1
Eastern partnership
Mazur Yaroslav
The construction of the European Union
Dr. Corneliu Bilba
February 9, 2014
EXECUTIVE SUMMARY
2
This paper deals with the analysis of the Eastern partnership in terms of its adequacy to
current needs and challenges of the European Union`s relations with its Eastern neighbours in
the context of eastern enlargement.
The Eastern Partnership is designed to provide active cooperation of the European
Union with state-partners. Final structure and content of this cooperation depend on the
particular state, but they relate to the some issues. For example, the Eastern Partnership is
designated to strengthen the democratization in the Eastern European and Southern Caucasus
states, to provide assistance to them in the processes of European integration, modernization
and the rule of law. So it is directed at preventing the new line of separation between the
expanded EU and its neighbors as well as providing an opportunity to participate in various
European Union activities through a closer political, economic, cultural cooperation, and
collaboration in the sphere of security.
The Partnership is to provide the foundation for new Association Agreements between
the EU and those partners who have made sufficient progress towards the principles and values
of European Union. But membership in the European Union isn`t defined as the ultimate goal
of the partnership. So we want to research what stage of relationship is the European Union
have with each country and also analyze the key provisions of the Eastern Partnership Initiative
as the new mechanism of the European Union cooperation in the Eastern Europe and in the
Southern Caucasus, evaluate the additional and main capabilities for each state of Partnership.
We also try to analyze conceptual and practical differences between the strategy of enlargement
and the European Neighborhood Policy and the role of Eastern Partnership in the context to the
state-partners` expectations and the necessity of solving the neighborhood-enlargement
dilemma.
Special attention will be accentuated on the results of the Third Eastern
Partnership Summit in Vilnius and on the perspectives of implementing the Eastern Partnership
Initiative in the next years.
3
History and Development of the European Neighbourhood Policy in the East
At its 1993 meeting in Copenhagen, the European Council declared its intention to
eventually enlarge the European Union eastward. The promise was extended to any eastern and
central European country but state needs to fulfil some list of economic and political conditions
called the Copenhagen criteria (after the Copenhagen summit in June 1993), which require a
stable democratic government that respects the rule of law, and its corresponding freedoms and
institutions. The Copenhagen declaration indicates that number of members could eventually
rise. Its obviously that the gains from enlarging the European Union eastward are
potentially enormous. Not only for the European Union, but also for states which wish to join. 1
As a result, eight Central and Eastern European countries (the Czech Republic,
Estonia,Hungary, Latvia, Lithuania, Poland, Slovakia, and Slovenia), plus two Mediterranean
countries (Malta and Cyprus) were able to join on 1 May 2004.
After enlargement in 2004 the European Neighbourhood Policy was initiated with the
goal to create an area of stability and welfare to the South and East from the new borders of the
expanded European Union. Before 2004, the Commission began to consider how enlargement
would change the EUs external relations, and how the the European Union could extend the
reform stimulus of enlargement to the would-be new neighbors of the Union.
In May 2004, the commission published a paper detailing the new policy. The European
Neighborhood Policy is a framework for cooperation between the European Union and all
North African and Middle Eastern European sea-border states, and the land-border states of
Ukraine, Belarus, Moldova and the states of the Caucasus.The countries covered include
Algeria, Morocco, Egypt, Israel,Jordan, Lebanon, Libya, the Palestinian Authority, Syria,
Tunisia in the South and Armenia, Azerbaijan and Belarus, Georgia, Moldova,Ukraine in the
1 Richard E. Baldwin, The Eastern enlargement of the European Union, European Economic
Review 39 (1995): 476.
4
East. Russia has a special status with the EU-Russia Common Spaces instead of the European
Neighborhood Policy participation. 2
The goal is to promote a set of political, economic and security-related reforms in the
neighboring states. While distinct from the issue of potential membership, The European
Neighborhood Policy offers a privileged relationship based on mutual commitment to common
values such as human rights and democracy.
