MARIN COUNTY FREE LIBRARY

3 1111

INGO HESSEL
01886 7521 U IT
Photography by DIETER HESS el
WW
 U.S.A. $45.00

"What we show in our carvings is the

life we have lived in the past right up
to today. We show the truth
— Paulosie Kasadluak
The Inuit of the Canadian Arctic have
created a contemporary art form that
is acclaimed for its striking imager}-,
exquisite beauty and occasional
whimsy. In these powerful works the
Inuits unique way of life, traditional
myths and beliefs, and the animals of
the Arctic spring vividly to life.

Inuit Art is the first book to intro-

duce the range of Inuit sculpture,
full

prints, drawings, and textiles.

The roots of Inuit art lie in the
prehistoric past and the influence of
European visitors since the sixteenth
century. Contemporary Inuit art, as
seen here, emerged in the late 1940s,
attracting a wide and enthusiastic
audience almost overnight The Inuit
have continued to develop and refine
their distinctive art ever since.
Combining historical perspectives
with cultural insights, Ingo Hessel's
authoritative text surveys community
and individual artistic styles, themes.
and aesthetic approaches. The elegani
gallery of more than 50 superb full-
1

color and black-and-white photo-

graphs by Dieter Hessel showcases
artworks from major museums and
private collections. Brief descriptions
of techniques and materials, as well
as insights into both traditional
and modern Inuit community life sei
the works in context And George
Swinton, a leading authority on Inuit
art. discusses the achievements ot
the art form.
This lavishly illustrated book will
be of great interest to art lovers and
collectors alike.

154 illustrations, including UOplates

in full coloi
I N U I T ART
 N U TART
AN INTRODUCTION

INGO HESSEL
PHOTOGRAPHY BY DIETER HESSEL
WITH A FOREWORD BY GEORGE SWINTON

HARRY N. ABRAMS, INC., PUBLISHERS

 1

This book is dedicated to the memory of Alma Houston

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data t (Front -.

Parr m
Hessel, Ingo. Pnnimak
Inuit art : an introduction Ing
by Dieter I lessel , ton-word
p. cm.
Includes bibliographical references and index
Parr s

ISBN 0-8109
but he quick cr hand and
i. Inuit art — Canada I I

tion This imaj

E99.E7H493 1998
imily. animals and the hun-
704.00} '971 2 — dc2i drawing style is translated admin

Copyright 11,- I lessel

Photographs copyright
Foreword copyright !

First published in Canada l-

Published m t j

All right 1. id ma)

be reproduced without th< written p iblisher

Printed and bound in Hong Kong

IS, 111!

too Fifth Avenue

New York, N V 10011
www abramsboi

I diting by Saeko Usukawa

litkunas
 CONTENTS

FOREWORD BY GEORGE SWINTON vii

PREFACE ix

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS x

1 THE ARCTIC AND THE INUIT 3

2 ART OF THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD 13

3 ART OF THE HISTORIC PERIOD (1770s TO 1940s) 21

1 THE DAWN OF CONTEMPORARY INUIT ART (1949 TO 1955) 29

5 THEMES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART 37

6 SCULPTURE: TRADITION AND NEW DIRECTIONS 73

7 GRAPHIC ARTS I 37

8 TEXTILE ARTS I 7 I

ART AND INUIT IDENTITY 185

NOTES 190

BIBLIOGRAPHY 194

INDEX 197
 FOREWORD
BY GEORGE SWI NTON

FEEL VERY FORTUNATE to be writing a foreword to Ingo Hessel's 1 mill Art. An Introduction

When Ingo first told me that he planned to produce an illustrated book on Inuit art as art (in

I the sense of our traditional Western concept of quality achievement) and not as a folksy, pro-

motional, illustrated coffee-table book, I immediately asked him to allow me to write a foreword

to it. Ingo has always represented to me the kind of enthusiastic interest and attitude which have

been so regularly neglected by many who were involved in the promotion of Inuit art. When he

and I think of Inuit art, we think about the best and the most significant of what we see coming

out of the Arctic. We honestly do. We appreciate the pleasure we get from it.

Value judgments are, of course, a most delicate matter, probably as much of opinion as of

knowledge, and certainly, I hope, not merely of taste. This issue has become especially contested

now. Many non-native opinions and preferences are being challenged by those who advocate

and extol the virtues of purely ethnocentric prerogatives. Others, including me, stand by the
preference for quality over ethnicity in art, even while we truly recognize and admire the impor-

tance of the latter as one of the motivating forces behind Inuit art. Yet, I am keenly aware that,

for all our admiration, our sense of quality is based by necessity on traditional humanistic

Western values of art and aesthetics.

Even though Inuit Art: An Introduction is based on these traditional Western values —which
operate somewhat differently from those of Inuit who were brought up within their largely

egalitarian, nonjudgmental, native lifestyles — the book succeeds in bringing about an almost

universal awareness and appreciation of what so often and so loosely is called "Inuit art," beyond

the mere exploration of its historical and cultural context and the evolution of Inuit society. For,

precisely, this is the reason why Inuit art from its very beginning received so much appreciation

and recognition in the south. And, indeed, Ingo's perception and comprehension of Inuit art are
located as much in the direction of quality as in its ethnic nature.

I well remember that a quarter century ago, when I discussed the work of four Puvirnituq
David Ruben Piqtoukun (born
1950), Paulatuk/Toronto
artists of whom I was particularly fond (Davidialuk Amittu, josie Papialuk, Charlie Sivuarapik
Spirit World of the Imut. 1984 Winnipeg Art Gallery exhibition catalogue, called "The
and joe Talirunili) in an article for a I it

Grey Brazilian stone, ivory, red

Arizona pipe stone, black African Povungnituk Paradox: Typically Untypical Art." Today, I could still write articles about hunt
wondcrstone, antler inlay, 45.6 x
artists under the same title. But, thank goodness, I no longer need to do so, for the understand-
36.4 x 29.6
An Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel
and presented by Ingo book does exactly that.
ing and recognition of Inuit art artists as in this
and Esther Sarick, 1996
Very concisely, too. And while it provides a sensitive overview of what Inuit art means to the
"An old shaman is telling stories

of how the Inuit people, ani- author, and does so honestly and convincingly in the written text, the illustrations give powerful
mals and spirit world co-exist.
witness to Ingo's sense for the varying kinds of quality which are typical for individual Inuit
Images of ceremonial masks,
animals and people appear and artists but do not typify Inuit art in general. I applaud such a stand, but 1 also realize that it is

the powerful bear-spirit sup-

contrary to some widely held opinions for which Inuit art is popularly known, admired and
ports the whole sculpture,"

says the artist (Wight 1989:61). bought. Yet, on the other hand, it is this special quality of the ethnic aspect that has brought to

I le

although
believes that shamans,

their powers are gone,

limit art its recognition — nationally and internationally — from art collectors, from several art

live through artists like himself museums and from a surprisingly possessive Canadian cultural consciousness
 The strange aspect of this recognition of Inuit art as a maior Canadian cultural achievement

is that this very recognition is now considered by some as an "act of cultural appropriation in

complete disregard of Inuit value systems and cultural prerogatives." In several ways, of course, it

is more or less just that, as the examples illustrated have not been chosen on the basis of egali-

tarian principles but on the basis of selectivity and a knowledgable consciousness of an that is at

the same time aware of and sensitive to context We should remember that knowledgable selec-
tivity is another of the reasons that Inuit art was so enthusiastically recognized in the first place.

And in that sense. In;, -traduction is much more than a mere overview. It is a celebra-

tion of fifty years of contemporary Inuit art. I would assert that it is also a celebration of the
Inuit act of contributing so powerfully to the culture of Canada. I know that Ingo thinks that
id. indeed, so did I. when, some forty years earlier on my first visit to the north. I d

cred that there was no such thing as Eskimo art." There was only art. art made by Inuit — the

art which is now called Inuit art" and which this book celebrates so convincing
PREFACE

I .mi an Inuk
one whose ancestors sheltered
in the winter igloo of the great arctic;
One whose future is free

like the wild animal

of the arctic spirit.

1 am an Inuk
who was given a place in the tundra so

I could remember the cold winter

darkness and the bright spring day.
I am an Inuk
and I know that my heart is free

to go where all animals are free.

— simionie kunnuk, "My Past, My Future"

BOOK ISA GENERAL INTRODUCTION to the art oC the Inuit (formerly called
T-HIS
Eskimos) who live in Canada's Arctic. It is not an exhaustive survey — more than a million

artworks have been produced by some 4,000 Inuit over the past five decades — but it pro-

vides an overview of some of the major regional, community and individual artists' styles in

three important areas: sculpture, graphic arts (drawings and prints) and textiles. It also presents

the cultural, historical and socio-economic background to Inuit art-making.

In looking at Inuit art, it is best to leave our preconceptions behind, for it does not always con-

form to European or American notions about art and art-making. There are those who argue that

the art of a culture should be judged only by members of that society. But Inuit art, which is pro-

duced primarily for "export," surely speaks not only of its own culture but also to the recipient one.

Contemporary Inuit art has made its creators and their culture famous throughout the world.
Were it not for the tremendous outpouring of artworks, the Inuit might possibly be just another

interesting anthropological footnote in the history of the world's cultures. Memories of life on

the land are still fresh, especially for older Inuit, and the past is very much alive in Inuit culture.

Although much of the art does dwell on the past for inspiration, it is important to remember

that Inuit society is not "frozen in time." Given the spontaneous nature ot the art, however, per-

haps we may be forgiven if we are occasionally seduced into believing that Inuit continue to live

the life that they portray, and often glorify, in their sculptures, graphics and textiles.

While much Inuit art is "about" traditional culture and values, it is also very much an
expression of the experiences, values and aesthetics of individual artists who have had to come

to grips with profound and rapid change in the second half of the twentieth century. Inuit art is

often "autobiographical," even if specific events are not always depicted, and it reflects the lite

histories of its makers as well as their artistic talents.

By combining cultural and biographical elements with an appreciation ot the communica-

tive power and beauty of individual works, we may begin to truly understand and appreciate the

complexity — and the miracle — of Inuit an.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

HIS BOOK WOULD NOT HAVE BEEN POSSIBLE without the help and support

number of people and institutions.

T" For their many personal and professional courtesies. Dieter and I owe a special dc.

gratitude to the following curators of Inuit art: Cynthia Cook at the Art Gallery of Ontario

(Toronto). Christine Lalonde. Acting Curator at the National Gallery of Canada (Ottawa). Darlene
Wight at the Winnipeg Art Gallery, and Odette Leroux at the Canadian Museum of Civilization
(Hull. Quebec). We are also greatly indebted to Shannon Bagg. Roger Baird. Kellv Cameron.
Kitty Bishop-Glover. Ann Rae and Pat Sutherland at the Canadian Museum of Civilization: Faye
van Home at the Art Gallery of Ontario Susan Campbell at the National Gallery of Can

and Dyane Cameron and Margot Rousset at the Winnipeg Art Gallery, as well as to numerous
other staff members at these institut;

I am most grateful to Stephen Rothwell. Lon Cutler. |oanne Logan and Frederica Cameron at

the Department of Indian Affairs and Northern Development for their kind ind support.

I wish to thank Terry Ryan and |ohn Westren of Dorset Fine Arts. David Wilson and
Heather Beecroft of Canadian Arctic Producers, [im McDonagh of La Federation d

Coopcrames d\.\ Nouveau-Quebec, Sally Qmirniu naaq Webster of Baker Lake Fine Arts and
Harold Seidelman of Images Art Gallery for their help in obtaining missions, and

other i

I lal thanks are owed to Robert McGhee at the Canadian Museum of Civilization for his

kind help, and for h itch furthered m\ understanditv

set culture and art A special thank \ rah Htckm
|imm\ Manning at the West Barhn Eskimo Co-operative. Dennis Hillman and Denise Gagnon at

Martin Legault at tfu - i Roht. Eric

Leinberger and Simionie Kunnuk, for their ad

ie Routledge. Curator of Inuit Art at the National Caller. - particular

mention for the many years of discussion and collaboration in our search to develop a framework
for understanding Inuit sculpture. I will a! •
iteful to Jean Blodgett. who introduced me
to and encouraged me to pursue my studies m the field of Inuit art And I owe a . il debt

>winton for his advice, comments and suggestions, as well as his foreword to this book,

but more importantly, for inspiring much thought and reflection over the years. Thank .

We wish to thank our publisher Scott Mclntyrc for his faith in this project, and for his hard

work in helping to make it happen Thanks to Saeko Usukawa, Editorial Director at Doul;

Mclntyre, for her guidance, patience and excellent advice, and I Vaitkunas for his beau-

tiful design o\' the book

We would like to extend our warmest thanks and appreciation to our wives, Dieter to

Colleen Clancev and I to Kumiko Murasugi, for their advice, support and hard work

\nd Bnally, I would like to thank Canada's hunt artists, who have enriched my lite and the

lives of so mam others with their vision and their art.

I N U I T ART
 Kalaalht Nun
(Greenland)
Beaufort
Sea

The Inuit across Canada's Arctic shared most Mackenzie

were Inuit
aspects of their culture, but there Iglulingmiut
regional differences. The tribal groups (and Copper
smaller bands) each associated themselves with
a particular

were
geographic area or lifestyle,

identified with the suffix miut ("people of").

and
Northwest Ter
Inuit

Netsilingmiut
w
r
The Mackenzie Inuit. who had close cultural
links with nearby Alaska, had a rich and varied Caribou
supply of food (including moose, beaver and Inuit
Sallirmiut Labrador
muskoxen) as well as access to wood. They Ungava Inuit
lived in relatively large communities but by 1900 Inuit
were almost wiped out by epidemics. (The
majority of today's Western Arctic Inuit, who
200 miles Quebe
are descended from fairly recent Alaskan immi- Manitoba

grants, refer to themselves as Inuvialuit rather Saskatchewan Ontario

200 kilometres
than Inuit.)

The Copper Inuit made use of native copper

deposits in their region and traded it with world is lit only by the dim light of the Aurora Borealis and the moon reflected on snow. The
other groups. They hunted muskoxen and cari-
Arctic summer lasts only one to two months, with average temperatures ranging from 5' c to
bou in the summer and sea mammals in winter.

The Netsilingmiut ("people of the place

i5°c (40°F to 6o°f), but continuous daylight and the appearance of tiny, beautiful flowers make
where there is seal") relied on marine mam- it a special time of year.
mals, especially seals, and were renowned as
practitioners of magic.
Despite the harsh climate, the Arctic supports over eight hundred species of plants, several

The Caribou Inuit were mostly inland people hundred animal species and a few dozen bird species.
who depended almost totally upon the spring
and fall migrations of caribou herds.
TRADITIONAL LIFE
The Sallirmiut were so distinct from other
groups that it is thought they might be descen-
The traditional Inuit were a seminomadic hunting people divided into several regional tribal
dants of Dorset peoples. Sadly, they were com-
pletely wiped out by disease in 1902-3. groupings. These were further divided into small bands and extended families who travelled

The Iglulingmiut hunted a variety of game together, combining their knowledge and resources to survive. The sharing of food and other
including marine mammals (especially walrus
necessities, in times of plenty and in times of dire need, was an integral part of Inuit society.
and whales), caribou and birds.

The South Baffin Inuit. whose lives resem-

Although the eldest male was generally considered to be the head of the camp, there were no
bled those of their Iglulingmiut neighbours, Most important
elected or hereditary leaders. decisions, such as resolving disputes, were made
were the first group to have regular contact
with Europeans.
by elders or co-operatively by the group. Their goal was to maintain harmony and not to deter-

The Ungava and Labrador Inuit who, like

mine guilt or innocence, or to mete out punishment.
the Mackenzie Inuit, had access to wood as well Kinship ties were extremely important, as most people were related to one another through
as trade ties with Indian groups, hunted caribou
and marine mammals (including bowhead whales). blood, marriage, adoption and ritual partnerships. Marriages, generally arranged in childhood,

were very stable, although spouse-sharing and polygamy were occasionally practised. Elders
were respected for their knowledge and wisdom, and children were doted on and rarely pun-
ished. Even so, in times of great hardship it was considered necessary to kill the old and sick, or

the very young — especially baby girls —so that the others might survive.

Men went out to hunt, while women stayed behind to take care of the camp. Hunting

required a number of specialized skills: weather forecasting, landmark and celestial navigation,

dogsledding, tracking, knowledge of animal behaviour, making weapons, butchering and

AND THE INUIT

caching, and constructing shelters. Running a camp and a home also required numerous skills:

butchering and preparing skins, rendering fat, sewing clothing and tents, making tools, prepar-

ing food, tending lamps, caring for children and gathering plant foods.

In winter. Inuit lived in snowhouses on the sea ice and hunted animals such as seals and
walruses (Figure }); in summer, they split up into smaller groups and moved inland, setting up
skin tents at fishing spots and caribou-hunting grounds (Figure 4). In autumn. Inuit caught
numbers offish in stone weirs; fish and meat were dried or cached in preparation for the winter

months. The diet of meat and fish was supplemented by plants and bird eggs gathered in the

warmer months.
Long considered masters of technological adaptation and improvisation. Inuit depended
upon animals for food as well as the raw materials for clothing and shelter, tools and weap
fuel and transportation. Furs and skins from caribou, seals and polar bears — sometimes even
birds and fish were made into clothing and footwear. Skins were also used for tents, blankets.

I larger boats called umiaks. Bones, antlers and ; iriety

of tools such .is needles, knives and harpoon he '

d) could be fashioned

from strong yet flexible antler and bone. Sinew was used as thread and twine, and animal
primarily from seals, was rendered into oil for fuel Rare materials such as

ts and qulliu. or oil lamps) were usually acquired through trade, drift

isionally found along beach

The best-known and most ingenious example of Inuit techn. he winter

ir domed snow I-
'
small, simple igloo made of bl
packed snow could be pieced together in less than an hour. Although most iglo

single room, more permanent structures could be fairly large (4 metres 12 feet in diameter and

almost } metres «j feet high) and have several chambers The sunken entrance tunnel pro -

the interior from fierce winds and helped prevent cold air from entering I I sleep-

ing platform covered with furs provided further comfort Each winter camp had
monial igloo for games or test:

lb pass si vinter evenings, Inuit developed mar entertainment:

drum dancing and singing, throat singing, storytelling, contests and

wrestling and arm. leg or mouth pulling were tests of strength, whiU nilar to cup and
ball) and other games required agility and hand-eve co-ordination, and often im "Ming.

irytelling was a favourite pastime Although there were tales of the hunt vie

morality fables, most were myths, legends, songs ,md stones about gods, heroes and spirit

beings Through this rich oral tradition, the Inuit con s their his-

nplishments, as well as ideas about creation, kinship and taboos, hunting

and magic, and spirit worlds The details o\~ a myth might vary from region to region and no

doubt altered over time, but the myth's relevance and meaning remained clear

With its tradition of oral history, limit culture is inseparable from its language. Inuktitut.

The word Inuit simply means "the people" in Inuktitut. with fnuk being the singular noun "per-

son." Inuktitut belongs to the Eskimo-Aleut family of languages, which are classified as poh syn-

thetic: a single word consisting of numerous roots, prefixes and suffixes can express ideas that

require several words in a language like English Six distinct regional dialects exist today

The importance of the land and its animals to the Inuit was reflected in their traditional

spiritual beliefs, which constituted a form of nature worship. Powerful gods and spirits were
 . ^jU

believed to control the forces of weather and the migration of animals. The role of the angakok
I skimo Camp at Mouth of
Coppermine River (or shaman, male or female) was to act as an intermediary with the supernatural world to
(near present-day Kugluktuk),
favourably influence these forces. Shamans were invested with tremendous strength, the power
1 91
Photo by J.J. O'Neill, Canadian Arctic to fly and the ability to endure great pain; they were much relied upon to heal the sick, but were
Expedition 1913-1916, courtesy
also feared. Inuit also believed that the spirit of every human and animal lived on after death;
Geological Survey of Canada (38663)

When spring arrived, Copper

moreover, each person could rely on at least one "helping spirit." They protected themselves
Inuit moved off the sea ice, from harm with magic charms or amulets, and avoided sickness or disaster by observing strict
caching their winter gear and
dispersing into smaller family
taboos. Many taboos related to observing the separation of land and sea. For example, seal and
groups. They travelled to inland caribou meat were not eaten together or even cooked in the same pot, and walrus skins were not
hunting grounds in search of
muskoxen and
caribou, fish.
to be sewn during caribou-hunting season (McGhec 19883:10).
Summer life was more
nomadic, with tents and other
belongings carried on the CULTURAL CHANGE
backs of Inuit and their dogs.

The Norse were the first Europeans to reach the Canadian Arctic, landing in Labrador before
a.d. 1000 and even attempting to colonize along the coasts of Baffin Island. Ungava and
Labrador. The first post-Norse contacts between Inuit and Europeans took place in the Luc six-
teenth century with the arrival of explorers Martin Frobisher in 1576. John Davis in [585, and

Henry Hudson in 1610, 4 but there was no sustained contact until the late eighteenth century.

THE ARCTIC AND THE INUIT

 After 1818, explorers began searching in earnest for the Northwest Passage, a sea route through

the Arctic to link Europe with Asia.

European and American whalers began arriving around the same time. For about a hundred
years, starting in the mid-nineteenth century, Inuit worked for and conducted a brisk trade with
whalers on a regular basis. 5 Fur trading also brought Inuit across the Arctic in contact with out-

siders, and by the early twentieth century, trading posts, operated mainly by the Hudson's Bay
Company, were situated within reach of most groups. Inuit came to depend on these perma-
nently established posts, both in times of prosperity (when fur prices were high) and in times of

hunger (when they could be assured of some assistance). This was a period of transition for Inuit

society, which gradually was moving away from a subsistence economy and becoming increas-

ingly dependent on foreign trade goods and the new barter economy.

The Europeans had a tremendous impact, influencing Inuit technology and lifestyle as well

as affecting traditional customs and belief systems. Moravian missionaries arrived in Labrador in

the 1750s and set up their first permanent mission in Nain in 1771. By the mid-nineteenth cen-

Anglican and Roman Catholic missionaries were travelling throughout the eastern and
A, > u «a tury,

western Arctic; and in the early twentieth century, permanent missions began springing up near
A P i > pu V, pa
trading posts. Missionaries usually offered medical assistance and basic education as well, gradu-
fit, D ti C «a ally undermining Inuit dependence on shamanism and traditional spirituality. By the 1950s,

Pki d ku b ka even the most isolated Inuit had been baptized or at least nominally converted to Christianity.

No written form of Inuktitut existed until Moravian missionaries in Labrador developed a

n* J gu L ga
Roman orthography in the late eighteenth century. A hundred years later, Methodist missionary
mi J mu l_ ma
Rev. Thomas Evans invented a system of syllables for the Cree Indians, which was adapted for
O" ni _D nu Q_ na Inuktitut in 1876 by Rev. Edmund Peck of the Anglican Church; it is still in use in the eastern

r^si ^ su S sa
and central Arctic. Missionaries helped to instill a "quasi-literacy" (Ipellie 1992:46) in Inuktitut

- by teaching Inuit to read the Bible and hymnals.

C li _D lu C_ la

This time of change when people from the outside world 6 began to intrude on and
fS ^ ju ^ia influence Inuit society is called the "Historic Period." In 1903, the Canadian government set up
A vi
<> vu <°va detachments of the Northwest Mounted Police (now called the Royal Canadian Mounted Police)
to enforce the rule of law and ensure Canada's sovereignty over the Arctic.
H_ ri P ru S ra

Traditionally, Inuit had given names rather than first names and surnames. Many, however,
Inuktitut Syllables Chart These names were sometimes altered make
were given Christian "first" names by missionaries. to
The system of syllablics is still

used widely in the Eastern and them sound more Inuit. For example, Thomas became Thomasie or Tumasi; Matthew became
Central Arctic. Artists often Matiusi, and Elizabeth was changed to Elisapee. The RCMP made a census of the Inuit popula-
inscribe syllabic signatures and
texts on drawings, prints and tion in the 1940s, assigning every person an identification number stamped on a small disc.
the bottom of sculptures. These "disc numbers" were used in the hope of avoiding confusion with Inuit names, and were

actually used as signatures by many carvers in the 1950s and 1960s. The numbers were dropped

when "Operation Surname" was established. Surnames (usually the given Inuktitut names of the
male heads of households) were officially adopted by Inuit in 1969. So, for example, the carver

Osuitok (whose disc number was E7-1154), took his father's given name Ipeelee as his surname;

it would therefore be less than precise to call Osuitok simply "Ipeelee." (Paradoxically, Osuitok's

wife and children adopted "Osuitok" as their last name.)

When the Canadian government assumed responsibility for Inuit welfare at the end of the

Historic Period in the late 1940s, the pace of change in Inuit culture accelerated tremendously/

Throughout the 1950s, the government established small villages and towns equipped with
 schools and nursing stations around the existing trading posts and missions. Its decision to relo-

cate scattered Inuit families into permanent settlements coincided with a time of widespread

hunger and disease in many parts of the Arctic, giving people little choice but to comply."

However, settlement life not only severely disrupted the old nomadic hunting and trapping

economy but created an immediate dependence on a cash economy and government relief.

As a way to wean Inuit off welfare, the Canadian Guild of Crafts and the Hudson's Bay

Company, with the encouragement of the Canadian government, began in 1949 to purchase

carvings for export on a large scale and to promote their sale. The production of art quickly
became an integral part of the new cash economy, and by the early 1960s, Inuit-owned co-

operatives had been formed in most northern communities to assist with economic development

in arts and crafts, as well as fishing and fur harvesting. Carving, printmaking and textile arts

have been a vital part of the Inuit economy and Inuit culture ever since.

CONTEMPORARY LIFE

I know I have had an unusual life, being born in a skin tent and living to hear on the radio that

two men have landed on the moon.

P1TSEOLAK ASHOONA, CAPE DORSET ( Eber I971)

Today, approximately 35,000 Inuit live in about fifty small communities scattered through

northern Canada in Labrador, Nunavik (Arctic Quebec), the Northwest Territories and the new
Territory of Nunavut.
9
The region stretches almost 4000 kilometres (2400 miles) from east to

west — or the distance from London to Cairo.

The modern Inuit village (Figure 5), populated by 300 to 1,500 people, is connected to

southern Canada by scheduled or charter flights several times a week. Huge diesel generators

provide electrical power, and most people have moved from their first flimsy "matchbox" houses

to government-subsidized energy-efficient homes. Many families own one or two snowmobiles

and a couple of all-terrain vehicles, though a few people still own dog teams, mostly for fun or

racing. Every home has a television set and a VCR, and northern residents watch TVNC
(Canada's Arctic television network), which broadcasts programs in Inuktitut and English, or

southern Canadian and U.S. television stations via satellite. Since "southern" food is imported, it

is very expensive, and most Inuit families supplement it with "country" food (meat and fish)

whenever possible.

Over 90 per cent of the population in these communities is Inuit; the rest are "southerners"

who are teachers, government administrators, nurses, store managers, mechanics and RCMP
officers. A number of Inuit, too, are teachers or civil servants, or have maintenance or construc-

tion jobs; others are employed at the local co-op, hotels or a branch of the Northern Store

chain. Unemployment is rampant, but people would rather stay in the community than seek
work elsewhere, though some have moved to the nearest regional capital and a very few have

gone south.
In each settlement, there is an Anglican and a Roman Catholic church, and sometimes a

Pentecostal or Baptist church as well. Since most Inuit are devout Christians, Sundays are fairly

quiet. In some places, drum dances are held once or twice a week; others have not seen one tor

years. These days, community dances featuring jigs and reels (learned from the whalers) or rock
"
music are more common. 1

THE ARCTIC AND THE INUIT

5 (top) 6 (bottom)

View of Cape Dorset, 1992 Artist Su/. nine Kriniksi in Her

Photo h\ Ingo 1 lessel Carving Tent
Aivi.it. 1995
Cape Dorset (population
Photo by Ingo Hessel
1,100), situated on tiny Kingait
Island off the coast of southern Carving stone is messy work,
Baffin's Foxe Peninsula, is so artists prefer to do it out-
( anada's most famous Inuit doors, even in winter, often in

art-producing community. tents pitched beside then-

Cape Dorset's sculptures, draw- homes. While some carvers use

ings and prints have attracted small power tools to speed up
as much tourism as the area's the early roughing out stages
wildlife and spectacular o( theii work, others continue
scenery. to work exclusively with hand
tools such as axes, files and
chisels
 Most villages have voted themselves officially "dry," but a few residents find ways to obtain

alcohol and drugs. Half the Inuit population is of school age, but many have dropped out, and a

large percentage of Inuit live on welfare. Teenage pregnancy is widespread, the threat of AIDS is

real, and suicide and family violence are prevalent. These contemporary social problems, and not

the traditional culture of igloos and shamans, form the backdrop to Inuit art-making in the 1990s.

Until recently, government and administration were in the hands of outsiders, but the emergence

of community councils, Inuit politicians, land claims settlements and the establishment of the

new Territory of Nunavut provide new opportunities and challenges.

Many Inuit carve, draw or sew, and in some villages half of the adult population are artists

(Figure 6); some work full time, while others carve occasionally for extra cash. Although most

of the carvers arc men, women dominate the graphic and textile arts. Producing art has enabled

many Inuit to pursue a relatively traditional lifestyle; the income allows them to buy rifles and

ammunition, boats and motors, snowmobiles and gasoline, so that they can continue to hunt

and fish for food.

While Inuit artists have been prompted and influenced to produce art by southerners and
southern institutions, they have nonetheless managed to imbue their art with traditional values

and memories of life as it once was; furthermore, their art-making has been affected by — and
has even helped to instill — a new pride in being Inuit. No one could have predicted how Inuit

would react to the challenge of making art in a nontraditional context for an outside market.

The fact that contemporary Inuit art is now about fifty years old and continues to hold a vital

place in the world of art is a testament to the tenacity of Inuit culture, and the artistic gift of

the Inuit people.

AND Til
CHAPTER 2 ART OF THE PREHISTORIC PERIOD

IVE THOUSAND YEARS AGO, hunters from northern Asia crossed Bering Strait and
- settled in what is now Alaska. Their descendants, the first Palaeo-Eskimos, migrated east-

F~ ward across Canada's Arctic, as far east as Greenland and as far south as Newfoundland.

From these people evolved the Dorset culture, whose carvers created some outstanding sculp-

tural works. A final wave of immigrants from Alaska, known as the Thule,
1

arrived in Canada
about a thousand years ago. The Thule are the true ancestors of Canada's Inuit, whose culture

developed five to six centuries later.

