Integrating methadone and HIV care is a priority in many low- and middle-income settings experiencing a growing challenge of HIV epidemics linked to injecting drug use. There is as yet little understanding of how to integrate methadone and HIV care in these settings and how such services can be implemented; such a gap reflects, in part, limitations in theorizing an implementation science of integrated care. In response, we qualitatively explored the delivery of methadone after its introduction in Kenya to understand integration with HIV care. Semi-structured interviews with people using methadone (n = 30) were supplemented by stakeholder interviews (n = 2) and participant observation in one city. Thematic analysis was used, that also drew on Mol's logic of care as an analytical framework. Respondents described methadone clinic-based care embedded in community support systems. Daily observed clinic care was challenging for methadone and stigmatizing for HIV treatment. In response to these challenges, integration evolved and HIV care differentiated to other sites. The resulting care system was acceptable to respondents and allowed for choice over locations and approaches to HIV care. Using Mol's logic of care as an analytical framework, we explore what led to this differentiation in integrated care. We explore co-production and experimentation around HIV care that compares with more limited experimentation for methadone. This experimentation is bounded by available discourses and materials. The study supports continued integration of services whilst allowing for differentiation of these models to adapt to client preferences. Co-location of integrated services must prioritize clinic organization that prevents HIV status disclosure. Our analysis fosters a material perspective for theory of implementation science and integration of services that focuses attention on local experimentation shaped by context.

BACKGROUND:A tenth of all people who inject drugs in Kenya are women, yet their social contexts and experiences remain poorly understood. This paper reports how multiple forms of stigma are experienced by women who inject drugs in coastal Kenya and the impact that they have on their ability to access essential health services. METHODS:In 2015, in-depth interviews and focus group discussions were held with 45 women who inject drugs in two coastal towns. These data were supplemented with in-depth interviews with five individual stakeholders involved in service provision to this population. Data were analyzed thematically using NVivo. RESULTS:Women who inject drugs experience multiple stigmas, often simultaneously. These included the external stigma and self-stigma of injection drug use, external gender-related stigma of being a female injecting drug user, and the external stigma of being HIV positive (i.e., among those living with HIV). Stigma led to rejection, social exclusion, low self-esteem, and delay or denial of services at health facilities. CONCLUSION:HIV and harm reduction programs should incorporate interventions that address different forms of stigma among women who inject drugs in coastal Kenya. Addressing stigma will require a combination of individual, social, and structural interventions, such as collective empowerment of injecting drug users, training of healthcare providers on issues and needs of women who inject drugs, peer accompaniment to health facilities, addressing wider social determinants of stigma and discrimination, and expansion of harm reduction interventions to change perceptions of communities towards women who inject drugs.

Background

Methadone, as part of Medically Assisted Therapy (MAT) for treatment of opioid dependence and supporting HIV prevention and treatment, has been recently introduced in Kenya. Few low income settings have implemented methadone, so there is little evidence to guide ongoing scale-up across the region. We specifically consider the role of community level access barriers and support.

Objectives

To inform ongoing MAT implementation we implemented a qualitative study to understand access barriers and enablers at a community level.

Methods

We conducted 30 semi-structured interviews with people who use drugs accessing MAT, supplemented by interviews with 2 stakeholders, linked to participant observation in a community drop in center within one urban area in Kenya. We used thematic analysis.

Results

We developed five themes to express experiences of factors enabling and disabling MAT access and how community support can address these: 1) time, travel and economic hardship; 2) managing methadone and contingencies of life, 3) peer support among MAT clients as treatment ambassadors, 4) family relations, and 5)outreach project contributions. Crosscutting themes address managing socioeconomic constraints and gender inequities.

Conclusions

People who use drugs experience and manage socio-economic constraints and gender inequities in accessing MAT with the support of local communities. We discuss how these access barriers could be addressed through strengthening the participation of networks of people who use drugs in drug treatment and supporting community projects working with people who use drugs. We also explore potential for how socio-economic constraints could be managed within an integrated health and social care response.

Background and objectives

Promoted globally as an evidence-based intervention in the prevention of HIV and treatment of heroin addiction among people who inject drugs (PWID), opioid substitution treatment (OST) can help control emerging HIV epidemics among PWID. With implementation in December 2014, Kenya is the third Sub-Saharan African country to have introduced OST. We combine dynamic mathematical modelling with qualitative sociological research to examine the 'promise of methadone' to Kenya.

Methods, setting and participants

We model the HIV prevention impact of OST in Nairobi, Kenya, at different levels of intervention coverage. We draw on thematic analyses of 109 qualitative interviews with PWID, and 43 with stakeholders, to chart their narratives of expectation in relation to the promise of methadone.

Results

The modelled impact of OST shows relatively slight reductions in HIV incidence (5-10%) and prevalence (2-4%) over 5 years at coverage levels (around 10%) anticipated in the planned roll-out of OST. However, there is a higher impact with increased coverage, with 40% coverage producing a 20% reduction in HIV incidence, even when accounting for relatively high sexual transmissions. Qualitative findings emphasise a culture of 'rationed expectation' in relation to access to care and a 'poverty of drug treatment opportunity'. In this context, the promise of methadone may be narrated as a symbol of hope-both for individuals and community-in relation to addiction recovery.

Conclusions

Methadone offers HIV prevention potential, but there is a need to better model the effects of sexual HIV transmission in mediating the impact of OST among PWID in settings characterised by a combination of generalised and concentrated epidemics. We find that individual and community narratives of methadone as hope for recovery coexist with policy narratives positioning methadone primarily in relation to HIV prevention. Our analyses show the value of mixed methods approaches to investigating newly-introduced interventions.