As part of the same wave (the fifth) as the 2004 enlargement took place the 2007
enlargement of the European Union, when Bulgaria and Romania join the European Union on 1
January 2007.
So after 2004-2007 enlargement of the European Union, new instrument the EU's
relations with neighboring countries became the European Neighbourhood Policy, which
involves the organization of cooperation in many strategically important areas for CC, but does
not include a membership perspective. The idea of separating the Eastern direction of the
European Neighbourhood Policy existed a long time before the Initiative of the Eastern
Partnership appeared. on April 22, 2008 the European Parliament representative from Germany
Ingo Friedrich declared the idea of the Eastern-European Union creation. The Eastern
Partnership was introduced as a joint Polish-Swedish initiative in May 2008 during the meeting
of the EUs General Affairs and Foreign Relations Council. 3 The Polish-Swedish Initiative of
Eastern Partnership from the very beginning was directed at strengthening and stimulation of
the Eastern dimension of the European Neighborhood Policy, which involves the post-Soviet
countries that after the expansion of the European Union in 2004 and 2007 became its direct
neighbours.
According to the decision of the European Council, on December 3, 2008 the European
2 Kelley Judith, New wine in old wineskins: police adaptation the European neighborhood police,
Journal of Common Market Studies (2006): 2. (38)
3 Martyniuk Vitalii, EU's Eastern Partnership: additional possibilities for European Integration of
Ukraine, Ukrainian Center for Independent Political Research (2009): 12. (80)
5
Council submitted proposals for the development of the Eastern Partnership, and fixed it in the
corresponding Communication "Eastern Partnership". And on March 20, 2009 the European
Council already approved the Eastern Partnership. It was determined that the European
Commission would execute the current management of the Eastern Partnership Program, and
would be responsible for its further conceptual planning.4
The Eastern Partnership is a European Union initiative directed at six countries of
Eastern Europe and the South Caucasus: Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and
Ukraine. The Eastern Partnership was launched by 27 European Union member states and the
six partner countries at a summit in Prague on 7 May 2009. The initiative aims at tightening the
relationship between the European Union and the Eastern partners by deepening their political
co-operation and economic integration. So the main idea of The Eastern Partnership neither
promises nor precludes the prospect of European Union membership to the partner states. It
offers deeper integration with the European Union structures by encouraging and supporting
them in their political, institutional and economic reforms based on EU standards, as well as
facilitating trade and increasing mobility between the EU and the partner states.5
So Eastern Partnership is a strategy for developing relations EU with six countries of Eastern
Europe and South Caucasus that aimed at building a common area based on common values.
Appearance of EP as a new tool of the European Neighbourhood Policy caused by the
following factors:
- ENP, which covers the 16 nearest neighbors of the EU (Israel, Jordan, Palestine, the
states of North Africa, Eastern Europe and South Caucasus), did not take into
account the peculiarities of the EU's relations with separately neighboring countries
4 Marcin Lapczynski, The European Union`s eastern partnership chanses and perspectives, Cuacasian
review of international affairs 3 (2009): 144. (155)
5 Easternpartnership. What is the Eastern Partnership? Accessed January 23, 2014,
http://www.eastern partnership.org/content/eastern-partnership-glance
6
and needed revision towards regionalization. This led to the emergence of the
initiative the "Eastern Partnership";
- Introducing the "Eastern Partnership" as part of the European Neighborhood Policy,
the European Union responded to the request for external strengthening of
integration component (from the Eastern European countries) and for the inner need
to strengthen Eastern dimension of its own foreign policy.
Eastern Partnership as a new tool of strengthening the integration processes
In this part of paper we discuss the main differences of the Eastern Partnership in
comparison to the European Neighborhood Policy, its dimension of regional cooperation. The
Eastern Partnership is a real new dimension of regional cooperation, which envisages
improvement of the EU relations with the Eastern neighbors, such as Ukraine, Armenia,
Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia and Moldova.
Within a decade, the European Union has always built its strategy for Eastern European
Countries under the European Neighborhood Policy. This policy could not provide an
adequate response to challenges in EU relations with its neighbors. So what are the advantages
of the new policy compared to the old one?