THE OLDEST ARCTIC ART

The first early Palaeo-Eskimo archaeological remains, discovered almost simultaneously in 1948

7 Heft)
in Alaska and Greenland, were strikingly similar, and comparable artifacts were eventually found
Early Palaeo-Eskimo
(ca. 1700 b.c.) in Canada as well. The Stone Age people who made the tiny, exquisitely worked flint micro-
Devon Island (True Love
blades, burins, arrowheads and other tools that characterized all of the finds are known as
Lowlands)
Miniature mask Arctic Small Tool tradition. They probably used kayaks, may have invented the igloo, and pos-
Ivory. 5.4 x 2.9 x 0.8

Musee canadien des civilisations/

sibly passed on the use of the bow and arrow to Labrador Indians. Art is rare, however: one
Canadian Museum of Civilization small ivory maskette with striking tattoo marks, carved over 3,500 years ago, is the oldest

7 (right) Palaeo-Eskimo human likeness (Figure 7 left). The tiny tools and weapons they made are so per-
Early Dorset culture
(500-1 B.C.)
fectly fashioned that they could be considered works of art in their own right.

Hudson Strait (Tyara site)

Miniature mask
Ivory, 3.5 x 2.2 x 0.7
THE ART OF THE DORSETS
Musee canadien des civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization

Archaeological evidence of a later Arctic culture that began around 800 b.c, named "Cape
The pattern of lines on the
maskette at left represents tat- Dorset" after the community near where the first few specimens were found, was identified in
tooing (or possibly advanced
1924 by the noted anthropologist Diamond Jcnness. Dorset culture, as it is now called, ranged
age). This object is the oldest
known depiction of a human across most of Arctic Canada to eastern Greenland and south to Newfoundland.-' The Dorsets
from Canada's Arctic. The
made a wide variety of small tools, utilizing not only stone but also ivory and bone; they
famous "Tyara maskette" (right)

found near Salluit, was made favoured the spear over the bow and arrow, did not use dogsleds, and seldom used kayaks.
almost two millennia later and
Their economy was based primarily on the hunting of marine mammals and trade with neigh-
may represent animal-human
transformation. bouring peoples.
 The most intriguing aspect of Dorset culture is its art. The discovery of hundreds of animal
and human figures, amulets, masks, maskettes and ritual objects, carved from ivory, bone, antler

and occasionally stone, as well as petroglyphs, has given rise to considerable speculation con-

cerning the use and significance of art within Dorset cosmology, religion and society. Based on

the artistic evidence, archaeologist William Taylor and artist George Swinton are convinced that

much of Dorset art has a magico-religious basis, and they. suggest that many Dorset art objects

formed parts of "shaman's kits.'"' Based on the assumption of a similarity to the more recent Inuit

practice, Dorset shamans would have been able to attract and influence helping spirits, travel to

other worlds, heal the sick, and foretell the future. Swinton also believes that the specialized

nature of many objects, and their carved precision, indicate that most were made by "profes-
4
sional" shaman-artists (Taylor and Swinton 1 967:39).

Depictions of animals and humans, particularly single figures, account for the majority of

Dorset artworks. Some human figures, occasionally incorporating animal characteristics, appear

to be fertility symbols, while others have been ritually "killed" with slivers of wood. The mean-

ing of small, delicately carved ivory maskettes (Figure 7 right) from the Early Dorset period is

unclear, but later, full-size driftwood masks were probably worn during shamanic rituals.

Polar bears, long considered the human's chief rival in the Arctic, hold a pre-eminent place

in the Dorset bestiary. Sometimes they are depicted in naturalistic styles and poses, but more

often are abstracted or stylized in some way. Most fascinating are the ivory "flying" or "float-

ing" bears, with distinctive skeletal markings and "x" and

"+" marks on skull and joints. Bears

were probably the spirit helpers of shamans; these powerful carvings would have had a special

significance, perhaps assisting the shaman on "spirit flights" (Figure 8). Slivers of wood inserted

into cavities may have invested bear figurines with even more force. Bear amulets, on the other

hand, were probably worn for protection by ordinary people. Of the other Arctic animals,

falcons, seals and walrus are the most common subjects, seals being carved naturalistically, and

walrus and falcons often stylized. Caribou often are represented by their hoofs or lower legs

alone, realistically carved and pierced for use as amulets. Different animals were carved for

different reasons: some possessed power, while others brought good luck or protection. Per-

haps the more the Dorsets feared or respected an animal, the more closely they linked it to

shamanism, and the more likely it was that they would represent it in a schematized or formal-

ized manner.

Most enigmatic are the clusters of human faces carved into pieces of antler which have been

found at numerous Late Dorset sites (Figure 9). Do they represent ancestors or actual people, or

are they perhaps ghosts or spirits? Equally intriguing are the human faces carved into living

rock on islands off the coast of Quebec in Hudson Strait.

Ritual implements form another fascinating category of Dorset art. Almost certainly

shaman's tools, these powerful objects, often decorated with animal and human motifs, have

meanings that we can only guess at. Bone or ivory cylinders may have functioned as "sucking

tubes" to release sickness (symbolized by miniature harpoon heads) from patients.' Ivory con-

tainers with human and animal motifs may have been used to store smaller implements, or

served as ceremonial rattles (Figure 10).

The Dorsets manufactured ordinary objects such as harpoon heads with extraordinary skill,

investing them with great beauty. Decorative engraving is very rare; theirs was essentially a

figurative art, and despite its small size, it was very much sculpture in the round — carved and
 Middk- Dorset culture
(ad. i 600)
lgloolik area
Hunting or flying bear

Musee canadien des civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization

Dorsei bears are carved in .1

naturalistic fashion, 01 in a

highly st hematized manner

that has symbolic meaning, or
in .1 style 1l1.1t combines the
two, as in this example: a fairly

realistic figure in a standard-

ized puse, incised with sym-
bolic skeletal marks. These

flying" bears were probably

the spirit helpers of Dorset
shamans.

Late Dorset culture

(a.d. 600-1300)
Bathurst Island
Wand with faces
Antler. 19.5 x 5.1 x 3.3

1. luii des civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization

Perhaps the must remarkable

Dorset artworks are antlers
carved with face clusters that
were used as wands by
shamans. They may represent
the spirit helpers of a shaman
or whole community, or the
members of a
ancestors or
community or clan. The variety
of facial types and expressions
is astonishing; animal faces or
i harai tenstu s seem absent

ART' RIOD
 —

gouged, three-dimensional, and tactile. Swinton claims that of all the prehistoric Arctic art in

North America, Dorset art in all its aspects — animals, human figures, ritual implements
"exudes intensity and power" like no other (Taylor and Swinton 1967:32).

THE ART OF THE THULE

After a period of expansion and cultural florescence that lasted from about a.d. 500 to 1000,

during which many great artworks were carved, Dorset culture in Canada was suddenly overrun
and replaced by a new wave of immigrants from Alaska. The two groups may have fought, but
Inuit oral history suggests that the Dorsets often simply fled. Isolated Dorset groups survived

relatively intact until the thirteenth century, but by the sixteenth the culture had vanished in

Canada.
The first archaeological evidence of the new culture, which was ancestral to that of modern
Inuit, was discovered by the Danish Fifth Thule Expedition of 1921-24, led by Knud

Rasmussen, which travelled west from Greenland to Alaska. Archaeologists on the team uncov-
ered the remains of a maritime culture several hundred years old, which they named Thule cul-

ture, after Thule in northwestern Greenland, where the first remains were found. Noting the

similarity to artifacts from Alaskan cultures of the same period, the archaeologists speculated

that Alaska was the homeland of the Thule.

The Thule hunted caribou and muskoxen, and used dogsleds in winter, but the foundation

of their prosperous economy was the hunting of sea mammals, chiefly the bowhead whale.
They chased down whales in kayaks and large skin boats, and killed them with float harpoons.

Perhaps in pursuit of whales, the Thule began to migrate eastward around a.d. iooo and spread
to Greenland within a few generations. They learned to build igloos from the Dorsets and,

like them, developed trade contacts with neighbouring groups and outsiders, which soon

included early European explorers. But by and large, the Thule retained their Alaskan lifestyles

and technologies.
Thule art was influenced little by that of the Dorsets, as the main purpose their art was not

to appease spirits and the forces of nature but, rather, to ensure efficient hunting and to enrich

everyday life. Indeed, Thule art may have had little connection with shamanism. It seems to

have been a more personal art form, but with definite symbolic overtones.

Thule art has been described as "essentially graphic in emphasis," characterized by an inter-

est in "line, geometry, and surface plane" (Vastokas 1971/72:72). The Thule made extensive use

of the bow drill to create dot patterns, but also engraved the occasional hunting scene (Figure

11). The geometric and figurative graphic embellishments — border lines, dot, hatch and "Y"

marks, as well as schematized figures —of hunting weapons, women's implements (combs, nee-

dle cases) and articles of adornment made mostly of ivory, are certainly a trademark of the

Thule style (Figure 12) and differentiate it from the more rugged incising of magical symbols

and marks in Dorset sculptural art. Though rooted in Alaskan traditions, Thule designs differ

considerably from Alaskan ones. The Thule probably used a symbolic vocabulary of ornament

that we have not yet learned, and it would be a mistake to assume that their art was "merely"

utilitarian, decorative, and secular.

Thule sculptural art consists of a few small ivory pendants and figures, mostly female, and

wooden dolls. Conspicuous for their cursory or even absent facial features (in strong contrast to

16
IO (top) 1 1 (bottom)

I ate l torsei culture Thule culture

(ad. 600-1300) (a.d. i 100-1700)
Axel 1 leiberg Island Baffin Island (near Arctic Bay)

Decorated container Bow-drill handle

Ivory. 4.7 x 3.3 x 1.8 ; 9 x 5.1 x 0.4

Musee canadien des civilisations/ Muse.' canadien des civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization Canadian Museum of Civilization

These enigmatic objects have A fine example of Thule

been found in many Dorset graphic art. The narrow shape
sites, but their meaning and of the ivory obliged the maker
use have yet to be deciphered. to use the edges as ground-
Hollow, they all have a double- lines; these were carefully
walrus motif at the top and incised. The artist even created
perforated human faces below. a framing pattern on the left. In

Some have another animal the series of hunting, camp and

carved in relief on the fore- battle scenes, the figures are

head. They may be rattles, or somewhat schematized, but the

containers for miniature result is remarkable for its clar-

shaman's utensils. ity of meaning

12 (facing

Thule culture
(ad. i 100-1700)
Eastern Arctic
Swimming bird and bird-
woman figures
Ivory, 6,2 x 1.7 x 0.9 (from left figure)

Musee canadien des civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization

These elegant little figures.

carved so that they appear to

be swimming, are often deco-
rated with stylized dot pat-

terns. They were used as

gaming pieces in later times,

but their exact use during the
Thule period has not been
determined. Some, like the one
at the bottom, may have been Dorset art) and often abbreviated arms, these works have sometimes been described as standard-

worn on a cord as amulets.

ized and routine. Danish archaeologist Jorgen Meldgaard (1960:27) suggests that the co-opera-

'3 tion required to hunt large whales led to an overriding uniformity in Thule society and art. The
Thule culture
(a. i). 1 100-1700)
meaning of the pendants and small figures is unclear — they may have been made as gifts, or

Coronation Gulf purely for personal adornment (Figure 13). Perhaps the most famous Thule artworks (and practi-
Human figure
from few whale effigies) are the sin. ill. delicate
cally the only ones that feature animals, apart a
Ivory, j. 7 x 1.1 xo.6
n 1, in n di s 1
1'.
ilisations so-called "swimming" figures of birds and bird-women, fashioned out of ivory and decorated
Canadian Museum of Civilization
with patterns of drilled dots (Figure 12). These ubiquitous little objects, which are the perfect
Thule figural sculpture is

notable for abbreviated ,11111s

synthesis of Thule graphic and sculptural styles, must have had a symbolic function; perhaps
and the absence of facial fea-
they were worn as amulets or some type of decorative attachment to clothing. The bird-woman
tures. Larger female wooden
figures, used as dolls, have sex
figures may have been fertility charms.''

ual characteristics. This small The Little Ice Age (a.d. 1600 to 1850) caused the early or complete freeze-up of open
ivory is unusual for its clearly

defined face, 11s depiction of waters and was a disaster for the Thule whaling economy, forcing them to s\\ itch to the less

clothing, and whal appears to reliable and productive hunt for seals, caribou, muskoxen and fish. By the time the Thule met
be an amulet necklace. It may
represent a (female?) shaman.
European explorers in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, their once uniform, sophisticated

culture had already begun to disintegrate and fracture into the regional cultural patterns known
to us as traditional limit society.

ART' RIOD
I » I H V

££
tmTHm SESfJh
CHAPTER 3 ART OF THE HISTORIC PERIOD
(I 770s TO 940s) I

FEW ENTU Rt ES
DURING THE FIRST C of technological and cultural decline after the

games and
I
Thule period, Inuit continued producing traditional weapons, tools, toys,

clothes. In some regions, however, the umiak boat and much whale hunting technology
were all but abandoned, and the kayak was modified to hunt caribou on inland lakes. The grad-
ual introduction of European technologies (metal implements, for instance), may also have had a

negative impact on traditional tool-making and carving skills. Many art forms disappeared, per-

haps because Inuit were forced to spend all of their time coping with their new circumstances.

The 1770s mark the beginning of the Historic Period in Inuit art, when Moravian mission-

aries settled in northern Labrador and began preaching to — and trading with — the local Inuit.'

Throughout this era, which ended in the late 1940s, Inuit works of art and artifacts were col-

lected by explorers, whalers, missionaries, traders and others.

At first, any well-made or unusual traditional weapons, tools, games, amulets, boots, mittens

and toys (especially model kayaks, sleds and igloos) satisfied the Historic Period souvenir

hunters. The more realistic the model and the more detail it showed about Inuit lifestyle and

technology, the more desirable it was. But three factors gradually transformed nineteenth-century

Inuit art production. The first, a drastic change in the function and meaning of art objects,
'4
brought about a change in the choice and presentation of subject matter, as well as a steady
Josephee Angnako (possibly)
1

m. (1900-66), Pangnirtung transformation in the appearance of the artworks themselves.-

Historic Period (collected by
Kidston ca. 1929-31)
The function of many art objects switched from traditional tool, amulet or toy, to trade
R.J.

Man in rocking chair playing commodity. This change in the status of an object was often sudden. One moment, a toy or dec-
concertina
Ivory. 9.0 x 3.0 x 5.5
orated tool was part of a household, and the next, after having perhaps been traded for a knife

Musie canadien des civilisations/

or some tobacco, it was the property of a foreigner. Inuit were willing to trade away many of
Canadian Museum of Civilization
their belongings, secure in the knowledge that they could make more, but the effect of trading
In the Historic Period. limit

artists were sometimes inspired away an amulet or a harpoon head imbued with hunting magic, even if another could be made,
(or prompted) to produce To meet
was a gradual secularization of the art, and to some extent, the culture in general. the
images (tiny rifles, saws, traps,
even primus stoves) outside growing demand for carved objects, particularly models, Inuit began creating certain items in
traditional themes. This work
quantity purely for trade.
may represent a qallunaaq ("out-
sider") musician, though by Hunting or camp scenes and portraits of animals (bears, caribou, muskoxen, whales <\no\

this time many Inuit played

trade commodities
many others), in addition to the ever popular models, became valuable
Western instruments such as
accordions and fiddles. (Figures 15 and 16). Some works were commissioned, but others were no doubt invented by
'5

Unidentified Artist, Labrador Part of a collection of ivories

Historic Period (collected by acquired by a Hudson's Bay-

James Alma Wilson ca. Company trader in Rigolet,

1874-9-!) Labrador, these are typical of

Winter camp scene the work produced there in the
Ivor} string, colouring: women carry- heyday of Historic Period art.
ing tub 5.4 x 7.7 x 1.5, igloo 4.8 x 5.9 The painstaking and loving
x6.o
detail with which they were
Cotter Collection, Winnipeg Art
carved and decorated makes
i
lallei '.

these ivories folk art of the

highest order.
 i6
Unidentified Artist. I It is unlikely that Inuit would
Canadian Arctic have carved objects like this

Historic Period (colK beautiful muskox for them-

A. P. Low late i88os-oos) selves, without the influence of
Muskox European contact. The subject
Ivory and horn, 4.5 x 7.5 x 2.0 mattei is northern, but a deli-
nadien des ( ivilisations/ cate carving like this one
Canadian Museum of Civilization would not have survived the
rigours of children's play or
constant travel between summei
and winter camps. It is very
much a "table-top" display piece.

ART OF THE HISTORIC PERIOD

 —

7
Unidentified Artist, Inukjuak
Late Historic Period (ca. 1943)
Incised tusk
Ivory and colouring, 29.6 x 7.0 x 3.0

Musee canadien des civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization

A group of Inuit hunters and

trappers brings furs to a trad-
ing post. Paris-based Reveillon
Freres opened a post in

Inukjuak in 1909, followed in

1920 by the Hudson's Bay

Company, to which it sold out
in the 1930s. The HBC
bartered for furs and the occa-
sional carving; after 1949, Inuit
found art an increasingly viable
alternative to the volatile fur

trade.

18 19 (facing page)

Koviak m. (dates unknown) Ivory cribbage boards were Peter Pitseolak (1902-1973), Pitseolak experimented with

Repulse Bay favourite trade objects during Cape Dorset watercolours twenty years before

Late Historic Period (1942-45) the Historic Period and into Late Historic Period (1940-42) Houston introduced printmak-
Cribbage Board the early contemporary era. The Eskimo Will Talk Like the ing toCape Dorset. His title
Ivory, grey stone inlay, 16.0 x 87.0 x While the scale and intimate White Man, 1940-42 may have been prophetic per- —
12.0 sensibility of each miniature Watercolour and collage on paper, haps he felt it was inevitable
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel 78.0x68.5 but for the time being he
animal is maintained, they can-
and Esther Sarick, 1996 Musee canadien des civilisations/
amused himself by dressing
not be handled separately, and
Canadian Museum of Civilization
so are "trapped" on a large dis- Clark Gable (the man holding
play/entertainment object the saw and shovel) and other
made expressly for outsiders. southerners like Inuit.

24
ART OF THE HISTORIC PERIOD
 quick-thinking artists. So while Historic Period art still relied largely on traditional life and
themes for its content, artists were selecting and presenting that content in an illustrative manner
to appeal to an outside audience. Inuit artists also began experimenting with foreign subject
matter: European rifles, tools, boats, musical instruments and other technologies, which were
being embraced increasingly by Inuit themselves, were lovingly rendered in ivory miniatures

(Figure 14). Whalers created a demand for items such as decorated cribbage boards and carved
or incised walrus tusks (Figure 17), while missionaries encouraged the depiction of Christian

imagery. By the mid-nineteenth century, most of the art created by Inuit was aimed at the new
"tourist" market, and artists took their direction in large part from it.

With entirely new types of objects being solicited or invented, the look of the art changed

rapidly. Inuit art objects had always been small, portable, simplified and compact. Many of the
new objects, however, were freestanding or pegged to a base — in other words, they were "table-

top" display pieces. Though still conceived on a small scale, they often took up considerable

space — a cribbage board decorated with miniature figures might be over 60 centimetres (two

feet) long (Figure 18). In other examples, the size of the figures themselves grew. But stylistic

changes are apparent too. Since European taste valued naturalism above all, Inuit artists imbued
art objects with realistic detail, forgoing the relative stylization of symbolic content. As the

work became "busier" and more elaborate, compactness was replaced by openwork carving.
Ivory, an exotic and relatively precious material to Europeans, was still the preferred Inuit carv-

ing medium well into the twentieth century, and was ideal for this kind of work. Stone, antler,

wood and bone were sometimes used as well.

Explorers and anthropologists, particularly in the past century, occasionally solicited maps

and drawings from Inuit. Maps were especially useful to explorers, who were impressed by their

accuracy. Descriptive drawings (of wildlife, for example) also were collected and published at

various times. Robert Flaherty, the maker of the famous Arctic docudrama Nanook oj the North,

collected a series of drawings by Nungusuituq (ca. 1890-ca. 1950) of southern Baffin Island in

1913-14 and published them privately in a portfolio.

5
Perhaps the most striking of the two-

dimensional artworks of the Historic Period date from late in the era. Peter Pitseolak, also from

south Baffin, received watercolours and paper from a Hudson's Bay Company trader in 1939 and

went on to produce dozens of drawings over the next three years, until photography captured
4
his interest (Figure 19). Other examples of graphic art include ivory scrimshaw engraving,

probably introduced by the whalers, as well as the more traditional engraving of implements

carried over from Thule times.

Inuit did not have a concept of art in the European sense; the buyers of Historic Period
objects did not consider them to be "art" either, but rather trinkets and toys. In fact, many
Europeans had a certain disdain for the work they were purchasing, considering it to be primi-

tive and crude (Martijn, 1964, 1967; Blodgett, 1988b; Swinton 1992:119-22). And a number
of observers today consider Historic Period carving to be an art in decline from Thule tradi-

tions. One thing is indisputable about the art of this period: it marked an important transitional

phase. The design and manufacture of traditional Inuit artifacts had been governed by conven-

tion, and the Historic Period represents an era of innovation and experimentation (Driscoll
1988:221). Building on late Thule traditions, and influenced by European tastes and the concept

of art as commerce, Historic Period artists very definitely paved the way for a new era of art
s
production.

26
 The Canadian Handicrafts Guild in Montreal (now known as the Canadian Guild of Crafts
Quebec) became interested in marketing "Eskimo handicrafts" in the 1920s and mounted an
exhibition in 1930. Encouraged by Canadian government officials, the Guild revived its efforts

to stimulate Inuit crafts production in the late 1940s. To that end, it circulated a one-page "Sug-

gestions for Eskimo Handicrafts" in 1947, asking for ivory models and "carvings suitable for

brooches, pendants . . . small boxes . . . napkin rings," in addition to stone bowls and ash trays "in

the manner of their own cooking pots and lamps." The Hudson's Bay Company was also quite

actively involved in Inuit art at that time, though its efforts to market ivory carvings in the

1930s had been cut short by the Depression. Shortly, however, events would provide a fresh

impetus to these marketing efforts and alter the course of Inuit art.

ART OF THE HISTORIC PERIOD

CHAPTER 4 THE DAWN OF CONTEMPORARY INUIT ART
( I 949 TO 1955)

HILE THE PREHISTORIC AND HISTORIC PERIODS of Arctic art are measured

W#
worthy for the
in

years old.
the hundreds or thousands of years, contemporary Inuit art

way in
Its earliest phase, a brief era that

which the art

spans only a few years,

was "discovered" and promoted by outsiders

is only about

is almost as note-

as it is
fifty

for the

artistic achievements of Inuit. As with many so-called discoveries, it was not the "newness" of
the art per se but its intrinsic power and beauty, along with exotic novelty and clever promotion,

that sparked the imagination of the public, creating an interest in and a market for Inuit art.

THE "DISCOVERY" OF INUIT ART

In the summer of 1948, a young artist named James Houston, while on a northern painting trip,

was offered a ride on a flight to Port Harrison (Inukjuak) in Arctic Quebec. He jumped at the

chance, never suspecting that he would devote the next fifteen years of his life to promoting

Inuit art. 1
In exchange for the portraits he sketched of some of the people he encountered dur-

ing his five-day stay, Houston was given about a dozen small stone and ivory carvings. Thinking

at first that they might be old, he was surprised to learn from the local trader that they were in

fact new and not considered to be particularly interesting. When Houston returned south to his

home in Grand'Mere, Quebec, he proudly displayed the carvings on his mantelpiece; a neigh-

bour suggested that he show them to jack Molson and Alice Lighthall at the Canadian Handi-

Peesee Oshuitoq m. (attrib.) crafts Guild in Montreal. The Guild, which had been renewing its efforts to encourage and
(1913-1979), Cape Dorset
Mother and Child, ca. 1955
market Inuit art and crafts, invited Houston to go on a buying trip the next summer to help it

Black stone, )) 6 x 21.3 x 22.8

develop a small carving industry. Molson contacted the Hudson's Bay Company to arrange a
Njl10r1.ll (j.lllrrv 11I 1 .111. ul. 1 1 .ill 11I

MP Feheley, Toronto, 1984 system that enabled Houston to buy works by issuing chits to carvers, who could in turn use

By the mid-1950s, Inuit sculp- them to make purchases at the Company's trading posts. The Guild also secured funding tor
tures had grown in size and
Houston's trip from the federal Department of Resources and Development. 2 In the summer of
complexity. Carvers were gain-
ing confidence in their skills, 1949, with $1100 in credit,
5
Houston purchased several hundred items, including about three
but many works still had .1 ten-
hundred carvings in stone and ivory. 4
tative quality, so it is not easy
to attribute early works based The Guild's exhibition of these Inuit carvings and crafts, which opened on November 21.

on style alone Many < arvers

1949, was a huge success, with about 90 per cent of them selling 111 three days, Several of the
were still trying to find their
vou es as nulls ulii.il .ntlsls buyers at this event went on to become prominent collectors." This exhibition is generally

29
 1

considered to mark the beginning of the contemporary era of Inuit art. As has so often been the
case in the history of art, social, economic and political forces (and serendipity) were to play a

large role in the further development of Inuit art.''

After a second Guild-sponsored trip to Inukjuak and Povungnituk (now Puvirnituq) in

1950, Houston travelled to the Keewatin District on the west shore of Hudson Bay to determine

the potential for arts and crafts development there. Next, he and his new wife, Alma, toured

Baffin Island in 1951 in lieu of a honeymoon; they were especially impressed with the carvings
they saw in Cape Dorset. 7 Also in 1951, Houston wrote and illustrated the Guild publication

Sanajasak: Eskimo Handicrafts, produced at the federal government's request. A guide for Inuit

producers of carvings and crafts, the booklet contained explicit suggestions for product types,

materials and craftsmanship. Widely circulated at first, it was withdrawn a short time later and
x
"recalled" in 1958. The development efforts were so successful that by 1953 the Guild was no
longer able to continue retailing and marketing the artwork on its own. The Hudson's Bay
Company took up the slack, and Houston enlisted the help of an American friend to market the
9
art in the United States.

Exhibitions at the Guild and elsewhere, including one in 1952 at the National Gallery of

Canada and another in 1953 at Gimpel Fils in London, attracted media attention. 10 In addition,

Houston wrote a series of articles on Inuit art for magazines and hit the lecture circuit; by 1952,
he was referring to Inuit carvings as "art" and not "handicrafts." He was then hired by the fed-

eral Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources to continue Inuit arts and crafts

development work, mostly on Baffin Island." Canadian Eskimo Art, a promotional booklet he

wrote in 1955,
l2
reveals that by this time stone sculpture had clearly taken centre stage, and the

most important "women's art" of the time was considered to be the "skin picture." These sealskin

hangings practically disappeared as an art form a short time later, but they (along with ivory

scrimshaw art) could be considered the immediate precursors to Inuit graphic and textile arts.

THE LOOK OF EARLY CONTEMPORARY SCULPTURE

Since it is unlikely that the Inukjuak carvings James Houston acquired in 1949 were much
different from those produced a few years earlier, he did not discover a "new" style. Rather, he

chanced upon the fully evolved and little known late Historic Period souvenir art form as prac-

Samwillie Amidlak m. (attrib.) tised on the east coast of Hudson Bay." Changes occurred quickly, however, and the time
(1902-1984), Inukjuak
between 1950 and 1955 was one of intense experimentation and invention that rivalled two cen-
Untitled (Totem), ca. 195
Stone, ivory, black inlay, 27.3 x 7.3 x 9.0
turies of innovations in the Historic Period.
Winnipeg An Gallery, Ian Lindsay

Collection, Gift of Ian Lindsay While the small stone carvings were what captured Houston's imagination in 1949, as late

Numerous "totem pole" carv- as 1 95 1 ivory was still deemed to be the more important and valuable medium. Since the supply
ings appeared in 1950-51,
of ivory could not keep pace with the growing demand for carvings, artists were encouraged to
before and after James
Houston's pamphlet Sanajasak: try their hands at carving the cheaper and more plentiful stone. Stone could be quarried in any
Eskimo Handicrafts featuring
size, and this soon led to an increase in the scale of sculptures (Figure 20), a change that was
totem imagery was distributed.
It is difficult to ascertain which reinforced by consumer demand.
14
Stone replaced ivory as the chief carving material in most
were "copies" and which were and
communities, with the latter being used as a secondary material for inset faces, tools, tusks,
not; even the earliest ones may
have been inspired by images other details (Figures 21 and 22). Incised features or decorative elements on stone and ivory
found elsewhere. In any case,
carvings were occasionally filled with materials such as wax or even melted phonograph records
totem imagery is not inconsis-
15
tent with Inuit spiritual beliefs. as colour accents. The use of wood, however, was actively discouraged.

5-
22 (facing 23

Sheokjuk Oqutaq m Philipoosie Napartuk (possibly)

(1920-1982), Cape Dorset (born 1951). Inukjuak

Mother and Child, 1952 Untitled (Circle of Animals), 1 95

Stone with soap inlay, 2.2 x 11.7 x 11.
Stone, ivory, black colouring. 19.5 x
10.8x8.5 Winnipeg Art Gallery, Ian Lindsay

Winnipeg Art Gallery, Ian Lindsay Collection, Gift of Ian Lindsay

Collection, acquired with funds

This work is unusual in form
donated by the Volunteer Committee
because it is more a plaque
Sheokjuk was an ivory carver than .1 free-standing sculpture.
before experimenting in stone It is also enigmatic, largely
in the early 1950s. The slightly because of the inclusion of
awkward stance of the figures, non-Arctic animals (the camel
carved in a coarse granitelike and elephant are obvious,
rock, is a charming foil for the but there may be others). Is

sensitively carved and incised the circle a globe, or is it an

heads. He soon mastered the igloo? A Baker Lake print

art of stone carving, becoming (1971 #4) with a similar motit

famous for his elegant loons. is identified as a calendar, as

this may be.

24
Unidentified artist, Eastern
Arctic
Seated Woman, ca. 1951
Black stone, clay (?), graphite. 7.9 x

10.7x5.7
National Gallery of Canada, Gilt ot

M F Feheley, Toronto. 1988

Many early contemporary

works cannot be attributed, as

the names of artists were rarely

noted. The small carvings from

this period have an intimate,
tactile quality that was often
lost when lnuit art became
"sculpture." This exquisitely

carved woman, with her subtle,

sensuous curves, needs to be

cradled in the hand to be fully
appreciated.

THE DAWN OF CONTEMPORARY INUIT ART

 Changes in scale and presentation — from and
the amulet- toy-inspired ivory miniature

model to the table-top sculpted stone scene — which had begun in the Historic Period, acceler-

ated in the early 1950s. Occasionally inspired by Houston's drawings (Figure 21), Inuit artists

more often gave free rein to their own imaginations (Figure 23). Subject matter expanded, and

figures of animals and hunters, as opposed to games and functional items, became increasingly
important. Artists also began exploring themes such as the mother and child, which was often

incorporated in details of camp life (Figure 49). The rise of the genre carving (animal portrai-
ture, hunting and camp scenes) and the other great themes of Inuit art (the family, mythology,
the spirit world) were important developments of the early to mid-1950s. Many artists were still

feeling their way, but their confidence was building, and this was reflected in the work. It was at

this time that observers of Inuit art began arguing over whether to label the art form carving or
sculpture, tourist art or fine art. 16

Although much Inuit art of the early 1950s still had a "primitive" or naive look, there was a

continuing shift to a greater naturalism in poses, facial features, clothing and so on. This stylistic

"evolution" from the Historic Period was not instant, absolute or universal, however. Compare
the small-scale, tactile, almost amulet sensibility of Lucie Angalakte Mapsalak's Bear (Figure 86)

with the more imposing nature of Sheokjuk Oqutaq's Mother and Child (Figure 22). And while
the Seated Woman by an unidentified artist (Figure 24) is more naturalistically carved than

Samwillie Amidlak's untitled totem (Figure 21), it retains a more intimate, hand-held quality.

