

of the base horizontally, the

faces

are'
12',

N.N.W.
o',

54

N.N.E. 55
54
i',

2',

55

E. 53
54

44',

S.S.E.

S.S.W.

a very remarkable dislocation in the line of the passage the floor and roof, in their outward course,
;

W.S.W.

W.N.W.

54 36',

mean

54 31'; or,
is

rapidly turn

omitting those parts where the lower angle up, the angle of the upper parts is 54

carried

suddenly

drop

upward back

at a steeper angle,

and then

to
ii-i

the

former

line.

The
more

12'.

The

amount of change,
solid
;

inches,

seems

far

upper slope of the pyramid is much less steep, but shows a similar convexity; at the N.N.W. it is 43 2' high up, and 43 19' lower; the N.N.E. is 43 24', the W. 43 o', or perhaps 42 39' higher
up.

than could be produced by any settlement of such

The mean

of

all is

43

5'.

43. The height of the pyramid may be approximately calculated from the angles. The place of the N.E. corner, where the change of slope occurs, was

masonry and yet there is a fissure in the masonry at that point. The angle of the passage, far below the dislocation, is 26 20', close to the point it rises to 27 53', and at the mouth it is 28 22'. The passage is choked at the bottom, so that the inner chambers are inaccessible at
present.
45. The small pyramid to the south of the great one is clearly connected with it; the peribolos includes both together, the position is exactly symmetric with the large pyramid (the line joining the centres being inclined 18' 52"), and the distance between the pyramids is apparently 100 cubits (2055-4 at N.E., 2044-2 at N.W. corner). In seems not unlikely that the lesser pyramid is the tomb of the wife or daughter of the king who was buried in the greater. The dimensions of this pyramid are

triangulated,
face,

and it is 1301-1 from the edge of the N. and 12887 from the edge of the E. face, measur-

This difference shows a still larger do the angles, as observed from below; the vertical height by the N. at 55" 2' appearing as 1860-5, and by the E. at 55 12', 1854-2, mean 1857 inches. Assuming the line of change in the face to
variation than

ing horizontally.

A curious

be level all round, the height of the upper part will be 2277 inches the whole, therefore, 4134 inches.
:

feature of the casing

is

the frequent letting

up damaged parts the acute lower edges of the stones, and sometimes
fill

in of small pieces of stone to

N.
E.
S.

the vertical joints, are cut away to a depth of a couple of inches, and a slip of stone inserted to make good accidental injuries.

W.

2o65'8 inches. 2064-7 2062-4 " 2065-7

'I It

-)-

+32. 30
27'
14'

4' 51".

21' 10

Mean Mean diff.

2064-6 inches.
I'l
"

10' 12

THE PYRAMIDS OF DAHSHUR.

This
is

3T
flat

certainly intended for lOO cubits of 20-646

005

inches.

pyramid are: N.N.W., casing in situ weathered somewhat, but still fairly defined, as well as the pavement; N.N.E., casing gone, but a front edge clearly defined on the pavement; E.N.E., a line on the pavement, which is similar to one at 55 inches inside of the N.N.E. edge, and which was therefore supposed at the time to have been SS inches inside the E. side, but which is now seen, by the accordance of the above measurements, to be really the line of
the E. side
itself;

The

actual points recovered of this

and the breadth of the of the gate is 68-5 inches.

is

pilaster

at

the side

The axis of the gateway 2028-6 from the outer side of the east wall. The
is

whole of the large square

N.
E.
S.

side
II

M M

W.

-4' 34" 11755-7 inches " - i6'4o" ii753'5 -38'5o"? 11757-6 -i6'8" 11772-9? or 1 1757 if the inner face be followed.
11

11

The

points found
;

along

it

outside
inside

the N.E. corner outside

being the N.W. corner the S.E. corner

;

outside of this line the paving

is

pavement S.S.E., line on pavement S.W. corner, edge of sloping bed on pavement; verified by W.S.W., casing in situ over pavement; W.N.W., casing in situ over pavement. Thus it will be seen that in most parts a course of casing, more or less destroyed by weathering, still remains in the debris around this pyramid. The casing does not seem to have been sunk into sockets at the corners, but to have been bedded on the pavement with a slightly sloping The angle of the casing on a good block at bed. the E.S.E. is 44 34'; and on a worse example, 45" 3'; no other stone was in sufficiently good condition to be worth measuring. The height was therefore 2034 inches. This is probably the same angle as the North Stone pyramid, which I observed as 44 36' on its core masonry. The entrance to this pyramid is blocked up with rubbish. The pavement around the pyramid seems to form a sort of narrow plinth to it at the N.W. corner it is there 25 inches wide on the N., and 29 on the W., with a space of mere sand and rubbish between it and the
destroyed
;