At first the Eastern Partnership is a more flexible tool of cooperation in all fields. Its
means that it does not only include six countries of the Eastern Europe and the Southern
Caucasus, but may evolve taking into account the requirements, opportunities and achievements
of each of the Partner States. According to implementation of requirements, the European
Union could make cooperation more close or in reverse.
The key aspect of the Eastern Partnership is differentiation. It envisages to be more
flexible through the differentiated approach to each of the Partner States depending on the
success of internal reforms advancement and relations with the EU on the way to European
integration.
7
One more point that the Eastern Partnership envisages concluding gradually new
agreements with all the Partner States, such as Association Agreements, including agreements
on deep and comprehensive free trade areas for those countries.
The Eastern Partnership proposes both bilateral and multilateral formats for
strengthening cooperation in the Eastern Europe and in the Southern Caucasus. It means that
the Eastern Partnership foresees strengthening of relations among the Eastern Partners
themselves. The multilateral format provides an opportunity for all the Partner States and the
EU to understand better the situation in the region, to solve jointly the current regional
problems and issues for supporting stability and security in the region.
Contrary to the European Neighbourhood Policy, the Eastern Partnership is not limited
to neighbourhood relationsand has the goal for promoting the Partner States, at least in separate
spheres, till implementation of the EU standards within them.
The Eastern Partnership envisages increased financing in comparison to financing
within the European Neighbourhood Policy.
The Eastern Partnership envisages organizational structure. Meetings of the Heads of
States or other officials of the Eastern Partnership Partner States shall be held biannually. The
Eastern Partnership also introduces annual meetings of the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the
EU Member States and the Partner States, Ministerial Conferences in separate spheres, regular
meetings on four thematic platforms. 6
Within the Eastern Partnership Program it is envisaged to conclude pacts of "mobility
and security", which shall assist movement of people. The final goal in the long perspective is
the visa-free regime of movement among all of the Partner States. In any case, the EU shall
install the visa-free regime only for those countries, which complete all the technical
requirements of the EU.
6 Martyniuk Vitalii, EU's Eastern Partnership: additional possibilities for European Integration of
Ukraine, Ukrainian Center for Independent Political Research (2009): 12. (80)
8
The Eastern Partnership pays much attention to the issues of energy security in the
partner states and in the EU, and strengthens cooperation in climate and environmental
protection.
The Eastern Partnership shall facilitate the development of programs aimed at the social
and economic developmentof the Partner States, in particular, in the direction of overcoming
the acute social and economic differences among these countries.
Evaluation of Perspectives for Implementing the Eastern Partnership Initiative
Ever since the launch of the Eastern Partnership in Prague in May 2009, its added value
to the European Neighborhood Policy has been hotly discussed. Some analysts claim that the
Eastern Partnership has been so successful that it has virtually eclipsed the ENP and that the
Eastern Partnership arrival heralds a final farewell to a unified approach to Eastern and
Southern neighbor countries. Others take the opposite stance and argue that the Eastern
Partnership does not present a qualitatively new situation in the EUs relations with its
neighborhood and that the ENP remains the main vehicle for EUs neighborhood policy.
The Eastern Partnership is a product of a double dissatisfaction. Among EU member
states, there has always been a one group of countries which have never put up with the official
position of the European Commission that the European Neighborhood Policy is in no way
connected to the possibility of future enlargement. The second dissatisfaction exists among the
Eastern partners. For example Ukraine didn`t evaluate point missing membership perspective.
From the other hand the Eastern Partnership has become an opportunity for the Partner
States to fix the planned and the new perspectives for integration into the EU within the new
regulatory and legal frames. Firstly, it goes about Ukraine, which has declared by its foreign
policy the strategic goal for becoming the EU Member.
9
In any case, the Eastern Partnership must not replace the perspective for gaining the EU
membership.
