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Showing posts with label Erik Olssen. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Erik Olssen. Show all posts

Monday, September 29, 2014

Something New

We feature each week Nicholas Reid's reviews and comments on new and recent books 
 
“WORKING LIVES c.1900 – A Photographic Essay” by Erik Olssen (Otago University Press, $NZ50)
 
            Nearly three years ago, I had the great pleasure of reviewing on this blog An Accidental Utopia? (look it up on the index at right), written by Professor Erik Olssen, Clyde Griffen and Frank Jones of the University of Otago. It was the last major publication arising from the “Caversham Project”. This was a careful historical and sociological study, undertaken by a team of Otago researchers and historians over about thirty years. The aim of their study was to examine as fully as possible the (largely working-class and lower-middle-class) south Dunedin borough of Caversham between the 1880s and the 1920s, charting the material lives of men and women, workers and schoolchildren, the married and the single, by means of all the available documentation. This particular borough was chosen because, until Auckland became New Zealand’s most industrialised city, Dunedin was the centre of industry and therefore the possible centre of working class culture. But, as was carefully explained in An Accidental Utopia?, the notion of class was a very fluid one, and at least one aim of that study was to test whether class solidarity was any match for New Zealand’s social mobility and notions of egalitarianism.
As I said in my review, remarkable work of documented social history though it is, An Accidental Utopia? is not a book for the casual browser, but a work of serious theory and documentation, dense with statistics and other data. It references everything from voting registers, census rolls and school enrolments to drainage reports, private diaries and electioneering propaganda.
Forms of historical documentation it does not reproduce, however, are photographs.
This is where Working Lives c.1900 comes in.
As Erik Olssen explains:
 When [the publisher] Wendy Harrex and I decided at the last minute to exclude from An Accidental Utopia? the photographs I had spent months collecting and researching, the idea of this book was born. Like all ideas, it has taken on a life of its own. Although the larger transformations of the landscape and the polity remain of interest, the primary focus is on workplaces, workers, and work.” (p.11)
Working Lives c.1900 is in effect the visual supplement to An Accidental Utopia?
This belittles it as a work in its own right, however. On its own, this is both a window into a past world and – often enough – a reminder that the past was as diverse as the present. Not always quaint and pretty, but not a wasteland either.
It is also a book that is eminently browse-able.
Most often, the phrase “photographic essay” tends to designate publications that are short on text and long on images. This term doesn’t quite fit Working Lives c.1900 as it remains a serious piece of historical sociology and Olssen has arranged his five chapters thematically. Chapter One looks at the geographical development of Caversham – the growth from small rural settlement to industrialised suburb and borough. Chapter Two documents the physical realities of factories, shops and offices. Chapter Three covers the workers themselves – not only posed photographs of the staff of factories and workshops, but also images of workers at work and the tools and machinery they used. Chapter Four (called “A Less Unequal Society?”) faces the matter of social class in terms of images of different social classes at play, disparities in housing between the working class bungalow and the more spacious homes that aspired to be mansions, and photographs of weddings which sometimes showed a degree of social mobility. Finally, given the historical period that this book covers, Chapter Five looks directly at the workers’ own movements – trade unions and political parties prior to the formation of the Labour Party.
Every chapter has a generous amount of analytical and explanatory text by Olssen and every one of the book’s many photographs has a long and detailed caption. On Page 48, for example, the top half of the large page is taken up with a 1900s photograph of Rutherford’s General Store, in Caversham Village, with its staff in white aprons posed before it. But the lower half of the page is three columns of caption, giving the history of Rutherford’s store and its rival McCracken’s store, and amounting to a short essay on local grocery.
In reading this book, I did follow Olssen’s arguments about class and culture, but inevitably I found myself spending more time admiring and looking closely at the fine details of the photographs. And wool-gathering. And speculating about what exactly they meant.
That photograph on Page 23, showing a semi-urban landscape with a line of cottages built near a railway line. Each cottage has its own privy out the back, reminding us of a time when night excretion meant either a chamber pot or a walk over wet grass.
The panoramic photo on Page 35 of St Clair’s Beach in 1912. How very modern the high-rise accommodation house looks – as if it has been transported there from the 1940s by a time machine.
And speaking of housing, the double-spread photo at pp.45-46 is another panoramic one, taken in 1898, of the Dunedin City Corporation gasworks. But, in the background, how rusty so many of the corrugated iron roofs of the workers’ houses look. Even when it was a relatively new building material, was corrugated iron never maintained or re-painted, or were the workers’ wages too meagre for such maintenance?
Two photographs gave me unhappy thoughts about industrial accidents waiting to happen in the days before there were strict Health and Safety regulations. On pages 76-77 there is a worker – bearded and arms folded – posing for the camera in the Hillside Railway Workshops some time in the 1890s. He stands in front of belt-driven lathes. Another double spread on pages 102-103 shows women at work in 1910 in the Hosiery Workroom of Ross & Glendining’s Woollen Mill c.1910. Again it is a huge room with belt-driven lathes and women with long hair and long skirts and aprons just begging to be caught up in the open machinery.
As for masculine working class culture, it is hard to beat the wonderful photo at page 86-87. In a factory yard when the sun is high – presumably on a lunch break – a ring of workers are spectators to an amateur boxing match between two of their fellow workers – or perhaps it is a genuine fight? Clearly another worker has been given the role of referee. Just as the row of privies reminds us of other material realities from a past world, so does this image show vividly a defunct culture in which ritualised fights were not only acceptable but were positively honourable.
There is a similar oddity to the shot (pp.114-115) of the uniformed delivery staff of the Dunedin Chief Post Office. They look more like policemen than postmen, reminding us of that society’s respect for uniforms and its degree of regimentation.
Obviously I could extend this review for many pages by simply noting the realities that are revealed by these century-old photographs. But I think you’ve got the point. This is a lesson in images where An Accidental Utopia? was a lesson in statistics and prose.
One final image to part with – and probably my favourite for no reason that has anything to do with sociological history. It’s the double spread (pp.28-29) of a snowball fight in the streets of Caversham, during the particularly hard winter of 1901. The snow lies thick on the roadway. As a pampered Aucklander, I was not prepared for the shudders and shivers I was given by an ordinary Dunedin winter one year when I was sojourning down there – black ice on the pavements, heavy frosts and a general freeze that the locals seemed to take for granted. I dread to think what the winter of 1901 must have been like. The thickness of the show in the photograph gives me some idea.