E.S.E., casing in situ on the

;

and outside; the outside at the turn south by the small pyramid the S.E. corner by that the S.W. corner by that could not be found, and seems entirely destroyed the N.W. corner by that both inside and outside the main S.W. corner is not lost, and a point found on the S. side was well fixed, so the S. side is here prolonged from the N.W. of the small pyramid in a line from the
;
; ;

S.E. corner of the great square;

this is not satisit

factory however in the result, as

gives a length

of the

W.

side very different to that of the others,

unless the inner face of the wall be

followed

point was fixed also on the

W.

side.

The

distance from the large pyramid to the outside

is

of the peribolos

N.N.E.
E.S.E.

2139-8
!

E.N.E.
S.S.E.

S.S.W.

W.N.W.

2155-5 2170-7

W.S.W.

N.N.W.
the

2I22-0 2159-5 2142-7 2153-5

The
outside

distance
is

from

small

pyramid to the

E.N.E. 300-5, E.S.E. 289-2, S.S.E. 326-8, N.N.W. 273. The thickness of the peribolos wall is, at gate-

way, fine stone upper wall, 80-8

E.S.E.
of

rough wall at

peribolos wall.

100;

at

S.S.E.,

106;

further, 120.

small pyramid, 88;

46.

S.S.W.,

From

104; W. of the front

The

foundations of the peribolos wall around

is

the gateway a road runs N.E. at an azimuth

these pyramids

well constructed of roughish blocks

of

these probably supported a

fine stone wall above.

The

served, the east

entrance happens to be remarkably well preside of the gateway being still 18

on reaching the edge of the plateau, hundred yards from the gate, it turns more to the east, and runs down a gentle slope

+54

41';

about
into

inches high.

This shows
;

fine

work and the best quality

of limestone

the outer and inner faces of the wall

The road has a valley towards the river. been all of fine white limestone, but only a part of one edge was found in situ.
47. It

have a slight batter. The form is shown below the plan on PI. xxiv. On the outer side are two recesses
the hinges of the doors, with socket holes 12 the mark is clear on the side of gateinches deep
for
;

now remains
the
large

to

observe what were

the

ideas of the architect in designing the

Firstly,

two pyramids.
odb2-2

pyramid base of 7459-

way where
and
for
this

the door post wore against

it

in turning,

inches,

is

360 cubits of 20-72 'Oo6, the ordinary

;

some The doorway

5-5

suggests that the door remained in use length of time before it was dismantled.
is

Egyptian cubit
is

while the base of the lesser pyramid

2o64-6zt:-5, or

100 cubits of 20-646-005.

to the

The
the the

wide and

47

113 inches wide, the hinge recesses deep, the width of the gates being

clear space
it

around the pyramid was also 100 cubits;

2149-1^24-3
the
wall,

averages

outer side of
80-8,

thus 124 inches or 6 cubits.

The

wall

is

8o-8 thick.

foundation of

and

deducting

3*

A SEASON IN EGYPT.
the

thickness of
gate,

upper wall as preserved at the

N.E. to N.W. corners,

and
is

I'l

the distance of the gate-face inside

or lOO cubits of 20'67.04.
is

the line of foundation from

there
it

2o674

Thus

merely an added feature to the pyramid, and not made in any round numbers
is

clear that the wall

The azimuth of the step pyramid of Sakkara was observed by eye on its rough core masonry, as pointing to parts of the S. pyramid of Dahshur. This resulted in showing it to be -|-4I4' for E., and +^"22,' for W. side; or mean 4''2i' E. of
true N.

in itself, as its

outside comes to 568 cubits.

The

idea of the gateway position

it

seems to be to place

so as to look southward, just clear of the east

face of the pyramid.

CHAPTER
slope

VII.

In height the change of

inches from

occurs

at

1857

the pavement, or 90 cubits of 20"63, and the upper part is 2277 inches high, or no cubits of 2070; thus the whole pyramid was 200
cubits high.

THE EARLIEST COLUMN.

48. Behind one of the small pyramids at Gizeh, on the eastern side of the great pyramid, is the larger part of a fine tomb of a son of Khufu, named Khufu-kha-f. This is therefore of the beginning of the IVth dynasty, or within the first century of dateable remains in Egypt. The tomb is now heaped around with rubbish, which entirely covers its ancient doorways and the visitor descends by jumping down into the outer chamber. This chamber has been considerably cut about in process of having an arched roof built into it, at about the time
;

The
larger

angles of

slope

at

the lower half of the

pyramid is 55i' low down, and 5436' above This seems as if planned on a rise of 10 that. with a base of 7, or one cubit three palms vertical for
every cubit horizontal;

such a

slope

is

55o'29".