These contrasting sensibilities are still present in Inuit art today.

A SPLENDID NEW ART OF ACCULTURATION" 17

Acculturation could be described as the borrowing and blending of traits and characteristics that

occur when two cultures come into continuous contact, particularly the influence of a large-scale

culture on a smaller one. An art of acculturation, then, is an art in which the values and systems
of the dominant culture influence the art-making of the smaller one. This can lead to the cor-

ruption of traditional art forms, the adoption of new ones, or the invention of innovative or

hybrid forms. Inuit art since the early 1950s has taken the latter course, building on and acceler-

ating changes already begun in the Historic Period.

James Houston eagerly offered suggestions to Inuit artists, often illustrating them with
drawings, and there is little doubt that he influenced some of them. 18 Hudson's Bay Company
traders also sent very clear messages to artists about what was acceptable or not,
1 ''
and many
other outsiders gave advice to the fledgling "carving industry." Southerners regarded Inuit art

very much as "primitive" and wished to preserve what they perceived to be its uniquely naive

character. While the various instigators did not consciously wish to make Inuit art conform to

Western artistic styles, they attempted to elicit the "best" and "most marketable" work. As

Deputy Minister, Department of Northern Affairs and National Resources R. Gordon Robertson
wrote (i960), "The romantics who say that Eskimos must stare at the sky and create only what

the spirits tell them with no references to commercial influences are just being unrealistic — and
the Eskimo is a realist."

Before the government came up here there was only one way of making money. People could make
money from fox furs and the other things we used to bring in, but only a little money. Then it was
learned that carvings here in the Arctic have a price and when there were no jobs available people

H
 quickly learned their value. Thai is why they have tried so hard at it. If people hadn't started carv-

ing we'd all be supported by the government.

OSUITOK 1PEELEE, CAPE DORSE.) Illil [993:438)

limit artists were keenly aware that they were producing works not for their own people

but for an outside market. They also learned that this market on the whole demanded traditional

themes and materials, fine workmanship, realism, and an increasingly impressive scale; yet it also

appreciated imaginative composition and individuality of expression. And so the artists learned

about both artistic compromise and artistic freedom at the same time. Certain artists such as

Akeeaktashuk, Johnny Inukpuk and Osuitok Ipeclec were singled out as special talents and
became "stars," encouraging the development of individual as well as community styles.

Witnessing the destruction of their traditional way of life, Inuit artists must have felt

strangely empowered by the knowledge that they could make and sell objects that the dominant

outsiders could not make themselves and desired so fervently. In some communities, as much as

80 per cent of the adult male population experimented with carving in the early years. Inuit

were greatly relieved to find an alternative to the volatile fur market, which had largely replaced

the traditional hunting economy. Bound forever to an alien lifestyle, they had at least found

another way to survive in it.

THE DAWN OF CONTEMPORARY INUIT ART

 CHAPTER 5 THEMES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART

INSPIRATION FOR THE THEMES in Inuit art is intimately tied to personal experience of the

land and its animals, camp and family life, hunting, spirituality and mythology. In telling the

story of their people through this wide array of subjects, artists have created an almost encyclo-

paedic visual catalogue of traditional (and to a lesser extent transitional and modern) Inuit culture.

We carve the animals because they are important to us as food. We carve Inuit figures because in

that way we can show ourselves to the world as we were in the past and as we now are . . . There
is nothing marvelous about it. It is there for everyone to see. It is just the truth.

PAULOS1E KASADLUAK, I N U K U A K (1976)

J

THE WORLD OF ANIMALS

One reason so many Inuit become such good artists or carvers is that they come from a very

visual culture. Their very livelihood depended solely on dealing with the landscape every day
during hunting or gathering expeditions. They were always visualizing animals in their

thoughts as they searched the land, waters and skies for game.

ALOOTOOK 1PELLIE (l997>

Animals play a vital role in the everyday lives of Inuit, and only in the past few decades has the
Kananginak Pootoogook m. people's absolute dependence on them lessened. Not too long ago, procuring food and other neces-
(born 1935), Cape Dorset
Printmaker: Kavavaow Mannomee m.
sities depended solely on successful hunts, which in turn depended upon proper preparation and
(born 1958) luck, in addition to the strict observance of taboos and respect for the soul of the prey. As a con-
Approaching Danger, 1996 #9
Stonccui. 77.0 x 62.0 sequence, animals constitute the prime inspiration for many Inuit artists, particularly in sculpture.
Collection ofWesi Baffin Hskimo
Based on years of observing, stalking and butchering prey, Inuit wildlife art shows a keen
Cooperative

One of Cape Dorset's founding

awareness of the physical characteristics, habits and seasonal changes of animals. Some artists

printmakers, Kananginak is display a high degree of naturalistic detail (Figures 25 and 57), but others prefer to convey the
also its most highly regarded
animal's personality or to exaggerate certain physical attributes for effect. In general, while most
wildlife print artist and has
earned the nickname "Audubon Inuit artists strive for verisimilitude, they seem more concerned with capturing the essence of an
of the North." But, like many
animal's spirit.
Cape Dorset artists, he some-
times mixes naturalism with Animals may be portrayed singly, in small groups, or in scenes that involve both hunter and
the. hi u al twists. See
Aqjangajuk's Wounded Caribou
prey. Graphic arts often show the chase leading up to the kill, while sculptures focus more on
(I igure 125). the act itself, often with considerable drama (Figure 26). The hunter may be human, or one of
the great Arctic predators such as the polar bear, owl, hawk or wolf (Figure 27). Gender
differences among artists are evident in wildlife art: men often emphasize the strength and

ferocity of an animal adversary, while women, who do not usually have the hunting experiences

of men, present animals in a more decorative, stylized or humorous manner (Figure 28). 2

SCENES OF EVERYDAY LIFE

Scenes of everyday life, which include camp scenes, games and entertainment, are common to all

forms of Inuit art, and traditional activities are far more prevalent than modern aspects of Inuit

community life. Camp-related themes mostly portray women engaged in domestic chores such

as preparing food and skins or sewing clothes. Games and contests involve both individuals and

the community, and drum dancing is a form of entertainment that also has considerable spiritual

significance (Figure 29).

26 (facing page)

tut m.
[gloolik
Bear Hum. 1967
Grey stoni ij.ox 25.4

1
i
idien des ( ivili

Canadian Museum ol Ci\

In [unit sculpture (bin seldom

in two-dimension. il art) there
is (In- occasional heroic work
thai i ould be described .is

Romantic. Romanticism is

more an attitude than .1 style;

the subject matter or theme is

idealized and presented with .1

sense of grandeur or nobility.

More than a hunt, this work
epitomizes the struggle
between man and beast.

Charlie Sivuarapik
(1911-1968), Puvirnituq
Caribou Attacked by Four Wolves,
ca. 1965
Grey stone, bone, 39.0 x 20.3 x 24.1

National Gallery of Canada. Gift of

M I Feheley, Toronto, 1984

As hunters, Inuit artists tend

not to sentimentalize or glorify
death. Sivuarapik, though, has
imbued this scene with a cer-

tain amount of pathos. It is

carved not with graphic vio-

lence but with an elegant natu-
ralism. George Swinton
(1977:23) credits Sivuarapik as
the major influence on the
highly naturalistic Puvirnituq
carving style.

IES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART {9

 28
Kenojuak Ashevak f. (born Based on a graphite drawing,

1927), Cape Dorset this print is the best-known

Pnntmaker: Eegyvudluk Pootoogook image in Inuit art, and it

m. (born 1931) launched Kenojuak's career and

Enchanted Owl, i960 #23 fame. She is a consummate
Stonecut. 38.5 x 59.0
designer of pictorial space;
Musee canadien des civilisations/
this image does not have the
Canadian Museum of Civilization
symmetricality of her later
work, but it already reveals her
ability to balance positive and
negative space and her fluidity
of line.

40
-=9

Luke Anguhadluq (1895-1982), Figures radiate from the

Baker Lake immense drum, and colour
Drum Dance, 1970 reinforces the hypnotic rhythm
Coloured pencil and graphite, 48 j of the drumbeat. The pose is

x 61.0
schematized: frontal males
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel
versus women with children
and Esther Sarick, 1998
in profile. There is no favoured
perspective; Anguhadluq
turned the paper as he drew,
placing his signature in the
open space provided. Form and
symbolic content fuse perfectly.

THEMES AND SU ECTS IN INUIT ART 4>

 In sculpture, scenes of everyday life arc most popular in the work of artists from Arctic

Quebec. Since works on tins theme are almost purely descriptive, they tend to be quite repre-

for their depictions of

sentational (Figure 30). Just as certain artists have developed reputations

works that show traditional life in painstaking and loving

wildlife, others specialize in "genre"

detail. While single activities are more easily translated into sculpture, complex camp scenes can

be represented in both two- and three-dimensional works (Figures 31 and 32). A single draw-

wealth of information about traditional Inuit material culture

ing or sculpture can provide a

and society.

SHAMANISM AND THE SUPERNATURAL

I have always been concerned with supernatural things. I believe that the Spirits were not created

by man and that they were very powerful. There were many Spirits in former times and they

influenced the lives of the people. Although I do not want to believe or follow the old ways which

involved these Spirits, I feel that we should reveal the things which exist and perpetuate the stories

which are told about them. . . . Maybe as I do my prints and drawings I will remember them.

TIVI ETOOK, KANGIQ_SUALUJJUAQ_ (1980)

over the
Inuit have embraced Christianity with fervour during their conversion by missionaries

past two hundred years, 3

practising their beliefs more seriously than the majority of southern

Canadians. As a result, many older Inuit will not talk about shamanism, although most people

seem to retain some residual belief in spirits, and the supernatural world continues to play an

important part in Inuit art. Perhaps the visual arts provide a safe outlet for presenting subjects

that cannot be openly discussed, or for secularizing the supernatural. A number or younger

artists, who did not grow up on the land, are discovering that traditional religion and stories

about shamanism and the spirit world provide a rich source of subject matter.

Supernatural themes range from the representation of spirit beings to the depiction ot

astonishing feats of shamanic power. The exploits and rituals of shamans are illustrated in work

from across the Arctic, particularly in the art of Baker Lake, in graphics from Holman, and in

sculpture from Netsilik communities. These portray the healing powers of shamans as well as

their more dramatic powers to transform into various animals or to fly (Figures 33. 34, 39 and
30
Eli Wcctaluktuk (attrib.)
and their ability to injure themselves without suffering ill effects (Figure 35) or to become
85),
(.' 1958). Inukjuak
4
Woman Stretching Skin, 1958 transparent (Figure 36).
Dark green stone, smew. 30.1 x
Equally interesting is the portrayal of transformations from animal-to-animal and human-to-
20.4 x 16.3
National Gallery of Canada. Gilt of animal. Transformational works sometimes refer to specific myths or stories (Figures 37 and 38)
the Department ol Indian Affairs and
but more often simply visually represent, through hybrid creatures, the ability ot
animal and
Northern Development, 1992 (Gift

of Robert Kennedy. Speneerville.

human spirits to move about and inhabit each other's bodies. The concepts of transformation,
Ontario, 19X5)

spirits and shamanism (Figures 59 and 40) allow artists the creative freedom to play with
The great Inukjuak artists have
unusual juxtapositions of subject matter, composition, materials and even colours which may not
a gift for transforming the

ordinary into the sublime. Not

necessarily reflect personal or community spiritual beliefs (Figure 2).
only do the opulently rounded
and graceful lines of the
woman contrast with the ele-
gantly simplified plane of the
skin in its semicircular frame,
hut the quiet concentration of
the woman gives this piece .1

1 ontemplative quality

IES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART

3' 32 (facing page)

Pitseolak Ashoona f. Pitseolak could create an entire Paul Akkuardjuk (1914-1974), Great skill and ingenuity are

(1904-1983), Cape Dorset world on a sheet of paper. Her Repulse Bay required for a work of this size

Summer Camp Scene, 1974 foreshortened landscapes are Winter Camp, 1974 and complexity, but its intimate

Felt-tip pen, 50.8 x 65.6 like small islands, complete Antler, ivory, stone, hide, thread. sensibility is preserved by the
National Gallery of Canada, Gift of black colouring, 16. 1 x 47.0x40.3 small scale of individual pieces.
with camps and their human
the Department of Indian Affairs and Winnipeg Art Gallery. Swinton
and animal inhabitants. Subtle Paradoxically, while this carv-
Northern Development, 1989 Collection
balance is achieved not only ing is clearly the result of out-
through the placement of land- side influence, it is typical of

scape features, tents and figures, naive, unprompted, untutored

but also through colour. folk art.

44
THEMES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART
53 ?4 (facing P a g<0

Irene Avaalaaqiaq Tiktaalaaq Avaalaaqiaq, inspired by her Eric Niuqtuk (born 1937), Inuit believed that in the dis-

(born 1941), Baker Lake grandmother's stories, delves Baker Lake tant past, animals and humans

Mysterious Powers of the Shaman, into the supernatural, with .1 Shaman, 1974-75 could transform effortlessly, each

light touch of humour. Her Green-grey stone, antler, 18.6 x into the other. More recently,
974
14.2x5.9 only shamans were able to per-
Duffle, felt, embroidery (loss and hangings have large, strongly
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel
thread, 81.8 x 162.0 defined border areas. Here, form this type of transforma-
and Esther Sarick, [989
Musec canadien des civilisations/
human, animal and bird heads tion. In a seance, the shaman
Canadian Museum of Civilization would wear tusks, teeth or
surround the shaman and spir-
its, to show that human, animal claws, and the spirit and voice

and spirit worlds are inextrica- of the animal helping spirit

bly connected. would speak through him.

46
%L
35 (facing page)
Charlie Ugjuk (born 1951),
Taloyoak
Harpooned Shaman, 1988
Whalebone, dark green stone, ivory.

63.0 x 36.0 x 28.0

National Gallery of Canada

One of the more spectacular

powers of the shaman was the

ability to receive or self-inflict

a serious injury without

suffering any permanent ill

effects. He might spear or stab

himself, throw himself upon a

harpoon, or allow himself to

be throttled. Ugjuk's shaman
appears to be possessed by an
animal helping spirit as he per-
forms his miracle.

36
William Noah (born 1943),
Baker Lake
Printed by the artist

Shaman, 1972 #24

Stonecut and stencil, 42.0 x 63.0
Musee canadien des civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization

"Note: This image was labelled the
wrong way Here it is shown posi-

tioned the way the artist originally

intended

"Though no shaman can

explain to himself how and
why, he can . . . divest his

body of its flesh and blood, so

that nothing remains but his -i"
bones. And he must then name
all the parts of his body, men-
tion every single bone by name
. . . (using] only the special

and sacred shaman's language."

Knud Rasmussen noted
(Blodgett 1979:37).

THEMES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART

57 (facing page)
Davidialuk Alasua Amittu m.
(1910-1976), Puvirnituq
Mythological Bird, 1958
Grey stone. 43.4 x 38.2 x 16.5
Winnipeg An Cillery. Twomey
Collection, with appreciation to tlie

Pros'ince of Manitoba and the

Government of Canada

Davidialuk, one of the great

storyteller-artists, illustrates the

tale of a village whose women

were magically transformed
into sea gulls while their hus-

bands were away hunting. One

of his trademarks was to over-
lay powerful sculptural forms
with lighter graphic embellish-
ment, here manifested as deli-
cately incised feathers.

George Tataniq (1910-1991),

Baker Lake
Fox- Woman, 1970
Green-grey stone, 39 1 x 16.3 x n.o
Art Gallery of Ontario. Gift of Samuel

and Esther Sarick 1996

Tataniq carved several versions

of an episode of the Kiviuk
legend in which the hero, who
lived alone, found his igloo

miraculously tended and his

meals cooked for him. One day
he snuck home early and sur-
prised a fox who had shed her
skin to become a beautiful

woman T.il.miq's elegant yet

timid woman is so subtly
carved that we almost forget
she is transforming.

THEMES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART

 39
Peggy Ekagina (1919-1993), Unlike most of Ekagina's carv- animal attributes (Figure 34),
Kugluktuk ings, which are considerably also from Baker Lake. This is

Female Muskox Shaman, 1 974 smaller, this imposing work not pretence but actual trans-
Dark grey stone. 198 x 9.3 x 36.0 resembles Baker Lake muskox formation.
Winnipeg Art Gallery, Gift of Sheila sculptures (Figure 84). But as a
and Robert Garfield
transformation image, this
shaman-as-animal has a com-
pletely different sensibility
from Niuqtuk's shaman with

52
40
Simon Tookoome (born 1934), "The Inuit, especially a long a knack for visually communi-

Baker Lake time ago, used to think and to cating human thought and a
A Vision of Animals, 1972 visualize — to have a vision of love of animal-human transfor-

Coloured pencil, graphite, 52.4 x 75.5 going out hunting, hunting mation. In his drawings and
Winnipeg Art Gallery, purchased wolves especially," Tookoome prints, as in much Baker Lake-
through a grant from the McLean the world of the Inuit and
says (Jackson et al. 1995:109). art,
Foundation
He blends aesthetic concerns the world of animals mix
bold pattern, symmetry and freely.

large blocks ot colour — with

HEMES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART

 A few Inuit artists have explored Christian themes over the past sixty years or so." Influ-

enced by Roman Catholic missionaries who arrived in the late Historic Period, carvers in the

communities of Chesterfield Inlet, Pelly Bay and Repulse Bay created a number of ivory works

depicting crucifixions and other portrayals of Christ, portraits of popes, and the madonna and
child. In more recent years, some works, particularly wall hangings, have been commissioned
by churches in Arctic communities. The Christian content is not always overt and requires
6
explanation to distinguish it from "traditional" imagery (Figure 132). And, finally, a few artists

have depicted missionaries and their influence with ironic intent.

MYTHS AND LEGENDS

Inuit myths and legends are not simply stories but are oral traditions that describe the origins of
humans and animals, provide justifications for taboos, explain the forces of nature, and generally

bring a sense of purpose to an otherwise strange and chaotic world. Myths about the sea god-

dess, the hero Kiviuk and Lumaaq the Blind Boy, to name just a few, are a rich source of inspi-
ration for artists, whose interpretations range from single famous scenes or episodes to entire

story cycles (usually drawings).

The Legend of the Sea Goddess

The sea goddess, the most famous and powerful being in Inuit mythology, is known by many
names, including Sedna, Nuliajuk and Taleelayu. The myth of the sea goddess exists in different

versions in various regions of the Arctic, and this brief retelling is based on one of the better
known accounts from northern Baffin Island:

A young woman (Sedna), after refusing the offers of many suitors, eventually married a fulmar or

petrel (sea bird). The bird, having promised her a life of luxury, took her to an island. Sedna dis-

covered too late that she had been deceived, for her life on the island was in fact miserable. Upon
hearing of her unhappy fate, Sedna's father came to the island to rescue her and killed the bird-

husband. The two escaped the island in the father's boat but were pursued by the bird's friends, who
created a terrible storm which threatened to swamp the small vessel. In a panic, the father threw

Sedna overboard to save himself, but she clung to the side of the boat. Desperate to make it to shore,

the father chopped off Sedna's fingers one joint at a time. Her severed finger joints transformed

into whales and seals, and Sedna herself sank to the bottom of the sea and became a powerful spirit.

Sedna's sacrifice produced a bountiful harvest of sea mammals for Inuit, but there was a

price to pay. The people were obliged to obey many rules and taboos to keep Sedna happy; if

these taboos were broken, she might withhold her creatures from the community and whip up
fierce storms, which would lead to starvation. One of the chief tasks of the shaman was to

appease Sedna and to intercede with her in times of crisis. An annual Sedna Festival was held in

some regions as an indication of the people's appreciation and respect.

Sedna's general appearance is quite similar to that of a mermaid; she is usually depicted

with the upper body of a woman and the tail of a whale or other sea creature (Figure 41).

Another physical characteristic is her hair. A shaman could curry Sedna's favour by travelling to

the bottom of the sea to comb and braid her tangled hair (Figure 42)/

54
 •mm

i?

4'

Ananaisie Alikatuktuk m. (born The sea goddess Taleclayu (also

1944), Pangnirtung known as Nuliajuk and Sedna)

Printmaker: Thomasie Alikatuktuk m. embodied the idea of fertility.
(born 1953) She was regarded as the giver of
Tdkdayu and lamih, 1976 #15 life and a symbol of abundance,
Stencil, 38.5 x 58.5
but could withhold her animals
Musce canadicn dcs civilisations/
when angered. Ananaisie's
Canadian Museum of Civilization
idyllic depiction of her as a
mother figure has been en-
hanced by Thomasie 's delicate,

almost ethereal, stencilling.

THEMES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART

 Natar Ungalaq m. (born 1959), When angered, the sea goddess
Igloolik would withhold the animals,
Sedna with Hairbrush, 1985 causing starvation. One of the
Grey stone, fur, bone, 18.0 x duties of the shaman was to
21.5 x 20.0 appease Sedna by combing and
National Gallery of Canada
braiding her tangled hair.
Natar's thoroughly modern
work depicts Sedna as a grimac-
ing prima donna who doesn't
enjoy being kept waiting.

56
 The Legend of Kiviuk
This complex legend, or legend cycle, has been compared to Homer's Odyssey as it involves an

immortal hero's exploits during a lengthy journey through strange lands. The story exemplifies

the traditional Inuit belief in the constant intersection of the human and animal worlds, with

many examples of transformation, intermarriage and regeneration. This is a very concise rendi-

tion of some of Kiviuk's more interesting adventures:

A young boy who lived with his widowed grandmother was constantly ridiculed in camp. Of all
the men, only Kiviuk was kind to him. The boy's grandmother, who was a powerful shaman,

avenged the cruelty of the men by luring them far out to sea and churning up a great storm.

Kiviuk's life was spared, but he was carried off to a distant land. There, he came to the house of an

evil shaman and barely escaped being eaten by her. After wandering for a time, Kiviuk arrived at

the house of an old woman and her widowed daughter. He and the daughter married, but the

mother soon became extremely jealous. She murdered her daughter, skinned her and donned the
skin herself, hoping to fool Kiviuk. He quickly discovered her treachery and escaped.

Several other adventures include encounters with a Spider Woman, a Bee Woman, giant

caterpillars, bears and yet another cannibal sorceress who kept the heads of her victims (Figure

43). Kiviuk also married a fox who transformed into a beautiful woman (Figure 38), escaped

from more cannibals and then married a goose (Figure 44). Finally, he returned home and was
reunited with his original family.

Kiviuk's many escapes from death were due to more than mere luck; he himself was a

shaman of some considerable power, although he hid that fact whenever he could. He was also

immortal, yet very human in his frailties. Always giving in to temptation, he was forever relying

on his wits to get himself out of terrible trouble."

The Story of Lumaaq

Like many Inuit legends, the story of Lumaaq the blind boy is about cruelty and vengeance.

This is one of the more common versions of the legend:

Lumaaq lived with his mother and sister. One winter, he had the misfortune to become snowblind.
When a polar bear ventured near the family's camp, Lumaaq's mother knew that only he was strong

enough to kill the creature. With his mother guiding his hand, Lumaaq killed the bear with his bow
and arrow. He clearly heard the bear's howl of pain, but his mother lied to him, telling him he had

missed and killed a dog by mistake. The mother and daughter moved a short distance away and cut

up the bear for themselves. Lumaaq's sister, however, would sneak him food whenever she could.

Lumaaq's prayers for deliverance were answered by a loon, who instructed him to hang on to

its neck while it dove deep beneath the water three times. At the third descent, Lumaaq's sight was
completely restored (Figure 45). He decided, however, to hide this from his mother By now it was

summertime, and whaling season. Lumaaq made a strong harpoon and suggested to his mother that

they go whale hunting. He tied the harpoon line around his mother's waist, telling her that when
they caught a whale, he would help pull it in. Ready to guide her son's hand on the harpoon, she

waited for a small whale to appear. Lumaaq, however, harpooned the largest whale he could see

and found his revenge was complete as the whale pulled his hapless mother out to sea.

In Inuit mythology, it is sometimes difficult to know when one legend ends and another

begins. In some versions of the Lumaaq story, he and his sister marry and or wandei into the

wilderness, meeting the "long-clawed people" and the "bottomless women." In othei tellings,

THEMES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART

 43
Janet Kigusiuq (born 1926), In this episode of the Kiviuk
Baker Lake story, he is invited into the
Pnntmaker: Magdalene Ukpatiku igloo of the cannibal sorceress
(born 1931) Igutsaq. While she prepares a
Qtyiuq Spits on the Evil Woman, fire to cook the unsuspecting
1979 #13 hero, he notices a pile of heads
Stencil, 47.5 x 63.5
in the corner. One head speaks,
Musee canadien des civilisations/
warning Kiviuk to escape while
Canadian Museum of Civilization
he can. The key players appear
several times in a kind of "time
lapse" sequence.

58
44
Miriam Marealik Qiyuk (born In this episode of the Kiviuk
1933), Baktr Lake legend, he marries a bird-
Sleeping Family (Kiviuk legend), woman; the couple have several
1980 bird-children. Mother and
Black stone, 7.0 x 16.4 x 17.7 children can transform at will
Winnipeg An Gallery and eventually fly away, but
Kiviuk chases after them. 1 he
51 ulpture also works well on
the level ol m^ intimate family
si ene

HEMES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART

 the two attend a village feast where Lumaaq inadvertently kisses or makes love to his sister in a

dark igloo. Having marked her lover's face with soot, the sister is overcome with shame when
she discovers it is her brother. She races away, pursued by Lumaaq, and the two rise up into the

sky, where she becomes the sun, and he the moon.

Since very little Inuit literature has been written down and published, the visual arts have

become a valuable permanent record of oral history and myths: a carving or drawing of a legend

becomes the equivalent of its telling in words. Sadly, many thousands of artworks illustrating

myths and legends have gone undocumented; however, much more would surely have been lost

were it not for the efforts of storyteller-artists across the Arctic.'*

THE HUMAN FIGURE

In Inuit art, the human figure is usually shown in cultural contexts such as hunting and daily

activities, but occasionally the solitary human figure or partial figure appears divorced from

those contexts. While a figure may be identifiable as Inuit because of its clothing, it does not

rely on its "Inuitness" for meaning.

Although details of animal musculature and fur are often carefully treated, the human figure

is generally fully clothed and thus largely hidden. Frequently, only the face is visible. Hints of

an articulated body inside the bulky clothing are gestural rather than anatomical. The beauty of

human anatomy, with some notable exceptions (Figure 46), is usually not significant. As in the

depiction of animals, the spirit or psychological impact is paramount (Figures 47 and 48).

THE FAMILY

The family unit, particularly the mother and child (or children), is one of the most important

themes in Inuit art. There is a very physical closeness between a mother and her infant children,

due to the harsh climate which necessitated the invention of the amaut (back pouch) and the
oversized hood. In many scenes of Inuit life, the small child peeking out from the mother's

hood is almost an appendage (Figure 49), but in other works, the maternal bond is more overtly

stated (Figures 50 and 51). The mother-and-child theme is particularly evident in sculpture; in

two-dimensional art, it usually forms only part of the larger context of daily activities.

Sometimes this theme bears a resemblance to the Christian motif of madonna and child;

although the two themes are not related iconographically, there is a comparable emotional

intensity (Figures 52 and 104). Expressive content is concentrated in the mother's face and in her

tender, sheltering gestures, with considerable power and little sentimentality (Figure 53).

60
45
Agnes Nanogak (born 1925), This print illustrates a pivotal first dive, he could see some
Holman episode in the story of light: after the second, his
Printmaker ll.irry Egutak (bom 1925) Lumaaq. According to one eyesight was overly acute.
The lilmd Boy, 1975 #29 Copper limit version of the After the thud, it was perfect.
Stonccut, 22.5 x 42.0 tale, Lumaaq remained blind
Music canadien des civilisations/
for four years. One spun g .1

1
madian Museum of Civ 1

loon spoke to him, offering to

restore his sight. After the

THEMES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART 61

46 (facing page) 47
Oviloo Tunnillie f. (born In contrast to Oviloo's Qaqaq Ashoona m. What is remarkable about this

1949), Cape Dorset flamboyant Takelayu (Figure (1928-1996), Cape Dorset sculpture is how forcefully,

Torso, 1994 69), this small Torso is quietly Bust of a Woman, 1956 how resolutely, it is carved
Dark green sionc, 23.5 x 9.3 x 3.6 elegant. While Oviloo has 1 Ireen black stone, 21.3 Qaqaq's mastery of three
National Gallery of Canada carved nudes for years, she has Musi '
anadien des civilisations/ dimensions is complete \11 ele-

Canadian Mum ur
ments— arms, checks, even
only recently begun experi-
< in .'i the Department of Indian
menting with fragmentary eyes and i yebrows arc strong
.
lopment
human figures These unite sculptural shapes in their own
comparison with similar figures right, yet the} combine to form
in the European tradition, .1 SU( Cessful whole
about which this artist is no
doubt becoming aware

THEMES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART 63

48 49 (facing page)
Pitaloosie Saila f. (born 1942), "I don't know Picasso, myself," Johnny Inukpuk (born 1911), Johnny Inukpuk's works from
Cape Dorset says Pitaloosie (Leroux et al. lnukjuak the 1950s exemplify the rapid
Printmaker: Lukta Qutsuk m. (born 1994:169). She often has had Woman and Child, 1954 evolution of early contempo-
1928) to fend off questions about the Dark green stone, ivory, 20.0 x 20.5 x rary sculpture from small-scale,
Eskimo Leader, 1972 #11 28.0 tentative efforts to larger, more
superficial resemblance of her
Stonecut, 62.2 x 85.0 Musee canadien des civilisations/
ambitious and individualistic
print to Picasso's imagery. The
Musee canadien des civilisations/ Canadian Museum of Civilization
figure is not a mustachioed artistic statements. The ripe,
Canadian Museum of Civilization
man, but a tattooed woman. voluptuous, rhythmic forms of

According to what she learned the mother tending her qulliq

as a child, women were tat- (oil lamp), carved in the lus-

tooed only when they had dis- cious lnukjuak stone, imply

tinguished themselves as abundance and well-being.

leaders.