Monday, November 7, 2011

Something New


We feature each week Nicholas Reid's reviews and comments on new and recent books.
 
“AN ACCIDENTAL UTOPIA? – Social mobility and the foundations of an egalitarian society,1880-1940”  by (Professors) Erik Olssen, Clyde Griffen and Frank Jones (Otago University Press, $49:95)
           
There are many ways that history can be written – as narrative and chronology, as biography, or even as postmodernist fantasia in which myth, opinion and viewpoint are canonised in the place of verifiable fact. But the study of history would be pointless without those specialists who worry away at the available data, tabulate statistics and attempt to view a whole society by the way men and women actually behaved en masse, as opposed to the way they or others conceived them as having behaved.

I say this clearly at the beginning, because this week’s Something New is definitely a specialist book of hard-core academic socio-history. It is not a book for the casual browser or the reader who imagines that history means a ripping yarn with footnotes. Reading it is, quite frankly, a job requiring serious concentration. Yet it is books such as this which are the foundations of a real study of history; and it is the findings of books such as this which will ultimately percolate into general educated consciousness.

An Accidental Utopia? is the latest (and apparently last) work to emerge from the long-term “Caversham Project”, which has been the diligent task of a number of University of Otago historians since 1975. Influenced by American models of academic history since the 1960s, when history ceased to be the study of social elites, the aim  has been the micro-history one of using the “local” as a means of charting social change. In this case the “local” is the old south Dunedin borough of Caversham.

Among much else, the academics and postgraduate students involved in the  “Caversham Project” have examined every available electoral roll, birth and death certificate, record of employment, marriage register, school register, record of church attendance, medical certificate, record of union membership, annual report of businesses and charities and welfare agencies, invoice of drainage and roading boards, contract, diary, personal writing, newspaper report of events, political speech, and result in national and local-body elections relating to Caversham between the 1880s and the 1940s. The aim has been to produce the most thorough examination and statistical survey of a New Zealand locality in its long-term historical development.

