A Life on Our Planet: My Witness Statement and a Vision for the Future by David Attenborough, is a fantastic semi-biography, semi-manifesto by the worA Life on Our Planet: My Witness Statement and a Vision for the Future by David Attenborough, is a fantastic semi-biography, semi-manifesto by the world renowned BBC producer, environmentalist and narrator. His voice has rippled through millions of televisions across the globe, hosting BBC's nature series for decades, and narrating the likes of Blue Planet, Frozen Planet, and Planet Earth, some of the most renowned nature documentaries in human history. Attenborough's book is a beautiful ode to nature and humans and our place in the natural world. It looks at his life throughout the past decades, and his career closely mirrors humans awakening to their impact on the environment and natural world. People often forget that the growing narrative of environmentalism, and its increasing implicitness in our everyday lives, is a relatively new phenomena - taking place roughly through Attenborough's life. His work showing off the wonders of the natural world have had a major impact in this changing zeitgeist, and this work, what may well be one of his last, is his legacy project.
This book is written in two parts; the first is a chronological look at his life and evolving philosophy on the environment. The second part examines the impact humans are having on the Earth, and what the coming decades may look like in terms of biodiversity loss, environmental degradation, and the changing nature of the Earth's biomes. Human's may not survive this transition; we have developed and evolved within very specific conditions, and it is well known that the Earth, and life itself, have been through radically different environs. Human's are vulnerable in this sense; our place on the Earth is fragile, and we, along with much of the flora and fauna we know. Life may yet survive, but it will not be life as we know it. Attenborough looks at humans impact in particular on its rainforests, oceans and biodiversity. He then does something not often seen in an environmental manifesto: he examines solutions. Carbon capture, changing our reliance on GDP growth, and altering our lifestyles to fit into natural cycles are some of the options offered. They may sound utopian; they are not, and they are necessary. Ignoring this or passing it off to future generations will solve nothing, is short sighted, and useless. Our survival as a species is something we should strive to achieve - but from Earth's perspective, is probably not necessary. The dinosaurs reigned supreme for hundreds of millions of years - humans have been around in our modern form for at most two hundred thousand. Our reign may well be very brief, and how disappointing for us. Reading Attenborough, and pushing for environmental changes across the board, whether it be in policy, in our workplaces, in our homes, or in our own minds, is paramount. Read this book, and do it. ...more
Sid Meier's Memoir!: A Life in Computer Games, by Sid Meier, is an autobiography written by famous video game designer Sid Meier, creator of the CivilSid Meier's Memoir!: A Life in Computer Games, by Sid Meier, is an autobiography written by famous video game designer Sid Meier, creator of the Civilization, Railroad Tycoon, and other famous video game series. The book chronicles Meier's career in video games from his hobbyist pursuit of the medium in its earliest days in the 1980's, to it becoming a career in the 1990's, and the release of Civilization (and its subsequent five official sequels and numerous spin-offs) that would make his name a household name in the industry. Meier began his career in programming in its early days, with room spanning computers spitting out ticker tape, and learned about programming and its iterations from this point up. Meier seems to be an individual who gets intensely focused on subjects - possibly to the point of compulsion. He acknowledges this when discussing a game he made called SimGolf - a golfing green management simulator. This compulsion has allowed him the opportunity to become intensely focused on his area of current interest. The design and programming in the original Civ game allowed for the creation of one of the best games series ever made - and to this day still a series that is an absolute blast to play.
Meier looks at much of the industry from behind the lens. Although his name is featured on his products, he says he was never really invested in this idea, and only agreed to it at the behest of others. His main passion is designing and programming games, and shies away from both the limelight and the controversies inherent in the gaming industry to this day. He acknowledges much of the corporate stuff here - the buy outs, the copyright issues and so forth, but really it seems he is not so keen on these things. Instead he talks about the principles and ideas behind the games he has made, some of it wistfully philosophical, and some of it deeply pragmatic. His love of Civil War history helped with his Gettysburg! title, his passion for management simulators went into Civilization and Railroad Tycoon, and his belief in low violence games and putting the player first when developing new ideas comes through in how he discusses his working life.
This book was really interesting as someone who grew up playing the Civilization series, and indeed has just finally acquired the sixth title in the franchise. These games were extremely appealing to me, and I credit much of my voracious reading habits in history, politics and economics to the influence this series (and others like it, such as SimCity, Europa Universalis and Total War etc.) to this title. Reading about the design decisions, programming background, and underlying artistic philosophies behind this title and Sid Meier's other works was fascinating. The biography itself is even keeled, interesting and discusses the wider industry as a whole, while also focusing with nuance on the life of the writer. This was a very interesting book, and one I would easily recommend to fans of Sid Meier's and the video games series he created. ...more
The Inevitability of Tragedy: Henry Kissinger and His World, by Barry Gewen, is a biographical account of Henry Kissinger, placing him in the traditioThe Inevitability of Tragedy: Henry Kissinger and His World, by Barry Gewen, is a biographical account of Henry Kissinger, placing him in the tradition of the Jewish-German refugees to the US in during and after WWII. Political philosophers like Hannah Arendt, Morgenthau and Strauss are all listed as influential philosophers and compared to Kissinger and his policy-decisions. Gewen looks at Kissinger's policy ideas in Chile overthrowing the Allende government, in Vietnam and compares these to the cynical realpolitik of the Jewish émigré to US in this period. To be frank, better reviews of this book have been written on Goodreads. From this readers perspective, this book was interesting when looking at the political philosophy comparisons of Kissinger and his contemporaries, and examining the historical context they came about. It is less interesting when engaging in apologistic rhetoric for the overthrow of Chile's democratic government. An examination of realpolitik is interesting, and Gewen does an excellent job looking at the philosophy behind interventionism, as well as setting it in a historical context. He does, however, make the intellectual leap of comparing Allende's government to the Nazi's, and setting up a democratically elected government as a focal point for Soviet intervention. The overthrow of Chile's government, and the elevation of Pinochet's government is one of the worst atrocities the US government supported during the Cold War, not least because it led to the violent murder of many thousands of innocent Chilean citizens. A more nuanced and less apologetic discussion would have been warranted, and would have increased the quality of discourse here slightly. This book was not bad by any stretch, nor was it overly challenging in its rhetoric (at least for this reader). Instead, it seems to me to be a bit of a logistical stretch for the author. His comparisons of Kissinger with long chapters on Arendt, Morgenthau and Strauss are well done and fascinating from a political philosophy standpoint, but the overall conclusion here seems stretched - a correlation that lacks some facts, if you will. I would recommend this for those looking to read a bit more deeply on Cold War political philosophy, and especially on realpolitik, but this is not the best generalized biography on Kissinger and his philosophies. ...more
MBS: The Rise to Power of Mohammed bin Salman, by Ben Hubbard, is a fascinating book on the political rise of the current Saudi Arabian crown prince, MBS: The Rise to Power of Mohammed bin Salman, by Ben Hubbard, is a fascinating book on the political rise of the current Saudi Arabian crown prince, Mohammed bin Salman, or MBS as he is often called. MBS was born to the long time governor of Riyadh province Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud. Salman senior was a son King Abdulaziz, MBS' grandfather, who had three sons ahead of him in line for the throne. Salman senior became an adept governor of Riyadh, known for his knowledge of tribal customs and his ability to balance interests in his province, but held little ambition to be made king. This changed after his brothers died of age, disease or accident, putting him in line for the throne. Salman senior is now the current king of Saudi Arabia. MBS was in a similar boat - living sons or descendants of the first king are often placed in line first - MBS was at one time fourth in line to the throne. As a young man he was a bit of a stereotypical Saudi princeling, rich but not enough to outshine his superiors, and cloistered. However, he began to play the stock market young, and made a lot of money investing in Saudi companies and using his clout as a son of the crown prince - then king, to make a fortune. He also began to become much closer to his father, who would often take MBS to work with him as the governor of Riyadh, and then as the crown prince and king, eventually granting him powerful positions in the ministry of defense, and of court procedures. These positions would give him unrivaled access to his aging father, as well as significant political experience and networking within the Kingdom.