'-4
 5°
Napatchie Pootoogook f. (born Napatchie inherited her mother
1938), Cape Dorset Pitseolak's interest in depicting
Prmtmaker: Pitseolak Niviaqsi m. Inuit traditions from a personal
(born 1947) perspective, but recent attempts
My Daughter's First Steps, 1990 to depict landscape settings
#9 indicate a generational
Lithograph, 563 x 86.2
difference. Napatchie, who
Musee canadien des civilisations/
worked on the lithographic
Canadian Museum of Civilization
stone herself, expressed frustra-
tion at the changes she was
obliged to make from the orig-
inal drawing (Leroux et al.

1994: 154).

66
5'
Paulosikotak Alaku m.
(1923—1971), Salluil
Mother and Children, ca. 1959
Grey stone, 26.9 x 32.0 x 22.4

An Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel

and Esther Sarick, 1990

Domestic and family themes

were the most popular 111

Salluit art of the 1950s, with

(..livers revelling in the simple,
unhcroic aspects of everyday
life. This mother has probably
taken her son out of her am&ul
"rear pouch" to let him urinate;

he does not seem too sure of

the situation.

THEMES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART 67

 52
Margaret Uyauperq Aniksak
(1905-1993), Arviat
Mother and Child. 1 971
Grey stone, 28.6 x 12.3 x 17.5

Winnipeg An Gallery, Twomey

Collection, with appreciation to the

Province of Manitoba and the

Government of Canada

Unlike many of her Arviat

peers, Uyauperq aimed for a

measure of realism. Not only

did she open up negative space
somewhat with her figures'

gestures, she also carved and

carefully delineated details of
clothing. But her themes are
pure Arviat, centred almost
exclusively on highly expres-
sive images of maternity.

68
53
Peter Sevoga (born 1940),
Baker Lake
Family Group, 1972
Darkened green-grey stone, 25.2 x

22 7 22 5

An Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel

and Esther Sarick. 1996

The best Baker Lake stone is

black and hard, polishing to a

satin sheen. In many of Sevoga's

sculptures, a family huddles

together in the mother's pro-

tective embrace. He juggles bulk

and delicacy, creating surface

rhythms through the interplay
of sensuous curves and vol-
umes, while leaving the central
mass of the stone intact.

Wm

THEMES AND 5UBIECTS IN INUIT ART 69

7o
 THE ARCTIC LANDSCAPE

As it was just thirty to forty years ago that the Canadian government permanently settled the

limit in villages, only the younger generations of artists have been raised off the land. Many
limit, however, divide their time between the community and the land, often spending the

entire summer at a semipermanent camp site. For them, the land and sea are not merely hunting

grounds but the places where spirits live, where generations of ancestors lie buried under stones,

and where animals and plants flourish according to the seasons.

Despite the importance of the physical environment, it does not figure prominently in Inuit

art. Even in the graphic and textile arts, which are more amenable to depicting landscape than

sculpture, the land is a background element or is completely absent. Graphic and textile artists

who have experimented with showing true landscape in their work include Pudlo Pudlat, Janet

Kigusiuq and Ruth Qaulluaryuk (Figures 54, 112 and 145). The younger generation of graphic
artists is adopting Western conventions of perspective and landscape.

THE INFLUENCE OF THE SOUTHERN MARKET

In the Historic Period, many works were specially commissioned by Europeans; these ranged

from depictions of animals and models of traditional Inuit implements to miniature replicas or

ivory models of European objects such as rifles, traps and boats. Today, the wide variety of

themes in Inuit art indicates that artists enjoy relative freedom in choosing their subject matter,

although they are greatly influenced by the southern market. After all, they are producing works

for that market and not for sale or use within Inuit society; furthermore, they rely on art pro-

duction for their livelihood or as a source of spare cash. More recently, the front-line purchasers

of Inuit art (usually just the first in a series of buyers) have also exerted a considerable amount of

influence. The rejection by buyers of particular subjects often means that an artist will choose to
54
Pudlo Pudlat m. (1916 1992). portray a more acceptable one in the next work, and some exploit popular themes because they
Cape Dorset
Printm,iker: Sagiatuk Sagiatuk m. sell well. However, independent-minded or important artists feel freer to experiment, and they
(born 1952)
influence the market as well as their fellow artists. Moreover, the art-buying public appears to be
Arctic Waterfall, 1976 #15
Stonecut and stencil. 62.2 x 86.3 curious and imaginative enough to collect the variety of works produced by the artists.

Musie canadien des civilisations/

Inuit art is relatively conservative and is rarely political: very few artists deal with present-
Canadian Museum of Civilization

"Now in my drawings I draw day social issues. On the other hand, themes in contemporary Inuit art such as mythology and
land," Pudlo says, "because shamanism still have the power to evoke shock and surprise. At present, the art continues to
everybody in this world sees
celebrate Inuit traditions, but sweeping social changes are bound to have an effect on Inuit iden-
land every time they get up . . .

I really love making land- tity; both artists and the outside world will have to learn to appreciate and accept the inevitable
scapes — the sky and every-
begins to new
thing" (Routledge and Jackson
evolution of Inuit art as it reflect that identity.

1990:27). By the mid-1970s,

Pudlo, like many of his Cape
Dorset peers, had become
interested in depicting land-
scape. The tiny row of figures

at the bottom is dwarfed by

the grandeur of the scenery.
In this image, Pudlo, unlike
Pitseolak (Figure ji), seems
more interested in the formal,
almost abstract potential of
landscape

THEMES AND SUBJECTS IN INUIT ART

CHAPTER 6 SCULPTURE: TRADITIONS AND
N EW Dl RECTONS

WriTHlN A DECADE oi~ James Houston's visits to Arctic Quebec, the west coast of
was booming across the
Hudson Bay and Baffin Island, the Inuit carving industry

Arctic, with projects initiated by government administrators, contracted arts advisors,

missionaries and even schoolteachers.

Beginning in the late 1950s, Inuit-owned co-operatives were organized with assistance from

the federal government, first in northern Quebec, then in the rest of the Arctic, to market arts

and crafts, fish products and other commodities. These days, the co-operatives operate businesses

such as stores and hotels, as well as wholesaling sculptures, prints and other arts. The Hudson's
Bay Company's Inuit art marketing division has become an arm of the North West Company,

which still purchases sculpture and other arts and crafts through its chain of Northern Stores,

wholesaling them in the south. Inuit art (primarily sculpture) is now a multimillion-dollar indus-

try, with dozens of companies and individuals selling to a network of retail galleries and shops

in Canada, the U.S. and Europe. Unlike the early 1950s, Inuit sculpture is now generally pro-

moted as fine art, although many artists and communities continue to produce work for the

popular art and tourist markets. Carvings, which constitute about 80 per cent of Inuit art pro-

duction, are considered the pre-eminent art form in most communities and the one with which
55
Syollie Weetaluktuk m. (attrib.)
Inuit art is most readily associated.
(1906-1962), Inukjuak
Two defining features of contemporary Inuit sculpture are its physicality and relatively
Mother and Child, ca. 1957
Dark green
20.0 x 10.0
stone, ivory, 25.0 x
modest scale. The raw materials of Inuit sculpture are tactile, natural materials — stone, bone,

Musee canadien des civilisations/ antler and ivory — taken from the earth and its animals. Artists use the human or animal body
Canadian Museum of Civilization.
as their starting point and relate them directly to the physical or spiritual world rather than to
Gift of the Department of Indian
Affairs and Northern Development most small-scale sculptures, Inuit carvings create
abstract political or philosphical ideas. Like
(Gift of Robert Kennedy)
their own world and draw us into their space. Reactions to Inuit sculpture are visceral and emo-
The mother is pulling up her
spacious hood to protect the tional, rather than intellectual.
infant emerging from her amaut
Although the terms "carving" and "sculpture" are used almost interchangeably, they have
("rear pouch"). Like many
Inukjuak figures, they engage different connotations. The word "carving" often refers to smaller-scale work and may be used
the viewei with calm yel
to denote so-called "lesser" arts such as folk art or tourist art. It also sometimes implies the
expressive gazes. The subtle,

broad volumes of this work, working of wood. "Sculpture" frequently refers to larger, more "impressive" work that is seri-

with the upraised arms framing

ous "fine art" and, by implication, produced by one of the "major civilizations" or .1 recognized
the oval form of the hood, lend
it an archetypal quality artist.
 All Inuit sculptures are carved in the sense that they are hewn or cut, and not modelled

(with the exception of ceramics). While many works are assembled from individual elements made

from different materials, even these separate elements are individually carved. Despite the con-
notations and the fact that Inuit works which are modest in scale, execution and conception may
be referred to as "carvings," and those that are larger and more ambitious as "sculptures," there is

no actual qualitative distinction between the two terms. Inuit artists, if they speak English, gen-

erally call themselves carvers, but some of the younger generation prefer to be called "artists." 1

METHODS AND MATERIALS

Before I make a carving I think about women, how they used to live a hard life before, how they

were always cold. I always talk to the stone: "What are you going to be? I know you won't answer,

so I will do what I want." I always have strong feelings before I make a carving.

ELIZABETH NUTARALUK AULATJUT, A RV I AT (Nutaraluk I989)

In Inuit sculpture, the relationship of artists to material is a special one. The carvers are inspired

by shapes, textures and colours, and have an uncanny ability to look at the raw material and

visualize the final sculpture. They may sometimes search for a piece of raw stone, bone or antler

to accommodate a general theme, but more commonly they study the available material until it

suggests a suitable idea or composition. As a consequence, Inuit carvers have no need to make
maquettes or preparatory drawings.
at allows

many Inuit artists to produce wonderful images which go far beyond the mere representation of
subject matter. Inuit sculptors — market forces notwithstanding — have great freedom in their

choice and combination of materials, carving methods and size of sculptures. Their open dialogue

with the materials allows for a corresponding freedom of choice in composition, style and sub-

ject matter. Inuit sculpture is full of examples of startling originality of conception, breathtaking
2
simplicity and raw vitality.

Carving means many things to us. One has to find stone in order to make carvings. Summer or

winter, each brings its own difficulty in obtaining the stone. This is something which I believe the

people in the South do not understand. You have to think of where the stone comes from and the

problems one goes through getting it out. The problem of locating it in the first place and the dis-

tance one has to carry it.

PAULOSIE KASADLUAK, I N U K) U A K (1977:2 i)

Inuit and their ancestors have been obliged to hunt or scavenge for their traditional carving

materials: ivory, bone, antler and driftwood. Stone was shaped into oil lamps and cooking pots,

but rarely used for art until the Historic Period. Today, in most communities, stone has sup-

planted organic materials as the primary carving material. While it is more plentiful and versatile

than other materials, locating, quarrying and transporting good quality carving stone is time-

consuming and difficult, and some quarries are almost exhausted. True soapstone, or steatite

(qullisaq, the stone traditionally used for carving qulliit, or oil lamps) is used mostly in Arctic

Quebec; the much harder green serpentine and serpentinite are more common on southern Baffin

Island. Other stones used include limestone, argillite and, most recently, marble (also found on

southern Baffin). Occasionally, southern stone has been imported by communities with chronic

shortages, but poor market acceptance tends to discourage this practice.'

74
 Walrus ivory, once the mainstay of limit carving, is still being utilized, but now mostly for

In contrast, whalebone favoured by

miniatures and details or inlay work, as well as jewellery.
is

many carvers because of its unusual shapes and textures, and because it allows them to work on

a relatively large scale.'

1
Unfortunately, international trade restrictions concerning marine mam-
mal products have limited the marketability of works in ivory and whalebone. Caribou antler,

which is a renewable resource as the animals shed their antlers each year, offers an alternative to

ivory and is often used for work that is mostly assembled or "constructed.

Although many contemporary carvings arc small enough to fit in the palm of a hand, there

has been a general increase in the size of works as carvers learned that larger works brought

considerably more money for relatively little extra effort. Stone and whalebone sculptures can

attain heights of 60 to 90 centimetres (two to three feet). The only restriction seems to be the

ability to quarry and transport large pieces of stone, or to scavenge large pieces of aged, weath-

ered whalebone on Arctic beaches. Although works on a larger scale were initially encouraged,

the art market has not been able to absorb an unlimited supply of bigger, more expensive works,

obliging artists to alternate between larger and smaller pieces.

of hand tools, either purchased or improvised. In stone

Inuit carvers utilize an assortment

carving, they use small axes and sometimes adzes to rough out the initial shape. An improvised

hatchet can be made by lashing or welding two worn files together into a T and grinding one of

them to form a blade. Softer stone can be cut with a saw. A few Inuit carvers have adopted Euro-

pean chisel-and-mallet techniques; much more popular are small power tools such as diamond-

disc grinders and flexible-shaft rotary grinders. These electric tools considerably shorten roughing

out and shaping time. Files and rasps are used to shape the stone to its final form. It is then

smoothed and polished with emery cloth, sandpaper and sometimes even liquid metal polish.

Fine incisions are made with knives or nails, usually after a stone has been finished. The stone

may be heated and rubbed with beeswax, which forms a protective, shiny surface. As the natural

colour of stone is brought out when it is polished or wet, sometimes lard, margarine or other

substances are used to maintain the dark natural look. Even shoe polish is occasionally used to

artificially darken grey stones. Ivory, antler or contrasting stone details are added at the very end.

Carving methods must be adapted for working on organic materials such as ivory, bone and
antler, whose qualities of hardness and brittleness differ considerably from that of stone, ivory

can be worked with small grinders and knives; antler, like wood, can be sawn, filed and pegged

or glued together. Because of its varying hardness, textures and brittleness, whalebone can be

tricky to carve; power tools tend to scorch the bone, so carvers use axes or mallets and chisels,

switching to knives and files for finer details.

AESTHETICS AND REGIONAL STYLES

George Swinton (1992:129-30) has noted that limit did not traditionally have a term tor "art

To describe carving or the making of art, they use the Inuktitut term sananguaq, which translates

as "carved in the likeness of (replica)." While Western artists use the same language as critics .\nd

art historians, Inuit artists, especially those of the older generations, arc "difficult" to interview

about their work as they are unfamiliar with "artspeak."

Most Inuit have a decidedly craftsmanlike rather than an aesthetic approach to carving: a

realistic, well-made object is considered more important than a "beautiful" one. And the subject

SCULPTURE
56A and b (two views)

Manasie Akpaliapik m. (born "Everything in the world is con-

1955), Arctic Bay/Toronto nected, people and the animals,
Respecting the Circle, 1989 the entire food chain. When
Whalebone, ivory, dark grey stone, you disturb the circle, the chain,
antler, baleen, rust stone, horn, 52.0 x you disturb everything," says
71.4 x 40.0
Manasie. His gift for naturalis-
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel
tic representation in the chal-
and Esther Sarick, 1996
lenging material of whalebone
is remarkable; the character and
integrity of the bone remain
absolutely intact. He does not
simply carve bone, he animates it.

76
 ol the diving is more meaningful than its form (Swinton 1992:130). As Kananginak Pootoogook

observed (1979:33-34): "A white man, if he is going to buy a carving, buys it purely by the

appearance of the carving. The white people do not consider the meaning of the carving, simply

the appearance of the carving."''

The anthropologist Nelson Graburn chose the Inuktitut term sulijuk ("it is true or real") for

identifying realism as the overriding aesthetic approach among Inuit artists. The close connec-

tion between realistic form and content in Inuit sculpture is not as restrictive as it seems, how-

ever, for "realism" can manifest itself in many ways. It can refer to the portrayal of imaginary or

supernatural beings and events as if they were real, often in highly naturalistic expressions

(Figure 56); very precise depictions of people, animals and objects in the natural world (Figure 57);

somewhat more naive, less anatomically perfect, more expressionistic illustrations of activities or

actual events (Figure 63 ); and depictions of actual beings in a stylized manner that conveys their

essence (Figure 107). As Paulosie Kasadluak has said (1977:21): "No matter what activity the

carved figure is engaged in, something about it will be true" (italics mine).

57
Osuitok Ipeelec m. (born 1923),
Cape Dorset
Standing, Caribou, 1988
Moitled chirk grey-green stone, antlei
49.8x42.2x25.1
An Gallery of Ontario. Gift of Samuel

and Esther Sarick, 1996

Osuitok, already a renowned

ivory carver in the late 1940s,
is perhaps the foremost Inuit
sculptor of naturalistic "wildlife
art." When James and Alma
Houston visited him in 1951,

they found the ceiling of his

igloo plastered with animal
and bird illustrations cut out

of books (Houston 1979).

SCULPTURE
 The inseparability of form and content in Inuit sculpture cannot be stressed enough. Inuit

sculpture is always about something; while the meaning of a particular work may be obscure due
to the viewer's lack of knowledge, the forms themselves are almost always intended to relay or

enhance meaning. Pure abstraction does not exist in Inuit sculpture or in Inuit art in general;

even when form is radically simplified (Figure 58), it is seldom an end in itself. Likewise, there is

little pure decoration; Inuit artists either leave carved surfaces unadorned, or apply texture, incis-

ing or inlay to enhance realism or add symbolic content.

Interestingly, contemporary Inuit sculpture is characterized not by its homogeneity but

rather by its great stylistic diversity, which is due to many factors. First, the disintegration of the
relatively uniform Thule culture into regional patterns discouraged a single artistic style; this was
compounded by the fact that regions experienced different and varying outside influences in the

Historic Period. Second, the episodic nature of the introduction of carving activity to widely

scattered communities in the 1950s and 1960s, and the personal tastes of the advisors and entre-

preneurs who worked with artists, encouraged diversity. Third, the considerable variety in the

availability and type of carving materials across the Arctic made a uniform style impossible and

promoted artistic invention. Finally, Inuit carvers are talented individuals who have an accultur-

ated and rapidly changing lifestyle, producing art for an outside audience that values, promotes

and rewards personal expression. They have developed personal artistic styles even in settle-

ments where the "community style" is especially strong, and even among artisans who specialize

in carving tourist or souvenir art.

Today, at least thirty-five of the fifty or so Inuit communities are recognized as centres of

sculpture. Ironically, Labrador, which produced the first Inuit export ivories for Moravian mission-
aries in the late eighteenth century and which was considered the foremost art-producing region
in the Historic Period, was sadly neglected; it has only recently attempted a carving revival.

The following survey of regional and community styles in Inuit sculpture discusses both the

broad general stylistic characteristics and the favoured subjects of each region and key commu-
nities.
8
This is not an attempt to categorize the work of communities or artists, especially since it

seems that the exceptions outnumber rather than prove the rules, as can be seen by comparing

and contrasting the work of individual artists within, as well as outside, regional and commu-
nity boundaries. Moreover, a number of aesthetic approaches cut across those boundaries, and a

few of these are also examined.

Nunavik (Arctic Quebec)

"What we show in our carvings is the life we have lived in the past right up to today. We show
the truth," says Paulosie Kasadluak (1977:21). He is from the community of Inukjuak, and his

sentiments are echoed throughout the Nunavik region, which encompasses more than a dozen

communities dotting Arctic Quebec's coastline. The importance of depicting the reality of

everyday Inuit existence, as well as events described in Inuit oral history, mythology and per-
sonal recollection, is a current that has run through fifty years of Nunavik sculpture. The
region's carving is strongly narrative and strives for naturalistic and realistic representation.

Dominated by the styles of two communities, Inukjuak and Puvirnituq, Nunavik work was the
first contemporary Inuit art presented to the public and it has coloured perceptions about the art

form ever since. Tradition is favoured over innovation, and styles which matured in the late

1950s and early 1960s are still practised today.''

78
John Pangnark (1920-1980),
Arviat
Mother and Child, 1973
Grey stone, jl.3 x 28.2 x 23.0

Musee canadien dcs civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization

Pangnark, the greatest practi-

tioner of Keewatin "minimal-
ism," focussed on the single
human figure. His instinctive
interest in the underlying
geometry of the human body
was evident from the begin-
ning. By the late 1960s, he had
begun stripping away detail;

soon only the barest vestiges of

humanness remained (see face

at topmost point).
"It's the imagination of the
shape that I like ll does not
look |ust like .1 real thing It it

looked like .1 real person, you

would simply sec a copy of

what is alive," says fellow
Arv1.1t carvei I m\ Tasscot

(1989)

SCULPTURE
 Most Nunavik sculptures are carved from grey steatite (soapstone). This soft stone is easily

carved, but as it also breaks and scratches easily, it must be worked with care. Carvers often

darken the stone to a black colour, then scrape or incise the surface to enliven it with realistic

details such as facial features and patterns of clothing or fur, or to create a colour contrast

between ground and figures.

lnukjuak

lnukjuak (formerly Port Harrison), located on the east coast of Hudson Bay, was the "birthplace"
10
of contemporary Inuit art and rapidly developed as an art-producing community in the 1950s.

lnukjuak sculptures, carved mainly from a dark green serpentine, the most beautiful stone in the

region, illustrate and celebrate the everyday life of times past. Subject matter includes wildlife,

the human figure and occasionally mythology, but it is the depiction of the family and tradi-

tional female camp activities (Figures 30 and 55) that are most closely associated with lnukjuak
sculpture, although very few of the community's carvers (indeed, few Nunavik carvers), in con-

trast to other regions, are women.

lnukjuak sculpture evolved from the experiments of the early 1950s (Figures 21 and 23) to a

mature style that features broad, rounded volumes. This found full expression in the work of
59 Johnny Inukpuk, a camp leader and one of the early "stars" of Inuit art, who had developed a
Noah Echaluk (born 1946)
strong personal style by 1955 (Figure 49). Overall, classic lnukjuak sculpture appears rooted to
lnukjuak
Woman Stitching a Skin Closed, the ground, self-contained and somewhat static; the works exhibit a quiet, somewhat reserved
ca. 1985
Grey-green stone, hide, antler, ivory.
tone, and yet the faces — the eyes more than anything (still sometimes inlaid with ivory) — often
colouring, 22.9 x 25.1 x 20.1
divulge a certain expressionism (Figures 59 and 60). It has been suggested that the people of
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel
and Esther Sarick, 1996

Echaluk adds hide and other

materials to his sculptures, and
also follows the older conven-
tion of inlaying facial features

with contrasting ivory. He

uses these materials for greater
realism, but also expressively

for psychological impact.

Compare this work with Eli

Weetaluktuk's serene treatment

of a similar theme (Figure 30).

60 (facing page)

Abraham POV (1927-1994),

lnukjuak
Mother and Two Children, 1981
Grey stone, 32.4 x 15.7 x 31.5

Musee canadien des civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization.

Gift of Beverly and Irwin Bernick

Son of artist Joe Talirunili,

Abraham moved to lnukjuak

from Puvirnituq; his last name,

derived from the abbreviated
name of his home community, is

pronounced P-O-V. Just as the

child hugs his mother's back,

so POV's lines and sculptural
forms hug the original shape of
the stone; he needs to remove
little to reveal essential forms.

80
 Inukjuak lacked confidence in their relationship with southerners, tending to hold back some-
what and keeping their thoughts to themselves. Perhaps this reticence is embodied in their art."

In recent years, Inukjuak sculpture, influenced by the art of its northern neighbour Puvirnituq,

has become less restrained, more energetic and gestural.

Puvirnituq

Puvirnituq (Povungnituk, or POV) developed around a Hudson's Bay Company trading post in

the 1950s. The community's sculpture, hardly distinguishable from that of Inukjuak in the early

years, had developed a robustly realistic style by the end of the 1950s, and now dominates the
art of the entire region. Compared with the art of Inukjuak, Puvirnituq sculpture is more exu-
12
berant, confident and even aggressive. In the male-dominated carving profession, technical
proficiency is valued as highly as hunting prowess, and competition among carvers is evident.

The themes are male-oriented as well, rarely portraying domestic scenes; instead, the sculptures

pay tribute to the exploits of hunters, both human and animal, and illustrate mythological and

personal narratives.

The Puvirnituq style, although realistic, is not a photographic realism. Rather, it epitomizes

Graburn and Swinton's concept of sulijuk." The Puvirnituq brand of sulijuk realism can apply

to different combinations of truthful or experiential content, and/or realistic form. It can vividly

depict myths and stories (Figure 61) or the surreal world of dreams (Figure 62), and it varies
I4
from elegant naturalism (Figure 27) to somewhat coarser forms of expressionism (Figure 63).

Puvirnituq realism does not shy away from the depiction of violence or bodily functions, and

carvers have even experimented with erotic subject matter. 15

Swinton (1977:21) fittingly describes Puvirnituq art as a "typically untypical" paradox, hav-

ing a definite community spirit but refusing to let itself be pigeonholed into a single stylistic

category. The two most famous Puvirnituq artists, the cousins Davidialuk Alasua Amittu (Figures

37 and 61) and Joe Talirunili (Figure 63), exemplify this paradox; both had absolutely individu-
alistic rugged carving styles and were driven in their desire to chronicle traditional and personal

stories. Davidialuk, widely considered to be one of the last great Inuit myth-makers,"' was never
a great hunter; he built a career out of recounting myths and legends in sculptures and prints,

and wrote down and recorded hundreds of traditional and personal stories for posterity.

Salluit

Salluit (formerly Sugluk), on the northern tip of Ungava Peninsula, began its art project in 1952,

and by 1955, 70 per cent of the no adults in the community were carving regularly. The ensu-
ing years were the heyday of Salluit art; by 1957, its carving production was the second highest

in Canada's Arctic. Interestingly, fully half of the Salluit carvers were women, and themes were
divided more or less along gender lines. Women carved female-oriented domestic and family

scenes almost exclusively; men appeared to have more freedom, usually carving scenes of the

hunt, but occasionally depicting female subjects as well (Figure 51).

The coarsely textured grey Salluit stone allowed the shaping of negative space but did not

permit much detailed incising or polishing. Making the best of their material, carvers created

works that are monumental in their simplicity, if somewhat stiff and formal at times (Figure 64).

Salluit works of the 1950s, with their archaic sensibility, are reminiscent of certain examples of

European Romanesque art. Sadly, by the late 1950s, the art market had lost interest in the static.

82
61 (top)

Davidialuk Alasua Amittu m.

(1910-1976) Puvirnituq
The Aurora Boreal is Decapitating
a Young Man, 1965
D.irk grey stone, 23.2 x 29.0 x 14.0

National Gallery of Canada

One night, three companions

went outside and one of them
started whistling. The
Northern Lights began to roar
and whip up a violent wind,

but ignoring the warnings of

his friends, the young man
The Aurora
kept whistling.
swooped down, decapitated
him, and played football with
his head. Since then, no one
whistles outdoors at night.

62 (bottom)
Eli Sallualu Qinuajua (born

1937), Puvirnituq
Untitled (Mythology Sculpture).

1970s
Grey stone, 27.1 x 18.0 x 11.0

Musec canadien des civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization

Encouraged in 1967 by an
anthropologist to depict things
never before seen, a group ot
Puvirnituq carvers began creat-
ing works of a fantastic, even
surreal, nature. The similarity
to some of the imagery of
European artists such as Bosch,
and modern surrealists like

Dali and Tanguy, is startling.

SCULPTURE
63
Joe Talirunili (1893-1976),
Puvirnituq
Migration, ca. 1975
Grey stone, skin, black wool, wood,
34.5 x 29.0 x 20.6
Musee canadien des civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization

In his later years, Talirunili

became obsessed with recount-

ing the details of a harrowing
childhood adventure: survivors
of a shipwreck crowded into a

hastily constructed umiak, in .111

attempt to reach safety. He

carved a dozen versions in the
last year of his life, occasion-
ally even including a list of
those involved.

64 (facing page)

Sammy Kaitak (born 1926),

Salluit

Woman Combing Her Hair,

ca. 1955
Grey stone, 19.5 x 15.0 x 24.0

Musee canadien des civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization.

Gift of the Department of Indian
Affairs and Northern Development

The slightly coarse grey Salluit

stone resists polishing but has

not deterred carvers from
attempting realistic detail.

Kaitak's mother and child,

with their large, massive bod-

ies, small, delicate faces and
carefully delineated hair,

exhibit a blend of monumen-

tality, awkwardness and charm.

84
 traditional look of Salluit sculpture; experiments with southern stone were not successful, and

by the early 1960s the project had begun to falter. Sculpture is still produced in Salluit, but the

style is now less distinct from that of other Nunavik communities. 17 The art of Kangiqsujuaq
(Wakeham Bay) and Ivujivik paralleled to some degree the development of Salluit sculpture.

Kangirsuk

Kangirsuk (Payne Bay) on the west coast of Ungava Bay has forged a reputation as a source of
small, quirky, often crudely carved folk-art style stone carvings, dominated by the unique and
eccentric style of Thomassie Kudluk (Figure 65). Emphasis is not on realism or the depiction of

traditional life but on the more incongruous details and foibles of human existence. The rough
grey stone is often blackened with shoe polish.

Kangiqsualujjuaq

Kangiqsualujjuaq (formerly George River) on the eastern shore of Ungava Bay was little known
as an art-producing community until the 1970s, when its artists began specializing in antler

sculpture. The works range from small spirit and wildlife pieces to antler segments or even

entire racks decorated with bas-relief carving of animal themes, as well as ingeniously assembled

scenes (Figure 98). Carvers make a special effort to utilize the natural curves and branchlike
shapes of antler to lend a sense of movement to their work which, like that of Kangirsuk, has a

lively folk-art sensibility.

The Baffin Region

A short time after James Houston's 1951 trip across southern Baffin Island to develop the

fledgling carving industry, the Baffin Region became Canada's primary source of Inuit art.

65
Thomassie Kudluk m.
(1910-1989), Kangirsuk
This Man Is Carrying the Naked
Woman Home to Make Love 1977
Stone, 127 * '9-6 x 47
Winnipeg Art Gallery, Ian Lindsay

Collection

Kudluk's eccentric, earthy,

often self-deprecating humour,
apparent not only in his choice
of themes but also in his carv-

ing style and lengthy titles or

inscriptions, often poked fun at

human foibles. This quirky

carving, less fact than fantasy,
is in the tradition of Kudluk
works such as She Says Her Boy
Friend Is Always Going to the Pool
Hall, and She Is Bringing Him
Back.

86
 eclipsing both Inukjuak and Puvirnituq. The cultural diversity of this vast area has resulted

in a variety of styles, the most famous being those of Cape Dorset and the other southern
Baffin communities.

This area boasts the widest variety of high-quality carving stone in the Arctic. The many
shades of green serpentine and serpentinite are jadelike in appearance and can/ability; the
integrity of the stone permits bold use of negative space, thin shapes and high polish. Argillite,

marble and other stones are also quarried in the region.

The hallmarks of southern Baffin sculpture, which are evident to a greater or lesser extent

across the region, are an elegant and somewhat stylized naturalism, dramatic composition, care-

ful balance, high finish, and a general sense of confidence and flamboyance. In contrast to the

sculpture of the Nunavik region, which prides itself on following carving traditions, the art of
southern Baffin is marked by experimentation and innovation; themes such as wildlife and
mythological subjects appear in a multitude of personal styles. The sculptures of the smaller, far-

flung Baffin communities, however, tend to be somewhat more conservative and less refined.

