Explaination:

Second slide
Therefore, scientific knowledge, morality, and religious belief are mutually consistent and
secure because they all rest on the same foundation of human autonomy, which is also the final
end of nature according to the teleological worldview of reflecting judgment that Kant
introduces to unify the theoretical and practical parts of his philosophical system.

[1]

Classical republicanism (also known as civic humanism) is a form of republicanism developed in

the Renaissance inspired by the governmental forms and writings of classical antiquity, especially such
classical writers as Aristotle, Polybius, and Cicero. Classical republicanism is built around concepts such
as civil society, civic virtue and mixed government.

Perpetual Peace: A Philosophical Sketch

In this essay, Kant described his proposed peace program as containing two steps. The "Preliminary
Articles" described the steps that should be taken immediately, or with all deliberate speed:
1. "No secret treaty of peace shall be held valid in which there is tacitly reserved matter for a future
war"
2. "No independent states, large or small, shall come under the dominion of another state by
inheritance, exchange, purchase, or donation"
3. "Standing armies shall in time be totally abolished"
4. "National debts shall not be contracted with a view to the external friction of states"
5. "No state shall by force interfere with the constitution or government of another state"
6. "No state shall, during war, permit such acts of hostility which would make mutual confidence in
the subsequent peace impossible: such are the employment of assassins (percussores),
poisoners (venefici), breach of capitulation, and incitement to treason (perduellio) in the opposing
state"
Three Definitive Articles would provide not merely a cessation of hostilities, but a foundation on which to
build a peace.
1. "The civil constitution of every state should be republican"
2. "The law of nations shall be founded on a federation of free states"
3. "The law of world citizenship shall be limited to conditions of universal hospitality"

Kant's essay in some ways resembles, yet differs significantly from modern democratic peace theory. He
speaks of republican, Republikanisch, (not democratic), states, which he defines to
haverepresentative governments, in which the legislature is separated from the executive. He does not

discuss universal suffrage, which is vital to modern democracy and quite important to some modern
theorists; his commentators dispute whether it is implied by his language. Most importantly, he does not
regard republican governments as sufficient by themselves to produce peace: freedom of emigration
(hospitality) and a league of nations are necessary to consciously enact his six-point program.

Major works
Rechtsstaat (German: Rechtsstaat) is a doctrine in continental European legal thinking,
originally borrowed from German jurisprudence, which can be translated as a "legal state",
"state of law", "state of justice", "state of rights" or "state based on justice and integrity". It is a
"constitutional state" in which the exercise of governmental power is constrained by
[1]

the law,

and is often tied to the Anglo-American concept of the rule of law, but differs from it in

that it also places an emphasis on what is just (i.e. a concept of moral rightness based
on ethics, rationality, law, natural law,religion or equity). Thus it is the opposite
of Obrigkeitsstaat (a state based on the arbitrary use of power).
(

adjective

based on random choice or personal whim(notion), rather than any reason or system:

(of power or a ruling body) unrestrained(wild) and autocratic in the use of authority:arbitrary rule by King
and bishops has been made impossible

In a Rechtsstaat, the power of the state is limited in order to protect citizens from the arbitrary exercise
of authority. In a Rechtsstaat the citizens share legally-based civil liberties and they can use the courts. A
country cannot be a liberal democracy without first being a Rechtsstaat.

The state based on the supremacy of national constitution and exercises coercion and guarantees
the safety and constitutional rights of its citizens

Civil society is equal partner to the state (the Constitution of the Republic of Lithuania describes the
Lithuanian nation as "striving for an open, just, and harmonious civil society and State under the rule
[5]
of law (Legal State)")

Separation of powers, with the executive, legislative and judicative branches of government limiting
each other's power and providing for checks and balances

The judicature and the executive are bound by law (not acting against the law), and the legislature is
bound by constitutional principles

Both the legislature and democracy itself are bound by elementary constitutional rights and principles

Transparency of state acts and the requirement of providing a reason for all state acts

Review of state decisions and state acts by independent organs, including an appeal process

Hierarchy of laws, requirement of clarity and definiteness

Reliability of state actions, protection of past dispositions made in good faith against later state
actions, prohibition of retroactivity

Principle of the proportionality of state action

Monopoly of the legitimate use of force (sometimes amended to "monopoly on/of the
legitimate initiation of force" or "monopoly on/of the legitimate use of aggressive force" in states that

operate under an agency-contract [Lockean] rather than alienation-contract [Hobbesian] theory of

legitimacy, such that individuals retain the right to take the actions that they also authorize the
government to perform on their behalf)

Kants approach is based on the supremacy of a countrys written constitution. This supremacy must
create guarantees for implementation of his central idea: a permanent peaceful life as a basic
condition for the happiness of its people and their prosperity. Kant proposed that constitutionalism
and constitutional government ought to be sufficient to guarantee this happiness. Kant had thus
formulated the main problem of constitutionalism: "The constitution of a state is eventually based on
the morals of its citizens, which, in its turn, is based on the goodness of this constitution."