If so, the base of this part will be 63 cubits for the

90 cubits vertical. The upper part being at 435', seems to be planned on a rise of 14 on a base of 15, or a cubit vertical for a cubit and two digits horizontal; such a slope is 43i'33". The small pyramid is 44" 34', and the northern large pyramid is 4436'; these are close to 45, but yet seem distinct and a slope 7 long on a base of 5, or one cubit of slope on 5 palms horizontal, gives an angle of
4434'4o".

of the

XXVIth

dynasty.

The tomb had

evidently

been partially despoiled before that, and was then refitted and completed for later use. The inner chamber has also had its walls continued up where
broken, and

new

We

see thus that all these three angles

being

all

plain stone,

roof put on the new work and the thin mortaring having
;

are

very closely explained by simple ratios;

that these ratios
all

and

further,

involve

the

division

of the cubit in the usual Egyptian way, with 7

palms.

run down over the old sculpture. On either side of a doorway in the inner chamber leading to the serdab, is a column in low relief, represented as
lintel. This column is here carereproduced on PI. xxv., by measurements taken from a paper squeeze. Its form is most striking when we consider that it belongs to the very first age

supporting the

workmanship are much greater than those of the Great or Second Pyramid of Gizeh,
errors of

The

fully

but rather less than that of the third pyramid. the errors of angle are the most conspicuous
sides

But
;

the

of architecture,
of

many

centuries before the columns

is

being far more truly parallel than they are square to one another. This, as well as the departure from true north, shows a much lower capability' for angular measurement than in the Great Pyramid
of Gizeh.

Beni

Hasan.
taper of

Here
the

well
in

a slight

an astragal at which seems much

lotus

column the top, and a

like the

rising

formed base, from it,

spreading capital

prototype of the later

The
are:

cubit

values given then

by

different

parts

flower capitals. The whole of the members of a complete column are here, harmonious and well designed and this is of a time when even the
;

Large pyramid base, Small pyramid base, Space around pyramid, Lower height of pyramid, Upper height of pyramid,

360 cubits of 2072

100 100 90
n
n

20'646
20-63.
20-70.

-006. + oo5.
-04.

series of

ing

pyramids the earliest known type of buildwas but beginning its course.

20-67+

n
n

no

49.

What was

the origin of this earliest column

articles

In the

same tomb, among the various

;

of

Only the
they give a

first

two are

mean

really accurate data, and cuibt of 2o-6803, with which

the other three examples well agree.

luxury borne before the son of Khufu, is a stand they are of a beautiful form, with long spouts, probably of metal cut off flat
containing two wine jars

THE EARLIEST COLUMN.

on the upper side of the mouth, and with little lids on the necks. Between these jars is the drinking bowl set on a stand,just such a stand as is often
found in early tomb furniture, carved in alabaster. Here is unmistakeably the form of our column and
stand.

33

The purport of the circle near this I do not underSo far, there is scarcely a break in the rules

The bowl on its stand had caught the eye of the architect, and there sprung into being the first complete column that we as yet have seen. The
capital.

deducible from this. It should be noted that no lines whatever have been added to these drawings; only exactly such lines as could be seen in the originals, and in the photographs, are here marked. The
reference letters are of course not in the original.

only modification to adopt the form to architecture, was the deepening of the lower torus for a base, and the straightening of the sides of the shaft; with
these slight changes the column was complete ; and to this day, after the cycles of architecture in all history, we are not radically beyond this model of

These working drawings are lined out in red paint, on the clear walls of a subterranean quarry; and many painted graffiti of the first century A.D. show the period when they were doubtless executed.

even with all the ornamentation which has been lavished on columns, and all the contortions they have been forced into, it is a question whether any one could find a reasonable complaint if this type was used in a building of to-day. It would be difficult to find fault with its form, even after all the experience of the civilised world in the ages which have passed over it.
:

the dawning period

CHAPTER

VIII.

THE FAYUM ROAD.

52. While taking a walk some nine miles into the desert behind Dahshur, for the purpose of noting the level of the country, and its nature in that unknown

region, I there

stone
50.

and

came across a cubical block of limeobserved, moreover, a track past it, and

That

this

beautiful type did

not take deep

root,

we

see

by the

curious but ugly capitals which

another block in the distance, also on the track. enquiring of the Arabs on my return, they told
that
all

On me

support the roof of a rock

at

Isbayda

(PI. xxv.).
is

tomb of the VI th dynasty, Even at Beni Hasan, in the

along the road to the

Fayum from
I

there were blocks of stone at intervals.