Cape Dorset

James Houston (1979:9—11) recalls that ivory carvers like Osuitok Ipeelee were already famous
before his visit to Cape Dorset in 1951. From such promising beginnings, Cape Dorset soon
became the Arctic's foremost art community, with its strong, well-managed art projects and co-
operative, 1 ''
the energy and talent of independent, competitive and highly professional artists,

both male and female, as well as access to beautiful carving stone. 20

Cape Dorset sculpture is ambitious, perhaps more calculated and self-conscious than art

made elsewhere in Canada's Arctic. It is also very much an individual pursuit, and Cape Dorset

carvers take pride in their signature styles.

Three generations of carvers have taken their inspiration largely from animal subjects; cari-

bou, bears and delicately carved birds figure prominently, and anthropomorphism is prevalent,

with animals adopting heroic or humorous humanlike poses (Figures 66, 67 and 102).

Supernatural themes are also popular, incorporating various animal and sometimes human forms
fusing and transforming in endless combinations (Figures 68 and 149). In contrast to the sculp-

ture of Nunavik, domestic, family and hunting themes are less important.

Cape Dorset sculptors have not merely taken full advantage of their carving material
(chiefly stone), they have stretched the boundaries of what is possible. They take pride in coax-

ing amazingly thin forms out of stone; these bladelike polished shapes do not merely reflect

light, some actually become translucent. Osuitok, who is perhaps the foremost Inuit wildlife

sculptor, exerts complete control over his materials, almost defying them to break (Figure 57).

Not satisfied with being able to create a perfect likeness, however, he has also experimented
with more stylized, slightly abstracted animal and bird forms.

Although some small, intimate works are still produced, most of the important Cape Dorset

carvers have worked on a fairly large scale since the 1960s. Their sculptures are bold, dramatic

compositions, in which the manipulation of elegant natural form, sinuous line, space and light

rival content in importance (Figures 69 and 70). The vibrant and often decorative Cape Dorset
drawings and prints are sometimes credited with influencing the community carving style towards

a certain linearity Yet the sculpture is not merely pretty; a strong undercurrent of spirituality

saves it from superficiality.

SCULPTURE S
 66
Aqjangajuk Shaa m. (born
1937). Cape Dorset
Caribou Standing on Hind Legs,

1984
Mottled grey-green stone, antler. 64.0
x 37.8x36
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel
and Esther Sarick. 1990

Aqjangajuk's work stands in

stark contrast to the sleek ele-

gance of Osuitok's caribou

(Figure 57). Aqjangajuk
embraces some elements of the
Cape Dorset aesthetic — dra-
matic pose, balance, anthropo-
—
morphism and rejects others.
The contorted stance of his
caribou is aggressively carved,
almost satyrlike in its brutish

power.

88
 67
Latcholassie Akesuk m. (born
1919), Cape Dorset
Bird (Owl), 1973
Mottled white stone, 41.6 x
43.0 x 16.8
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel

and Esther Sarick, 1989

Latcholassie, who inherited his

love of owls from his father,
Tudlik. has the caricaturist's
flair for imparting real person-

ality and humour to his sub-

jects with a minimum of
elaboration. This owl, perhaps
a young chick, is ungainly and
lovable, like so many of his
birds and bird-humans.

68
Kiawak Ashoona m. (born
1935), Cape Dorset
Devil, ca. 1961
Mottled green stone, 37.0 x 21.6 x 13.6
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel

and Esther Sarick. 1989

Kiawak became known in the

early 1960s for his carvings of

demonic figures. While many
have a ferocious, gargoylelike
appearance, others are more
whimsical. The head of this

figure is detachable and mov-

able; the fact that you can "play"
with the head and give it a

quizzical tilt makes the crea-

ture less threatening.

SCULPTURE 8
1\1
69 (facing page)

Oviloo Tunnillie f. (born

1949). Cape Dorset

Taleelayu. 1994
White marble. 68.0 x 38.0 x 14.0
National Gallery of Canada

Oviloo presents the sea god-

dess Taleelayu in an unusual
diving pose that is at once
modest and sensuous. While
her face is hidden, her wet hair
parts to reveal flushed, volup-
tuous breasts (fitting for the
giver of life). Taleelayu flexes
her lower, sea mammal body
of gleaming white marble, dis-

playing her bladelike, fan-

shaped tail.

70
lyola Kingwatsiak m. (born

1953), Cape Dorset

Bird. 1981
Mottled dark grey-green stone. 55} *
22.9 x 18.0
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel
and Esther Sarick. 1990

Cape Dorset sculptors have a

flair for combining naturalism

with dramatic and theatrical

composition. While marvelling
at the beauty of Iyola's bird,
we are also seduced by its ele-

gant, somewhat stylized forms.

Perhaps returning to the sur-

face after a dive, the body

of this bird has the languid
fluidity of fronds of seaweed.

91
SCULPTURE
7i

Davidee Itulu m. (born 1929),

Kimmirut
Incised walrus tusk, 1964
Ivory with colouring and green stone,
53.4x11.0x9.4
National Gallery of Canada. Gift of
M.F. Feheley, Toronto, 1988

Itulu carries on the venerable

scrimshaw tradition in a con-
servative, naturalistic style little

changed for decades. Innovation

is not important; the careful ren-

dering of Baffin Island clothing
and the realistic poses are.

Although scrimshaw pieces are

three-dimensional objects, their
art is one of engraving, not
carving.
 Kimmirut
Kimmirut (formerly Lake Harbour) was the site of one of south Baffin's thriving whaling sta-

tions in the nineteenth century, and many Inuit who worked at or lived near the station traded

ivory carvings to the newcomers. The community's fame as an ivory-carving centre extended

into the late 1940s, when the presence of American military personnel in neighbouring Iqaluit

provided a ready market that necessitated the regular importation of ivory from other places.

Some works recall that of late Historic times (Figure 71), but in the mid-1960s Kimmirut earned

a new reputation for the naturalistic carving of animals and spirit beings (Figure 72).

7*
Shorty Killiktee m.
(1949-1993), Kimmirut
Spirit with Young, 1969
Mottled green stone, ivory. 24.5 x

43x '4 4
Art Gallery of Ontario. Gift of the

Klamer Family. 1978

Killiktee has paraphrased the

familiar mother-and-child

theme to create a pair of lik-

able devils. Note the curious

inverted claws; possibly the
artist experimented with a way
to avoid the tedious insetting

process. An accidental break in

the stone might have inspired
him to rework the left leg into

its amusing scratching pose.

SCULPTURE 93
 Pangmrtung
Pangnirtung, located on Cumberland Sound just south of the Arctic Circle, has, like Kimmirut, a

long history of carving production due to the booming whaling industry in the region. Later, an
"industrial home" established by the Anglican Church in the 1930s encouraged its elderly and
infirm residents to produce carvings and handicrafts for sale. Today, Pangnirtung is recognized

both for its heroic realism in the southern Baffin style and for its dynamic spirit sculptures.

Although carvers work in both stone and bone, their work in whalebone has attracted the most
attention (Figure 74).

Arctic Bay

Arctic Bay on northern Baffin Island produced little sculpture until the 1950s. The artists in this

community utilize a fine-grained, striated grey argillite much like the Sanikiluaq stone. In the

1960s, Arctic Bay was known for its art in both argillite and whalebone — modest, naive works

with simple lines, yet direct and even moving, depicting everyday life and animals (Figure 73).

Carving has declined since the opening in 1974 of the nearby Nanisivik lead-zinc mine; on the
other hand, the mine provided much-needed wage employment for local Inuit. Manasie

Akpaliapik, one of the pre-eminent post-contemporary Inuit sculptors (Figures 56 and 109), was

raised in Arctic Bay but now lives in southern Ontario.

Igloolik

Igloolik, separated from Baffin Island by the Fury and Hecla Strait, enjoys a reputation as a bas-

tion of traditional Inuit culture but has produced art in quantity only since the late 1970s. When
stone imported from north Baffin Island is not available, Igloolik artists content themselves with

carving the coarse grey local stone, as well as bone. Themes vary from hunting scenes to mytho-

logical subjects, and they are carved with a gritty realism (Figures 26 and 42).

Sanikiluaq

Sanikiluaq is a community on the Belcher Islands in Hudson Bay, and its carvings resemble those

of its Nunavik neighbour, Kuujjuaraapik, at least as much as they do the art of any Baffin commu-

nity.'
1

Carved in the local beautiful fine-grained green to black argillite, a stone that takes well

to cutting, polishing and delicate incising, Sanikiluaq sculptures are usually small, with stream-
lined curves and crisp edges. Long dominant in the Inuit souvenir carving industry, Sanikiluaq

produces large quantities of pleasant but unremarkable figures of seals, walrus and especially the

many species of birds that inhabit or migrate to the Belcher Islands. The thriving tourist market

has perhaps prevented Sanikiluaq artists from creating many challenging works, but some remark-

able examples do exist (Figure 107). Sanikiluaq has also produced beautiful, unusual spirit pieces.

The Keewatin Region

The Inuit of the Keewatin Region are made up largely of former inland Barrenland or Caribou
Inuit who now live in coastal communities along western Hudson Bay and inland at Baker

Lake. While some of the coastal groups (the most northerly of which are more closely related
to the Iglulingmiut) developed early and steady contact with whalers and other foreigners,

the inland bands were considerably more isolated. Keewatin Inuit have endured more than

their share of disease and famine; in the 1920s, Rasmussen's Fifth Thule Expedition reported

94
73 feft) 74 (right)
Elisapee Kanangnaq Ahlooloo Davie Atchealak (born 1947),
f. (born 918), Arctic Bay
1 Pangnirtung/ Montreal
Bear Protecting Her Cub, i960 Drummer, 1974
Whalebone, 14.8 x 6.0 x n 5 Whalebone, green stone, antler,

Winnipeg Art Gallery scraped sealskin, sinew, 66.5 x 31.5 x

28.5
Arctic Bay whalebone carvings,
National Gallery of Canada
modest and unpretentious in

their simplicity, can be pro- The drum, the only traditional

foundly moving. Not just the Inuit musical instrument, is

ancient whalebone but also built like a large tambourine,

the work itself seems to have and is struck on its rim with a

a patina of age. The fact that hide-covered stick. Atchealak's

hunt believe polar bears are figure is stripped to the waist

much like humans seems a because a good drummer exerts

cliche, until a reminder such himself by dancing and yelping

as this. or whooping as he drums.

The style of heroic realism suits

the theme perfectly,

SCULPTURE
 that almost 20 per cent of the population had starved to death because of shifting caribou
migrations. The inland Caribou Inuit were finally resettled by the federal government in

the 1950s because they were starving once again, as well as suffering from diphtheria and

tuberculosis. 22

These severe hardships may have influenced the Keewatin aesthetic, which tends to strip

away detail, working with and even accentuating the stone's hardness, mass and texture.
Occasionally soft but generally quite obdurate, much of the grey to black local stone does not
lend itself to detail or a high finish, so there is an inclination to "let the stone be" and allow it

to follow its natural shape. Yet there is a great variety of styles: some artists create rugged, even
crude, expressionistic sculptures; others carve pristine, almost minimalist forms. 23

The human figure, alone or in family groupings, is the principal theme. Keewatin subject

matter is less recognizably "Inuit" and hence more universal, but animals, transformational

themes and mythological subjects play a significant role as well, especially in Baker Lake. Even
when Keewatin sculpture is more realistic, it is still sparing in detail. 24

Rankin Inlet

The community of Rankin Inlet grew up around a nickel mine which flourished briefly before

closing in 1962. The promise of wage employment had drawn Inuit to the village, and arts and
crafts production intensified when the mining jobs disappeared. 25 As a regional administrative

and commercial centre, Rankin Inlet has attracted numbers of non-Inuit workers and visitors

who, like their Historic Period predecessors, favour hunting and animal themes in a strongly

naturalistic vein. Consequently, there is pressure for artists to carve for this local market.

Two artists who chose a rather more idiosyncratic path, and who are now considered as

the community's greatest talents, are John Tiktak and John Kavik. Tiktak, injured in a mining

accident in 1959, began carving regularly in the early 1960s. Although he occasionally carved
26
single figures, his two obsessions were the mother-and-child theme and the human face.

Stylistically, his work ranges from the serene and elegantly simple (Figure 75) to the stark and

almost brutal (Figure 76). Like Tiktak, Kavik reworked the themes of the human figure and
mother and child endlessly. Kavik's carving style is consistently cruder, however, as well as

75 more direct and energetic (Figures 77 and 78).

John Tiktak (1916-1981),
Rankin Inlet
A ceramics project was introduced to Rankin Inlet in 1963, under the guidance of Claude
Mother and Child, 1966 Grenier, and stone carvers and others experimented in the new medium until 1975. Rankin
Dark grey stone, 48.0 x 21.0 x 12.0
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of David ceramics were built up using the coil method and were frequently conceived as sculptures
and Moiya Wright. 1990
rather than as functional vessels (Figure 79). Although some truly exceptional work was pro-
George Swinton's (1966) com-
duced, problems with kilns, marketing, transportation and government support proved to be
parison of Tiktak to the British
sculptor Henry Moore is apt, insurmountable. However, ceramic art has been revived in the 1990s with a new generation
particularly for this piece,
of artists. 27
arguably the greatest work by a

Canadian sculptor. Here

Tiktak's instinct for pure form
Arviat
meets content (mother and
child) in profound harmony. The community of Arviat (formerly Eskimo Point) is made up mostly of Inuit from the inland
The mother's head is large, her
Iharmiut and Pallirmiut bands who were evacuated to the west coast of Hudson Bay in the late
legs short; yet not one line or

volume or cavity seems out of 1950s. Carving production commenced in the early 1960s, and artists soon earned a reputation
place. AsQaqaq's Bust of a
in
for their distinctive, rugged style. Arviat stone sculpture, while dealing almost exclusively with
Woman (Figure 47), every shape
28
has meaning. family and maternal themes, possesses perhaps the least "naturalistic" style in all of Inuit art.

96
 1

76
John Tiktak (1916-1981),
Rankin Inlet

Faces, 1973
Grey stone, 28.5 x 24.3 x 14.0

Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of the

Klamer Family, 1978

Later in his career, Tiktak sup-

plemented his favourite sub-

jects of mother and child, the

human head and single human
new theme: the
figure with a
head cluster, often carved in a

cruder, more expressionistic

style. Though not derivative,
these are hauntingly evocative
of prehistoric Dorset antler
wands (Figure 9). Note
Tiktak's syllabic signature at
bottom left.

77 (facing page)
)ohn Kavik (1897— 1993),
Rankin Inlet

Mother and Child. 1 97

Dark grey stone, 23.2 x 12. 1 x 9.5
Winnipeg Art Gallery, Swinton
Collection

Never pretty, Kavik's rugged

works are among the most
powerfully evocative in hunt
sculpture. He roughly cut and
gouged the stone with saws,
chisels and files, leaving many
tool marks. There is no senti-

ment in his art, but much vis-

ceral emotion. Is the child

dead? This mother and child is

like a raw and elemental PietcL

 «•"
^B HUM

"I,

.-._•— =****

mp*3i
7«
John Kavik (1897-1993),
Rankin Inlet

Two Figures, 1971

Dark grey stone, 13.8 x 6.0 x 5.0

Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of the

Klamer Family, 1978

A woman is carrying another

adult, perhaps a grown child,

perhaps a husband or parent: it

is hard to tell. Like much of

Kavik's work, the scene evokes
a visceral response. The cutting
and filing of the expressive
zig-zag shapes, as well as the
faces, suit the subject. Even
without knowing the details of
the theme, we know it

expresses hardship.

79 (
facin g P a g c )

Eli Tikeayak (born 1933),

Rankin Inlet

Unruled (Four Figures and a Dog),

ca. 1968
Red clay, shoe polish, 15.9 x 16.5
Musee canadien dcs civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization,

Gift of the Department of Indian

Affairs and Northern Development

The initial decade-long ceram-

ics project in Rankin Inlet

failed because of technical and

logistical problems, but
spawned some fascinating
experimental works. Using the
coil method, artists built up
sculptures rather than vessels,
for the most part; Tikcayak's
relief may depict the building
of an igloo.
SCULPTURE
 Details of anatomy and clothing are usually stripped away so that some works seem to be

almost abstract in form (Figure 81). Arviat carving ranges from raw primal forms (Figure 104)

to the elegant but pared-down, almost "minimalist" forms of John Pangnark (Figures 58
and 103), an artist who has been compared to the European sculptor Brancusi. Singled out as a

unique talent by some critics and curators, Pangnark was, however, little appreciated in his

lifetime. He is perhaps the most extreme example of a phenomenon found throughout Inuit
8o
John Attok (1906-1980),
art — the artist who works a particular theme again and again to explore its gestural and formal
Arviat possibilities.
Mother Nursing Child, 1967
Dark grey sionc, [8.2 x 18.4 x 14.6
The tough, dark grey Arviat stone resists detailed work, and sculptures usually bear the
An Gallery of Ontario, Swimoti
marks of axes and files. Even when softer stone is found and utilized, many artists take advan-
Collection, Gift from the Volunteer

Committee Fund, 1990 tage of the opportunity to simplify sculptural form rather than elaborate it (Figure 82), although

Attok, like Uyauperq (Figure others strive to an unusual degree (for Arviat) to depict naturalistic detail and poses (Figures
52) opted for comparative real-
52 and 80). The mood of Arviat stone sculpture is serious, even sombre; emotional power is
ism in his work. This nursing
mother, though her expression enhanced rather than diminished by the absence of detail or decoration.
is somewhat dour, exudes
Arviat antler carvings, on the other hand, are quite playful and homespun in spirit; they are
plump well-being, and is a far

cry from Nutaraluk's mother generally constructed out of several elements glued or pegged together. Antler carvings also
(Figure 104), who seems to be
explore a greater variety of themes, including shamanism and hunting (Figure 99). A high per-
pleading for her daughter's life

or mourning her death. centage of Arviat stone sculptors are female, but antler carvings are produced mostly by men.
8i (top) 82 (botiom)
ecu Tutsweetok (born Andy Miki (1918-1983). Whale
1954), Arviat Cove/Arviat
Faces with Igloos, 1971 16 1-64
Grey stone, 47.0 x 15.8 x 27.8 Dark grey stone, 7.0 x 16.3 x 4.2

Winnipeg An Gallery. Twomey Musee canadien des civilisations/

Collection, with appreciation to the Canadian Museum of Civilization.

Province of Manitoba and the Gift of the Department of Indian
Government 01 Canada Affairs and Northern Development

Tasseor, whose aesthetic resem- One of the great Arviat artists,

bles Pangnark's, focusses on Miki began carving seriously

the larger themes of family and in neighbouring Whale Cove.
community; hence, she cannot At first he made elegant little

reduce form as radically as he figures in the round, but late 1

did. Working very much with became famous for his almost

the existing surfaces and edges two-dimensional "cookie cut-

of the stone, Tasseor aligns ter" semi-abstractions. Carving
heads and faces; usually the single animals exclusively, he

face and perhaps a protective frequently simplified their forms

arm of the mother dominates into pristine geometric shapes.

the image.

SCULPTURE
104
83 (facing page)

Barnabus Arnasungaaq (born

1924), Baker Lake
Muskox, 1974-75
Dark grey stone, 13.0 x 20.7 x 11.

An Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel

and Esther Sarick

The muskox (unungmak, or

"bearded one") is a compact,
massive, woolly animal related
to wild sheep and goats. When
shedding its winter undercoat,
the muskox looks even shag-
gier.The heavy textural treat- Baker Lake
ment concentrates attention on
Baker Lake, the only inland community in Canada's Arctic, in the late
the muskox's coat without los- Inuit began moving to

ing the sense of its bulk. The

1950s, forced to relocate there from the surrounding river systems because
of starvation and dis-
polished horns are a perfect
foil to the texture. ease. Baker Lake achieved artistic prominence quickly; by the mid-1960s, some two hundred ot

the five hundred inhabitants were carving. Artists work on a medium to large scale in the local

While most
George Tataniq (1910-1991), dark grey to black stone which, although hard, generally accepts detail and polish.
Baker Lake
carvers accentuate the stone's mass and volume, their style is nonetheless considerably more nat-
Muskox, 1965
Stone, antler, 15.8x22.0x6.2
uralistic than that of their Arviat colleagues. Many Baker Lake sculptures have a massive, power-
Winnipeg Art Gallery, Twomey
much of their energy seems pent up within
Collection, with appreciation to the ful presence because of their very size and bulk, but
Province of Manitoba and the
the sculptural form. Peter Sevoga's Family Group (Figure 53) epitomizes the
Baker Lake aesthetic,
Government of Canada

which contrasts the elemental power of the stone with a sensitivity of line and form, and even .1

In contrast to Arnasungaaq's
muskox (Figure 83), Tataniq's is
certain delicacy ot detail.
elegantly, even pnstinely
Baker Lake carvers explore family, hunting, animal, spiritual and mythic themes. The muskox.
carved. Not "anatomically cor-
rect," 11 is simplified and portrayed in a variety of ways. One approach is to accentuate its bulk and
a favourite subject, is
streamlined instead
shaggy coat (Figure another presents the animal in a far crisper, more elegant
Arnasungaaq emphasizes shag- the texture of its 83);

giness, Tataniq, grace In fact,

manner (Figure 84). The keen interest in the close metaphysical relationship between animals
Tataniq shares his aesthetic
and humans is evident in the number of transformation images (Figures $4 and j8) Perhaps to
more with the unidentified
Historic Period artist who women; they tend to work on a more modest, intimate scale
to 20 per cent of the carvers are
carved the ivor) muskox in
and seem to be more interested than the men in depicting scenes from mythology (Figure 44).
Figure [6

SCULPTURE
 In stark contrast to the massive black stone sculptures of Baker Lake, Luke Iksiktaaryuk's

works in antler achieve an ethereal, otherworldly quality because of their slender shapes and

their predominantly spiritual themes (Figure 85).

Central Arctic: Miniature Carving

In the late nineteenth century, the northwest coast of Hudson Bay became a key centre of
miniature ivory and stone carving. Roes Welcome Sound, a narrow strait between the Keewatin
mainland and Southampton Island, was a particularly rich whaling ground, and Inuit from the
region (especially Repulse Bay) worked for and traded with whalers and explorers. In the twen-

tieth century, the Inuit of Chesterfield Inlet and Repulse Bay in the Keewatin, and their neigh-
bours from Pelly Bay (in the Kitikmeot Region, 300 kilometres/185 miles northwest overland

from Repulse Bay), were encouraged by Roman Catholic missionaries to produce large quanti-
24
ties of ivory miniature models and figures. Ivory miniatures (as well as modest works in stone

and antler with a similar sensibility) are still carved in the region, harking back to the unassum-
ing models and trinkets of the Historic Period.

Work on a very small scale is quite appealing, as it appears to be carved with greater finesse

than other sculpture. While a miniature figure does require more dexterity and careful cutting,

the details are not usually more precise, but are simply smaller. In fact, details are often

simplified, resulting in a streamlining of form (Figure 86) or sometimes a certain "precious

crudeness (Figure 87)." Ivory as a material lends itself to precision carving and has an intrinsi-

cally precious quality that enhances the overall effect of a miniature.

Repulse Bay

Although Repulse Bay, situated at the base of the Melville Peninsula, falls within the Keewatin

Region politically, culturally it is related to the Iglulingmiut groups to the north. 50 Artistically,

its roots are very much in the late Historic Period, influenced by decades of contact and trade

with whalers." In the 1940s and 1950s, due to significant encouragement from missionaries and
sympathetic Hudson's Bay Company post managers, Repulse Bay artists produced small animal

and human figures as well as constructing ivory, stone and antler tableaux (Figures 18 and 86).

Swinton (1978:29) is right to suggest that the relatively stiff poses in the small-scale carvings,

which adds to their playful and homespun charm, do not lend themselves to magnification.

Repulse Bay subject matter focusses on camp and hunting scenes (Figure 32), with consider-
Luke Iksiktaaryuk
able animal-human interaction but few overt references to shamanism or traditional spiritual
(1909-1977), Baker Lake
Bird Shaman, ca. 1974 beliefs. One well-known artist, Mark Tungilik, learned to carve ivory as a young man in nearby
Antler, stone, caribou skin, metal, 71.0

X41.0 x 28.5 Pelly Bay, creating both traditional and Christian imagery. i: He later moved to Repulse Bay and
Winnipeg Art Gallery, Peter Millard
became famous for his quirky "micro-miniature" ivory depictions of people, animals and spirits
Collection, Gift of Peter Millard

(Figure 87).
The caribou was vital to the

survival of Keewatin Inuit, and

Iksiktaaryuk, unlike his Baker
Pelly Bay
Lake peers, works with the
expressive shapes of caribou Pelly Bay, a small village west of the Melville Peninsula, was almost completely insulated from
antler to create images of sham-
anic flight. In this transcenden-
the outside world until 1955 when its DEW Line site was built; even then, ice jams at the mouth
tal piece, the shaman, wearing of the bay made the community inaccessible by sea. An airstrip was constructed only in 1968,
his amulet belt, soars to
and many Inuit families did not settle in the community permanently until the early 1970s. An
another world even as his feet
are still rooted to the ground. Oblate missionary, Father Franz Van de Velde, the only white resident in the community

106
 87
Lucie Angalakte Mapsalak This work sits squarely Mark Tungilik (1913-1986), Tungilik began carving for
(born 1931), Repulse Bay between two eras, the Historic Repulse Bay missionaries in the late Historic
Bear, 1954 and contemporary, and illus- Totem of Faces, ca. 1980 Period. His "micro-miniatures,"
Ivory, 1.7 x 5.5 1.4 trates why it is not always easy Ivory, grey stone, 5.3 x 1.4 x 1.3 with their human heads and
Art Gallery of Ontario, purchased (or advisable) to categorize Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel figures measuring just millime-
with the assistance of the Joan and Esther Sarick, 1988
limit art too much by style or tres in height, are remarkable
Chalmers limit Art Purchase Fund,
period, Angalakte 's "early con- not only for their size and
1990
temporary" work was not a detail but also for their sculp-

harbinger of things to come, tural strength and spiritual

but rather carried on a commu- intensity. Towards the end of

nity style of miniature carving his life, he wore two pairs of
rooted in decades of tradition. eyeglasses while working.

108
 between 1945 and 1961, strongly encouraged the production and marketing of ivory miniatures
and scenes. 3
'
Like their Repulse Bay counterparts, Pelly Bay miniatures invite close inspection,

literally drawing us into their little worlds. Works like Agnes Iqqugaqtuq's Man and Woman with

Dog Team (Figure 88) are conceived more as models than as high art and are best appreciated

with that modest aim in mind.

Agnes Nulluq Iqqugaqtuq Miniatures are not only modest forms or technical brilliance.

(attrib.) (born 1950), Pelly Bay in scale, they are usually mod- But on the whole, they just try

Man and Woman with Dog Team, est and fairly conservative in to tell .1 story or show a "slice

1967 their goals as well. Sometimes of life."

Black stone, ivory and sinew, n.ox they speak to the human con-
22.0 x 21.0 dition, communicate ideas
Art Gallery of Ontario. Gift of Samuel
about Inuit spirituality, or
and Esther Sarick. 1989
astound with their beautiful

SCULPTURE
Eastern Kitikmeot (Netsilik) Region

It is a perilous visible world controlled by unreliable supernatural beings that is most characteristic
of the Netsilik world view, a world of double danger.
ASEN BALIKCI, A NT H RO PO LO C ST (1970:2 u)
I

The Inuit who live in the three communities of the eastern Kitikmeot Region —Taloyoak, Gjoa
Haven, and Pelly Bay 34 — are primarily Netsilingmiut, or "People of the Seal." These Inuit were
the last to be touched by Western civilization, having been unaffected by whaling in the last

century and less influenced by the fur trade in this one. Apart from ivory miniature production

in Pelly Bay, a carving industry did not develop until the late 1960s. When Kitikmeot sculpture
did reach the south, it was immediately apparent that the ancient Netsilik belief system had sub-
stantially survived the population's conversion to Christianity. Depictions of shamans, spirits

and mythical beings were not the exception but the rule. Fashioned primarily out of whalebone,
that most expressive and suggestive of carving materials, Kitikmeot sculptures surprised,
delighted and shocked the art world with their fantastic, surreal forms. Kitikmeot sculpture does

not merely hint at supernatural content as much Inuit art does, it actively explores and celebrates
it; the "double danger" of the visible world and the spirit world is deftly combined with Inuit

humour, in all its earthiness and irony. Kitikmeot sculpture balances serious psychological
impact with a lively exuberance.

Taloyoak

The community of Taloyoak (formerly Spence Bay) on the Boothia Peninsula is a blend of

Netsilingmiut with a few Baffin Island (mostly Cape Dorset) families who were experimentally

relocated by the Hudson's Bay Company in the 1930s and 1940s. Whalebone sculptures were

first made here in 1968, encouraged by a southern sculptor contracted by the Government of
the Northwest Territories.

Of the Inuit artists singled out as special talents, Taloyoak's Karoo Ashevak was destined to

become the most famous, with solo exhibitions in Toronto, Montreal and New York. Tragically,

his brilliant career was cut short when he and his wife perished in a house fire in 1974.
i5

Karoo's work appealed instantly to those outside the established Inuit art market. His fabulous,

bizarre "surreal" constructions in whalebone (Figures 89 and 90), meticulously carved and aug-
mented with contrasting details in other materials, explored his private world of dreams and the
spirit world of the Netsilik, but somehow struck a universal chord and seemed to transcend
popular notions about what constituted Inuit art. Karoo's influence, which increased after his

much-publicized New York show, is still strongly felt across the Kitikmeot region. A few artists

have copied his style directly, but many more have adopted his playful, experimental approach

to depicting shamanism and the spirit world (Figure 35). Even those Taloyoak artists who carve

mostly in stone reveal a marked expressionistic quality in their work (Figure 91).

Gjoa Haven
Gjoa Haven, named after the explorer Roald Amundsen's ship, the Gjoa, is situated on King
William Island."' This fast-growing but traditional Netsilik village has absorbed Inuit from sev-

eral surrounding communities. Gjoa Haven carvings from the early 1970s, with their charming

naivete of conception and execution, have been compared with the earliest contemporary works
from Inukjuak and Puvirnituq (Lindsay 1974).
 feV

Karoo Ashcvak m. The physical qualities of

( 1 940-1 974), Taloyoak whalebone have inspired many

Spirit Figure, ca. 1972 Kitikmeot sculptors, but none
Whalebone, antler, ivory, black stone. has surpassed Karoo's instinc-
37.5x78.8x15.5 tive understanding of its formal
An Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel
possibilities or has his combi-
and Esther Sarick. 1996
nation of tec hnu ,il skill and
ingenuity, spirituality and intel
ligenl humour, I lis work
inspired an entire generation of
Kitikmeot artists

SCULPTURE
m
90 (facing page)
Karoo Ashevak m.
(1940-1974), Taloyoak
The Coming and Going of the
Shaman, ca. 1973
Whalebone, antler, stone, 38.5 x

27.0x29.5
National Gallery of Canada

In presenting the mysterious

transfer of a female's shaman's

powers to her apprentice,

Karoo cleverly appropriates

imagery from the familiar
mother-and-child motif. The
deteriorating strength of the
old shaman is wonderfully
captured in the porous whale-
bone of her upper body, head
and immense hand, while
the neophyte is depicted as
an awestruck child.