MBS began to oust his rivals one after another, ending with the house arrest of Salman seniors brother MBN, and MBN's renouncement of the crown prince position in favour of MBS, most likely under duress. MBS was rapid and brutal in taking power, sidelining his rivals, and placing his own mother in guarded seclusions to reduce her influence on events. MBS wooed his American counterparts, which helped him oust MBN, who was then the State's favourite to succeed in Saudi Arabia. MBS is young - in his mid-30's at this point, and when he became crown prince in 2017, was very young for the position. He made up for this with gusto - he implemented Saudi Arabia's Vision 2030 initiative - a utopian investment scheme revolving around oil divestment, Western direct investment, and infrastructure projects. His other utopian project - NEOM, is a carbon-free futuristic city that is supposedly to be built as an alternative capital of sorts for the Kingdom. As minister of defense from 2015, MBS initiated the Saudi campaign in neighbouring Yemen to oust the Iranian backed Houthi's, and put in place the blockade on GCC rival Qatar. Both plans were audacious and ultimately rather disastrous from a foreign policy stance. Even so, his close relationship with US President Donald Trump ensured a continuous supply of American weapons and support in Yemen. MBS is seen in Saudi Arabia as a reformer - promoting women's rights, appointing Shiite's to ministry positions, and arresting numerous relatives on corruption charges, which are almost certainly warranted.
However, MBS is also of the autocratic mindset. He ousted rivals, and secured his position by throwing many of his relatives and Saudi Arabia's businessmen into first class prison, sometimes allegedly having them tortured until they agreed to support MBS' proposals and policies - a page right out of South Korean dictator Park Chung-hee's book. He has redefined Saudi ambitions in the region as aggressive, targeting Iran and Iranian backed regimes in a growingly dangerous struggle for supremacy in the region. The Saudi's were heavily involved in the Yemeni Civil War, in Syria, Libya, Iraq and the Egyptian coup. They have also been increasingly assertive in their neighbours internal politics, sending in troops to quash the Bahranian Arab Spring moment, blockading rival Qatar, and meddling in the affairs of Djibouti, Egypt and Lebanon, famously kidnapping President Harari of Lebanon and forcing him to resign in captivity. MBS has locked up dissidents, activists and journalists of all stripes, from those promoting women's rights on driving (which he made legal in 2018, although still locking up activists), to academics, right leaning Wahabi clerics, Shiite activists, and Saudi journalists. MBS is most infamous for the Kashoggi affair, where he had dissident journalist Jamal Kashoggi murdered in the Saudi embassy in Turkey. This event shook the world, weakened Saudi ties with the West, and embarrassed the Saudi regime to no end. MBS has also engaged in spats with Canada over human rights rhetoric, Turkey over Qatar and Libya - with Turkey signing formal alliances and basing troops in Doha, and fighting with the UN-backed GNC in Libya.
MBS' reforms have been a mixed bag, according to Hubbard. He sees lots of positive movement in Saudi Arabia, with needed reforms of cultural freedom, women's rights, and the economy signalling a shift away from the stagnant cultural life Saudi citizens have endured for the past few decades. MBS notes that these changes will take time, but seems willing to tackle controversial issues like corruption and women's rights in an ultraconservative monarchy. Even so, his heavy handed authoritarianism is a marked change as well. Saudi Arabia used to be known for its methodical stance on geopolitics, and its deference to the United States. MBS seems to be forging his own path, rushing headlong into regional conflicts, and aggressively approaching diplomatic crisis. These movements have certainly shaken up the region, although maybe not to Saudi Arabia's benefit. The crisis in Yemen is approaching its seventh year, and Saudi troops remain bogged down on stagnant lines of control as of this writing, having spent many billions of dollars spent, and thousands of Saudi troops lost, not to mention the over 230 000 dead Yemeni civilians killed. The blockade of Qatar has moved it decisively away from Saudi influence. Doha has weathered the crisis with difficulty, but moved away from the Saudi sphere, calling for closer ties to Iran, and strategically aligning to Turkey. Saudi policy across the region has seen setbacks to Iran all across the region, from Assad's victory in Syria, to the Saudi blunder in Lebanon, which has increased Hezbollah's influence in the country. Iraq is another area where the Saudi's have lost ground.
And of course, the Kashoggi murder. This has had a massive impact on Western relations and conceptions of Saudi Arabia. Once a pillar of Western policy in the Middle East, this event has soured this relationship. Even Trump's administration struggled to understand this baffling move, and the US House of Representatives seems to have strongly moved away from Saudi support. This, coupled with the issues with oil sales in a growingly carbon-neutral world have thrown Saudi policy on its head. MBS may have been trying to do this. Far from destroying the country, MBS has deftly held on to power, with little rivalry within the Kingdom seemingly present. This may be a good thing for MBS, but it may also signal growing difficulty for MBS to receive support and information from the veteran Saudi politicians within the nation. Only time will tell on that one.
Hubbard has written a fascinating book on the rise to power of MBS, the current crown prince of Saudi Arabia. This young politician has shaken up the cultural, political and diplomatic systems in Saudi Arabia, and signaled a new and more assertive era of Saudi politics in the region. This has led to diplomatic coups, warfare and murder, but has also seen a thaw in stagnant women's rights issues in the kingdom, a shift to more cultural freedom, and a movement away from oil economics (at least on paper). Only time will tell whether MBS' policies will have a net benefit, but for now, this regime has shown it is not afraid to lash out, and this has made it a pariah in Western capitals. Hubbard's book is fascinating, in depth, and worth a read for those interested in the politics of the Middle East....more
Napoleon: A Life, by Adam Zamoyski, is a fantastic new biography of Napoleon Bonaparte, one of Europe's most interesting 19th century statesman. NapolNapoleon: A Life, by Adam Zamoyski, is a fantastic new biography of Napoleon Bonaparte, one of Europe's most interesting 19th century statesman. Napoleon was born into a relatively well off aristocratic Corsican family, who were grappling with identity and status in recently annexed Corsica. Napoleon's family would court both Corsican nationalists and French occupiers, mercurially playing sides off, switching allegiances, and trying to gain status, save face, and become wealthier. Napoleon as a young child was sent to mainland France to join the military, and as a young child and a budding man would embrace military matters, and seek identity both as a French officer and a Corsican nationalist. These two sides were clearly in conflict, and when the French revolution broke out, Napoleon would be enthralled by Republican ideas, writing poetry, prose and yearning for Corsican freedom along Republican lines. He found a patron in France willing to help support his families ambitions, and on his fathers death, would exert increasing influence over family affairs, even though his older brother Joseph was technically the family head. He had numerous younger siblings, and over the years would influence them, put them in positions of power, and continually look after his family first, almost as an instinct.