The opening of An Accidental Utopia? explains that Dunedin, in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries and before the rise of Auckland, was the most industrialised city in New Zealand. Caversham was largely a working-class area (although that term needs much modification) with much employment given by the engineering industry, including the railway workshops. Over the period examined, its fertility rate was higher and its infant mortality rate lower than those of Dunedin or the rest of New Zealand in general. This means it had a growing population. It also had an interesting mix of religious adherents. As compared with Anglicans and Presbyterians, there were higher proportions of Catholics and “Non-Conformists” (Methodists, Baptists) in Caversham than in Dunedin as a whole. This had an impact on the equitable and accepting nature of the society that developed there. No denomination could claim dominance.

The “Caversham Project” has already produced many learned articles, monographs and books including Erik Olssen’s Building the New World (1995), about work and politics in Caversham, and the jointly-edited Sites of Gender (2003) about the relationships, employment and relative status of men and women in Caversham.

An Accidental Utopia? aims to examine the topic of social mobility. This topic was always envisaged as central to the project which, as a systematic survey of sixty years, inevitably depicts much social change. The authors explain that they were in part interested in testing the thesis of W.H.Oliver and Miles Fairburn that class consciousness was always weak in New Zealand as it was undermined by social mobility. To do this, they have used a “log-linear” system of modelling, the complexities of which they explain.

So An Accidental Utopia? sets about examining methodically those different aspects of life from which social mobility can reasonably be inferred. What of marital mobility? How much did Caversham men and women marry “above” or “beneath” their social class? What of intergenerational mobility? In terms of employment, income and place of residence, did sons and daughters move up or down the social scale in comparison with their parents? What about the long-term work-life of men? Was there much mobility in patterns of employment and did men noticeably “rise” or “fall” in the world as they moved from one job to another?  And what were the political consequences of all this? Was there an increase or decrease in class-consciousness as reflected in voting patterns, successful appeals made by Caversham candidates for office, membership of parties etc?

You will note that these are a succession of questions, all ending (as the title of the book does) with a question mark. Olssen, Griffen and Jones approach their work like a scientific experiment, complete with graphs and tabulations, knowing full well that in science there are no final answers, only workable hypotheses supported by the best available evidence.

Nevertheless, a sort of conclusion does emerge.  It is clear that social class was and is important in New Zealand history. We cannot pretend that we do not have a middle class and a working class. But between the 1880s and 1940s social class was genuinely fluid in New Zealand and hence (among many other consequences) hard-line Marxism never gained much traction among New Zealand’s working class. So many workers knew they would marry into, rise into or work their way into affluence and the middle-class. Many aspired to do exactly this; and even those who didn’t tended to judge other people by qualities such as fairness, ability, and skill rather than by class.

This simplifies horribly the book’s complex argument and evidence. The authors note that before the First World War, south Dunedin was “a society of immigrants who wanted to create a new society in which social class no longer possessed the centrality it had in England.” They note further that where class was concerned, “a complex equation operated, combining features peculiar to industrial capitalism, but modified by New Zealand’s small towns and the dominance of the handicraft sector.” If, before the Second World War, New Zealand was a “utopia”, it was not because of determined social planning by Liberal or Labour parties. It was “accidental” because in New Zealand, which had a limited population and resources, the distance from the floor to the ceiling of the class structure was a narrow one.

Much can be extrapolated from these conclusions, but I will note one very minor one. This survey suggests that the 1920s in Caversham were a time of great social mobility. The government of Bill Massey is seen as accurately reflecting the wishes of most New Zealanders to have home ownership combined with the maximum of employment opportunities. Once again, this suggests some rehabilitation of Massey’s reputation, which I noted especially in Erik Olssen’s essay in A Great New Zealand Prime Minister? (another title with a question mark), reviewed on this blog seven weeks ago.

Here’s another reflection. Though sociological in method, this is a work of history. The class structures of New Zealand then are not necessarily the class structures of New Zealand now, in the ages of monetarism, globalism and consumerism – not to mention New Zealand’s much larger population. Have the barriers between classes become more rigid? Are there now more exclusively “rich” and “poor”? Has class consciousness hardened?

In a hundred years time, when somebody does the equivalent of the “Caversham Project”, we might have the best possible answers.