In the way to evaluate the perspectives for implementing the Eastern Partnership Initiative, we
should to describe all positive results during last years. So Over the first four years of its
implementation, Eastern Partnership initiative has brought a number of tangible results:
- Association Agreements, including Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas, as their integral
parts, have been negotiated with Ukraine, the Republic of Moldova, Georgia and Armenia;
- good progress has also been achieved in respective negotiations with Azerbaijan;
- considerable progress has been made in the area of visa facilitation and liberalization: 5 out of 6
partners already have or will soon have Visa Facilitation Agreements;
- 3 of them now have Visa Liberalization Actions Plans, prepared specifically to them, full and
effective implementation of which will bring these countries straight to the visa free travels
with the EU;
- the multilateral cooperation dimension has been established and further strengthened.7
At the same time, the current situation is not at all conducive to a quick integration of the some
partner countries in the EU especially after the third Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius. By
signing an Association Agreement with Ukraine and initialing similar agreements with
Armenia, Georgia and Moldova, the EU was expecting to demonstrate the first tangible results
of its policy toward its eastern neighbors. Rather than signing and initialing, Ukraine and
Armenia rejected an Association Agreement with the EU. So the turn of events brings to light
two features of existing EU policy: the relative weakness of EU incentives and the continuing
problems for countries in the post-Soviet space to evade Russia's influence.
Despite the EU's recent setbacks with respect to Ukraine and Armenia, it can
claim several successes from its Eastern Partnership initiatives. For example, Moldova's pro-
European governing coalition has adopted a number of reforms in compliance with EU
demands since 2009. Georgia similarly remains committed to Euro-Atlantic integration even as
its new government attempts to gradually relax relations with Russia. Also on the sidelines of
7 The third Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius. Accessed December 2, 2013,
http://www.eu2013.lt/en/
10
the summit, the European Union and Azerbaijan signed an agreement to facilitate the
procedures for issuing short-stay visas. Armenia, traditionally one of Russia's closest allies and
heavily dependent on Russian for economic and military security, demonstrated a sincere
interest in an Association Agreement with the EU and negotiated its terms for three years. This
happened actually because of two reasons. First and foremost, virtually all partner countries
suffer from serious domestic political problems. Secondly, most partner countries have
seriously suffered from the Russian pressure before and after the third Eastern
Partnership Summit in Vilnius. Thirdly, the region is plagued by strong inter-state rivalries. For
instance, the dispute about the flights between Azerbaijan and northern Cyprus caused an
interruption in EU negotiations with all three of the Caucasian countries. Needless to say, some
states have nourished an even deeper mistrust of other partner countries because of the still
unresolved frozen conflicts (Armenia and Azerbaijan).8
So only two countries, Georgia and Moldova initialed association agreements with the
European Union at a summit in Vilnius dedicated to the European Union's Eastern Partnership'
countries post-soviet states. Today's signing is just the first step in a ratification process for
the EU association agreements that could take a year.
Relationship with Russia
Russia considers any initiative in the post-Soviet area as an obstacle for strengthening its
own influence and protection of national interests. Besides the Russian Federation does not seek
any formal involvement in the Eastern Partnership framework and in this region Russia strives
to lead the integration processes itself. First, having not been involved in the process of
designing it, Russia does not regard itself as an owner or a stakeholder of the Eastern
8 Dominik Tolksdorf, The Vilnius Summit: Russia puts a stick in the European wheel. Accessed 29
november 2013, http://www.europeangeostrategy.org/2013/11/vilnius-summit-russia-puts-stick-in-
european-wheel/
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Partnership. Second, after some initial consultations at the early stages of the European
Neighborhood Policy development, Russia learned that its leverage over the practical
implementation of the European Neighborhood Policy / Eastern Partnership was small and not
appreciated by a number of the Eastern Partnership countries. As a result, Moscow distanced
itself from any practical work on the Eastern Partnership and remained hesitant even as regards
the possibility of accepting eventual invitations to participate in the work of the thematic tables
on a case-by-case basis.9
Russia cannot stay away of the processes, which shall be developing within the Eastern
Partnership. Many Partner States (especially from Southern Caucasus) feel more influence and
presence of Russia than the EU. Russia also proposes concrete steps to settle down problems of
those countries from providing privileged credits to settling down the conflicts. For example
Ukraine the end of this year has brought new arrangements about new credits between Kyiv and
Moscow instead of the signature of the Association Agreement between Ukraine and the EU.