Napoleon would join battle frequently during the turbulent revolutionary years, and began to make a name for himself as a talented artillery officer. Due to the cut throat nature of French politics, and the civil war between Royalists and Republican forces, Generals were in short supply, either due to their Royalist sympathies, or from being executed or forced to flee. Napoleon's talent saw him defeat a French landing force in Southern France, and his talents were recognized quickly. He would eventually rise to the rank of General quite rapidly, and sent off to command the Army of Italy, a side show meant to keep Savoyard forces at bay while the main Army of the Rhine cut across Germany to confront the Austrian Empire. However, Napoleon won a series of stinging victories, with Savoy and much of Lombardy quickly succumbing to his forces, and winning a string of battles against the increasingly vulnerable Austrians. Napoleon at this point began to entertain thoughts of greater power, and would frequently make diplomatic decisions that would usually be the provision of the French government, including armistices and ceasefires with belligerent states in Italy. The government would grow wary of Napoleon's power, but could not shy away from his talent and his ability to command. Napoleon was often a illusive figure, diminutive, disheveled, self loathing; but he had an infectious charisma and fiery passion for action that bound people to his will. Couple this with his ability to multitask to extreme degrees, and his ability to remember small details about his subordinates, even after long periods of separation, made him a dynamic and effective leader of armies and an excellent politician.
He would use his influence to gain even greater power, eventually being sent by the Revolutionary government to invade Egypt - then in principle part of the Ottoman Empire, but de facto independent. The thought was that the Ottoman's would relish some semblance of control in the restive region and may in fact welcome the French in a region that other European powers were coveting. However, this was not the case - the Porte reacted by sending in armies, and Napoleon was to decisively defeat these, as well as numerous British and allied landings. First, Malta was seized from the Knights of St. john, then Egypt quickly fell, and Napoleon marched up the Levant as well. However, the lack of supplies due to British blockade, and the growing lack of morale in the armies began to take their toll, and Napoleon would return to Egypt proper to administer the French colony. This was short lived, growing geopolitical trouble on the mainland forced Napoleon's recall.
The politicians of Revolutionary France had reached a crisis. Public opinion had soured on revolutionary politics, as the ongoing civil war, pressure from external forces, and a growing political and economic crisis was encouraging many Generals and politicians to consider seizing power in various forms of coups. Napoleon was widely popular both with the army and the public, and his deft hand in negotiations, as well as his unstoppable and overbearing personality, made him a natural fit for seizing power. Originally he planned to rule with three others, while maintaining some of the semblances of democratic government. His brother, a member of the legislative house, forced a vote on Napoleon as a caretaker, but many did not agree. This lead to a fascicle vote where most of the council walked out after soldiers were brought in to try and frighten the delegates into voting in favour. While this was unpopular with the ruling elite, most of the general population craved stability after years of warfare, leading to either general acquiescence and even some welcoming the initiative.
Napoleon in power quickly sidelined his ruling partners, marginalized the democratic government, and set about reorganizing the state in a more autocratic fashion. His coup was not welcomed in Europe, and he set about stabilizing France's geopolitical position. Belgium was annexed, as was Savoy proper, and puppet kingdoms and Republics were set up in much of Norther Italy. Venice was subsumed by Austria, and her Adriatic possessions taken by France. This was short lived, as Napoleon was beset by Austrian forces hostile to his government, eventually marching on Vienna and defeating a combined Russian and Austrian force. he also annexed the East bank of the Rhine, and set up puppet states in a Confederation of the Rhine, which included Württemberg, Baden and Bavaria, among other small German states. Prussia, originally an ally of France, turned on her and was quickly routed, with the country occupied and much reduced by enlarging Rhine states and creating two new entities - Westphalia and the Grand Duchy of Poland. Napoleon would face opposition from Britain, and eventually was forced to invade Naples, the Papal States, Spain and Portugal. Napoleons brothers were installed in Spain, the Netherlands, northern Italy and Neuchatel, with other relatives and close associates installed in various Duchies and small kingdoms across the land. Genoa was annexed, as was the Papal States. The Swiss were incorporated, as was Catalonia. many other possessions, like Illyria, Malta, the Ionian Islands and so on were incorporated into a growing French Empire, and most of the mainland was under French influence.
Napoleon also presided over massive reforms in France. France became and Empire, and Napoleon its hereditary Emperor. He closed down inefficient systems of government, instead presiding over the minutia of government ...more
Metternich: Strategist and Visionary, by Wolfram Siemann is an interesting new account of Clemens von Metternich, the famous architect of the CongressMetternich: Strategist and Visionary, by Wolfram Siemann is an interesting new account of Clemens von Metternich, the famous architect of the Congress of Vienna, and veteran statesman of the Austrian Empire. This book begins by looking at the historiographic tradition of Metternich in biography. Metternich has been vilified by scholars from the German Nationalist and Socialist schools of history, due to his promotion of Austrian Imperialism and his opposition to the French revolution, respectively. In modern times, Metternich has been given a more rosy view by American statesman Henry Kissinger, who derived policy positions and international political ideas from studying both Metternich and Castlereagh, in promoting US foreign policy and systems of power politics. Siemann seeks to revise the history of Metternich to create an account from the time and place that Metternich existed, without framing it in modernity or trying to capture Metternich in a particular historical school.
Metternich was an interesting character. Born to a family of German's in service to the Hapsburg Empire, his father was a political fixer for the Hapsburg dynasty in the Holy Roman Empire, he was groomed into a diplomatic position. He was educated in a modern, aristocratic school, whose teachers were sympathetic to the French revolution. However, Metternich developed a political ideology based on the German Holy Roman constitution, his families aristocratic ties to the Estates General, his time and respect for the English constitution, and Austrian Imperialism. His first jobs were in revolutionary Europe, working for his father as Belgium and the Netherlands fell, and the family lost their familial holdings in the Left Bank of the Rhine and in Bavaria. Metternich achieved higher power in 1809 during the fourth coalition war against Napoleon, with previous history as the Austrian Ambassador to Dresden, Berlin and Paris. Finally, he returned as Minister of Foreign Affairs, guiding Austria through the final years of the Napoleonic Wars. His deft handling of Austria's isolation gained him favour with Napoleon through a marriage alliance with Austria, and the repeated active neutrality with Russia and Prussia. His principle, the Kruener Strategy, allowed Austria to play the loyalty card with Napoleon. Napoleon then moved on to attack Russia. Metternich's strategy was a wait and see approach, monitoring the progress of the Russian War. When things began to turn for Napoleon, Metternich quickly began negotiations with England and Prussia to attack while Napoleon was weak. Through a protracted series of battles, Austria and her coalition partners finally managed to defeat Napoleon, returning lost territories to Prussia, Russia and Austria, and dismantling the system of vassals Napoleon had set up across Europe.
Metternich remained in power in Austria until 1848, guiding the country through a conservative/autocratic style. He remained close to the Emperors, but was able to sideline the old absolutist politicians in the Empire. He sought to cement Austrian power by reworking the internal systems in the Empire to ensure rights were respected for the Empires numerous nationalities. The press was curtailed as well. Metternich sought to industrialize Austria, supporting the construction of factories and manufacturies, engaging in global trade, and increasing the administrative efficiencies of the Austrian Empire. The echoes of the French revolution were, in Metternich's eyes, a grave threat, as was the growing nationalist tendencies in Eastern Europe. He sought to suppress these tendencies by combating the various nationalist movements, including that of German's, Croatians, Serbians and Hungarians, with varying degrees of success. Metternich has the strong aptitude to view events and perceive their possible outcomes. This gave him an uncanny ability to predict responses, think steps ahead, and effectively reign in opposition and threats. His policies gave a new lease on life to the Austrian Empire, which had been in deaths door at the beginning of the 19th century.
Metternich fell from grace after his failed attempt to suppress the revolts in Austria in 1848. These revolts were inspired by adherents of both greater political freedoms for peasants, and nationalists in Hungary, Poland, and Croatia, as well as German and Czech Nationalists. Metternich attempted first to appease, and then suppress these movements, but eventually his political manoeuvrings caught up with him, and he fell from grace. He was exiled from the capital, and his remaining time was spent in exile. This fall from grace lead to the slow federalization of Austria into its Austro-Hungarian entity, which sought to distance itself from German unification and promote the kingdoms of Austria, Hungary, and Bohemia. Metternich remained influential in politics through correspondence, but did not attempt to contribute further from the centres of power.