Sakkara, then on

no true capital, but only a on the shaft, or else the purely vegetable type of the bundle of lotus. For a true, well-defined capital we must descend to the XVIIIth or XlXth dynasty before we find anything comparable, as an architectural form, to the column
square abacus placed
flat

Xllth dynasty, there

other

occasions followed out this road from its beginning near Sakkara to one-third the distance to the Fayum ; at that point I could not find any more way marks for a long space, and that being a walk of
I could not get my men nor would they let me go out of their sight, considering the thievish character of the

some 19 miles out and back,

go
further,

to

of the son of Khufu.

district.

Some
befalls

consideration must be

shown
;

for a

51.

The diagrams of

capitals

from the

Roman

native guard's feelings, as he and his are liable for

quarries at Gebel

Abu Fodeh

are of

showing the methods of design.

drawings
are

much interest as They have been

photographs.

whatever
charge,

you while

in his jurisdiction

Egypt, wherever you

may

go,

you are

in

and in somebody's

published before, but inaccurately; and the present

made from magnified

2074 from
of
it is,

and that person will be seized, imprisoned, and plundered by the police if aught happens to you.
I left therefore the two-thirds of the road which is beyond a walk out from Dahshur to be done at some time with regular camping out. What I have planned (see PL xxvi) fully shows the nature of the road and its system of mensuration. I found, moreover, another road marked in a different way, by lines of gravel swept up on either side of it, and leading to the oasis of Ammon, or Siwa, or as the Arabs said,

The

squares in the Hathor capital are half a cubit

this.

each, the cubit averaging

capital appears to
digits.

The

lotus

have been

laid out

by a

cubit and

The arrangement
far as I
.

however, complex
:

and so
at

can trace, the rules are as follows

AB = AC AD = AE.
of

The

curve of the everted edge

C is a quadrant. AF = FG = GE, each one-third AD. What determines the base line H, I do not see. Bisect CH, and set off HJ = the half From J
draw a
line to bisect the

" to Tunis."

In the plan
;

all

the details of these roads

space

AB

on the

line F.

are fully entered

but the

hill

shading

is

only a rough

This forms the slope of the lower part of the capital. Join CJ, and the line cuts G line in the centre of an
arc

approximation, to show the character of the ground.

which forms the under edge of the everted

lip.

53.

We

will

begin by following the

Fayum
E

road

34

A SEASON IN EGYPT.
see

from its north-eastern end (see PI. xxvi.). Close by the Mastaba Far'un, on rising up the side of a valley

of a pillar

some duplicate blocks further on. At L is a bit 9x7x16, and some scraps of stone at M.
here
is

which runs some way into the desert, faint traces of two parallel lines of flints may be seen these run straight across the plain of table land on which the
;

The road

base of a low

rise.

bent to the west, to run round the At N. is a socket, 18 inches

pyramids stand, and up the ridge of desert hill. At the top of the ridge, about ninety feet south of the road, is the base of a small chamber (A), about five
feet square
;

square and 9 high, and a stone which may be part of pillar. At O, close to it, is another socket, part lost, but still showing it to be 23 inches square and
19 high, one of the largest of
all.

Probably

this

was

this is

probably the lower part of a sentry

not yet placed in position.

of
these
are two
;

Some way

to the S.W.

box, from which to watch the road both ways, as it is on the nearest high point to the road, which naturally Further on, the crosses the ridge at the lowest part.

flat

slabs

of Hmestone,

road

is

lost in

modern

tracks, but

is

very plainly seen

It is here

weathered and the ground is all dug over. At Q is a socket, broken in two, but complete. well preserved socket-block, 21 square at base and
18 at top, 19 inches high,

much P is a

before reaching the bit of stone, B.

marked

and the socket

first

in it

10

swept up to either side; these ridges are generally about 5 ft. wide, and 1085 inches apart from crest to crest; this width

by two

parallel ridges of pebbles

inches square.

This

is

the

stone

saw, and
;

is

slightly

more than

is
it

usual in the adjoining Oasis

is

road, but, like that,

doubtless intended for 50

cubits or 1035 inches.

