In Search of Ahimsa upon an understanding of violence in

absolutist terms.

Ahimsa and Injustice

T
he cover of Nonviolence in Modern book reviewS way of keeping dominant elites in place.
Indian History, a collection of V Geetha’s essay, “Travelling with Non-
essays edited by David Hardiman, Nonviolence in Modern Indian History edited by violence,” dwells on the manner in which
shows Gandhian activist P V Rajagopal David Hardiman, Hyderabad: Orient BlackSwan, 2017; Gandhi tried to balance the claims of
addressing a large gathering of the Ekta pp ix + 259, `1,095. justice and love or compassion. Geetha
Parishad in 2007. This can easily lead a significantly highlights that for Gandhi,
reader to expect that the book contains Deva’s discomfort with the many possi- injustice and wrongdoing were inher-
answers to one of the most urgent ques- ble interpretations of what is essentially ently violent. The central question today
tions of our times: How can non-violence a metaphysical concept. is this: Can there be conversion of hearts
be an effective counter to hatred and It is Tridip Suhrud’s essay, titled in response to what Gandhi termed the
polarisation in contemporary India? “Fiery Ordeal: Conundrums of Ahimsa,” politics of “anguished love?” As Geetha
Those seeking clear and direct answers that gives the reader an intimate writes, “sustained exchanges between
to this question will be disappointed. understanding of Gandhi’s definition of the arbiters of injustice and the votaries
Instead, this book offers glimpses of past violence and non-violence. The fiery of justice ought to constitute the struggle
struggles to practise nonviolence which ordeal was a term used by Gandhi to for justice” (pp 229–30).
can inform that quest for answers. describe the moral dilemma he faced at Geetha, who is a dedicated and insight-
one juncture on whether or not to end ful scholar of Ambedkar’s writings, gives
Ahimsa as Love the agony of a terminally ill calf at a nuanced description of what she calls the
First of all, how ahimsa is defined is Sabarmati Ashram. Gandhi supported “disconcerted agony” that Gandhi expe-
crucial. In the first chapter of the book, putting an end to the calf’s agony as rienced after signing of the Poona Pact:
an essay by Hardiman on the shifting an act of love, even though he knew While he (Gandhi) had circumvented B R
meanings of ahimsa in Indian history, that public opinion would not approve Ambedkar’s firm commitment to justice and
gives a brief overview of different types of his action. But, an act of conscience made him settle for a measure that left Dal-
of violence as understood by various and performance of duty, Gandhi was its linked to the caste Hindus while grant-
ing them concessions—this is the form that
traditions of the subcontinent. The cat- clear, cannot be made contingent on
compassion took in this instance—he re-
egories include accidental, occupation- public opinion. alised that the love he sought, both for his
al, protective and intentional violence. Suhurd, reading Gandhi in the origi- cause and the untouchables was vulnerable
Of these, only the intentional type has nal Gujarati, suggests that the appro- to being expressed as bad faith, and in fact
traditionally been deemed to be himsa priate English word for the term ahimsa could be deeply flawed—this in fact was
the burden of his many speeches during the
or violence. is love rather than non-violence. This is
years 1933–36. He expressed his anguish
Hardiman notes that personal prac- why Gandhi’s definition of violence at the patronising tone that caste Hindus
tice of non-violence, by Jains for instance, was any act of causing pain to, wishing adopted; he was unhappy with the paltri-
has been applied formulaically rather ill to, or killing a living being that ness of spirit that some of them exhibited,
than as an ideal and method to create was driven by anger or a selfish intent, and when in 1935 Ambedkar proclaimed
his desire to not die a Hindu, he wrote in a
a better world. Nevertheless, Gandhi’s that is, the opposite of love. That is
letter to Vallabhbhai Patel that howsoever
ambitious endeavour for non-violence why swaraj and ahimsa were inextri- one read this decision, the fact remained
had to contend with the claim, made cable for Gandhi; for swaraj was the that even now caste Hindus and others were
among others by Lala Lajpat Rai, that act of ruling or controlling one’s mind more committed to win Ambedkar to their
ahimsa had contributed to the emascu- and passions. point of view, with respect to conversion,
rather than fighting untouchability. He also
lation and downfall of India. On the Acknowledging that perfect control
noted that Ambedkar had every right to
contrary, Gandhi argued, the truth of over the self and, thus, perfect ahimsa want to opt out of Hinduism and that his an-
ahimsa had either been ignored or is not possible in the human frame, ger was entirely justified. It was the Hindus
perverted for over 1,500 years. Gandhi’s struggle was to find ways to that were indebted to Dalits, he pointed out,
Varying interpretations of non-vio- keep ahimsa within the human grasp, and it would behove them to pay that debt,
which in Gandhi’s lexicon translated into a
lence posed a problem even during the that is, not to define it in a manner that
programme of serving and suffering. (p 232)
freedom struggle. Anil Nauriya’s essay makes it unrealisable. This is a crucial
on “Nonviolent Action and Socialist clue for contemporary efforts to work These details of historical record are
Radicalism” describes Acharya Narendra with non-violence: they cannot be built particularly important at a time when a
22 MAY 4, 2019 vol lIV no 18 EPW Economic & Political Weekly
 BOOK REVIEW