"Kant's political teaching may be summarized in a phrase: republican government and international
organization. In more characteristically Kantian terms, it is doctrine of the state based upon the law
(Rechtsstaat) and of eternal peace. Indeed, in each of these formulations, both terms express the same
idea: that of legal constitution or of "peace through law." ... Taking simply by itself, Kant's political
philosophy, being essentially a legal doctrine, rejects by definition the opposition between moral
education and the play of passions as alternate foundations for social life. The state is defined as the
union of men under law. The state rightly so called is constituted by laws which are necessary a priori
because they flow from the very concept of law. A regime can be judged by no other criteria nor be
assigned any orher functions, than those proper to the lawful order as such.

Critiques
The first Critique was a critique of the pretensions of pure theoretical reason to attain metaphysical truths
beyond the ken of applied theoretical reason. The conclusion was that pure theoretical reason must be
restrained, because it produces confused arguments when applied outside of its appropriate sphere.
However, the Critique of Practical Reason is not a critique of pure practical reason, but rather a defense
of it as being capable of grounding behavior superior to that grounded by desire-based practical
reasoning. It is actually a critique, then, of the pretensions of applied practical reason. Pure practical
reason must not be restrained, in fact, but cultivated.
Kant informs us that while the first Critique suggested that God, freedom, and immortality are
unknowable, the second Critique will mitigate this claim. Freedom is indeed knowable because it is
revealed by God. God and immortality are also knowable, but practical reason now requires belief in
thesepostulates of reason. Kant once again invites his dissatisfied critics to actually provide a proof of
God's existence and shows that this is impossible because the various arguments
(ontological, cosmological and teleological) for God's existence all depend essentially on the idea that
existence is a predicate inherent to the concepts to which it is applied.

Practical reason is the faculty for determining the will, which operates by applying a general principle of
action to one's particular situation. For Kant, aprinciple can be either a mere maxim if it is based on the
agent's desires or a law if it applies universally. Any principle that presupposes a previous desire for some
object in the agent always presupposes that the agent is the sort of person who would be interested in
that particular object. Anything that an agent is interested in can only be contingent, however, and never
necessary. Therefore it cannot be a law.
To say, for example, that the law is to serve God means that the law is dependent on interest in God. This
cannot be the basis for any universal moral law. To say that the law is to seek the greatest happiness of
the greatest number or the greatest good, always presupposes some interest in the greatest happiness,
the greatest number, the greatest good, and so on. Kant concludes that the source of the nomological
character of the moral law must derive not from its content but from its form alone. The content of the
universal moral law, the categorical imperative, must be nothing over and above the law's form, otherwise
it will be dependent on the desires that the law's possessor has. The only law whose content consists in
its form, according to Kant, is the statement:

act in such a way that the maxim of your will could always hold at the same time as a
principle of a universal legislation.

Kant then argues that a will which acts on the practical law is a will which is acting on the idea of the form
of law, an idea of reason which has nothing to do with the senses. Hence the moral will is independent of
the world of the senses, the world where it might be constrained by one's contingent desires. The will is
therefore fundamentally free. The converse also applies: if the will is free, then it must be governed by a
rule, but a rule whose content does not restrict the freedom of the will. The only appropriate rule is the
rule whose content is equivalent to its form, the categorical imperative. To follow the practical law is to
be autonomous, whereas to follow any of the other types of contingent laws (or hypothetical imperatives)
is to be heteronomous and therefore unfree. The moral law expresses the positive content of freedom,
while being free from influence expresses its negative content.
Furthermore, we are conscious of the operation of the moral law on us and it is through this
consciousness that we are conscious of our freedom and not through any kind of special faculty. Though
our actions are normally determined by the calculations of "self-love", we realize that we can ignore selflove's urgings when moral duty is at stake. Consciousness of the moral law is a priori and unanalysable.
Kant ends this chapter by discussing Hume's refutation of causation. Hume argued that we can never see
one event cause another, but only the constant conjunction of events. Kant suggests that Hume was
confusing the phenomenal and noumenal worlds. Since we are autonomous, Kant now claims that we
can know something about the noumenal world, namely that we are in it and play a causal role in it. This
knowledge, however, is only practical and not theoretical. Therefore it does not affect our knowledge of
the things in themselves. Metaphysical speculation on the noumenal world is avoided.