A little
;

the road
fossil

is

a slight hollow, with

way to the north of much limestone and

perhaps it is a human skull and a few bones some wayfarer perished of thirst here in sight of his journey's end, or more likely he was murdered. After a socket at R, upright and complete, 13 inches high, we come to the most interesting stone, a stela
beside
originally
it

stood on

its

base block as in the restora-

wood about it possibly foundations of a building. The parallel lines bordering the road come to an end on reaching the first of the regular way marks (C), a block of limestone with a socket
cut in the top of
this
is it

mark"; now it lies by its side, the stela 20^4 wide, and 35 inches high, but broken at its lower end. The base block has no socket in it. I turned the stela over in hopes of finding some
tion of a "schoenus

to receive a pillar; the form of

inscription

shown

restored in the outline of a looo cubit

mark

at the top of the plate.

These base blocks or

sockets are usually about 20 inches cube, and the

most complete piUar yet found is 27 inches long and 9 inches square. Of socket C only two-thirds is left, and that tipped over on the side of a hollow in which it probably stood originally; many of these marks have been dug around and disturbed. Socket

is

but a half

Socket
is

is

cracked in two, but

complete.

an oblong block 307 X 24-5 inches, and 18 high, has in its upper face a socket 23-oxii'3. This seems to have been for holding a stela, a cubit wide and half a cubit thick (20'6 x iO'3) such as we shall see later on. A fragment, perhaps of this stela, is lying about 150 feet to the N.E. This form is restored at the
top of the plate, as the
pit close to
it

At F

a different arrangement;

but the sand blasts of the desert have ploughed off its faces in hollow scoops all over, so that no trace of letters or figuring can be seen. Possibly some other such stela, further on in this road, might have been early overthrown face downward, and so be preserved. At T and U are two sockets. Lastly at V is a part of a pillar 8 inches square and 17 long. I went about half a mile further, and looked on ahead some distance, but saw nothing but a scrap of fossil wood. Here there is certainly a great break in the line of marks,, and
;

possibly no
rise

more were placed. To the east of the by L, M, is a hollow with blocks of limestone
it,

about

and pieces of red pottery

it

evidently a guard

house, but strangely far from the road.

Three

faint

paths leading from

descried.

in different directions

may

be

feet to the E.;

" schoenus mark.'' There is a on the N.N.E., and another about 45 these pits are about 1 5 feet wide, and

54.

It

is

evident,

on looking

at

the

these way-marks are at regular intervals

P,

map, that J, L, N,

apparently the result of digging.

At

is

a piece of

and 27 long, but broken. At H is a socket broken into two equal parts, which are now separated 40 inches. J is a fragment of a pillar about 9 inches cube, and some scraps. At K, out of the road line, is a socket 16 inches wide, and 6 high,
a
pillar, 8

8-8 inches,

with a piece of a pillar beside

it,

87 x 87 x

18 inches.

This

is

probably not yet put in position, as

we

shall

and Q, R, S, T These intervals we must determine from the plan, which is produced by triangulation to the pyramids; hence we cannot be certain of them with any great accuracy; only in one part, F to J, was a continuous measurement made with the steel tape, but that sufficed to show that no very close exactitude was to be sought for.

are at equal distances apart,

are at half such intervals.

THE FA YUM ROAD.

To tape over seven miles of road was rather too much to do with an Arab. The intervals are as
follows
:

35

36
lowest ground in
rises;
its

A SEASON IN EG YPT.
direction, avoiding
rise

the slight

and

it

appears to

steadily

after

passing

the ridge behind the pyramids, ascending about lOO

feet in six miles

seems, at the furthest point, to continue gently rising, and probably goes up a couple of hundred feet more before dipping over
;

it

west of true N. by mean of observations at 22 average error of observation 10', probable stations The French error of mean 2', epoch April 1887. survey, in the Description de FEgypte, is quite useless
;

for questions of accuracy).

into the

Fayum

basin.

The

levels here stated are all obtained

by

observ-

ing the altitude of the tops of the pyramids and hills. This is but an approximation, but it is prob-

CHAPTER

IX.

ably quite safe to within

parts,

or lo feet in the nearer

THE WEIGHTS OF MEMPHIS.

57.

and 30 or 40

feet

on the distant points of

variation
in the levels, as
"

the range.

The average

When
" to

I visited

Memphis

for the first

time this

given separately by the tops of the two pyramids, was 4^ feet; and as the mean was taken, the data

season, I

vary only 2\ feet on an average from the stated result. The regularity of the levels along the road,

was told before I had mentioned the word any one that a mound there was known as the Kom el Mezanat, or " mound of weights," owing
weight

to the

number
it

of ancient weights found in

it.