Moscow proceeds on the basis of understanding that any attempt to organize a regional
group which excludes the Russian Federation is not only doomed to failure, but is going to run
contrary to the interests of Russia (and that of the relevant countries). Thats why Moscow is
generally skeptical towards the idea of multilateralism suggested by the EU. Russia has voiced
concerns over the Eastern Partnership, seeing it as an attempt to expand the European Union's
sphere of influence. Russia has also expressed concerns that the EU is putting undue pressure
on Belarus. Belarus matters for the EU for at least two reasons: as a transit country for Russian
gas; and as a non-compliant and hence threat-bearing neighbor. For Russia, Belarus is of
strategic importance, not only as a transit (and cheap) territory for passing its goods to Europe,
but also as a military ally and a link to Kaliningrad, a Russian strategic enclave.
However, the issue of appropriate cooperation between Russia, the EU, and the Eastern
Partnership countries remains on the agenda.
9 Andrei Zagorski, Eastern partnership from the Russian Perspective. Accessed 5 may 2011,
http://library.fes.de/ pdf-files/ipg/2011-3/05_zagorski.pdf
12
Problems of Eastern enlargement (analysis by country)
Case of Moldova
Moldova officially declares about the integration into the EU and further development
and strengthening of cooperation with the EU, but currently encounters problems of the internal
political non-stability, which may retard the European integration processes in the country.
In May 2011, Moldovan authorities sent to the ministries, embassies and parliaments of
the EU member countries a special non-paper document in which they proposed the
development direction for the Eastern Partnership. The first and most fundamental demand
made by the Moldovan authorities is a clear declaration of EU membership perspective for the
countries which are capable of fulfilling the accession criteria. 10
European integration for Moldova in all its aspects from the fundamental values to the most
detailed Union directives and regulations should be the foundation stone and the ultimate
objective of every single action undertaken within the framework of the two dimensions of the
Eastern Partnership. So we could see that the main goal for Moldova in the Eastern Partnership
is s full integration.
The next step was made during the 29 November Eastern Partnership Summit, the EU -
Moldova Association Agreement was initialed. The initialing of the Agreement is an important
step towards its eventual signature and subsequent implementation.
Although the Association Agreement has not yet been signed, the EU is committed to
sharing what exactly it contains.
The Association Agreement could be concrete way to take advantage of the very
positive dynamics in EU-Moldova relations. It focuses on support for core reforms, economic
recovery, governance, sector cooperation and the far reaching liberalization of Moldova's trade
with the EU. The EU plans to sign an Association Agreement with Moldova and Georgia until
10 Horbowski Tomasz, Moldova What should the Eastern Partnership be? Accessed 19 july, 2011.
http://eastbook.eu/en/2011/07/country-en/moldova-en/moldova-what-the-eastern-partnership-should-be/
13
august next year. This was said the head of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy during
the summit in Vilnus.11
According to him, the EU has decided to meet these countries, since most of the
population seeks cooperation with Europe
Case of Armenia
Armenia also counts on receiving investments and financial assistance from the EU, and
also it is interested in settling the problem of Nagorny Karabakh and stabilization of situation in
the region. But as we known after nearly four years of negotiating the Association Agreement
with the EU, Armenian president Serzh Sargsyan made an abrupt turn, announcing his intention
to instead join the Customs Union with Russia, Belarus, and Kazakhstan. It could result in
Armenias deeper isolation and cause additional complications for the Nagorno-Karabakh
conflict resolution process. After that association agreement stopped in its tracks. Half-hearted
engagement with wider public by Armenian government and EU alike now compounded by
major setback to European integration.12
Case of Ukraine
Relations between Ukraine and the European Union are currently shaped via the Eastern
partnership, a foreign policy instrument of the EU designed for the countries it borders. The
European Union is seeking an increasingly close relationship with Ukraine, going beyond
cooperation, to gradual economic integration and deepening of political cooperation. Ukraine is
said to be a priority partner within the Eastern partnership.