All in all, an interesting revisionist text looking at the various thoughts and strategies of Metternich. This book takes a political stance, and attempts to view how Metternich made decisions by analyzing his upbringing, education, and influence in events. A strong contender for an excellent biography, and one worth a read for fans of Metternich, and for this era of history. ...more
Nicotine by Gregor Hens, is a life-long ex-smokers examination of his habit, and how it changed his perceptions and behaviour. It is not a technical tNicotine by Gregor Hens, is a life-long ex-smokers examination of his habit, and how it changed his perceptions and behaviour. It is not a technical text or a self help book, but more a rumination on cigarettes, and the pleasures and perils of nicotine addiction. Hens goes through his life, looking at his first cigarette, and his last. He examines the many places he smoked, and remembers keenly many of the things he was doing while he smoked. Smoking is an interesting addiction. Certainly terrible for you, but very interesting. I have smoked off and on for 10 years now, and just recently relapsed after over a year away. I vividly remember that first smoke after a year away. I got a giddy feeling throughout my body, my arms and legs became numb, and I was immediately very happy. I haven't picked up my habit quite so intensely as I used too, but I constantly worry that I won't be able to stop.
Hens asks some interesting questions. Can one ever truly be done smoking, even if one never smokes again? Hens constantly thinks about smoking. I remember dreaming about it when I stopped last time. I am not sure it ever really leaves you. The smoke lingers I guess. I could wax lyrical about this all day, but I won't. This is an enticing and dangerous book, while also being very helpful. Hens describes vividly the pleasures of smoking, while also nostalgically looking at a long life spent under nicotine's influence. Every page is dripping with it, and reading this book has been challenging, as it has made me want to smoke with great intensity. Even so, since picking up this book, I haven't had a single one. Hens communicates both the upsides and downsides, and for me, his analysis of the way smoking changes you was my biggest takeaway. This is a worthy read for any smoker, ex-smoker, or those interested in addiction. I certainly had a wonderful time reading it....more
Hannibal by Patrick N. Hunt, is an account of the Second Punic War from the perspective of Hannibal, as well as a brief biography of the great GeneralHannibal by Patrick N. Hunt, is an account of the Second Punic War from the perspective of Hannibal, as well as a brief biography of the great General's early life. Hannibal was born in the Barca family, a clan of Carthaginian military individuals who had experience in the First Punic War. The family was unhappy with losses in the First Punic War, where Carthage was required to relinquish their claims over Sicily, and Rome subsequently aggressively annexed Corsica and Sardinia - both within the Carthaginian trading sphere. In response, Carthage landed an expeditionary force in Spain, under Hannibal's father Hamilcar. His brothers Hasdrubal and Magos were also successful generals that would fight with him in the coming Punic War. In Spain, Hannibal arrived as a young boy in his early teens/ late adolescents and worked closely with his father. The Carthaginian forces in the region settled Punic colonies, subdued and allied with local Iberian tribes, and built up port, silver mining, and trade infrastructure in the region. A treaty with Rome, signed to end the Punic Wars, set a boundary at the Ebro River. However, Rome considered a local City-state south of the Ebro, Saguntum, to be a tributary, and felt this was not in violation of the treaty. Hannibal disagreed, and sparked the Second Punic War by besieging this City.
After its fall, he marched across France and the Alps, subduing allied or hostile Celtic tribes, and allying with Celts opposed to Rome. Although he lost a good chunk of his forces during the crossing, both to hostile action, and to desertion and the elements, he still arrived in Italy with tens of thousands of hardened veteran soldiers, mercenaries, and allied Celts. As the war began, everything was coming up Hannibal. He successfully dodged a Roman Army in Gaul, and crossed the Alps with relatively few casualties (for the time). He arrived in Northern Italy in style - with tribes like the Boii providing his tired forces with food, rest, and reinforcement. He fought three major battles with the Roman's, breaking their aura of invincibility in Italy and shaking the foundations of the Roman system. Multiple military tribunes were defeated in battle, initiating political crisis in Rome, and ushering in an era of military dictatorship (constitutionally). Hannibal's big encounters were at the Trebia, Lake Trasimene, and Cannae as he marched south toward Rome, defeating legion after legion sent against him. All three encounters were incredibly costly to the Roman's in terms of lives and prestige.
Hannibal used innovative tactics at the time to ensure his early successes. He maneuvered tactically, often out running pursuing Roman armies, escaping entrapment, and avoiding costly encounters. Hannibal picked the engagements, or forced his enemy to come to him, and rarely was forced into a direct encounter against his will. He utilized the environment to both gain favourable battleground, surprise enemy armies on the march, and to compliment his battle order. He used trickery to mask the size of his army, or hide various contingents to ensure engagements were favourable, and he had a trump card up his sleeve. His intelligence gathering skills also seemed to be immense, as his armies had an intricate knowledge of Celtic alliance systems and characteristics, as well as the character and temperament of opposing commanders. He was also keenly aware of troop movements, alliance systems, and potential leverage points between alliances. These he used to alter the political landscape of Italy for a decade, as Greek City-states in the south, and allies in Numedia and Macedonia looked to counter Roman dominance by allying with the Carthaginians.
However, Hannibal was not invincible, and he was just one army among many. The Roman's initially were on the back foot, but fought back by cutting off the silver supply in Spain through direct invasion, controlling the naval front, and eventually threatening and destroying Carthage itself. Hannibal was forced for a decade to survive off the land after the silver mines of Spain and the reinforcements of North Africa were cut off from him. This was costly, as he soon began to lose allies and support, and eventually was forced to retreat from the peninsula to protect home waters. Hannibal's days ended in defeat, as he lost political support in Carthage, and eventually lost his life on the run after Carthage's defeat and ruin by the Romans. His exact cause of death is unknown - perhaps he was poisoned, or perhaps he died of a fever from a small wound. Even so, a death in exile for such a magnificent General was unfortunate.
Hannibal was a military genius - akin to Alexander the Great, or Julius Caesar. He conquered large swathes of Italy and Spain for a time, and was close to changing the outcome of history - a victory over Rome, which at times looked very possible, would have changed the course of world history. His tactical and logistical genius is also apparent, as he conquered previously difficult terrain, and engaged in maneuvers and movements that were surprising and innovative at the time. His use of alliances and his ability to leverage himself between allies was also an immense boon to his campaign. And the fact that he fought on for many years after the end seemed nigh showed his resilience in the face of defeat. Regardless, this was an interesting read from an interesting perspective. Much is written on the Punic Wars, but mostly from a Roman perspective. It is refreshing to read new scholarly work from the perspective of Hannibal. Easily recommended for history fans, although there is not much new in this text. If you are intimately familiar with the Punic Wars, you may not find too much refreshing here. ...more
Orbán: Europe's New Strongman, by Paul Lendvai, is an account of the rise and politics of Victor Orban, authoritarian Prime Minister of Hungary. HungaOrbán: Europe's New Strongman, by Paul Lendvai, is an account of the rise and politics of Victor Orban, authoritarian Prime Minister of Hungary. Hungary is a nominally democratic nation within the European Union, so Orban's policies of centralisation have been particularly interesting, comparable to events in neighbouring Poland. Orban has mimicked other authoritarian states like Russia and Singapore, taking control of politics by stacking committees, the judiciary and the like with key allies and cronies. He has utilized nationalistic rhetoric to stoke populism in Hungary, supported by the refugee crisis in Europe. He is an interesting figure for sure, and one to watch as Hungary slides into something akin to a quasi-authoritarian state.