I I

never
could

which are all determind solely from the pyramid tops without any intercomparison, will show how
far the results

again saw the

easily credit

man who

told

me

of this

but

be trusted. Fayum road is a most interesting, and so far unique, example of an ancient Egyptian road, with its way-marks. Probably it may be assigned to the Ptolemaic period, when Arsinoe, and Bacchis, and the temple of Kasr Kerun, all show the flourishThis
ing state of the Fayum. The distances of the marks show unmistakeably what was the itinerary system of the time the decimal cubit lengths, ended by a schoinos measure of 12,000 cubits. The road to
;

may

flow in to
dealers.

when the supply of weights began to me at Dahshur, from the various Arab

In th^ six weeks that I lived there over 500 weights were brought, ranging from a few grains up
to twenty-five lbs.

In the interests of metrology it would be most important to excavate scientifically in the region they come from but all such work is prohibited at Memphis in the supposed interests of the Bulak Museum ; and hence the history is destroyed by the Arabs without any remedy. Such is the case
;

all

over the country to a very sad extent.

The
if

the Oasis being over 300 miles long, could

not of

destruction of historic material will

is

go on

and

no

course be furnished with distance marks on such

a system

and spaces there were probably reckoned by day's journeys. It would be of interest to ascertain how far the marking out by lines of flints is continued and whether there are remains of
;
;

thorough system of record perishes as it has done in all past destructions. This series of weights gives, for the first time, an
at work, the history
outline of the metrology of

Memphis

which, though

sleeping stations

by the
just the
;

road-side.

It is

probably
it

not very different in age to the

is

Fayum

road, as

unhappily not dated, is comparable with the large series which I have worked out from Naukratis and Defenneh. The general arrangement of the material
here
is

marked out of
in

same width, 50
times.

cubits, as

on the same principles that

I laid

down

in the

the beginning of that

and the Oases were best

known

Ptolemaic and
the

Roman

treatment of the Naukratis weights in 1885. As there were but few bronze weights from Memphis, and those corroded, I have not included them in this statement.

{Note.
signals,

As
it

pyramids
for

are

valuable

survey

The

is

as well to state

here their positions

survey.

as approximately fixed

this

N. to
13'.
10'.

S.

pyramids, Dahshur, 6702 feet, at 171" Step pyramid, Sakkara, 23,000 feet at 8

N. to
S. to

shows that this Greek period, when lead was a usual material and the only weight showing its own age is one belonging to "Atha, son of
entire absence of leaden weights
series

cannot extend

much

into the
;

Horuta," probably of the

sight, I

XXVIth

dynasty.

At

first

Step pyramid, 29,476 feet, at 4 22'. N. to 2nd pyramid, Gizeh, 66,173, at 158 33'. Levels above highest Nile deposit in plain top of S. pyramid 450 feet, top of N. pyramid 456 feet, top of Step
;

pyramid 338 feet. These bearings are to true N., corroborated by an observation of Professor Smyth's

on Dahshur from Gizeh.

Magnetic N. was

50'

doubted whether many of the stones I saw were ancient weights, owing to their not following the standard types of forms, but being only rounded however, on examining them, and considering their forms, it did not seem possible to assign them to any other use. We have here pieces of very hard stones, mostly quartzose, which have been carefully smoothed.

THE WEIGHTS OF MEMPHIS.

and polished all over such an amount of labour as is shown by these .would not be thrown away for a mere
;

37
in

must

start

from

considering

ancient

Egyptian

fancy or freak, ia preparing hundreds of such stones * Moreover, these do not show, in most cases, any signs
of having been used for work, either polishing, grind-

modern system of the west, with government stamps enforced by Act of Parliaweights, and not from a

ment.
In the following tables of the weights some difference has been made from the tables

hammering. As a matter of later use, all kinds of weights, highly wrought or merely smoothed, were
ing, or

58.

slight

often

employed for hammers, as is only to be expected as modern weights serve as both hammers and anvils in modern kitchens. But so far as the original purpose of these stones can be inferred, they were not applied to any hard work. These rounded or cuboid forms are just about as numerous as the fully shaped weights of the regular types and hence they occupy

published in Naukratis and Tunis II.