9i

Maudie Rachel Okittuq (born

1944), Taloyoak
Dog-Woman with Braid, 1980
Greenish-grey stone, 31.0 x
26.7x17.9
National Gallery of Canada, Gift of
the Department of Indian Affairs and

Northern Development, 1989

Not working in the typical

Kitikmeot style, Okittuq still

chooses to tap the same sources

of Netsilik mythology and reli-

gion for her subject matter.

Her enigmatic Dog Woman may
refer to the Netsilik version

of the sea-goddess legend in

which the girl marries a dog.

In other stories, her dog-
children become Europeans
or Chipewyan.

SCULPTURE 113
'

. :
• m* m~
 In the late 1970s and early 1980s, an Influx of artists from neighbouring Taloyoak
brought

with them that community's style. Among the most influential of these relocated artists are Judas

Ullulaq and Nelson Takkiruq, Karoo Ashcvak's uncles. Gjoa Haven artists use conventions such as

grotesque faces with mismatched features and have a special fondness for working with the nat-

ural shapes of materials (Figure 148), as well as a knack for making the ordinary look extraordi-

nary (Figure 92). With their contorted shapes and startled or twisted grimaces, Gjoa Haven figures

seem to exude a kind of spiritual or psychological angst, tempered with humour (Figure 93).

Pelly Bay

Pelly Bay still maintains its tradition of miniature carving, but many artists have adopted the Kitik-

meot style for larger scale sculpture. The peripatetic artist Nick Sikkuark was born in the Keewatin;

after being orphaned, he was raised and educated by Oblate fathers, then studied for a time in

Winnipeg and Ottawa. He lived in several Inuit communities before settling in Pelly Bay and

picked up the Kitikmeot style during the time he spent in Gjoa Haven. Pelly Bay assemblages are

created with organic materials such as whalebone, antler and ivory (Figure 94); Sikkuark aug-

ments these materials with skulls, teeth, ivory, fur, hair, feathers and sinew (Figures 95 and 96).

Western Arctic
In the late nineteenth century, whalers moved past Bering Strait and penetrated the Beaufort

Sea, bringing serious change and disease to the far Western Arctic. They did not. however,

much influence the Inuit populations of Victoria Island and the Coppermine River, home of the
Copper Inuit.'
7
The two major Western Arctic art-producing communities, Holman and

Kugluktuk (formerly Coppermine), grew up around trading posts and missions — Catholic in

Holman, and Anglican in the case of Kugluktuk.

The residents of Kugluktuk were encouraged to produce carvings in the mid-1950s and

have become known for their small-scale genre scenes of traditional camp life. These often fea-

ture igloos with detachable tops that can be removed to reveal the details of everyday family

life. To this day, much Kugluktuk art tends to be static and relatively descriptive, although some

works do reflect the spiritual life of the Copper Inuit (Figure 39).

The community of Holman on Victoria Island is best known for its prints, but it has pro-

duced sculpture in whalebone, ivory, muskox horn and occasionally stone since the early 1960s

(Figure 97).
92
Nelson Takkiruq (born 1930),
Gjoa Haven ARTISTIC CROSSCURRENTS
Mother Debusing Child. 1992
Whalebone, ivory, grey stone, horn,
Stylistic approaches in Inuit sculpture are seldom restricted by borders: realism is practised to
58.8x35.0x25.2
An Cillery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel
some extent in every region; abstraction or simplification occurs most widely in the Keewatin but
and Esther Sarick, 1996
also appears in the Baffin and Nunavik Regions; surrealism is common in Kitikmeot but is found
Few southern artists would
in Nunavik and Baffin communities as well. The various approaches that determine the "look ot
dream of creating an artwork
that portrayed this theme.
Inuit sculpture are constantly expanding as individual artists' styles take precedence over the ear-
Kitikmeot carvers, however,
lier regional or community "schools." The differing aesthetic sensibilities ofindividu.il artists,
with then earthy (and some-
times even scatalogu.il) sense resisted categorization, and rightly so. For one thing. the\ are
conscious and unconscious, have
of humour, would and do. I ice

not always "styles" per se, but are more like attitudes towards art-making, with some similarities
were believed to drop from the
sky, hurled down by an angry While these crosscurrents do not
among the sensibilities and attitudes of certain artists. artistic
spirit who was cursed with
them forever. constitute artistic movements, certain parallels are evident in then works

.1,
SCULPTURE
 93
Judas Ullulaq (born 1937),
Gjoa Haven
Mother Killing Fish, 1990
Mottled dark green-grey stone, bone.
antler, horn, grey stone, 33.9 x
27.2x23.0
Art Gallery of Ontario. Gift of Samuel
and Esther Sarick, 1996

No. not fish again! Probably

not, but Ullulaq does have a
sparkling wit. The child may in

fact be screaming for fish.

Thanks to Karoo, gaping

mouths, flaring nostrils and
wandering eyes are simply part

of the Kitikmeot visual vocab-

ulary, and are no cause for

alarm. While facial features in

Kitikmeot sculpture often seem
full of angst, terror or pain, the
figures often are going about
perfectly everyday activities.

94 facing page)

Augustin Anaittuq (1935-1992),

Pelly Bay
Caribou, 1990
Whalebone, antler, bone (caribou pelvis)

and grey stone, 50.7 x 62.0 x 36.0

Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel

and Esther Sarick, 1996

Inadequate titling is a problem

that plagues Inuit art, and this

work by Anaittuq, who for-

merly carved ivory miniatures,

is at the very least a spirit
figure, and probably a caribou-

muskox transformation as well.

The assemblage of materials,

hardly carved at all, is aston-

ishing in its simplicity, power
and quiet humour.

116
 117
SCULPTURE
y-m-x
95 (feeing page) Church), Sikkuark embraces the
Nick Sikkuark (born 194}). ni\ stic .il aspects of Inuit culture

Cjoa Haven/ Pelly B.iy in his art. Like Karoo, his forte

Shaman Performing ("Cleaning is the manipulation of natural

Nose"), 1987-88 materials, bul he seems fasci-

Whalebone, fur. sinew, 38.0 x nat< .1 In their slightly morbid

possibilities I lis is .1 droll,
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gifi ol Samuel macabre wit
and Esther Sanck, 1996

Aged whalebone is probably the 97 (bottom)

most expressive carving material Petei Aliknak (born \>>:S\

there is; Inuit artists are fortu- Holman

nate to be able to scavenge for it Woman Eating with an Vlu. i960
on Arctic beaches, and Sikkuark Pale gre^ stone, 10 7-84-1 19
National Gallery of Canada, Gift of
does it full justice. He is gener-
ally very cryptic in his responses
MP Feheley, Toronto, 1996

to questions, so we are left to Aliknak is better known as a

wonder if this is a scene of graphic artist, but carved in the
hygiene or ritual self-injury early 1960s. He had to begin
working as a hunter as a very

96 (right) young boy to help his aged fa-

Nick Sikkuark (born 1945), ther. While other Holman artists

Gjoa Haven/Pelly Bay are fascinated with narrating

Spirit Figure Swallowing Animal. stories and myths, much of
1987-88 Aliknak's imagery centres around
Whalebone, bone, antler, hide. fur. fishing, hunting and eating.
white pigment, claw, 74.2 x 19.4 x 18.9
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel

and Esther Sarick, 1996

In spite of his religious upbring-

ing (he was raised by Catholic
missionaries and trained for the

SCULPTURE 1.0
 •

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 Folk Art
Traditionally, folk art has been defined as the production of arts or crafts by successive genera-

tions of untrained and usually rural artisans for personal gratification or amusement, for gifts or

for special occasions. By this definition, little contemporary Inuit sculpture would qualify as folk

art, since it is made for sale to outsiders. These days, however, the definition has been

expanded: folk art might now be defined as art that untrained artists make for themselves, for

their friends or for sale.

The traditional categories of Inuit folk art include dolls, tools and games, and certain items

of clothing; to these could be added carvings or whittles. While folk art is not strictly a "style,"

it does conjure up images of works that are conceptually realistic and "true" in spirit if not in

execution — art that has real meaning for its maker but is perhaps naive, with an honest, rustic

charm. Thematically, it can range from the humorous depiction of human foibles to more seri-

ous spiritual content. The folk art sensibility fits well with the sulijuk concept.

Under the expanded definition, most Historic Period art would qualify as folk art, as would
much of the production from the early 1950s. The works of some contemporary artists with

eccentric and toylike qualities could be considered folk art as well. For example, towards the
98 (top)
end of his life, joe Talirunili of Puvirnituq was driven by a desire to chronicle as many details of
Peter Morgan (born 1951),
Kangiqsualujjuaq the important events of his life as possible. He worked feverishly to depict over a dozen versions
Mother Bird Feeding Young,
1980s
of his now famous "Migration" series of carvings (Figure 63), using scrap materials and any
Antler, bone, hide, black stone, 18.0 x stone he could find. The resulting works were considered crude and clumsy by his fellow
24.5x16.5
Art Gallery of Ontario. Gift of Samuel Puvirnituq carvers, who prided themselves on careful workmanship (Myers, 1977^4-5).
and Esther Sarick, 1990
A handful of communities seem to have fostered rather than discouraged the folk art

Art developed slowly in this

approach, either because they had a strong Historic Period tradition or perhaps because they
community until carvers exper-
imented with antler, which is were outside the mainstream of early contemporary developments. The Kangirsuk artist

plentiful because of a nearby

Thomassie Kudluk, like Talirunili, disregarded the niceties of aesthetics. He nonchalantly
caribou migration route.
Morgan makes innovative use painted areas of his small carvings and gouged inscriptions not only on the bottom but also
of a caribou cranium with
along the visible surfaces of many works. Kudluk's decidedly crude carving style complements
antlers still attached, as well as
taking advantage ot colour his eccentric subject matter. His humour was frequently scatalogical or ribald; in the context of
contrasts in his depiction of a
Kudluk's work, This Man Is Carrying the Naked Woman Home to Make Love (Figure 65) is neither
mother bird and her ravenous
chicks. erotic nor misogynistic but probably self-deprecating.

The toylike quality of much Inuit art, described by Swinton as pinguaq

— "toy or playful imi-
99 (bottom)
Henry Isluanik (born 1925), tation" (1992:129; 1982:14) — is most pronounced in the antler and ivory constructions from vari-
Arviat
ous communities across the Arctic. The carvers of Kangiqsualujjuaq create quirky, charming
Hunting Caribou, 1964
Antler, stone, 165x16.0x32.0 works almost exclusively out of caribou antler. Peter Morgan's Mother Bird Feeding Young (Figure
Musee canadicn des civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization, 98), like much Inuit folk art, is the result of a playful attitude, where ingenuity rather than style,
Gift of the Department of Indian
form or even content is the driving force. While much of Arviat's stone sculpture is monolithic
Affairs and Northern Development
in conception and almost solemn in its tone, its antler carvings tend to be more spirited, and like
Arviat antler carving differs
from stone sculpture in style Kangiqsuallujuaq works, are crafted to take advantage of an antler's natural shape and its ability
and temperament. Many artists
to be pieced together easily (Figure 99).
who favour naturalism choose
antler, as do those who produce Swinton (1978:27-30) also has characterized the general mood, scale and look ot Repulse
playful folk-art pieces. Isluanik's
Bay carving especially as exemplifying the folk art aesthetic. Certainly, constructions like Paul
hunter, while well carved, is

curiously inanimate compared Akkuardjuk's Winter Camp (Figure 32) qualify. To appreciate the similar sensibility, compare it

with the dog and the beauty

with Koviak's late Historic Period cribbage board (Figure 18). also from Repulse Bay, .\^d the
and pathos of the dying cari-

bou, done with true mastery. much earlier ivory figures from Labrador (Figure 15),

SCULPTURE
 *
k
- . .

stasia

PaPiS is
 The Grotesque and Fantastic
diverse opinions as to
1 lure arc various reasons for depicting the grotesque, just as there are

what constitutes the grotesque. Some bizarre limit works have been encouraged by outsiders.

demons and monsters from Inuit mythology are necessarily ugly and
but others that represent
And reasonable to assume that some Inuit sculptors, like a pro-
threatening in appearance. it is

own personal demons and attempt to exorcise

portion of artists everywhere, struggle with their

them through their art.

Puvirnituq carvers such as Eli Sallualu Qinuajua have produced astonishing works as a

something "different." To the great surprise of

direct result of outside prompting to create

observers, some sculptures (Figure 62) bear an uncanny resemblance to works by proto-
"
Surrealist European and twentieth-century Surrealist artists.
5
These -grotesque" Puvirnituq carv-

ings not only share many formal similarities with the European works but, as Amy Adams
(1994:10) has observed, they are "filled with the same ambivalence: attraction and repulsion,

order and chaos, humour and horror."

Some Kitikmeot works as well are true "monstrosities" in that they depict — occasionally in

Charlie
gruesome detail— the horrific, the bizarre, the unmentionable and even the obscene.
Christianity on Inuit,
Ugjuk's work probes the more violent side of shamanism, the imposition of

and the influence of "demon" alcohol; he confronts these topics forcefully and much more graph-
Nick Sikkuark
ically than most of his Kitikmeot peers (Figures 35 and 100). While others like

also maximize the expressive power of bizarre themes and materials, they usually mitigate their

messages with more humour, even if it is sardonic (Figure 95). The grotesque crops up even in

known pared-down, more pristine "abstract" sculptures (Figure 101).

the Keewatin, which is for its
40
A distinction should be made between the truly grotesque and Swinton's "fantastic art."

of Puvirnituq, Kitikmeot communities and even Cape Dorset is fantastic and

Much of the art

even bizarre. But grotesque art is generally deliberately ugly, not simply bizarre.

Reduction and Streamlining

Because complex subjects such as myths and transformations do not lend themselves easily to

simplification, reduction (which some might call abstraction) in Inuit sculpture tends to occur in

the single figure. Stripping away the extraneous focusses attention on either material or form.

100
As noted by author Gerhard Hoffmann (1993:393-94). reduction of the
body can be achieved
Charlie Ugjuk (born 1931),
ways. One by simplifying the form and eliminating detail so that the figure incor-
Taloyoak in several is

Devil After Birth Holding Young

porates, or fuses with, the elemental quality of the material. A second is a more intellectual
Devil, 1983-85
Mottled dark green-grey stone, 18.6 x approach whereby the artist's instinct for pure, distilled form controls and subordinates the
25.3x10.9
through the rejection of the "monolithic" whole in favour of open space
Art Gallery of Ontario. Gift of Samuel
material. And a third is

and Esther Sanck, 1996

and the relationships between parts. Examples of all three approaches can be found in hunt

The meaning of this mother

sculpture. While the "reductive impulse" among certain Inuit artists has probably not occurred
and child image may be rooted
for the same reasons as it has among various twentieth-century European artists (such as
in Netsilik mythology, or per-
the physical evidence
haps only in Ugjuk's imagina-
Brancusi, Arp and Giacometti) or artists from other times and cultures,
tion. Ugjuk's art is not for the
faint-hearted or prudish; his (namely the works themselves) points to similar sensibilities.-"

and pro- more than one way. Sculptors such as Pauta.

images are truly
The first reductive approach can be achieved 111

foundly — but artfully — ugly.

emphasize mass, bulk .wui volume igures 67
Nonetheless, it is a mother and Sevoga and Latcholassie streamline form to (1 53,

child; who is to say that her

and 102), while in the work of Nutaraluk or Tasseor, for example, content seems to fuse with or
emotions are not equal to
emerge from the stone matrix (Figures 81 And 104).
Nutaraluk's (I igure 104).

SCULPTURE
 George Arluk (born 1949)
Rankin Inlet/Winnipeg
Shaman, prob. 1970s
Dark grey stone, bone, polished black

stone, 20.4 x 11. 9 x 78

Art Gallery of Ontario. Gift of Samuel

and Esther Sarick, 1996

Arluk began carving at age

nine, first copying older artists

but soon finding his own

sleekly modern style, carving
the human figure with Henry
Moore-like openings. His
shamanic figures are distinctive

for their spiky projections; this

grotesque example is a won-
derful aggregate of sculptural
shapes and teeth.

102 (facing page)

Pauta Saila m. (born 1916),

Cape Dorset
Dancing Bear. 1984
Mottled dark grey stone, ivory. 51.2 x
38.8x22.8
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel

and Esther Sarick, 1996

"Polar bears are just like people.

They can do many things that
humans do. They can stand or
sit, like us. They look around,
just as we do," says Pauta (Eber

1993:435). His love of and

immense respect for polar bears
is almost an obsession. He is

famous for his so-called "danc-

ing bears" balanced on one

foot. The bear's strength,
ferocity and uncannily human
behaviour are captured in mas-
sive, stylized forms bursting
with compressed raw energy.

124
 The second more "intellectual" approach can range from Pangnark's pure formal abstraction
(Figure 103) to Tataniq's or Miki's pristine naturalism (Figure 84 and 106). Although most evident

in the Keewatin, this second approach appears elsewhere as well (Figures 105 and 107).

The third "open-space" approach is found most often in works that are assembled rather

than carved, especially in bone and antler (Figure 85).

126
103 (facing page)

John Pangnark (i 920-1 980),

Arviat
Figure, 1974
Grey stone, 21.5 x 22.3 x 18.3

Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel

and Esther Sarick, 1089

With the subtlest of indenta-

tions and the barest of slits,

Pangnark could articulate an

entire body. He had a love of

flat planes and subtle curves;

formal concerns dominated his
career. Perhaps he chose to
carve only single figures to put
content out of his mind and
concentrate, like Brancusi, on
near-abstract form.

104
Elizabeth Nutaraluk Aulatjut
(born 1 9 14), Arviat
Mother and Child, 1972
Grey stone. 16.8 x 17.2 x 15.6

Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel

and Esther Sarick, , 1988

A survivor of the 1950s

famines, Nutaraluk knows
hardship and death; she lost

half of her thirteen children.

She is obsessed with the
mother-and-child theme. Her
work is more autobiographical
and emotionally charged than
Lucy Tasseor's (Figure 81), and
more figurative, even though
much of the stone is left un-
carved. Braids are ,1 distinctive

feature of her sculpture

SCULPTURE
i°5 (wp) finish. This enigmatic little ani-

Tivi Paningajak (possibly) mal (it may be a caribou,

(born 1917), Ivujivik (collected despite its pose), like many of

inCape Dorset) his figures, has a real sculptural

Two Walrus Heads, 1956 "presence," yet fits into the

Grey stone, ivory, 12.0 x 20.5 x 6.5 hand like some mysterious and
Musee canadien des civilisations/
beautiful stone implement.
Canadian Museum of Civilization,
Gift of the Department of Indian
107 (facing page)
Affairs and Northern Development
Charlie Qktusuk (born 1927),
The successful unity of form Sanikiluaq
and content is sometimes Polar Bear, 1967
breathtaking in its simplicity. Stone, ivory, 17.0 x 13.0 x 9.4

These two partial walrus Winnipeg Art Gallery, Hudson's Bay

Company Collection, anonymous gift
figures, though quite realisti-

cally carved, blend together Qntusuk radically foreshortens

so seamlessly that they create and thereby compresses the
one sensuous, almost abstract bear's body, but this work is

form. Cover up the muzzle of very different from Pauta's

either one, and you have a Dancing Bear (Figure 102). The
perfectly complete single wal- awesome power of Qittusuk's
rus form. animal is concentrated in the

imposing neck, shoulders and

106 (bottom) chest, while its hindquarters
Andy Miki (1918-1983), Whale dwindle away. One is left

Cove/Arviat wondering if this might be a

Animal, ca. 1967 transformation piece.
Grey stone, 12.4 x 8.2 x 3.8

Art Gallery of Ontario. Gift of Samuel

and Esther Sarick, 1996

Miki created essential forms

without removing tool marks,
preferring the matte, tactile
look of a fine file or sandpaper

128
\

^0^^
 POST-CONTEMPORARY" INUIT SCULPTORS

For young Inuit artists, I think that there are a lot of possibilities ... I think we are a storytelling,

carving society and I think that will sustain us in the future. My best advice for the young artists is

to travel a bit more, see more of what there is out there. That really helps your development as an

artist ... I have learned the importance of learning about my past and translating oral stories into

visual form.

DAVID RUBEN PIQTOUKUN (1989:41)

There are indeed many possibilities for young Inuit artists. Although the majority of Inuit sculp-

tors are still working within "traditional" regional, community or personal styles, some younger
artists, led by a tiny vanguard who are living and working in or frequently visiting the south,

have developed a more professional, articulate and experimental approach to art-making. This

more Western, more thoroughly acculturated approach, which has manifested itself since the

1970s, has been identified as a post-contemporary tendency (Swinton 1992:247). Much like the

artistic crosscurrents just examined, it is more an attitude than an actual "movement" or new
"period" in Inuit art, yet there is a certain generational shift. The fact that many of these young
artists come from smaller communities without famous stylistic traditions may be significant.

These relatively young sculptors, often with the full knowledge that their understanding of
Inuit culture is somewhat more tenuous than that of their parents and grandparents, view art as a

vehicle for aesthetic self-expression, as a means of getting and keeping in touch with their culture,

as a viable and worthwhile profession, and occasionally as a path towards personal redemption. 4:

While a few artists are experimenting with nontraditional styles, most post-contemporary
art is still rooted in sulijuk realism. In fact, the emotional intensity and superb technical execution

with which these new works are often produced shows that, far from being outside the "normal"
styles of Inuit art, post-contemporary sculptures are the same only more so. Many of the works
represent a "mannerist" approach, in the sense of devoting a greater attention to aesthetics and
4
having a self-conscious virtuosity and a taste for the unusual.
'

Themes remain to a large extent traditional, though wildlife art, for one, is rare; mythologi-
cal and shamanic subjects are supplemented occasionally by subject matter with very personal
content. These younger artists have a strong interest in the supernatural, even if their experience

of traditional spirituality is secondhand at best. All in all, some interesting parallels might be
drawn between this generation of Inuit sculptors and contemporary First Nations artists.

Although Inuit artists who work in the south often use traditional materials, they do have

access to different types of stone and other sculptural materials. Moreover, they have the liberty

to use them, unlike northern Inuit who are still strongly discouraged by the market from work-

ing in non-indigenous carving materials. In general, post-contemporary work is larger and more
elaborately structured, and some artists occasionally even hire apprentices to help in the rough-

ing out and polishing phases.

Two leading post-contemporary artists, Abraham Apakark Anghik and his brother, David
Ruben Piqtoukun, are Inuvialuit born near Paulatuk in the Western Arctic. Their grandparents

had migrated from Alaska to the Mackenzie Delta area, and the brothers grew up in a mix of
Inuit cultures. Educated in Roman Catholic residential schools from an early age, they lost much
of their language and culture. Anghik studied for a time with the Alaskan artist Ronald

130
io8
Abraham Apakark Anghik
(born 1 951), Paulatuk/Salt

Spring Island
Spirits Along a Seashore, 1985
Whalebone, black and grey-green
stone, ivory, metal, beige and red
colouring. 64.5 x 30.5 x 21.0

Musee canadien des civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization,

acquisition funded by Dr. Norman
Epstein

In "post-contemporary" fashion,

Anghik has looked around,

chosenhis influences, and

reworked them. The spirit faces,

strongly carved in three dimen-

sions, derive their look from
Karoo's Kitikmeot style; the

raven and its young follow

Northwest Coast models in the

design and "graphic" relief

carving.

SCULPTURE
 Senungetuk in Fairbanks, absorbing Alaskan and Northwest Coast influences. Ruben joined his

brother in Vancouver in the early 1970s; by 1981, he was living in Toronto and marketing his

own work. Anghik now lives and works on Salt Spring Island in British Columbia. Both artists

often carve in Brazilian soapstone and other nontraditional materials, and each has produced

several large-scale works. The howling spirits and grimacing raven of Anghik's Spirits Along a
Seashore (Figure 108) reveal to some extent the influence of Karoo Ashevak but are more indebted
to First Nations art styles of the Northwest Coast. Spirit World of the Inuit (Figure 2) is one of
Ruben's most complex depictions of the relationship of humans and animals; the dance masks are

a reminder of his Alaskan roots. Both Anghik and Ruben have made a special effort to study the
stories and art styles of Inuvialuit and Alaskan Eskimos, and freely mix all these in their work. 44

Manasie Akpaliapik, born in a hunting camp near Arctic Bay on northern Baffin Island,
learned to carve from his grandparents Peter and Kanangnaq Ahlooloo (see Figure 73).

Akpaliapik moved to Montreal in 1980, where he began to carve seriously; six years later, he
moved to Toronto and has lived there or nearby ever since, though he travels home to Arctic

Bay whenever he can to collect stories, to collect whalebone and to "recharge his batteries." 45 He
has utilized both ivory and stone, but is most famous for his work in whalebone; he succeeds in

carving ivory miniatures and colossal whale vertebrae with the same degree of sensitivity.

Manasie's works often exhibit a higher degree of emotional or psychological tension than their

themes would suggest; the subject of his remarkable Respecting the Circle (Figure 56), like Ruben's
Spirit World of the Inuit (Figure 2), is the powerful bond between humans and animals. In Shaman

Summoning Taleelayuk to Release Animals (Figure 109), Manasie uses the ancient whalebone to great

advantage, extending its gestural sweep with the movement of the ivory sea mammals. 4 *
Oviloo Tunnillie, who spent three years in southern tuberculosis sanatoria as a child, is cur-

rently Cape Dorset's most celebrated sculptor, and perhaps the only one who consciously com-

petes with the men. Her work is remarkable for its sometimes subtle, sometimes overt, feminist

content, its depiction of social problems, and its matter-of-fact representation of the nude female
body. She has tackled the themes of alcoholism, rape, spousal abuse and hospitalization, as well

as sports figures and the sea goddess. In Oviloo's white marble Taleelayu (Figure 69), we are drawn
immediately to the sensuous volumes of the body which contrast beautifully with the texture of

109 the hair and the geometric patterning of the tail. The small nude Torso (Figure 46) does not
Manasie Akpaliapik m. (born
attempt to be flamboyant or provocative. Its success relies not on its erotic appeal but in its ele-
1955), Arctic Bay/Toronto
Shaman Summoning Taleelayu to gant simplicity. Oviloo's sculpture transcends commonly held perceptions about Inuit art because
Release Animals, 1989 47
Whalebone and narwhal
it does not capitalize on its ethnicity. Taleelayu and Torso are sculptures first and Inuit second.
ivory, 457
40.2 x 27.8 Although other northern Inuit artists may not approach new modes of art-making as con-
Winnipeg Art Gallery, acquired with

funds from the Winnipeg Art Gallery sciously as Oviloo or their southern colleagues, many of their works of the past twenty years
Foundation Inc.
might fit into the post-contemporary category. These include Oopik Pitsiulak's Oopik Goingjor
Normally, a shaman could
Water (Figure no), an autobiographical work incorporating beaded cloth; Natar Ungalaq's Sedna
summon animals himself, but
in times of hunger (perhaps with Hairbrush (Figure 42); and Matiusi Iyaituk's The Woman Is Happy to See That Her Son Is Becoming
caused by the breaking of a
a Good Hunter (Figure in). Of these artists, the Ivujivik artist Iyaituk is particularly adventurous
taboo), the shaman was obliged
to journey to Taleelayu or to in constantly experimenting with form and different materials and in giving his sculptures
summon The piece of
her.
cryptic or amusing titles. It could be argued that some Kitikmeot art also is post-contemporary.
ancient whalebone provides a
perfect sweep, in which the Perhaps the Kitikmeot artist Karoo Ashevak (Figures 89 and 90) was the first post-contempo-
shaman dances and chants to
rary Inuit artist, and perhaps Nick Sikkuark (Figures 95 and 96), with his influence on an entire
lure the sea goddess and the
animals she controls. community, is his successor in that region.
 no a and b (two views)

Oopik Pitsiulak f. (born 1946), Oopik's addition of fabric and

Cape Dorset beads (at least on a "major"
Oopik Going for Water, 1990 sculpture) may seem incongru-
Green stone, glass beads, wool fabric, ous and even disconcerting.
wool cord, sealhide, tanned leather But in the context of idiosyn-
and fur, 63.5 x 19.0 x 25.5
cratic limit "folk art" (and in
Musee canadien des civilisations/
the larger context of world
Canadian Museum of Civilization
sculpture, where gilding, poly-
chromy, jewels and other
embellishments are quite com-
mon), it makes perfect sense.

'54
 It is doubtful that the post-contemporary way of Inuit art-making will develop into a recog-

nizable "style." New materials, working methods and attitudes will co-exist with more "tradi-

tional" sculptural styles for some time, and individual artists' styles will probably become even
more pronounced over the next couple of decades. But the real challenge for Inuit sculptors will

be to continue to move forward and innovate without succumbing completely to a southern

approach, and to hang on to traditions without stagnating

Matiusi lyaituk m. (born 1950), lyaituk first experimented with

Ivujivik abstract form in 1979. when
This Woman Is Happy to Set I bat he felt "too lazy" to carve
Her Son Is Becoming a Good details on a figure. Pleased
I Inula: 1980 with the result, he has adopted
Grey stone, antler, hide, colouring a fluid style and now calls
wood, 214 1
' 12.9
himself an abstract .mist. 1 le
Are Gallery of Ontario, Gift ol Samuel
combines old practices such
as ivory or antler inlay w 11I1

constant experimentation in
form and matei ials

SCULPTURE
c.
CHAPTER 7 GRAPHIC ARTS

To us— my mother [Jessie Oonark] and me— we wondered why the white people would want a

piece of paper with some funny drawings on them. We thought those papers were useless.

WILLIAM NOAH, BAKER LAKE (1995:20)

Only children draw pictures; men do carving.

PAULOOS1E KARPIK. PA N C N RT U N G I ,
early 1960s'

I loved his drawings, so thoughtfully and carefully made. It would make him smile whenever I

complimented his drawings. [Pauloosie] Karpik has left us a lot of memories.

— koonogousicl nuvaqjrQ. (Pangnirtung 1988:58)

ALTHOUGH THE DEVELOPMENT of Inuit sculpture can easily be traced all the way back

/ \ to prehistoric times, the production of drawings and prints recent phenomenon, is a fairly

two-dimensional
/ \ dating only to the 1950s. There was,
late however, a tradition of art-

Inuit, their ancestors and their predecessors. Its first appearance was
making and design among
in the form of incised skeletal, joint and tattoo markings in Palaeo-Eskimo and Dorset art (see

and though these decorated the sculptural form with realistic detail to augment
Figures 7 left 8),
Thule times,
the power of those carved objects rather than constituting true graphic art. Later, in

inscribed ornamentation began to play a more important role in tool- and art-making, with the
Janet Kigusiuq (born 1926),
occasional depiction of symbolic and figurative graphic designs (Figure 12), and even some com-
Baker Lake
Upikmvik — Summer Camp, 1992 plex narrative scenes (Figure 11).