Orban was born in Communist Hungary, into a poor rural family. He went to school in a relatively new facility, making friends with what would eventually become his key allies during his younger years. Orban was prevalent in Socialist Youth Leagues, seeking reform within Hungary, and participated in speeches after the Iron Curtain fell, and Hungary began to move toward democracy. He created Fidesz, at the time a youth party for younger politicians around this time. However, as the years went on Orban began to turn to more conservative and right wing ideologies. This is the party Fidesz has become today. He seems to have turned toward more authoritarian principles slowly, and once he achieved power in the mid-2000's, began to cement his control over every aspect of Hungary's political sphere. He has stacked the legislative and judiciary with loyalists, allowing him effective control over policy creation. This has led to his increasing use of policy to cement authority; he has put allies in charge of organizations and committee's as far flung as Hungary's Supreme Court, and minor sport's colleges.
Fidesz is a right wing conservative party, nominally within a democratic Hungary. However, the state is beginning to mirror such places as Turkey and Russia, with authoritarian leaders in technically democratic states. His power is derived both from his personal charisma and political acumen, allowing him two consecutive majorities in Hungary's Parliament, as well as his tightening control on politics, the media, and foreign observers within Hungary. Hungary is increasingly being seen as an authoritarian state, and certainly, along with Poland and Turkey, marks a backslide in democratic institutions being experienced in Eastern Europe.
Lendvai has written an interesting and concise account of Orban's government. As a political exile, Lendvai's account is certainly biased, to the point where he uses some nasty adjectives to describe Orban. This adds an element of the amateur to the book, making Lendvai's claims seem as if they lack credibility, and are personally motivated. This does detract from the overall quality of the book unfortunately. However, this is still a good account of Orban, and certainly one of the few available in the West. Worth a read for those interested in the topic, or who wish to read more on modern Hungarian politics. ...more
The Netanyahu Years by Ben Caspit, is an interesting political biography of current (at the time of writing this review) Prime Minister of Israel, BenThe Netanyahu Years by Ben Caspit, is an interesting political biography of current (at the time of writing this review) Prime Minister of Israel, Benjamin Netanyahu. Netanyahu is a divisive politician in Israel, and certainly controversial globally. His rise to political power, and his many mistakes, failures, crashes, and controversies have all haunted him throughout his long political career. Even so, Netanyahu has a charisma that is magnetic to voters, is charming to the media, and has built himself as a representative of right wing elements in Israel encompassing the Israeli settlement organizations, right leaning voters, and Ultra-Orthodox communities. His political career has been like a roller coaster ride; many rapid downturns, and many rapid rises. The man has also made many political enemies, having betrayed many coalitions, ousted many former friends and allies for political purposes, and alienated many of his supporters over the years. Even so, he seems always able to find the next set of allies to benefit him in the moment, making his political career one of both skill and a whole lot of luck.
Netanyahu came from a family with right wing/nationalistic views on the Israeli state. His upbringing was split, with time spent in both Israel and the United States. He attended school in both countries, but was largely seen as an outsider upon returning to Israel. He joined the Israeli army, and quickly became a member of Israeli intelligence units. He played a role in improving Israel's optics overseas; he appeared on US television many times, became an ambassador to the US, and eventually the UN. His TV appearances are often characterized by a charismatic magnetism (Caspit's opinion) and he was often able to charm international bodies and donors into financially and politically supporting Israel.
His early political career began in Likud, a right wing Israeli political party, in the late 1980's. He began to maneuver his way to the top, using his veteran connections with US donors to ensure a well funded leadership campaign. He also hounded then PM Yitzhak Rabin by whipping up Nationalistic support for his leadership campaign, which Caspit claims was influential in Rabin's assassination in 1995 by a right wing extremist opposed to the Oslo accords. Netanyahu's popularity tanked, but only a year later in 1996 he was elected for his first term as Prime Minister after flipping the table and taking advantage of Palestinian unrest to play up his Mr. Security image to the Israeli public. Netanyahu's three years in office were scandal ridden, and led to his defeat in 1999, where he left politics for a few years and worked in the private sector.
All the while, he continued to push for his return to Israeli politics, and was eventually invited back to be Foreign Affairs Minister in 2002. He quickly switched to the post of Minister of Finance, a crafty political trick by his rival Ariel Sharon. The Israeli economy was in shambles, and Sharon figured that he had put Netanyahu in a lose-lose scenario. Either he fixed the economy - giving the PM a big boost in popularity, or he failed, and dumped the blame on Netanyahu. Netanyahu initiated a series of capitalist driven economic reforms, cutting national expenses, slashing government budgets, and encouraging free market reforms. These reforms are often credited to a return to financial stability in Israel, but were deeply unpopular among Israel's Labour supporters. He soon left government, however, over disagreements with Sharon over the Gaza strip withdrawal in 2005. The government subsequently collapsed, Sharon left Likud to found a new political party, and Netanyahu was once again the leader of Likud; and soon the leader of the opposition in 2006 after Likud lost the election. In 2009 he helped form a coalition government which he led, and then took power in the following elections in 2013 and 2015. He has served four terms in the Knesset at the time of writing this review.
Netanyahu is a crafty and wily politician. He is always focused on his goal; attaining high office in Israel. His years of chaotic political maneuvering have made him a masterful politician, and his support among many right wing Israeli voters is solid. Caspit writes about many of the politicians ups and downs; his implication in encouraging nationalistic fervor that resulted in the Rabin assassination, his many accusations of corruption, his poor choices in backing certain policies, and his combative attitude during the tenure of US President Barack Obama. Netanyahu is a staunch supporter of annexation of land in the West Bank, and has often used this as a way to gain supporters from the right. He has also been an staunch opponent of US attempts at a bilateral deal with Iran and the Palestinians. Caspit chronicles Netanyahu's many rises; he has come to the brink of complete obscurity on numerous occasions, but has often been saved through wily politicking, and outright luck.
Caspit's book is interesting, but lacking in certain ways. First, the sourcing in this book is atrocious. There are no in text citations, and the journalistic tone of the book discourages direct quotes - especially about a sitting Prime Minister with a history of political backstabbing. These issues make fact checking difficult, and make Caspit's book seem overly political itself. This is not a cut and dry biography about an interesting and adept politician, but seems to have an agenda. Even so, the political chaos in the book is interesting, and Netanyahu himself still an influential player in Israel and world politics. This is a book for those who love a good political thrill ride; the ups and downs of Netanyahu are very interesting, and the fact that he has seemingly overcome all of them is a feat unto itself. All in all, an interesting biographical look at Israel's current Prime Minister, but one with many flaws in its sourcing system, and an overly journalistic tone, something I dislike. I can hesitantly recommend this book to those who enjoy political biographies, or those looking for a read on Israel, but would recommend a skip for those uninterested in the above.
Isabella of Castile: Europe's First Great Queen by Giles Tremlett is a fantastic biography on one of Europe's first Great Queens, and an early look atIsabella of Castile: Europe's First Great Queen by Giles Tremlett is a fantastic biography on one of Europe's first Great Queens, and an early look at proto-absolutism in European politics. Isabella was originally farther back in line to replace the unlucky Henry IV (The Impotent - poor man), who suffered from some birth defects, preferred to keep to himself, and had difficulty siring an heir. He was also merciful and forgiving, something seen as a weakness in Castilian society. The nobles of Castile took advantage of this, trying to raise their own status and weaken that of the crown. They backed Isabella's brother Alfonso for the throne, while Henry IV tried to promote his daughter to the throne (Castilian crown law allowed women to succeed to the throne - an abnormality in Europe). Alfonso, however died of the plague at 14 (or was poisoned or murdered, rumours were flying), and Isabella was championed as one of the candidates for the nobility - leading to civil war. Isabella was also used as a pawn by ambitious nobles, but sought to charter her own path by creating a powerful alliance with a foreign monarch. She was a prime candidate for marriage as she had a good shot of inheritance, and expansionist monarchs coveted her hand for improving their claims in Spain. Monarchs from France and Portugal were considered, but ultimately Ferdinand II of Aragon was chosen - he was a distant relative of her family, and thus the two would have strong claims on each others thrones, and keep out expansionist France and their ally in Portugal.