11Initialling of the EU-Republic of Moldova Association Agreement last modified March 11, 2013,
http://www.eeas.europa.eu/top_stories/2013/291113_eu_moldova_association_agreement_en.htm
12 Armen Grigoryan, Armenia Chooses Customs Union over EU Association Agreement, CACI
Analyst. Accessed 18 september, 2013, http://www.cacianalyst.org/publications/analytical-
articles/item/12817-armenia-chooses-customs-union-over-eu-association-agreement.html
14
Without a doubt Ukraine occupies an exceptional status within the group of EU
neighbours and moreover, cherishes its status as more than just a neighbour. Already in 1999
the EU developed a Common Strategy towards Ukraine which acknowledged Ukraines
European aspirations and pro-European choice and is now on the cusp of finalising an
Association Agreement (which may serve as a model for further AAs with EaP countries). The
EU has endeavoured to support good governance and democracy in Ukraine, especially since
the revolution, but results have been mixed. Ukraine supports the Eastern partnership, but
crucially does not accept it as an alternative to membership.13
In 2012, the EU signed deals on free trade and political association with Ukraine. But
european leaders have stated that these agreements will not be ratified unless Ukraine addresses
concerns over a "stark deterioration of democracy and the rule of law", including the
imprisonment of political prisoners. European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso and
EU High Representative for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and Vice President of the
European Commission Catherine Ashton have said they believe that the Ukrainian authorities
should immediately stop the selective prosecution of political opponents in order to sign signing
and ratify the association agreement and the agreement on the creation of a deep and
comprehensive free trade area.
On November 21st, one week before the European Union summit in Vilnius ukrainian
government suspended talks with the EU. The decision to put off signing the association
agreement lead to massive, ongoing protests in Ukraine that continues now.
However, President of the European Commission Jos Manuel Barroso reiterated that
EU's offer to Ukraine in terms of signing an Association Agreement remained on the table until
Ukraine will be ready to continue cooperation. But after intense pressure from Russia, the
Ukrainian Presidents abandoned negotiations with the EU before the Summit took place and
after Summit.
13 Longhurst Kerry, Nies Susanne, Recasting relations with the neighbours prospects for the
Eastern Partnership, Europe Visions 4, (Bruxelles: IFRI, 2009), 3.
15
The EUs offer of the Association Agreement remains on the table for Ukraine. The
public anger and mass protests against Russias role in persuading Yanukovich not to sign the
Association Agreement with the EU has made it all but impossible for the Ukrainian President
to take the alternative route offered by the Kremlin, i.e. Joining the customs union with
Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan. Any compromise with the protesters would have to revive the
Association Agreement and reduce Russias influence. 14
Now in Ukraine very difficult political situation because of protests, and a question
about association receded for some time. However, in February 2013 Fule warned Ukraine that
the agreements could be abandoned if the required reforms are not made quickly so its possible
that in the next years Association Agreement will be sign.
Case of Georgia
Georgia and the European Union have maintained relations since 1996. In 2006 was
implemented five year`s "Action Plan" of action in the context of the European Neighbourhood
Policy.
A ceremony on the initialling of the Association Agreement was held at the Eastern
Partnership summit on 29 November 2013, but must still be signed before being finalized. A
second agreement, governing the country's involvement in European Union crisis management
operations, was also signed. In June 2012, the European Union and Georgia began a visa
liberalisation dialogue to allow for visa free travel of Georgian citizens to the European Union.