Coloured pencil and graphite, 76.1 x

of decorating implements diminished in the Historic Period, but other two-
56.9
The practice
Winnipeg An Gallery such as tattooing on face, arms and legs (Figure 150), and clothing
dimensional arts flourished,

While Kigusiuq sometimes

design. Like tattooing, clothing decoration was symbolic and indicated gender and regional
draws busy scenes of tradi-
clothing, although they were
tional camp life and mythology differences. The careful arrangement of appliqued and inlaid panels on
in a cartoonlike narrative style
sewn and not "drawn," required two-dimensional spatial organization and an artistic sensibility;
(Figure 43), for the last decade
the addition of beadwork and amulets further enriched and personalized clothing. Another form
she has been covering the
paper with more solid blocks the manipulation of string figures (cat's cradle) representing
mostly animal and
of graphic art,
of colour. Her semi-abstract
was an ephemeral but important visual adjunct to storytelling and oral history.
landscapes (based on child- human figures,
the Back design, hunt
hood memories of During the Historic Period, outside influences encouraged two-dimensional
River) bear comparison with
of scrimshaw from American whalers, and engraved tusks, cribbage
Pudlo's (Figure 54). probably learned the art

137
 boards and other objects with realistic animal figures and scenes (Figure 17). And some exam-
ples of maps and drawings were commissioned or prompted mainly by explorers and anthropol-
ogists (Christopher 1987). In 1913-16, anthropologist Diamond jenness collected drawings by

Copper Inuit and wrote articles comparing the graphic art of Alaskan, Greenlandic and
Canadian Inuit.
2
So while only a very few Inuit like Peter Pitseolak (Figure 19) were afforded

the chance to actually sketch or paint, other opportunities to practise two-dimensional design

and "draw" did exist.

PRINTMAKING: "WE COULD DO THAT."

James Houston created one of the famous legends of Inuit art with his story of how the idea of

Inuit printmaking was born in Cape Dorset in the winter of 1957. According to Houston, the

carver Osuitok Ipeelee had been studying the identical printed images of a sailor's head on two
cigarette packages, marvelling at the skill and patience it must have required to produce the
same likeness repeatedly. Houston's Inuktitut vocabulary was too limited to explain the printing

process, so he rubbed ink on a tusk newly incised by Osuitok and pulled an impression of the
image on a piece of toilet tissue. Osuitok declared: "We could do that" (Houston 1971:9-11).'
That same year, the Inuit of Cape Dorset began experimenting with various printing tech-
niques and inks. They tried a mixture of seal oil and lamp black, but it proved to be a very poor

substitute for printer's ink. They found that stencils cut from scraped sealskin were inadequate,
while paper stiffened with wax made excellent stencil cutouts, a method still used today. In the
absence of real printing paper, they used government stationery. Attempts at linocut printing

were moderately successful, but the breakthrough came with the discovery that the beautiful
green serpentine used by sculptors provided an excellent medium for the low-relief carving of
images for printing.
In 1958, Houston travelled to Japan to study printmaking with Un-ichi Hiratsuka. Given the
circumstances in Cape Dorset, he became convinced that the ancient Japanese tradition of ukiyo-e,

in which printmakers translate the drawings of artists into prints, would be the most suitable
4
one to follow.

The development of Inuit graphic arts is much more orderly and better documented than
the evolution of sculpture, which is produced across the Arctic. Most Inuit sculptures have dis-

appeared into private hands, sold without visual or written records being kept, although many
important works are housed in major public and private collections. In contrast, prints are docu-

mented in the catalogues of annual collections, and printmaking has been confined to just a hand-

ful of communities, the major ones being Cape Dorset, Puvurnituq, Holman, Baker Lake and
Pangnirtung. In addition, community archives of drawings and paintings —with the exception

of Baker Lake, which lost many drawings in a 1977 fire — have been preserved largely intact. All

this makes it relatively simple to note stylistic changes and the rise of individual talents, espe-

cially as the lives and words of many graphic artists have been published in annual catalogues

and artist interviews. The yearly jurying of prints until 1989 by the Canadian Eskimo Arts
Council, which had been set up by the federal government to help promote and protect Inuit art,

meant that Inuit graphic arts production underwent constant scrutiny and discussion by experts.

The history of Inuit printmaking is fraught with marketing problems and quarrels between

communities and the Canadian Eskimo Arts Council. Art history occasionally deals with the

[3 8
 economics or politics of art-making, but in the case of limit art, and especially Inuit graphic

arts, economics is always a factor. Because printmaking involves high labour costs and expensive

facilities, equipment and supplies, it has depended on considerable government assistance

Various projects have waxed and waned as a result of economic development priorities as well as

the vagaries of the art market. Although Inuit carvers are almost always assured a regular market

for their works, the artists and printmakers associated with graphic arts programs live in con-

stant fear of funding cutbacks, poorly received annual collections, and closure. In addition, the

intervention of arts advisors and the Council not only affected artistic freedom but also the very

choice of images presented to the public for almost thirty years. Because of the need to market

numerous copies of a print, there has always been a temptation to stick to tried-and-true

imagery and steer clear of the controversial.'

Inuit original prints are usually published in editions of twenty-five to fifty numbered
copies, plus a few artist proofs; after the printing is done, the original stone blocks, plates, or

stencils are chiselled down, defaced or destroyed.'' Each printmaking community has developed

its own printed symbol as proof of origin, and in Cape Dorset, individual artists and printmak-

ers also developed their own signature "chops," borrowed from the Japanese ukiyo-c tradition.

From 1961 to 1989, approved prints were also blind-embossed with the stamp of the Canadian
Eskimo Arts Council. 7 Inuit prints are marketed as annual catalogued collections through a

select group of retail galleries, and in boom years the demand for prints has been so high that

collectors have camped outside galleries the night before an opening, and some dealers have

been obliged to set up a lottery system.

Printing Processes and Techniques

For the most part, Inuit print shops have followed the Japanese ukiyo-e process, in which print-

making is a collaborative venture between artists and printmakers. The artists create the draw-

ings and sell them for relatively modest amounts to the print shop throughout the year. Arts

advisors, usually hired by the co-operatives, and the printmakers (who are salaried employees of

the print shop), select the drawings they feel would make good salable images for the upcoming
print collection. The printmaker's job is to faithfully translate the artist's vision onto stone

blocks, plates or stencils; often yet another technician, the printer, actually transfers the image

onto paper. Artists are not deliberately excluded; the process is simply a division of labour. In

recent years, artists have often been consulted at critical stages in the printmaking process, and

in the case of lithographic prints, may work directly on the stone. A few artists are also print-

makers, and vice versa; while some print their own images, others prefer to leave printmaking to

someone else.

Several factors affect the choice of an image for an annual print collection, including the

reputation of the artist, aesthetic merit, complexity and the general appeal ol the subject matter. 8

Consideration also is given to balancing the number of works by established and emerging

artists, and to offering a wide range of styles and subjects. The margin for error in assessing

these factors is small, as the cost of making and releasing .111 edition of pi mis is expensive

because of extremely high utility charges for running printmaking facilities in the Arctic, ship

ping fees to and from remote areas, and payroll costs.

After a drawing has been chosen and the printing technique has been decided upon, the
printmaker sometimes may be obliged 10 alter the image. In the early years, especially, shortages

GRAPHIC ARTS i;o

of ink colours or paper sizes necessitated the occasional simplification of colour schemes, or the
alteration, removal or rearrangement of elements in an image. Techniques such as stonecut some-
times require the original shading, texture or pattern in an artist's drawing to be simplified or

schematized (see Figures 113 and 114). As artists became aware of the limitations of the various
printmaking techniques, many of them began to create simplified images with the end use in

mind. Artist-printmaker Kananginak Pootoogook of Cape Dorset has observed, "You really have

to think carefully about what you are going to draw when it is to be used in printmaking. It has

to be good, but not too difficult for carving [stonecutting]" (Kananginak 1976). The lithographic

print method has to some extent resolved that issue in the communities where it is used.

The collaborative process, with its considerable participation by printmakers, raises the

question of who is the true author of the print. Cape Dorset printmakers, for example, seek to

convey the essence of an artist's vision and are careful not to impose their own styles. In

Holman, on the other hand, printmakers exercise greater freedom, while still respecting the

artist's vision. The artist has always received the most credit for the printed image, and although

printmakers have signed the prints along with the artists, for many years they were not even

listed in annual catalogues and were often ignored in books and exhibition catalogues. The
importance of contributions by printmakers was finally addressed in a 1991 exhibition at the

McMichael Canadian Art Collection. 9

Some artists are very particular about fidelity to their original drawings, but others are

grateful for the printmakers' participation. Pudlo Pudlat of Cape Dorset remarked, "I like the

prints better. I never really liked my drawings, and the colours are much better looking in the

prints" (Cape Dorset 1978). Pitseolak Ashoona agreed, and said of her drawings, "After they are
put on the stone, they are always better" (Eber 1971:67). Although many Inuit printmakers

achieve near-technical perfection, southerners are more interested in the imagery of Inuit prints

than in their technical execution, and some feel that the character of a "rustic" image is

enhanced when it looks a bit rough around the edges.

Inuit printmakers have employed most of the major printmaking methods, including relief,

stencil, intaglio and lithography. The method most closely associated with Inuit art is the stone-

cut (Figure 115), which is a variation of the woodcut or linocut relief method, which also are
sometimes used. Stonecut, which was invented in Cape Dorset and utilizes the skills of stone
carvers, comes closest to an indigenous Inuit printmaking technique. The stone block is first

flattened with an axe, then filed, sanded and painted. Next, a copy of the original drawing is

transferred onto the stone, using a tracing and carbon paper. Any background or negative spaces

(areas not to be printed) are chiselled away with sharpened files. The stone is then inked with a

roller; several methods can be used to apply more than one colour of the oil-based inks. Paper is

laid onto the stone and rubbed with a tool called a baren. The stone must be re-inked before

each impression; thus, no two prints are exactly alike.

In stencil printmaking, stippling brushes are used to gently pound ink onto the paper

through stiff wax paper cutouts; each colour has its own stencil. This method can be used to

apply large blocks of solid colour, but it is also ideal for creating subtle effects of graduated

colour and shading (see Figure 41). Stencil printing is frequently combined with the stonecut

technique (see Figure 114).

In intaglio methods of engraving and etching, the image is incised into a metal plate with a

sharp metal tool. In etching, the scratched image is further deepened in an acid bath. Ink is
H3 (left) 114 (right)

Jessie Oonark (1906 1985), Jessie Oonark (1906 -1985).

Baker Lake Baker Lake
A Shaman's Helping Spirits, 1970 Printmaker: Thomas Sivuraq (born

Coloured pencil and fell pen, 76.2 x '94')

55-6 A Shaman's Helping Spirits, 1971

Winnipeg Art Gallery, purchased
#9
through a grant from BP Canada Stonecut and stencil, 94.2 x 63.8
Musec canadien des civilisations/
A powerful shaman, wearing
Canadian Museum of Civilization
muskox horns, attracts many
spirit helpers who surround In Baker Lake, printmakers
and inhabit his body. Oonark were encouraged to come up
masterfully combined symbol- with the strongest images pos-
ism with a designer's decora- sible. They had the leeway to

tive impulse. Her images incline change colours, vary the inten-
towards symmetrically (even in sity of lines, and add or remove
colour placement) but, tempered texture. Also, print images are
by energetic pencil strokes, frequently reversed from the
they are emblematic, not rigid. original drawing, although it is

difficult to detect in this rela-

tively symmetrical image.

GRAPHIC ARTS Ml
 "15

|oe Talirunili (1893-1976), Talirunili repeats his tale of

Puvirnituq marine disaster (see Figure 63)
Printed by the artist but adds apparently unrelated
Hunters Who Went Adrift, [964 scenes of hunting, camp life

#217 and overland travel. This rustic

Stonecut, 54.5 x 68.0 stonecut, carved energetically
Musec canadien des civilisa
by Talirunili himself, shows
Canadian Museum of Civilization
the trademark of Puvirnituq
prints: the rough edges of the
stone block frame the image.

t42
ti6
Kiakshuk m. (1886 [966), "Because Kiakshuk was a very An old hunter like Parr
Cape Dorset old man, he did real Eskimo (I ionics 1 and 1
.'. ). Ki.ikshuk's
Untitled, 1962 #18 drawings. He did it because he interests were wider ranging.
Engraving, 33.9x48.5 grew up that way, and I really Engravings, which offer artists
hi uluii des civilisations/
liked the way he put the old a chance to work on prints
1 in idian Museum of Civilization
1 ski m<> life on paper. I used to directly, exhibit the freshness

see Kiakshuk putting the and vitality of drawings

shamans .m^ spirits into his

work on paper," said Pitseolak

Ashoona II bei 1971 ),

GRAPHIC ARTS
 forced into the grooves, the surface of the plate is wiped clean, and the image is transferred onto

damp paper in a press. Intaglio printing resembles the first demonstration Houston gave to
Osuitok on his incised tusk. These methods have been much used in Cape Dorset, especially in

the 1960s, with artists drawing directly onto the plates, and printers pulling the impressions in

the studio (see Figure 116).

Lithography utilizes a limestone block or metal plate, capitalizing on the natural antipathy

of grease and water. The printmaker or artist draws the image directly onto the block with a

grease crayon or special inks. The block is chemically treated so that only the drawn areas of the

surface absorb ink; it is then pressed with damp paper. Lithography not only allows maximum
freedom of line and fine detail but can closely mimic the effects of coloured pencil, crayon and

chalk (see Figure 50).

Drawings and Paintings

Drawings and paintings have a rather unusual status in the Inuit art market. For many years,

drawings were collected as records of a fast disappearing way of life, and as "image banks" for
the print programs; painting, for the most part, was not even attempted. Drawings by the thou-
sands were housed in the archives of print shops, regarded as historically significant but rarely

marketable. Occasionally, they were exhibited by public institutions and a few committed com-
mercial galleries. 10 Only in the 1980s did drawings become the object of serious study and pub-
lic exhibition." But it was the Inuit prints that were introduced first to the public, and they
continue to dominate the market for Inuit graphic arts.

In the early years, older men who had retired from the hunt joined women in producing
drawings as a way to earn extra income, but today, the art of drawing is dominated by women.
Less strenuous than carving, drawing is perhaps considered to be a more genteel occupation. It

is certainly easier to draw than carve in a house full of children (although more than one Inuit

drawing bears tea and other stains!).

In most regions, the earliest drawings were made in graphite pencil (Figure 117). Felt-tip

pens were introduced into several communities in the mid-1960s (Figures 118 and 120), but it

was soon discovered that the inks faded with exposure to light. Most artists now work with

high-quality coloured pencils, which offer a wide range and intensity of colours while also per-

mitting subtle shading (Figures 112 and 132).

After Peter Pitseolak's brief experience with painting in the early 1940s, that medium was
relatively unexplored until the 1970s.'
2
Between 1973 and 1977, about ten Cape Dorset artists

made some acrylic paintings, usually in combination with coloured pencil and felt-tip pen
(Figure 119). A few also experimented with watercolour (and lithography) in 1975. While the
works were well received in the south, with over a dozen solo artist commercial exhibitions

between 1977 and 1981, the cost of running separate studios in Cape Dorset proved to be pro-

hibitive, putting an end to the painting endeavour."

Drawings reveal the artist's hand: the sureness or hesitancy of line, the strokes of colour

and shading from pencil, pen, crayon or felt-tip pen in a drawing are subtleties that are often

lost when they are translated into prints. Drawings also tend to have a spontaneity and immedi-

acy that other media cannot replicate. Inuit drawings are not quick preparatory sketches, how-

ever, but completely realized works of art.

'44
 1

A \> r>

117
Pitseolak Ashoonn f, The man (possibly Ashoona,

(1904-1983), Cape Dorset Pitseolak's husband) is cri-

I he ( 'ritic, (.".1 k;C>; tiquing two drawings by

Graphite, 47.6 x 61. Pitseolak, one probably held
National Gallery of Canada, Gift of up by Pitseolak herself. This
the Department of Indian Affairs and
charming image is doubly
Northern Development, 1989
noteworthy: first, true portraits
and self-portraits are uncom-
mon in limit art; and second,
references to art-making and
self-as-artist are even rarer.

GRAPHIC ARTS
n8
Josie Pamiutu Papialuk m. "Different kinds of animals: unexpected twist: sound, wind

(1918-1997), Puvirnituq Arctic tern, plover, raven, sea and weather are given visual
Different Kinds of Birds, 1983 gull. The birds live everywhere. expression. These waves, squig-
I
ell tip pen, 50.0 x 66.0 When they come back north gles, stars and drops are not
inadien des civilisations/ they lay eggs in our land." merely decorative devices; they
an idian Musi urn ol Civilization hold true meaning.
(Translation of syllabic inscrip-
I

tion on the drawing.) As is often the case with folk

Papialuk was a true original, art, the artist's name (translit-

one of the great Inuit folk erated in this instance as

artists. Joyous, naive drawings Papealook by the artist) figures

and prints (and occasional prominently.

carvings) celebrate animal life

and the spirit world with an

jo5\t PA PEA L00K t>->(, 03 **

<"*.*-tP _i.a-t<? n<*3«<!r -o«,n-» f>)C t>LC\^)a^r\<r- CALCi

j<_»

t
46
ii 9
Lucy Qinnuayuak (1915—1982) *'l never make my drawings
Cape Dorset balance on both sides even
Scene, 1977 though I try to. After I linish

Coloured pencil and acrylic, them, I see that they arc only a
56.0 x 75.8 little bit balanced," said Lucy
Art Gallery of Ontario < .in ol thi
(Cape Dorset 1978:59). In
Klamer Family, 1978
1977, she reached the height of
her experiments with acrylic
painting, which she learned
from Toronto artist K. M.
Graham. Lucy did, in fact,

achieve .1 high degree ol bal

anced composition, as well as

hri usual play till charm

GRAPHIC ARTS
 Meaning and Aesthetics

When I first started drawing I would draw realistic images, but it was very difficult. Now know I it

doesn't have to be like that. I've seen some drawings done by qallunaat and they are not very real-

istic. After having seen drawings like that, I feel more comfortable because I can draw any way I want.
PUDLO PUDLAT, CAPE DO R S ET (1991:46)

Early graphite pencil drawings resulted in either outline or filled-in black-and-white images,

which may account for the bold and somewhat stark appearance of early prints based on them
(Figure i). The introduction of crayons, felt-tip pens and coloured pencils resulted in an immedi-
ate explosion of colour that corresponded to the evolution of techniques in printmaking. The
differences between drawings and prints are most apparent in works from the early years, when
both artists and printmakers were learning their skills and printmaking options were fewer.
Inuit drawings are often experimental; the artists tend to illustrate their immediate thoughts
14
and change elements as ideas progress. Prints, whose images have been chosen out of hun-
dreds of possibilities, have a more coherent, "organized" appearance. They have a cleaner,

crisper look; lines tend to be sharper and thicker, areas of colour more even and bolder, and
textures more schematized. Prints may lack the energy and vitality of drawings, but they often
have more "punch."

The stories that are told by the prints and drawings are written well from the beginning to the end
but they are condensed in meaning. If you stop and really look at them, they look like they would

move. The drawing or print will tell you what the traditions of the Inuit are.

THOMAS IKSIRAQ^ BAKER LAKE (1986)

The Inuit focus on content, meaning and history over aesthetics is especially evident in their

graphic arts, which are more descriptive and narrative than sculpture. While sculpture forces
artists to concentrate on a particular subject or activity, two-dimensional art allows them to

incorporate larger themes and expand the image. As Iksiraq says, it is easy to tell a story. Where
sculpture must often make one part stand for the whole, graphic art can depict a scene in its

entirety, although, as Iksiraq points out, it might be "condensed in meaning." Not every Inuit

graphic artist takes advantage of these wider possibilities, however. Elaborate camp and hunting
scenes incorporating landscape and entire episodes of legends are quite common in Inuit graph-

ics, but so are single, striking images or repetitive ones. Moreover, some artists are more inter-
"
ested than others in aesthetic considerations such as composition, pattern and colour. 1

The imagery of much Inuit graphic art, particularly the drawings produced by the oldest
generation born between the 1890s and 1910s and the prints translated from them, is sometimes
called "memory art." Many older men recall their glory days as hunters (Figure 120), while

women fondly remember traditional camp life on the land (Figure 31). Those who create simpler

images often focus on animals or the spirit world, with symbolic rather than naturalistic treat-

ment. There is usually little or slow stylistic development in the work of the oldest artists, and a

tendency to depict variations of a few favourite themes (Figure 121). While it is no longer advis-
able to label these works as "primitive," there is no denying the primal look of drawings by
elderly Inuit. Younger artists are more apt to explore a wide variety of themes, relate precise

details of myths and legends, and to experiment with more aesthetic treatments of subject mat-
ter (Figures 122 and 133).

148
 Parr m. (1893-1969), Cape Parr, an elderly retired hunter. species showed differentiation

Dorset was benl on reliving his glory and distinct behavioral charac
Bear Hunt, ca. 1966 da) s through his an Moving [eristics. Compare this with his
Felt-tip pen, 50.8 x 65.6 from graphite to < oloured pen earlier My People (Figure 1)

\n Gallery of Ontario, t.ih ol th( , il i.i felt pen In 1966 he had

Kl.inu-r Family, 1978 developed .1 freer, more ani-
mated narrative style Animal

GRAPHIC ARTS 140

Luke Anguhadluq (1895-1982), Anguhadluq's hunting scenes
Baker Lake arc broad in scope. They are

Fishing dnd Hunting Birds, 1970 marked by the rhythmic repeti-

Coloured pencil and graphite tion of motifs (tents, fish,
56.1 x 76.1 fishers with gaffs, fishers with
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel
spears, kayaks) and often mix
and Esther Sarick, 1998
aerial, profile and even tempo-
ral perspectives (the kayakers
may be the same men). Here
the focal point is not the lake
but a stone weir constructed to
trap fish.

150
Mary Okheena (born [955), is a leading light in effects act as a backdrop, and
Holman the third generation of Holman the fluttering clothes of

Printmakers: Mabel Nigiyok (born graphic artists; t Ins print ex- shaman and dancer be< ome
ind Susie Malgokak (born 1955) emplifies George Swinton's costumes.
The Strange Drummer, 1992 it 21 description of much
Stencil, 56.0 x 76.0 Holman imagei \ as extrava-
Musee canadien des civilisations/
gant dramatizations" (Holman
Museum of Civilization Okheena creating
1987). is

theatre: dramatic atmospheric

Tut 'nunuhi nkum»i/'

GRAPHIC ARTS
 One art historian, Marion Jackson (1987), proposes a "two-generation" theory to explain the

general stylistic differences between first- and second-generation graphic artists. According to

Jackson, many drawings by the first generation are characterized by isolated images often

devoid of context, the repetition of motifs, the mixing of spatial perspectives, and the blending
of physical and spiritual realities (Figure 29). Second-generation artists, on the other hand, are

more self-conscious and innovative because of their early exposure to outside ideas and cultural

or artistic values; they are likely to give priority either to the presentation of clear and accurate

information (Figure 36) or aesthetic expression (Figures 48 and 123). Jackson claims that older
generation artists, rather than choosing one of these paths, "may be located near the midpoint
where content and form most closely fuse." She suggests that the culturally rooted "thinking pat-

terns" of older Inuit explains their style, and that second-generation artists make artistic choices

based on new and expanded options. The idea that the "look" of an artwork may be influenced

by factors other than aesthetics is important to the study of all Inuit art (see also Lalonde 1995).
In his thought-provoking critical analysis of Baker Lake drawings, author Peter Millard

(1995) has used two terms: "syncretism" (the practice of freely combining seemingly unrelated
and often incongruous elements in one image)'" and "meta-realism" (the ability to make
thoughts or ideas visible). He suggests that these two practices, together with the much-
discussed mixing of spatial and temporal perspectives, are major characteristics of Baker Lake

graphics. Millard's concepts could be applied to Inuit drawings and prints in general (and

indeed, to some extent, to all Inuit art), though they do not necessarily appear either together or

in the work of all artists.

Those who make drawings, even if they are not photographically correct, do it by recalling and
feeling once more the old ways. We know that there are people who can make pictures in the

Kadlunak's [white people's] way and are very good at it, but their pictures look as if they were

made with a camera, they may be accurate in detail but not good to look at. We are content, we
feel that perhaps our way is more difficult, but that our pictures are more sought after.

KANANGINAK POOTOOGOOK, CAPE DORSET (1973)

What we see in Inuit drawings and prints is not entirely unique to Inuit art; as Sheila Butler

has noted, all peoples must choose how to represent the three-dimensional world on a flat pic-

ture plane. Artists have two choices: to attempt an illusion of three dimensions (the Western

post-Renaissance method of shading and perspective), or to stress the flatness of the picture

plane in some way. Butler observes that most cultures have opted for the latter (Driscoll

1982:13). Inuit graphic art certainly began that way, and while a number of younger artists are

adopting the illusionistic approach, the "flat" look of much Inuit graphic art will continue for

some time. But Inuit drawings and prints involve much more than pictorial technique; their style

and imagery will continue to appear curiously "different" until the older generation dies out and
acculturation moves much farther along its course.

COMMUNITY STYLES
As with sculpture, Inuit graphic art is noteworthy not for its homogeneity but rather its diver-

sity, both between and within communities. Images can be singular, repetitive or narrative; static

and frontal or "processional," with figures in profile moving across the page. Composition can be

symmetrical and ordered, or free and unplanned. Styles range from crude and elemental to

152
"23
Mayoreak Ashoona f. (born
1946), Cape Dorset
Printmaker: Niveaksi
Quvianaqtuliaq m. (born 1970)
Shared Vision 1994 #26
Lithograph, 102.2 x 80.1
West Baffin Eskimo Cooperative

Mayoreak and her late hus-

band, the carver Qaqaq, lived
in an outpost camp. Her
themes range from evocative
records of traditional life to

emblematic images of animals,

of which this is the most strik-
,,

ing. She has an ambivalent atti-

tude towards art-making: "I r\

have always wished I could be

paid more for the things I

make to sell that were valuable

in our traditional culture ... I

would like to be able to make

money from selling things I

canmake out of caribou and

sealskins instead of selling the
drawings I make about those
things" (Ashoona 1994:204).

GRAPHIC ARTS
 A
>r) j-

124
Pudlo Pudlat m. (1916-1992), Fascinated with southern tech-
Cape Dorset nology, Pudlo became inter-
Printmaker: Pootoogook Qmtsuk m. ested in flying, as a passenger
(born 1459) and observer. Many drawings
Flight to the Sea, 1986 special from the 1970s and 1980s
commission include airplanes and heli-
1 ithograph, 56.8 x 76
copters. But ever the innovator,
Music canadien des civilisations/
he gave the aircraft imager) .1

l .m.idun MiiM-uni .'I ( nihz.iuon

unique twist by blending it

with Inuit transformation

iconography.

'54
 highly naturalistic; colours from black to bright primary. Themes include all of those found in

sculpture and extend to landscape as well. There are community styles and techniques, and the
historical development of limit graphic arts in a few communities is well documented, but the

personal styles of artists are, in the end, more significant.

Cape Dorset

I will never forget when a bearded man called Saumik [James Houston] approached me to draw on

a piece of paper. My heart started to pound like a heavy rock. I took the papers to my Qamak
|tent-iiouse| and started marking on the paper with assistance from my love, Johnnicbo. When I

fust staned to make a few lines he smiled at me and said "hnmin." which means "I love you." I just

knew inside his heart that he almost cried knowing that I was trying my best to say something on

a piece of paper that would bring food to the family. I guess I was thinking of the animals and

beautiful flowers that covered our beautiful, untouched land.

KENOJUAK ASHEVAK, C.C. (AsllCVak Iv'yil

As the first limit community to produce drawings and prints, Cape Dorset set the standard for

limit graphic art in the artistic quality of its imagery and the technical quality of its prints, as

well as in management and marketing. The early experimental prints were exhibited in 1958,

and annual print collections have been marketed since 1959. In workshops led by southern advi-
sors, printmakers experimented with many techniques; copperplate engraving was introduced in

1961, and in recent years lithography has taken over from stonecut as the most popular printing

method (Figure 123). Cape Dorset's output has been prodigious —over 100,000 drawings and
more than 2,500 editioned prints, including many commissioned and special-edition works.

Terry Ryan, first hired as an arts advisor in i960 and manager of the West Baffin Eskimo Co-
operative since 1962, has been credited by many with the co-op's continued success. Fears for

the safety of the West Baffin archives resulted in their long-term loan in 1991 to the McMichael
Canadian Art Collection in Kleinburg, Ontario, where the images are being catalogued, photo-

graphed, studied and exhibited.

Early Cape Dorset prints, based on graphite drawings, were notable for their simple, bold

images of animals, spirits, humans and birds, crisply printed in stonecut and stencil against

empty white backgrounds. The exuberance of the figures and their lively interaction are strik-

ing. While few of the images can be described as naturalistic — they range from the naive,

almost childlike drawing style of the elder Parr (Figure 1) to Kenojuak Ashevak's fluid, balanced.

emblematic compositions (Figure 28) — they convey the essence and vitality of their subjects. At

first, colour was used sparingly though dramatically, but since the introduction of coloured pen-

cils and felt-tip pens influenced drawings, colour has become increasingly important in the
17
prints as well. Pitseolak Ashoona created energetic, colourful images that celebrate tradition. il

camp life and belie the notion that the Arctic is a desolate place (I igure ;i) Several ol her chil-

dren, including Qaqaq (Figure 47), Kiawak (I igure 68) And Napatchie Pootoogook (Figun
have become well-known artists in their own right.

Pudlo Pudlat, in contrast to most of his colleagues, incorporated modern technology into

his imagery. He delighted in the whimsical and incongruous, combining .\nA even transforming

airplanes and helicopters with Arctic animals. Mis Flight to the Sea (Figure [24) is .111 excellent

example of "syncretism."

G R A 1
 —

125
Aqjangajuk Shaa m. (born
1937), Cape Dorset
Printmaker: lyola Kmgwatsiak m
(born 1933)

Wounded Caribou, 1961 #57

Stonccut, 32.3 x 38.0

Musee canadien dcs civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization

Aqjangajuk's only print leaves

us wishing he had drawn more,
and begs comparison with his
Although Cape Dorset art has evolved in aesthetic "sophistication" and printmaking tech-
Caribou Standing on Hind Legs niques, there is a continuity in the look of the images. Even as younger artists experiment with
(Figure 66). The two images
are radically different: the landscape or southern-influenced perspective, elders still produce naive yet powerfully evocative
sculpture is a brutal depiction,
images presented bold figures floating against an empty background. Wildlife imagery
as single,
while the print is full of ele-

gant pathos. Yet both animals is treated in a variety of ways, from the whimsical to the elegantly stylized, highly detailed and
are contorted, heroic, vital
naturalistic (Figure 125). Cape Dorset drawings and prints exhibit flair, even flamboyance; the
even if the graphic version is in

the throes of death. theatricality and extravagance of graphic art (Figure 25) parallels the community's developments
in sculpture. Like Cape Dorset sculptors, the graphic artists are very much individual talents, and

the range of styles and subjects is broad. But unlike carvers, many of the foremost graphic artists

have been women, and their work stands out as being more festive, playful and decorative. 18

Puvirnituq (Povungnituk)
The artists of Puvirnituq began experimenting with stonecut printmaking in 1961, encouraged
by the accomplishments of Cape Dorset and the success of their own co-operative. 1 ''
Father

Andre Stcinmann, who had helped establish the Povungnituk Sculptors' Society, arranged for

southern artists to teach printmaking techniques. The first Puvirnituq prints were released with

the Cape Dorset collection in 1962. After much of its second collection was rejected by the
Canadian Eskimo Arts Council's jury the following year, Puvirnituq refused to continue submit-

ting prints for review, and conflicts with the Council continued for the next twenty-five years.