Isabella had a lot of ground to cover before gaining the throne though. She had a rival in Henry IV's daughter Juana, and had to fight to claim the throne. This was a grueling battle of attrition, but her combined forces with Spain's rural noble class, Basques from the frontier provinces, and Aragon's forces ensured a victory. Once secure on her throne, she saw Juana deposed and sent to a convent - and Portuguese forces routed. France's troops never got past the border - they were routed by Basque fighters in the mountains. Isabella then spent the remainder of the war mopping up resistance in the interior. By this time she was pregnant, and would go on to have many children - spreading them across the thrones of Europe - with daughters eventually marrying into the thrones of Austria, Burgundy, Portugal and England. She also initiated the reconquest of Andalusia, defeating the ancient kingdom of Granada. She expanded into the Canary Islands, fought France to a standstill, imitated détente with Portugal, and imitated the colonization of the New World, claiming the first major Spanish colonies in Hispaniola, and in Cuba.
There was a dark side to Isabella, however. She was not forgiving to enemies, and would remember a slight decades later, annexing territories belonging to her aristocratic enemies decades after the Civil War ended. She was interested in expanding the authority of the crown at all expenses, and turned on her erstwhile allies to ensure Crown authority was cemented. This has led Tremlett to see Isabella as a proto-absolutist monarch. She sought above all to weaken the power of those around her and ensure the crown of Castile was the key authority in the realm. She initiated the Inquisition, a terrible purge that saw Converso's - recent converts to Christianity, arrested and tried in kangaroo courts before being burned at the stake. This was both a passion project for the highly zealous Isabella, and a way to cement control over the kingdom. Converso's were not protected by status, nobles and clergy, and even her close court confidents, were all tried and found guilty. Jews were also targeted and forcibly expelled from the country in a terrible pogrom that saw many of the cultural pillars of Iberia crumble away. Muslims were also targeted after the conquest of Granada, and many were forcibly exiled as well to North Africa. Isabella saw what she was doing as divine will, and the burnings at the stake, the expansion of Inquisitional police, and the centralization of religious authority under the crown (granted by a Spanish pope) all fit her idea of purifying Spain.
Even so, this is a remarkable figure in history. Her character traits were often considered "man-like" by her contemporary critics, but in truth most of society did not hesitate to follow this determined, driven and intelligent ruler. Her success was legendary, and she expanded the border of her kingdoms immeasurably - uniting the crowns into the nation of Spain, taking over Granada and the Canaries, cementing control in Naples and Sicily, and expanding colonies overseas. She also...more
Lenin: The Man, the Dictator, and the Master of Terror by Victor Sebestyen is a biographical look at Vladimir Illyich Ulyanov, or Lenin, the founder oLenin: The Man, the Dictator, and the Master of Terror by Victor Sebestyen is a biographical look at Vladimir Illyich Ulyanov, or Lenin, the founder of the Soviet Union and a life long communist revolutionary. Lenin was born in provincial Russia to a fairly well off family. His father worked as a school inspector in the region, and his mother was a Lutheran Christian. Both his parents were monarchists and conservatives, and raised their children in the Russian Orthodox Church. They were both quite progressive in their child rearing, however, and encouraged their children to read voraciously. All of their kids turned out to be revolutionaries looking to reform Tsarist Russia into a state, and most supported violent revolutionary groups on the left. Lenin became a convinced revolutionary after his older brother was executed for his role in a plot to murder the Tsar of Russia in St. Petersburg. He began to read Marxist texts at a young age, and became expert in political and economic theory. His family was constantly watched by the Okrhana, the Russian police force, which made getting an education difficult for Lenin. He was kicked out of upper school a few times for joining Marxist readining groups or participating in strikes and protests. He was eventually able to gain a degree in law, and at this time had found his true passion: writing revolutionary newspapers and flyers.
Lenin would over the years become an adept journalist, and most of his revolutionary career consisted of founding, writing, editing and smuggling newspapers in support of Marxist revolution. He began to take greater power in revolutionary circles due to his adept writing skills, and his amatuerish yet effective methods at smuggling print into the Tsarist regime. His participation in these fields led to his arrest and exile, first to Siberia, and then abroad, where he would live in Germnay, Switzerland, England and France. Sebestyen chronicles these journies; his marriage to his wife Nadya, a fellow revolutionary and an adept party organizer - she would be his rock throughout his life, and immensley supported him both personally and in his work.
Lenin had a difficult personality. He could be charming and direct, and was excellent and formulating ideas, and presenting and convincing others. He was also a strong manager of people, and adept at organizing and managing others. He was also opinionated to the extreme, and divisive in how he dealth with rivals. He would split from other fellow leftist revolutionaries, like the more extremist Socialist Revolutionaries, and the more passive communist Menshiviks. He was happy to divide and conquer, and used this tactic to divide the Bolsheviks that he would lead from other communist groups. This made him a rival of many influential communists, like Martov for example, but Lenin had no qualms about this. He would often berate those he disagreed with, and was harsh with others who presented ideological or tactical ideas that he disagreed with. He would often fly into rages at these times, often brought on by stress and overwork.
Lenin was the stereotypical Communist in many ways. Although born well off, he lived most of his life in exile, and in uncomfortable living conditions. He had spartan eating habits, worked almost all day, and did not enjoy frivolous activities like plays, entertainment, or drinking. He hated smoking, and banned it anywhere near him. His one true personal passion was the outdoors. He loved to go hiking, exploring and hunting, and was most at home in nature. When he flew into one of his rages, his wife would worry about his health, and take him on a vacation into the woods, up the mountains, or down to the beach.
Lenin was able to take power in Russia late in his life, and planned and executed his coup d'etat very well. Tsar Nicholas II, the last Tsar of Russia, was an unpopular autocrat. He believed strongly in his divine right as a ruler, and took little pity on his enserfed population. Although reforms had been coming along, they were moving too slow to stop the tide of Russians from turning against their emperor. Increasing numbers of young Russians in the late 1800's were turning to extremism and revolutionary movements to try and bring themselves bread, income, land, and just sheer survival. An early attempt at insurrection took place in 1905, with Lenin woefully unprepared. Lenin began to plan for the next revolution, as the 1905 upheaval was crushed by the Tsar brutally, with thousands of peasants executed by marauding bands of soldiers, and greater autocracy imposed on the population. The real catalyst to the overthrow of the Russian Empire, however, was WWI. This war destroyed the Russian economy, and the last tatters of support for the Emperor. The Tsar was overthrown by a Provisional government run by Kerensky, a charismatic figure with dictatorial ambitions. Kerensky set up a multi-party chamber, but from the outset despised the Socialists and Communists, and sought to undermine them. Lenin did not support the multi-party experiment (neither did most Russians) and actively sought to undermine it. This time he was prepared. He made sure that the Bolshevik units were organized enough, and when the time was ripe, struck. He overthrew the Kerensky administration with an armed coup, and installed the Soviet system provisionally (this too was removed after a show of trying it). He took power dictatorially, and ruled as an autocrat, much like his two predecessors.