The

refer-

much

ence
to
1

numbers here are begun at 4001 in order maintain a fixed number for every weight that

publish in this complete manner.

of the

The weights reach Fund 1292, with Egypt Exploration

still

about a thousand more in metal

;

to be ex-

about half of the present collection. When, apart from the consideration of their forms, we study their weights, we see good reason independently to accept them as ancient weights. If they were a mere chance series of stones, such as would be used for hammers, we ought to find that they do not all conform to the regular grouping of the known weights. And on drawing out diagrams of the distribution of the w,eights (as in PI. xxvii.), we ought to iind that the
all blurred together and confused, if we have included a large series of chance stones. On the contrary although there is some difference in the forms of the curves from those of other collections we see very clear and clean gaps between the various standards, e.g. at 84 to 85 grains, 87 to 94 grains, 118 to 122 grains; and this certainly

amined these take that set up to 2300. Leaving 1700 more for future additions, this set begins at 4000 and runs to 4500; and the weights in the Greek department of the British Museum I have numbered in my report on them from 6001 to
Thus, for some time to come, the various can expand without over-running four figures the object in view being to maintain one reference number to each fully published weight, to distinguish and designate it for all future notice. The statement of material in the second column of the tables does
6515.
series

curves are

not profess

strict

geologic exactitude, but

;

is sufficient

to give a fair idea of the substances

the black basalt

shows that but a very small proportion of casual or accidental stones could possibly have been included in the present collection. To any one accustomed to our modern weights of cast metal, bearing inscriptions, it might seem hard to

is more and more infiltrated by a network of minute quartz, until it merges into a microscopic syenite, so far as eye inspection goes, insomuch that it seems impossible to draw a clear line between the kinds. No doubt, in field work, the masses could easily be classified, but in small specimens taken out of veins or patches, a certain nomenclature is not

indeed

mere pieces of polished stone were formed weighing with. But if we look round an Egyptian market of the present day, we see how greatly this skill of the modern people has fallen off from that of In place of fine polished pieces their predecessors. of hard stones, the weights now-a-days are mere lumps of stone without any attempt at form or
believe that
for

had without microscopic examination. The numbers of the types of forms in the third column refer to the types which have been already twice published in Naukratis, and in Tunis II ; such fresh forms as
to be

required
PI. xxviii.

illustration (153 to

173) are here given in

sometimes brickbats knocked away to Often I have hunted over a the required amount. jeweller's box of weights in search of ancient bronze weights which are to be found in use not only are there Arab dirhem weights, but also French grammes,
regularity,
;

column contains the present weight in British grains, when that differs from the ancient weight by reason of any perceptible wear or chipping: where no difference exists the entry is only made in the column of ancient weight. The fifth column contains the amount of change of weight

The

fourth

'

when such change exceeds

limit

2 per cent., such being the

which

assigned before for excluding weights

ancient Egyptian weights, bits of stone, old coins ground down, and scraps of china saucers and plates

chipped round.
*
I

It is

such a style of weights that we

I

need hardly say that

am

not referring to the multitude

which are so common in every Egyptian site such stones do not show the long and toilsome work of polishing to which I refer above.
of regular

hammer
;

stones,

from consideration in results, as a greater loss leaves too much doubt as to the ancient weight. Thus where there is no alteration, the weight is reported in the "ancient" column; where there is under 2 per cent, change as estimated, its present amount is put and where there is over in the " present " column
;

2 per cent, change, attention

is

called to

it

by the

38

A SEASON IN EGYPT.
The

difference being entered in the "ch." column.

multiple of the unit follows, and lastly the value of

the unit as shown

by the example

in question.

59No.

Egyptian Kat Standard

(190).

z CO

THE WEIGHTS OF MEMPHIS.

No.

39

40

A SEASON IN EGYPT.

No.

THE WEIGHTS OF MEMPHIS.

No.

41

42
phis.

A SEASON JN EGYPT.
same range, being there entered on the halfstater or This is considerably drachma as 95-104 grains. different to the Naukratite or ordinary Greek diswhich alike extend from 92-100, but not higher; the high range of the Memphite examples probably belongs to the earlier, pre-Greek, period, when the unit was not so much degraded from the heavy standard of 104 which occurs under Amentribution,

This fact corroborates what I had previously pointed out as to the pre-Greek origin of this unit especially as the absence of leaden weights here

shows the lack

of these

of Greek influence.

Further,

one

weights, No. 4284, bears

probably of the

XXVI th

an inscription dynasty (see PL xxviii.).

There

is

much

confusion between the heavier varieties

Kat weights; and I have arbitrary separasomewhat a been obliged to two separate constitute really tion. But that they multismaller the looking at units, may be seen on
of this and the lighter

make

hotep

I.