14 Steven Blockmans and Hrant Kostanyan, A post-mortem of the Vilnius Summit: Not yet a
Thessaloniki moment for the Eastern Partnership, 3 december , 2013. www.ceps.eu/ceps/dld/8693/pdf
16
The talks aimed to have a Visa Liberalisation Action Plan in place by the end of the year. The
action plan was delivered to Georgia on 25 February 2013.15
Georgia may move in that direction, despite the likelihood that they will come under
more aggressive pressure from Russia in the coming months. The threat of stricter
Russian immigration policy could see thousands of Moldovans and Georgians expelled;
more trade sanctions could be employed by Russia; and new tensions in the breakaway
republics of Transnistria, Abkhazia and South Ossetia may lead to a worsening of the
security situation after the winter Olympics in Sochi.
Georgia declares an intention to integrate into the EU in all spheres, but primarily it shall pay
attention to the most important problems for it:
settling the issue of Southern Ossetia and Abkhazia, preserving the territorial integrity,
stabilization of situation in the country and in the region, supporting the role of the country as
the principal transit state of energy resources from Caspian and Central Asia to Europe.
Case of Azerbaijan
The EU and Azerbaijan maintain their relations under the Partnership and Cooperation
Agreement, which was signed in 1996 and came into force in 1999.
In recent years Azerbaijan has been slowly pursuing the reform strategy to develop
democracy and a market economy in the country and to bring Azerbaijan closer to the EU.
The principal objective of cooperation between the EU and Azerbaijan is to develop an
increasingly close relationship, going beyond past levels of cooperation to gradual economic
integration and deeper political cooperation.16
15 Civil Georgia, EU, Georgia Making 'Good Progress' in Association Agreement, Visa
Liberalization Talks, 3 september, 2012. http://www.civil.ge/eng/article.php?id=25175
16 Azerbaijan: country strategy paper (2007-2013). 26 October 2006. Brussels: European
neighborhood and partnership instrument. 4.
17
This process of Azerbaijans integration with Europe, however, is being challenged by
poor understanding of European standards and values. In addition, limited public awareness on
EU-Azerbaijan relations and EU institutions undermines sustained engagement of civil society
in the countrys development. The lack of understanding and involvement of independent
experts and civil society representatives renders the reflection of civil society views in the
process of European integration.
Azerbaijan joined the European Neighbourhood Policy in 2004, and the action plan for
Azerbaijan was adopted on November 14, 2006, after being passed by the Azerbaijani
government and the European Commission. Key items included on the plan are investment in
Azerbaijans infrastructure, partial integration of the Azerbaijani economy into Europes, and
partnerships with Azerbaijan on extracting oil from the Azerbaijani controlled part of the
Caspian Sea.17
The next step was made during the third Eastern Partnership Vilnus summit. Azerbaijan
and the EU launched official negotiations on visa facilitation in March 2012 in Baku. So
Azerbaijan and the European Union signed an agreement on visa regime facilitation at the third
Eastern Partnership Summit in Vilnius on November 29.
Conclusion
At this stage of relationship EU and state-partners we could see that eastern enlargement
of European Union exist in few angles. Continue cooperation in many areas with all partners,
and some of them have a perspective to become a member of european comunity.
The Eastern Partnership is a project of eastern enlargement, that finally formalises the
ever more palpable regionalisation of the European Neighbourhood Policy. Although the
Eastern Partnership does not change the overwhelmingly bilateral nature of the policy, it adds a
strong multilateral element. While the basic operational structure, including regular meetings on
17
18
all levels, is sound and the flagship initiatives are well chosen, the projects future success is not
guaranteed.
All in all, there are few basic criteria upon which we can judge the success of the
Eastern Partnership, and in particular the success of its multilateral framework. The first and
most important is the question of continuity, the ongoing political support of the Eastern
Partnership by both the European Union and the partner countries. Given the difficulties in
those partner countries that are most enthusiastic about European Union.
Integration as well as the multiplicity of interests inside the European Union, this will be
no easy task. On the other hand, the Eastern Partnership is certainly more attractive and offers
more incentives than the European Neighbourhood Policy, thus motivating them strongly to
pursue a path to reforms.
For all the reasons mentioned above, the European Union and its member states should
not miss another opportunity to fully embrace the Eastern partners European choice and the
future accession of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine to the EU.
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