In power he was ruthless. His years as a revolutionary had made him immune to sympathy for his opponents, and he actively encouraged peasant uprisings and lawlessness to ensure the destruction of the middle class and aristocratic class. He was supported in power by a close group of fellow revolutionaries, who soon took on the trappings of a new aristocracy. Lenin was much loved and feared by the general population, as the Tsar had been, but was skilled at building his state. Russia, at this time (1917 onward) was in chaos. Years of war against Germany had destroyed its economy, and demoralized its army. Millions of Russians were dead or captured, and much of the Western portions of the Empire were lost to independence movements. Lenin immediately ended the war with Germany, ceding territories in 1917 (although this cessestion was reversed after Germany's defeat in the West). He focused on the destruction of the landed class, appropriating religious properties, and eliminating rival groups for power, including the White Russian forces, the right wing nationalist Kadet's, and rival leftist parties. Millions of Russians fled the country for exile, and thousands were killed by these competing factions in brutal pogroms and crackdowns. Lenin initiated the Polish-Soviet war of 1919 in order to regain lost territories and progress the global communist movement. This war did not achieve its aim to eliminate Poland, as the Russian army was quite weak at this point. However, it did succeed in taking small amounts of Polish territory, and led to the eventual merger of the Soviet and Ukrainian SSR's in 1922. Lenin also enjoyed playing off his subordinates. The famous example is the emergence of the Trotsky-Stalin rivalry that ended with Stalin taking power following Lenin's death.
Lenin survived numerous assassination attempts in power, including one in 1919 where he was shot through the neck. This coupled with his legendary work ethic led to deteriorating health. He began to suffer strokes in the 1920's, and eventually succumbed to his third stroke in 1924. Against his express wishes, he became an icon of the Soviet Union, and was entombed in an elaborate mausoleum viewable by the public (to this day).
Lenin's legacy in the Soviet Union was massive. His autocratic style of rule, his personality cult, his politics and his ambitions were all passed along to his successors. The Soviet Union was characterized by its brutal drive for efficiency, its autocratic rule, and was plagued by corruption due to its Nomenklatura system of staffing. This style of rule was exported globally, with similar characters emerging in China (Mao) and North Korea (the Kim family). To this day, Lenin is a revered and controversial figure. He was brutal, cold and calculating, but also driven, intelligent, and passionate about removing the landed aristocracy from power in Russia. He was a devoted Marxist, but his realpolitik streak would see the Marxism he espoused become its own form of political theory (Leninism/Stalinism) which was characterized by communist collectivization, totalitarian style rule, and autocratic personal leadership. His system would spark imitations throughout the world, with much of Asia and Europe adopting Communist style governments (not always through Soviet expansion). This rival system would only collapse in the '90's, but remnants remain in North Korea, and increasingly again in China.
Sebestyen has written a very detailed and interesting account of Vladimir Lenin. His life is well documented and sourced, his movements tracked to great detail, and his politics and thought processes recorded. The book examines his life and those of his close confidants while building a picture of the birth of Communism in Russia and the creation of the USSR. This was a great biography, marred only by a few issues regarding tangents and off topic comments in some sections of the book. Other than this small criticism, this is a biography I would recommend to anyone interested in reading more about Lenin. ...more
The Lady and the Peacock: The Life of Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma, by Peter Popham is a biography of the current State Councillor (akin to PM) of MyanmaThe Lady and the Peacock: The Life of Aung San Suu Kyi of Burma, by Peter Popham is a biography of the current State Councillor (akin to PM) of Myanmar, and a figure of great interest in the West. Suu Kyi is the daughter of the founder of Burma/Myanmar, Aung San, who united the country against British colonial rule, fought with the Japanese in WWII, and eventually came out as President of the country, only to be assassinated mere months into his term. After this, various military juntas ruled the country, and this trend has continued right up to the easing of control in 2016. Suu Kyi's mother was a low-level politician with duties in the Foreign Affairs sphere of Myanmar, ostentatiously to see her removed from Myanmar proper. Suu Kyi left the country and settled in the United Kingdom for many years, married a local professor on Bhutanese culture, and was involved in academic circles in the UK. She returned to Myanmar to care for her sick mother, and became embroiled in local political troubles during the 8/8/88 uprising, which was forcefully put down by the military regime with hundreds killed.
Suu Kyi became the focal point for those hoping for a democratic transition of political power in Myanmar. This was because of her background as the daughter of Aung San. At first she was reluctant to become involved, as she was a wife and mother of two kids in the UK. However, she was won over to the democratic cause, and formed the National League for Democracy (NLD) as a political party and struggle group in Myanmar. She began to meet with local politicians, military leaders and civilians in Yangon (formerly Rangoon) and traveled the country meeting with local peoples across Myanmar. This led to the 1990's general election, which the military held to try and claim legitimacy for their rule. The NLD one a large majority of seats (<80%) with 59% of the popular vote. The military then claimed the winning party would not form a government, as a constitution for the country needed to be created. Suu Kyi and much of the NLD leadership was arrested at this time. Suu Kyi would spend much of the following decade+ under house arrest, even though her husband in the UK suffered a terrible illness and passed away.
The book ends basically with her in house arrest (it was written before her release and subsequent elevation to high political status in Myanmar). I will be frank by saying I did not enjoy this book. Popham's account pf Suu Kyi is sometimes interesting, but feels disjointed. His biography is glowing in its account, sometimes bafflingly so. Popham refers to Suu Kyi as "saintly," Gandhi-like, and references her "great beauty" numerous times. He focuses solely on perceived character traits, and little on actions, facts or even politics. His references to her physical appearance, her dress, and so on seems insulting to a politician. The book also fails in my opinion, from its lack of political information. Suu Kyi is leader of a political party that struggled for many years to gain legitimacy in the eyes of Myanmar's ruling elite. Why is their so little information on the inner workings of the NLD? Why so little information on Suu Kyi's strategic thought? Most of the book is on her travels throughout Myanmar, and has little to do with Myanmar's political history.
I may be spoiled somewhat with the quality of biography I have been reading of late, but Popham's book did not sit well with me. Although there are some interesting tidbits of information here and there, the biography comes off as shallow, overly praiseworthy, and of little substance. Frankly, I will recommend a hard-skip on this work, especially as Suu Kyi's political career in the leadership has just begun as of 2016. She has also become involved in the Rohingya Muslim issues affecting Myanmar, as she has failed to criticize the Rohingya massacres, and is on record stating Rohingya are "not Burmese" and do not belong in Myanmar. A mixed character, at times seeming like Burma's Gandhi, and at times like an aristocratic daughter of the former President, Suu Kyi is a developing figure who's fascinating career will one day be written about in an excellent biography. This one, however, is not worth the time. ...more
Deng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, by Ezra Vogel, is a fabulously written biography of one of modern China's most well regarded politicianDeng Xiaoping and the Transformation of China, by Ezra Vogel, is a fabulously written biography of one of modern China's most well regarded politicians. Deng Xiaoping was a fascinating character, who put the framework in place that China has used to modernize and bring millions of people out of poverty. He redesigned China's political landscape, radically altered its Marxist economy and put the necessary reforms in place to put China on the path to its current position in the world. Even so, his tenure in politics is not without controversy. He spent decades under Mao loyally towing the party line, took part in purges, and was responsible for purges of his own, including the notorious Tiananmen Square crackdown of 1989. Vogel has written an authoritative biography, chronicling the ups and downs of Deng Xiaoping with a neutral tone, fantastic sourcing and research, and intricate depth and detail often uncommon in a biography.