far more one-dimensional, or biased, found that the frequency of non-violent People Power Movements in Nondemocracies
recollection of the Poona Pact is more movements has been increasing over (2005), argues that, on the contrary, non-
common. At the same time there remains time, while the success rate of violent violent resistance is both radical and
the danger of ahimsa being deployed as a movements has been declining. Still revolutionary and can be used to chal-
tool in the hands of elites. Nauriya’s essay more significantly, the study noted that lenge structural violence. In a narrative
counters this anxiety by highlighting that, extreme repression creates a “backfire that traverses from the Bhoodan Move-
in Acharya Narendra Deva’s assessment, effect,” which increases support for a ment to the land rights struggles of the
Gandhian non-violence can be established non-violent struggle. Ekta Parishad in India today, Schock de-
only by elimination of exploitation. While this analysis is heartening for scribes the organisational methodology.
all those who oppose repressive regimes Among the strands common to both
Strategic Non-violent Resistance there is also a severe limitation in the movements Schock identifies Vinoba’s
Over the last 70-odd years there has been statist mentality of such non-violent principle of tantramukti, namely freedom
a global proliferation of non-violent resistance. As Hardiman writes: from any formal structure. This implies a
resistance. But, how much of strategic Capturing State power and transforming a people’s movement that is self-activating
use of non-violent resistance, in different society through the work of a constitutional rather than dependent on formal organi-
corners of the world, actually qualifies government that is responsible to an elector- sations. But, this, argues Schock, may
ate is regarded as the panacea. It celebrates
as ahimsa? well have contributed to the demise of the
a form of coup d’etat while downplaying the
Hardiman’s essay “Nonviolent Resist- fact that all too often the interest groups that Bhoodan Movement after Vinoba retired
ance in India 1915–47” offers some clues gain office by such means start to misappro- from activism in 1969. Perhaps learning
because it is mostly a review of Western priate resources for themselves and govern from those mistakes, the Ekta Parishad
literature both studying Gandhi’s en- in corrupt and repressive ways. Without on- has built a decentralised network of
going resistance that builds new institutions
deavour in India and movements across from below, there is no genuine democracy— organisations that presumably enable it
the world since the end of colonialism. at least not in the sense that radical critics of to retain spontaneity while having a ful-
This includes, naturally, the works of constitutional democracy (such as Gandhi) crum that holds it all together. However,
Gene Sharp who argued that non-violent have understood it. (p 84) while Bhoodan challenged the notion of
resistance is preferable not because it is Above all, what matters most is the private property, Ekta Parishad does not.
morally right, but because it is more ex- ongoing process of non-violence as a Given that land distribution is a highly
pedient for defeating the opponent and public culture rather than, what are often, charged issue across the global South, a
creating a more lasting result. Hardiman short term victories over state power. In movement like Ekta Parishad is acutely
points out that Sharp’s work set a pat- India, this has been evident in various relevant. Schock writes:
tern for work in this field which cited movements, notably the Chipko Move- Since increasing land inequality plagues
historical examples in a simplistic man- ment and the Narmada Bachao Andolan. India and the violent Naxalite movement
ner and tailored them to fit the claim in In addition there have been lesser is growing, Gandhian movements are cru-
favour of expediency. known successes by individual activists cial as they aim to promote justice while
also breaking cycles of violence rather than
Hardiman argues that such theorists such as Jagannathan, whose story is
perpetuating them. (p 228)
have been driven by their need to make told in one chapter of the book.
a convincing case to a Western readership Published by Orient BlackSwan as
that non-violence is a viable method for Ahimsa and Tantramukti part of its Gandhi Studies series, this book
challenging oppressive power. In order Kurt Schock’s essay titled “Gandhian is a somewhat disparate collection of es-
to do this, both the moral dimension and Struggles for Land in India” takes on the says that provide a historical overview,
Gandhi’s emphasis on constructive work claim that non-violent resistance tends but may leave you hungry for a more de-
are underplayed in order to make non-vio- to be a “bourgeois” method of struggle tailed understanding of how non-violence
lence look more widely practicable. that is suitable only for extending repre- has proven to be a practicable ideal.
Therefore, Hardiman gives a detailed sentative democracy and a market-based
review of Why Civil Resistance Works: The economy. Schock, who is also author of Rajni Bakshi (rajnibakshi@yahoo.com) is a
Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conflict (2011) a major book, Unarmed Insurrections: freelance journalist based in Mumbai.
by Erica Cehnoweth and Maria J Stephan,
perhaps the most extensive study on the EPW Index
topic. Chenoweth and Stephan com- An author-title index for EPW has been prepared for the years from 1968 to 2012. The PDFs of the
pared 323 protest campaigns across the Index have been uploaded, year-wise, on the EPW website. Visitors can download the Index for
world from 1900 to 2006, of which, all the years from the site. (The Index for a few years is yet to be prepared and will be uploaded
about one-third were predominantly when ready.)
nonviolent. While only 25% of the vio- EPW would like to acknowledge the help of the staff of the library of the Indira Gandhi Institute
lent movements succeeded in attaining of Development Research, Mumbai, in preparing the index under a project supported by the
their goal, 53% of the non-violent move- RD Tata Trust.
ments were a success. The study also
Economic & Political Weekly EPW MAY 4, 2019 vol lIV no 18 23