For the further consideration of the history

of this standard in Greece, refer to "Weights and Measures," in the Encyclopcedia Britannica, where I

ples

in

the diagram; these are the

in

more
all

accurate,

have stated
provisionally
fully

its varieties.

and the separation between the Attic and the kat

very marked and clear it is only on reaching 20 units that the confusion arises. The lowest varieties of the Attic
units
is

The standard which

called

the lower

the
;

"eighty-grain,"

found at Naukratis, and was very

multiples:

two grains
found
;

are also due to the rougher large weights, the accurate small weights being nearly
all

used at Memphis and its range extends about There is, higher than at Naukratis. otherwise nothing special in the examples here

between 66'5

and 69 grains. A super-multiple of half a mina is shown by No. 4248, which is marked with the as it weighs 500 hieroglyphic " 10 " on the top drachmae, this shows 50 drachmae to be the basis
;

and for its history and names in other countries I must refer to the article above mentioned. The Persian silver standard, always a rare one, is particularly scarce at Memphis, agreeing to the early

of

its

numeration.
Phoenician shekel standard
in
is

The
rarity

considerably

developed

Memphis.

And

this,

of the Assyrian, points belonging mostly to a period after the Phoenician intercourse, but before the Assyrian conquest, about

coupled with the to these weights

age of these weights. In general it may then be said that where there are differences from the series found at Naukratis and Defenneh, they are such as are fully explicable by the more inland origin, and earlier age in general,
of the

Memphite

collection.

The broad

features of

interest are the extension in full force in

Memphis

of
as
I

700

examples at Naukratis and Defenneh, excepting the main features of a maximum at 223, a fall at 226, and a
B.C.

The

distribution differs from the

the two systems which

we know by Greek names,

the Attic and Aeginetan, thus confirming what had before suggested of their Egyptian origin.
62.

just

second maximum. The extent of range is, however, the same. There are very few small weights, however, among the Memphite, scarce any under
British

At

the foot of Plate xx. are

some

illustrations

five ounces,
;

and they are mostly over half a pound hence this was not a standard for valuable

articles.

The Aeginetan standard

Aegina
I

in later times

was

so

called from an ancient unit

its

use at

This has been so misunderstood by Wilkinson, that it is well The beam to set this matter in its obvious light. was suspended by a loop or ring from a bracket projecting from the stand this bracket is shown in side
;

of the mechanics of the Egyptian balance.

in

Egypt.

pointed out in 1883 {Arch. Jour.) that the weight of Amenhotep I. in the British Museum, shows by its

view though at right angles to the beam, just as the Then Egyptians drew a full eye in a side face. long beam a tongue was attached, not below the

an indubitable unit of 207'6 grains, that this was probably an early weight of Aeginetan system. Syrian examples bridged the interval between 207 and 192 grains, but
inscription

and
the

over
that

above the beam, as with us. To test the level of the beam, a plummet hung down the tongue, and it was this plummet which was observed to see if the tongue was vertical and the beam horizontal. The weigher

was all. Now, however, at Memphis we find two marked weights, No. 4420 giving a unit of 202 grains, and No. 4407 giving a unit of 196 grains. Thus by marked examples in Egypt we have 207, 202, and
historic

shown steadying this plummet with his hand, would be set swinging by the motions of the beam. Such is the whole system, which is so simple, that it seems strange that any mistake could be made
is

often
it

as

196 grains, fully connecting this standard with the Aeginetan system. On looking at the
will

about
long.

it

to say nothing of the mechanical absurdity

of the explanation which has been current for so

diagram in PI. xxvii. it amples of this standard

be seen that the exjust cover this

at

Memphis

MR

W. M.

FLINDERS PETRIE.
GIZEH.
{Illustrated.)

THE PYRAMIDS AND TEMPLES OF

various

By W. M. Flinders Petrie.
;

Containing an Account
Six Shillings.
Spectator.

of Excavations and Surveys carried on at Gizeh during 1880-81-82

with the application of the results to

Edition.

modem
fail

theories of the Pyramids.

Cheap and Revised

"

No

one can

to profit

by a study of

Mr

Flinders Petrie's exact and luminous account of the Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh."

LONDON: FIELD & TUBR.

TANIS.

Part

I.,

1883-84.

By W. M. Flinders Petrie, Author

Royal
4to, pp. viii

of "Pyramids and Temples of Gizeh," &c.

With

19 Plates and Plans.

and

64, boards.

253.

LONDON: TRUBNBE &

Nebesha Daphne (Tahpenes).
164.
Sixty-four plates, boards.

CO.

TANIS.

Part

II.

By W. M. Flinders Petrie and

F.

LL. Griffith.

Royal

4to,

pp. viii

and

25 s.

LONDON: TRUBNBR &

NAUKRATIS.
Royal

OO.

I.

By W. M. Flinders Petrie,
and
100.

with Chapters by Cecil Smith, E. A.

253.

Gardner, and

B. V.

Head.

4to, pp. viii

With 45

Plates.

LONDON: TRUBNBR &

OO.

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