Deng Xiaoping was born in 1904 in Sichuan province, then under the control of China's final Imperial dynasty, the Qing. The Qing Dynasty collapsed in 1911, and China was thrown into turmoil as warlords competed for power and influence in the nation. The Republic of China (ROC), founded in 1912, was hard pressed to create stability in a nation in such turmoil. During this period, Deng Xiaoping grew up in Sichuan, and eventually went to Paris, France with an exchange program for Chinese youth. In Paris, Deng joined a Communist youth league, and became a devout Marxist. He engaged in political activity in France, and eventually fled to the Soviet Union, where he received. further education. He returned to China in 1927 and worked with a warlord who was supported by the Soviets. He became knowledgeable in military tactics through campaigns against the Kuomintang (KMT, or Nationalist Forces), and aided urban workers uprisings against the ROC. His forces were eventually defeated, and he fled to Jiangxi to join up with Communist forces. Deng's military skills were when the Japanese invaded China in the run up to World War II. Deng originally supported the unity government of Communist-Nationalist forces against the Japanese, and after the war ended, continued the struggle against KMT forces. Deng eventually ended up commanding the 2nd Field Army, and was instrumental in assisting Communist forces in succeeding in 1949. Thus the modern regime in China was formed.
Deng began his political life as a mayor of Chongqing, but by 1952 he was a rising star in Beijing. He held posts as Minister of Finance, Chairman of the Central Military Commission (CMC), and numerous other important posts. He became known as an excellent reformer, helping to stabilize the Chinese economy in the 1960's, and was also a well respected diplomat, as he was instrumental in negotiating an opening of relations with the United States, and was critical of the Soviets during the Sino-Soviet split. Mao had high hopes for Xiaoping, but as with many rising stars, Deng Xiaoping ended up being purged by Mao. The Chinese Chairman was nervous about the reformist faction in China gaining too much power, and ultimately, would end up purging Deng multiple times - in one such purge during the Cultural Revolution in the 1970's, Deng's son was thrown from a University tower by radical Red Guards, and crippled for life.
It seems unlikely that, after Mao's death in 1976, the 72 year old Deng Xiaoping would re-emerge as a prominent politician in China. Mao had handpicked Hua Guofeng as his successor, and Hua was similarly reform minded as Deng, while also being more well-liked by the radical Mao faction in the Chinese Communist Party. Hua ended up purging the radical elements of the Party, having the notorious Gang of Four arrested, and began to tentatively offer reforms while trying to maintain the cult status of Mao Zedong. However, many Party veterans who had been mistreated under Mao, would have none of it, and Deng, as a party veteran and well regarded reformer, quickly marginalized Hua and took power informally. He never held the highest title in China, but his word became law in 1977.
This is where Vogel's book really begins to shine. Most of this large biography is dedicated to the many reforms Deng instigated during his 15 year rule. Deng began to encourage market reforms from the bottom up, rescinding the collectivization of previous decades, allowing local corporations to begin operations, developing industry and ultimately encouraging and export-focused economy. His task of modernizing China was immense, and many hurdles remained. Deng began by reforming China's education system to encourage technical knowledge over political doctrine. He sent politicians and industrialists abroad to Japan, the US and Europe both to learn new techniques for management and organization, as well as to open the eyes of China's Party to just how far China had fallen behind. Deng also had to balance the competing forces of rapid modernization with slow growth. Both sides had valid arguments, but Deng worried that growth too rapid would encourage inflation, corruption and an erosion of Chinese stability. Slow reformers, on the other hand, espoused more traditional party doctrine, and were often hostile to reforms.
Deng was also faced with a bloated and inefficient military at a time when Vietnamese and Soviet forces in south-east Asia were threatening Chinese interests in the region. This led to a rapid strike on Vietnam, a la the Indian border conflict, to teach the Soviets and Vietnamese that China was not to be tampered with. Although Chinese forces performed poorly during the war, Deng used this as a pretext to retire a number of Chinese officers from the bloated military structure, and focus on improving equipment and organizational structure. The excess savings from cutting back on military spending also allowed Deng to shift more money into developing the economy.
During this period, China's economy began to flourish. Market led reforms and a rationalization of government organizational structures and management practices encouraged rapid growth at the Industrial level. Chinese GDP doubled multiple times under Deng, and would skyrocket toward the new millennium. This was because Deng focused on training new managers and bureaucrats, supported Chinese technical advancement, and re-focused the Chinese economy on manufacturing and processing. China received technical aid from Japan in a big way, and also looked to the United States - then on friendly terms with China, to offer new ideas in management, labour organization, engineering and R&D. China began to develop its transportation systems, encourage market-led initiatives to promote economic growth, and opened up the system to greater economic freedoms for ordinary citizens. He did not go too far, however. Deng was hostile to democratization, feeling it would be too soon to allow China to become a democracy, and instead focused on guided capitalism to grow the economy. Special Economic Zones (SEZ)'s were created first in Guangzhou, to compete with Hong Kong, and then in Shanghai and numerous other areas. These SEZ's were allowed to step away from party doctrine and experiment with new economic and political techniques to both encourage growth and develop tools and techniques for the rest of China.
Deng also focused on integrating peripheral regions of China. Although he never saw Hong Kong returned to China after its 99 year lease to the United Kingdom came to pass, he was instrumental in negotiating the terms of its return, and developed the One Nation, Two Systems principle to stabilize its return. Hong Kong was (and remains) an important hub for trade, finance and high tech industry, and Deng promised Hong Kong's systems, including its free press, local democratic organization, and free-market system would remain for 50 years. This Two Systems principle was also directed at Taiwan. Deng made great efforts to try and see Taiwan returned to China, and China's friendly relations with the US were encouraging. China was able to negotiate down the US commitment to Taiwan marginally, but ultimately Deng was unable to see Taiwan merged with the mainland - a situation that remains to this day. The other major area of concern was Tibet. Tibet was, and remains, a controversial part of China, as its cultural history is quite different from that of China. Tibet has been restive under Chinese rule, and its people adept at gaining sympathy from Western press. This made Tibet difficult to control. Deng sought to encourage respect for local customs, but also encouraged rapid development in Tibet to try and encourage stronger ties between Tibet and China. These systems did help develop Tibet, but the results were mixed, as Tibet remains restive and hostile to Chinese rule.
Deng was also a key participant in the Tiananmen Square crackdown in 1989. This was a time of turmoil in Asia, as the President-come Dictator of Philippines, Marcos, was overthrown by popular protest. This incident had a resounding impact in both China and Taiwan, both authoritative at the time. Chinese students demonstrated in favour of political reform and democratic transition. This movement for rapid reform was too much for even the reform-minded Deng, and a crackdown was authorized. This led to over 200 deaths, as Chinese PLA forces and police units moved in to the Square and forcefully cleared it. Deng had previously enacted two crackdowns in the early 1980's as well, both against vocal critiques of the PRC.
Deng Xiaoping is one of China's great politicians. Reform-minded, determined and possessing an intense passion for his nation, Deng led China through a difficult period of transition as China emerged from its dark years and began to motor down the road to reform. China's economy has skyrocketed in recent decades, with millions of people brought out of grinding poverty. Although China remains controversial in many ways, not least its working conditions, it has still made leaps and bounds both economically and politically. Deng created the framework for these reforms, and pushed China in new directions. Although not free of controversy, and supportive of authoritarian systems, Deng is still widely respected as China's great Reformer, and his reputation is well deserved. Vogel has written the definitive biography of Deng Xiaoping. It is neither glowing, nor overly critical, and instead focuses solely on facts and results. Vogel's biography is extremely easy to read, fascinating, well sourced and full of incredible detail. This biography is easily recommended for those hoping to learn more about one of China's greatest politicians, as well as those interested in modern Chinese politics. This is the best biography on Deng Xiaoping around, and I could certainly recommend it to anyone looking for an excellent and in-depth read....more