In the early 1970s, Puvirnituq helped to establish printmaking in several other Nunavik commu-
nities; unfortunately, this expanded program lasted only a few years. Puvirnituq printmakers

then began experimenting with stencil and serigraphy, but after many years of economic
difficulties, the print program shut down in 1989.

156
*>./_> ^ C T <- <J -7 c , J ^ <_./ L>< J S -aU^ ^ (.< :> P *-" -»-»^J ITJJCS

126
Davidialuk Alasua Amittu m Famous for his illustrations of
(1910-1976) Puvirnituq traditional legends (Figure 37),

Snow House Interior with fiddler Davidialuk also made refei

and Woman, 1970- 1975 ences to European cultural

Graphite, felt pen nnd coloured pen- influences, as in this drawing.
cil ,1 • 66.2 The couple lives in an igloo
An 1 . .
1 1 1
<
r •,
ol 1 Intario, Gift of Samuel
heated and lit with qullitt (oil
and Esther Sarick 1998
lamps), but the man plays a
fiddle and the woman we. us
southern clothing.

GRAPHIC ARTS
 Like sculpture, graphic art was a male-dominated profession in Puvirnituq, although women
made important contributions as printmakers. Early prints (Figure 115) convey the nervous

energy and movement of a Kiakshuk engraving (Figure 116), rather than the static, emblematic
quality of a Kenojuak (Figure 28). George Swinton has described Puvirnituq prints as folk art,

noting that they combine "seriousness, innocence and lack of academic skill" (1978:28). Indeed,

the immediacy, vigour and ultimately the charm of Puvirnituq prints derive much from their

unsophisticated technical execution, which often lacks the finesse of Cape Dorset work. The
images carved into the stone blocks are left rough around the edges, and the resulting prints

have the slightly imperfect quality of rubbings taken from old reliefs. The uncarved outer edges
of the irregular stone blocks are often left intact, framing the images and forming part of the

composition. Many of the artists were often carvers, so they cut the stone blocks themselves. In

the lively stonecut Hunters Who Went Adrift (Figure 115), Joe Talirunili expanded the sculpted
version of the saga of his harrowing experience at sea (Figure 63) to include many details of tra-

ditional hunting and camping life, even using syllabic text to describe life on the land. Artists

often cut their signatures directly into the borders as well. Black and dark earth tones are the

colours of choice. Despite experiments with stencil and serigraphy over the years, the rugged

stonecuts remain the trademark of Puvirnituq graphic art.

Given the dominance of male artists, hunting images prevail, though scenes from mythology
and camp life are also common (Figures 126, 127 and 128). Robust sulijuk realism carries over

from sculpture, its predilection for narrative given full rein in graphic art. Perhaps the most indi-

vidualistic artist in Puvirnituq was Josie Papialuk; in fact, he (and to a lesser extent Talirunili)

might even be considered an "outsider artist."' Papialuk not so much rejected as blithely ignored

both community and southern tastes, and developed a unique visual vocabulary (Figure 118).

127
Lukassie Tukalak m. (born
1917), Puvirnituq
Printmaker: Caroline Qumaluk (born

1913)

The "Evil Spirit" Tired After

Carrying the Man, Sleeps. 1988

#2
Stonecut, 54.5 x 68.5

Musee canadien des

civilisations/Canadian Museum of
Civilization

"The giant's wife is collecting

twigs for a fire to cook the
man. Because he is tired from
carrying the man, the giant
falls asleep. His children try to
wake him to tell him that the

man is still breathing, but the

giant insists that he has already
checked. The man opens one
eye and plans to kill the giant
with the axe." (Translation of
syllabic inscription on the
print, Povungnituk 1988—89.)

.58
128
Annie Mikpiga (1900-1984),
Puvirnituq
Printed In [he artist

I h, Giant, [964 #152

i,

M11 .1
ad [1 : ch ilis.nions/
1 anadian Musi 1
1 ' i\ ili !

In contrast to Tukalak's print

(I igure 127). the humans lu-n-

air iki match for the giant.

The beat carries the mark of a

torngnraq (
'evil spirit") (Roch
[974:146). Mikpiga, one ol the
insi women to attempt stonecut

printmaking in Puvirnituq ofti n

created scenes "l hunting and

-
Hi- disturbing
than those of het male peers

GRAPHIC ARTS
 Holman
Holman is the only Western Arctic community with a printmaking program. Artists began
experimenting with drawing in i960, encouraged by the resident Roman Catholic priest,

Father Henri Tardy, who had helped to start the local co-operative. The earliest prints — sealskin

stencils similar to those attempted at Cape Dorset —were submitted to the Canadian Eskimo
Arts Council in 1962, but a catalogued collection of the prints was not released until 1965.

One of the three remaining print programs, Holman has issued collections almost every year

since then.

The prints of early Holman annual collections were stonecuts, but they were made by cut-

ting through the actual drawing directly onto a limestone block, thereby destroying the original

image in the process. This practice of tracing simple line drawings directly onto stone blocks

without the addition of texture, and printing mostly in black or other dark colours, resulted in a

reverse silhouettelike or shadow-puppet appearance.

Despite their unadorned printing style, the crisp early Holman graphics are quite spirited;

depictions of hunting scenes and animals predominate, supplemented by lively depictions of

shamanic rites and contests, dancing and games, and interestingly, a number of violent images.

Holman has preserved its Copper Inuit traditions, and the distinctive Western Arctic clothing
patterns still give a special look to its prints. Helen Kalvak, the doyenne of Holman graphic art,

was trained as a shaman, and she recorded hundreds of stories as well as creating the images
that reflect her strong interest in mythology and the supernatural (Figure 129).

The "Holman look" persisted well into the 1970s, even after several artists had begun draw-
ing with more vivid colours; it was gradually replaced by more colourful stencil and lithography
techniques. Stonecut prints, once the trademark of Holman graphics, were completely discontin-

ued in 1986, in part because it was becoming difficult to quarry the local limestone. Holman
now rivals Pangnirtung in the quality of its stencil technique. By the 1990s, younger Holman
artists and printmakers had revolutionized the use of pictorial space, filling the paper with

figures and landscape in an almost painterly fashion. Notable among the youngest generation of

artists and printmakers is Mary Okheena, whose sense of intellectual detachment from tradi-

tional life is summed up in this quote from the 1988 Holman print catalogue: "Sometimes I

think of all the ways my ancestors used to live. They would make all their tools and equipment
from the animals they killed for food. Everything was handmade." Strange Drummer (Figure 122)

indicates how acculturated young artists like Okheena have become. The stark and mysterious
power of Kalvak's images (Figure 130) has been replaced by dramatic composition, theatrical
gesture and tour-de-force stencilling technique.

Baker Lake
Drawings collected in the late 1950s and early 1960s convinced government officials that a

graphics program would be successful in the Keewatin community of Baker Lake. Several exper-

imental direct printing workshops were held in the community in the mid-1960s, but it was the
arrival of the husband-and-wife artist team of Jack and Sheila Butler in 1969, and their encour-

agement of separate drawing and printmaking programs, that galvanized the community 21
The Sanavik Co-operative was incorporated one year after the release of Baker Lake's first

print collection in 1970. A disastrous fire in 1977 destroyed the print shop, and with it the

archive of drawings and the entire print collection for the next year. The co-op rallied, and

160
 y u <$ % U y
K -o.
LVA K

129 (lop) 130 (bottom)

Helen Kalvak (1901-1984), Helen Kalvak (1901-1984),
Holman Holman
Printmaker: Harry Egutak (born 1925) Printmakcrs: Peter Palvik (born i960)

The Power of Amulets / Atamlgit, and Colin Okheena (born 1961)

1987 memorial portfolio My Hands, 1982 #11

Stonccut, 50.0 x 65.0 Lithograph, 28.5 x 38.0

Musce canadicn des civilisations/ Musee canadien des civilisations/

Canadian Must-urn of Civilization Canadian Museum of Civilization

Inuit were careful not to break Copper Inuit women were tat-

taboos and relied on their tooed at marriage or before

shamans to keep them from childbirth, to enhance beauty
harm, but also wore personal and as a form of personal pro-
amulets for protection. These tection. Lines of tattooing were
amulets could be small bones made with a needle and sinew,
or other animal parts, or carved covered in soot and oil, drawn
figures. This print, part of a under the skin
special collection released after
Kalvak s death, is based on a
1965 line drawing.

GRAPHIC ARTS 161

 within a month had begun work on a new collection. After several years of financial difficulties,

the print shop was forced to close after releasing the 1990 collection. Beginning in 1996, a pro-

gram sponsored by Nunavut Arctic College permitted the release of new experimental collec-
tions. Baker Lake's best known graphic artists are mostly female, but both men and women were
active in the print shop.

The most frequently used printmaking techniques were stonecut and stencil, often in combi-
nation, supplemented in later years by serigraphy, linocut and woodcut. The vibrant, unconven-
tional colour sense of Baker Lake drawings has been faithfully translated into the prints: figures

are usually outlined in black stonecut and filled in with bright unmodulated areas of stencil, giv-

ing the prints a bold expressiveness. Vivid and unusual colour combinations, together with strik-

ingly non-Western spatial organization and mysterious subject matter, are the hallmarks of

Baker Lake drawings and prints (Figures 132 and 133).

Because Baker Lake is located inland, the imagery features caribou and muskoxen rather

than walrus and whales, the Kiviuk legend rather than the Sedna myth. Although drawings

often present isolated single images, many artists attempt to fill the page. Elderly artists like Luke

Anguhadluq tend to mix several spatial and temporal perspectives freely in a single image. 22 A
former camp leader, Anguhadluq began drawing in his seventies. His handling of spatial rela-

tionships is especially noteworthy (Figures 29 and 121); he "orients the world around a central

focal point" (Cook 1993:53). Younger artists also may present several episodes of a legend on a

single page; their mixing of perspectives, however, is usually for aesthetic reasons (Figure 40).

Jessie Oonark first experimented with drawing in 1959, and her work is remarkable for its

vivid colours, its symmetricality, and its synthesis of decoration and symbolism. In Big Woman
(Figure 131), tattoos, hairsticks, clothing patterns and ulus (women's curved knives) are not

merely ornamental — they symbolize womanhood. Though a devout Christian, Oonark (whose
father was a shaman) frequently explored the realm of the supernatural (Figures 113 and 114).

Younger graphic artists (several of whom are Oonark's children), generally work more narra-
tively and are drawn to a variety of themes: myths and legends (Figure 43), the world of shaman-
ism (Figure 36), spirits and animal-human transformation (Figure 40), and landscape (Figure 112).

Pangnirtung
Printmaking in Pangnirtung was established in 1973 as a territorial government-sponsored co-op
project. After several years of financial difficulties, the print shop was forced to close after the

release of the 1988 annual collection. That same year, the Uqqurmiut Inuit Artists Association
was formed with the intention of bringing art production under the direct control of artists,

printmakers and weavers. The group immediately began raising money for the construction of a

building to house a new print shop and tapestry weaving studio. The weave shop opened first,

and printmaking resumed in temporary facilities in time to release collections in 1992 and sub-

sequent years.

I've been working at the Print Shop six or seven years, since the printmakers asked me if I'd like to

work here. I said yes right away, the same day. My father was proud of me getting a job before I

finished school, right here in Pangnirtung, and drawing's been my main goal since I was eight. I

started on Marvel comic books, and just kept on practising. I want to show my art, to do what peo-
ple usually go to art school for, but I never went. Probably now I can do without it.

— Andrew karpik, age 23 (Pangnirtung 1987)

162
 s

Mi
Jessie Oonark (1906-1985), The concept of womanhood
Baker Lake pervades Oonark's art. Caribou
Big Woman, 1974 limit women wound their
often
Coloured pencil and ink 16.3 6.1 hail around wooden sticks and
Winnipeg An ( lallery, purchased wrapped them with strips ol
through .1 gram from the Mi in
caribou skin. These hairsticks,
1 1

lation
the curved ulu woman's knife
and women s i lothing pattei ns
iri pi iwei ul
I symbols in

1 lonark's iconography

GRAPHIC ARTS
 -

r^i

132
Ruth Annaqtuusi Tulurialik Annaqtuusi depicts the build- Christmas month. In those
(born 1934), Baker Lake ing of an igloo, various tools, days they knew about Cod and
Christmas, 1982 and the arrival of a great Jesus but did not understand
Crayon and pencil, 58.2 x 80.0 hunter. Her wide range of what it all meant" (Tulurialik
Music canadien des thematic interests includes and Pelly 1986).
civilisations/Canadian Museum of mythology, traditional life and
Civilization
post-contact history. She fills

the page with energetic but

carefully modulated strokes in

blended colours, and some-

times writes speech balloons or
other explanatory text. She
says: "A long time ago all the
people came together during

164
'33
Nancy Pukingmak Aupaluktuq "These creatures can be killed
(born 1940). Baker Lake through the heart and through
Battle with the Green Monsters, the throat, just as other living

[978 beings are quickly killed in this

Coloured pencil and graphite, way. Even the wolf knows how
56.1 x 7 6.i to aim at the caribou's throat,"
Winnipeg Art Cillery, acquired with
Pukingrnak says (Driscoll
funds from the Winnipeg An Gallery
1982^73). She invented her
Foundation Inc.
own mythology surrounding
these creatures, which are
inspired by one of her sculp
Hires (Driscoll 1982^6).

GRAPHIC ARTS ,65

i66
134 (facing page) '35

Lipa Pitsiulak m. (bom [943), "I do drawings that may not The Inuit of Pangnirtung have Ekidluak Komoartok m 1923- "Not exactly a human, but with
Pangnirtung seem to make any sense at all been entertaining themselves u)>)$). Pangnirtung habits somewhat like humans
Printmaker: Gyta Eeseemailie m to some people because they with American square dances Printing Vteliei The weather is getting W
(born 1955) are about the really old, old and Scottish reels, learned from Walrus Hunter, 1988 #20 and he is using the storm to
Shaman's Costume, 1984 #27 way of life. My drawings seem the whalers, as long as anyone Drypoint etching, jo.c get close to the walrus. From
Stonecut, 48.5 x 52.0 Musee anadien des ci\ ili
to come from up in the air and can remember. time to time, things are seen
1

inadien des 1 ivilisations/ Canadian Museum of Ci\

they don't seem to be going that cannot be fully explained.
( anadian Museum of Cn ilization
anywhere until I put them on and this was even more likely

paper or carve them. The to happen in past tin

images might not may sense to imagined this as a sighting of

someone who doesn't know a spirit hunter of old. This
the Inuit way of life," says Lipa image is admired by hunt,
(1983:19). but I wonder if it will be well
Outsiders might be as sur- thought of in the south

prised by the accordion as by the artist (Pangnirtung

Hi, in:..-' • "I ri.iii'.l.n 111. iimn

GRAPHIC ARTS 167

i68
 >

Although a few Pangnirtung printmakers quickly mastered the art of the stonecut and have

since experimented with etching and lithography, most embraced the stencil technique from the

moment they first tried it. Working usually from simple line drawings submitted largely by

elders, the printmakers (who are often much younger) must use considerable ingenuity and their

own artistic sense to make decisions about colour. In stencil printing, the density of colour

application affects not only the brightness of an image but also its sense of volume and perspec-

tive Whereas in Baker Lake prints the stencilled colours are primary, bright and saturated in

keeping with the intense colours of many drawings, in Pangnirtung the colour sense is more
136 (top)
subtle and muted, with softer blues and earth tones predominating (Figure 41). There is little

Tommy Nuvaqirq (1911-1982),

Pangnirtung mixing of techniques; dark outlines, which are generally stonecut in other communities, are
Pnntmaker: Jacoposie Tiglik m. (born community from the tech-
often stencilled in Pangnirtung. The stencilled images from this differ

Whaling in the Cumberland Sound: nically similar ones of Holman in that they tend to be more isolated on the page and are less

HJJO'S, 1977 #IO

likely to be integrated into a Western-style landscape or perspectival context.
Stencil, 51.8x85.1
Musce canadicn des l i\ iIis.ii u<ns
Whaling, an important activity in the Historic Period and still remembered by the oldest
Canadian Museum of Civilization
inhabitants of Pangnirtung, is another popular theme (Figure 136). The many scenes of hunting,
The last regular Cumberland
Sound whale hunts ended in camp life and simple pleasures like games, sports and dancing are characterized by a certain

the 1920s, with the last suc-

innocence, a hint of nostalgia, and a strong sense of community and family (Figure 134). The
cessful hunt taking place in
spirit world, which plays an important role in Pangnirtung sculptural art, inspires more expres-
1946 (Eber 1989:156-58).
Whaling was replaced by fur- Andrew Karpik, a skilled young printmakcr and artist,
sionistic graphic approaches (Figure 135).
trapping and trading. The
boats in Nuvaqirq's simple, has developed a strongly naturalistic style honed since childhood. He experiments not only with
evocative image of a bygone Mind
lithography and intaglio techniques but also with imagery, and his With Open (Figure 137)
era arc beautifully framed by

the wide, richly toned expanses combines meticulously detailed landscape with syncretistic surprises.
of sea and sky.

137 (bottom)
Andrew Karpik (born 1964),
Pangnirtung
Printed by the- artist ANDREW KARPIK is one of only a handful of young Inuit graphic artists (Mary Okheena of
With Open Mind, 1992 #12 what could be called a post-contemporary approach,
Holman is another) who are working in
Lithograph, 40.0 x 49.0

Musee canadien des civilisations/ expanding the boundaries of their own imagery and styles.'
5
Relatively few young Inuit have so
Canadian Museum of Civilization
to the graphic arts, as carving lures many teenagers and young adults with the
far been attracted
"A shaman would have a cham-
promise of quick cash and a certain prestige. Graphics programs, on the other hand, still rely
pion animal which he or she
could become . . . Today the heavily on images drawn by a dwindling number of elders. According to Jimmy Manning
transformation occurs in

(1997), assistant manager of Cape Dorset's West Baffin Co-op, many young artists are intimi-
humans with an open mind.
You can know so much more dated by a blank sheet of paper and find it far easier to visualize an image in a piece of raw
of others' ways of life today,
stone. It remains to be seen if the newest generation of sculptors will be joined by a new gener-
and learning this, something
you never knew before, this
ation of artist-printmakers like Karpik.
knowledge becomes part of

you," says Andrew Karpik

(Uqqurmiut 1992:26).
This image would hardly
seem out of place in an old
Arctic travel book, were it not
for a few surprises. The trick is

to find them all. The human

arm is only the most obvious.
The same animal has a caribou
hoof; the other walrus seems t <

be sporting .1 whale's tail. And

the shadow beneath the .1111111. il

in from is ,1 tin) dogteam

H>»
GRAPHIC ARTS
CHAPTER 8 TEXTI LE ARTS

TEXTILE ARTS arc the domain of limit women, a natural extension ot their work
T'HE preparing skins and using them to sew clothing. These were perhaps the most
important

of an Inuit woman's duties, because survival in the Arctic depended on warm yet breath-

able and flexible garments. Expertly stitched clothing was a source of pride and even social

down from mother to daughter. Clothes

standing in the community, and techniques were passed
(mostly caribou
possessed symbolic as well as practical importance. For example, the animals

and seals) who gave up their lives to provide skins for clothing were acknowledged
by incorpo-

them in both the overall design and decoration. In addition,

rating anatomical references to
occupation and.
clothing and footwear designs indicated the wearer's regional origin, sex, age,

woman, childbearing status (Hall et al. iQQ4:xiii). The woman's parka (amautik) was made
for a

pouch and a large hood to accommodate an infant child; the parka's

with wide shoulders, a rear

front flap (kimq) was a reference to fertility and birth (Driscoll 1980:14-15). While the clothing

woman might be identified by characteristic or particularly fine stitch-

created by a particular

ing, traditional designs were followed quite closely within each regional group. There was.
recognizable by
however, considerable variation between regions, and strangers were instantly
Peter Pitseolak's The Eskimo Will Talk Like
their clothing (compare the South Baffin styles in

.38 the White Man (Figure 19) with the Western Arctic styles in Helen Kalvak's The Power of
Jessie Oonark (1906-1985),
Baker Lake Amulets /Atatalgit (Figure 129).
Inuit seamstresses began deco-
Surface and Birdcatcbers, 1972 As trade increased with outsiders during the Historic Period,
Duffle, felt, embroidery floss and

thread. 250.0 x 177.5 rating the inner parka {atigi) with objects such as glass trade beads and pewter spoon bowls, and
Musec canadien des
using imported cloth for the atigi itself (see Figure 50). Highly decorated, personalized clothing
r ilisations ( anadian Museum of
Civilization
became increasingly important, especially among the Caribou Inuit, where beadwork panels and
Less strictly ordered than her
fringes permitted individual expression for the first time (Figure 159)- Today, two forces are at

Untitled (Figure 142), this hang-

work in Inuit fashion. There is a movement to revive or strengthen traditional sewing tech-
ing has balance and symmetry,
but also more room for open niques and clothing designs; at the same time, many Inuit women have embraced new materials
narrative flow. Oonark plays
and sewing machines, and are pursuing careers in a fledgling contemporary 1mm fashion indus-
with striking colour combina-
tions and with imagery; like
blends northern and southern clothing styles
try that
Pudlo of Cape Dorset (Figure
traditional clothing, with us sinking arrangements ot light
124), she was not afraid to The design and production of
Inuit women
show modern technology, por- and dark fur and skin panels put together with meticulous workmanship, provided
traying shamans and snow-
with the necessary skills to pursue arts and crafi production as an economic activity
in the earl\
mobiles with equal verve

.-.
139
Kenipitu Belles (Unidentified
Women)
Cape Fullerton (north of
Chesterfield Inlet), 1903— 1904
Photo by A. P. Low, courtesy
Geological Survey of Canada (2811)

The Hudson's Bay Company women on

1950s. For example, southern Baffin Island, in addition to making parkas, boots, slip-
began trading glass beads to
Caribou Inuit in the eighteenth pers and mitts for sale, produced purses and "skin pictures." Skin pictures were made by arrang-
century; by the mid-nineteenth
ing scraped sealskin cutouts of animals and objects onto a background of bleached skin; the
century, women were using
them to lavishly decorate pieces were generally inset, but were sometimes appliqued. The graphic artist Kenojuak pro-
parkas with geometric, and
duced several sealskin bags using this method; one inspired her 1959 print Rabbit Eating Seaweed}
occasionally figural, designs.
Beaded parkas are an early In Cape Dorset, the making of sealskin pictures was abandoned as women became involved in
example of an explosion of the graphic arts program.
Inuit creativity caused by 'the

introduction of new materials The art of larger scale textiles developed in Baker Lake (wall hangings) in the 1960s, and in
and techniques.
Pangnirtung (tapestries) in the early 1970s. Applique wall hangings are currently produced in

other Keewatin communities, notably Arviat and Rankin Inlet, in Holman, and to some extent in

Nunavik and Labrador. Arviat hangings are especially distinctive, incorporating antler, caribou

skin, beads and wool. Various fabric art experiments have been conducted: with weaving in

Cape Dorset and Baker Lake for a brief time in the 1960s, with macrame in Taloyoak, and with

batik by several Puvirnituq artists in the 1970s.

Doll-making flourished across the Arctic for many decades before commercial production

began in the 1960s. Collectors' dolls in traditional skin and fur as well as fabric clothing are gener-

ally far more elaborately constructed and sewn than traditional children's dolls, and are made in

several communities. Some of the most unusual and best documented dolls come from Taloyoak. 2

BAKER LAKE WALL HANGINGS

As early as 1950, the Baker Lake graphic artist Jessie Oonark was sewing duffle parkas and

other items, some decorated with embroidery figures. When the new government craft officer

Gabe Gely saw her drawings and sewing work in 1963, he urged her to produce small wall

hangings (Blodgett and Bouchard 1986:30-31). Oonark and a few others sewed the occasional

172
 hanging throughout the 1960s, with the encouragement of Elizabeth Whitton, wife of the local

Anglican minister. In the mid-1960s, Oonark's wall hangings were pieced together from duffle,

felt, hide and other scraps of material left over from clothing production; they were often deco-

rated with areas of densely stitched embroidery.

Oonark's work set the pattern for future developments in the art form. Her hangings
attracted the attention of Sheila Butler, who with her husband, jack, had successfully revived

printmaking in the community. Butler encouraged the serious production of wall hangings by

ordering large supplies of cloth and embroidery floss in a variety of colours (Butler 1988). Soon,

a government-run sewing shop employed dozens of local women in a successful cottage indus-

try that included the production of wall hangings and clothing.

By the mid-1970s, group and solo shows and major public commissions had established
Baker Lake wall hangings as an important Inuit art form, though it took some years before the

works completely shed the "crafts" label in the art world.

4
The sewing shop closed down in the

1980s, but wall-hanging production was quickly revived by the private sector.' While fabric arts

in Baker Lake have undoubtedly been influenced by the advice of southern promoters, their
suggestions seem to have been geared towards ensuring technical quality and individuality

rather than conformity to outside tastes. Wall-hanging artists pride themselves on their individ-

ual styles and sewing techniques.

Like the graphic artists, wall-hanging artists work at home, which gives them flexibility to

set their own hours in order to care for their children and grandchildren. Since their homes are

not very large, artists have sewn some large hangings without ever being able to spread out the

entire work. Baker Lake textile artists (all of them women) employ two quite different tech-
niques, applique and embroidery, which they frequently combine in one piece. In applique, felt

cutouts are arranged on a solid-coloured background cloth (duffle or stroud) and sewn on with a

variety of stitches. This method approximates the look, but not the technique, of some tradi-

tional clothing panel design. In clothing, skin panels were attached edge to edge, or cutouts

were set into corresponding holes in the main panel with no backing material; this traditional

inset technique was used occasionally by Jessie Oonark (Butler 1988:97).

The appliqued hangings are supplemented with outlines, added details or decorative pat-

terns in stranded cotton embroidery thread, either linear (for example, with a running stitch), or

with rows of arrowhead stitches, detached fly stitches and sometimes feather stitches

Embroidery can be so dense that it almost obcures the applique figure; it can also be used alone

on the duffle background in a more "painterly" fashion (Muehlen 1989:10). Embroidery stitch-

ing is largely self-taught and experimental.

Although there is some affinity between Baker Lake hangings and graphic art. since several

women who sew also draw, the two can also be strikingly different. Most hangings, like draw-

ings and prints, are square or rectangular, but some artists (notably Oonark) have experimented

with more unusual shapes. Wall hangings also tend to be considerably larger than drawings;
hangings of one to two metres (three to six feet) in height and width are common Figures in

wall hangings are seldom overlapped or superimposed, especially 111 appliqued woiks. and large

single figures are rare. Likewise, complex narratives, such as detailed episodes from mythology,

are not often depicted 111 the hangings.

The borders of a wall hanging are clearly defined; while generally delineated with stitching,

they can also be incorporated into the design itself (1 igure $3) I In' cloth used lor the back-

TEXTILE ARTS
 ground comes in a variety of colours but is usually dark; this means that the understandable but

unfortunate equation of white paper background with "snowy wasteland" does not occur.

The Arctic is anything but a wasteland in Baker Lake textile art; it is a riot of colour, an
abundance of flora and fauna (Figures 140 and 145). The felt used for cutout figures comes in a

range of colours, and two or more colours may be pieced together to form a single figure. In

applique work, colours are played off" each other in striking combinations with little attempt at

naturalism (Figure 138), but in embroidery work, subtle and realistic colour combinations are

common. The embroidery can and often does create the illusion of depth, thereby enhancing

the already three-dimensional quality of textiles.

Some artists arrange and rearrange the appliqued figures on their background before

sewing, while others develop relatively spontaneous compositions (Figure 141). Sometimes one
cutout figure will be used as a pattern for others. Many hangings, especially large works, have

an ordered, balanced appearance, with symmetrical or tiered compositions (Figure 142).

140
Marion Tuu'Iuuq (born 1910),
Baker Lake
Untitled (Foliage), 1984-85
Duffle, felt, embroidery floss.

72.2x73.9
Musee canadien des civilisations/

Canadian Museum of Civilization

Tuu'Iuuq switches between

fairly organic compositions and
structured works; likewise,
although most of her work is

figurative, she also experiments

with symbolic or even semi-
abstract designs. The foliage

shapes are reminiscent of

Kenojuak's designs and
Matisse's paper cutouts.

174
i4i

Naomi Ityi (born 1928), Baker Some Baker Lake hangings shapes oilier appliqued figures
[ ake haw a certain formality oi approximate reality, their out-
( 'ntitied, ca 1974 design bui Ityi's are notable landish colours and patterned
Duffle, fell and embroidery Moss, for their fluidity and exubei embroidery are pure Inn
70.5x73.0 luman perhaps
ance. I (or
Winnipeg An 1 ialler) 1 lifi
spii it) Figures 1
un around in
Women's Committee
Circles. Sin- makes no attempt
to be naturalistii while the

ARTS
 142
Jessie Oonark (1906-1985), Oonark's applique hangings shamanic ritual and the inclu-
Baker Lake (especially her large ones) are sion of ulus and other symbols,
Untitled (What the Shamans Can strikingly ordered composi- give this work the hieratic
Do), 1973-74 tions, perhaps influenced by quality of an Egyptian frieze.
Duffle, felt and embroidery floss,
her experience in parka design.
185.0 x 177.0
This one has a tiered, almost
National Gallery of Canada, Gift of
processional organization.
the Department of Indian Affairs and
That, and the depiction of
Northern Development, 1989
Photo courtesy National Gallery of
Canada

176
 1

'43
Elizabeth Angmaqquaq (born Angnuiqquaq makes heavy use
1916), Baker Lake of forward-pointing feather
Untitled, 1 98 stitching, and here the applique
Duffle, felt, embroidery floss and figures are embroidered with
thread. Mi 5 x 97.0 fur and feather patterns. The
Winnipeg \m i
laller)
entire background is covered
with a slightly more open
stitch, which has the curious
effect of compressing the pic-

tuic plane ( loloui runs w ild,

.iii.l the 1 list 1 . figures seem

trapped in .1 /.up. web

TEXTILE ARTS
44
Mary Yuusipik Singaqti (born
1936), Baker Lake
Summer Scenes, 1992
Duffle, felt, embroidery floss,

147.0 x 145.0
Winnipeg Art Gallery, acquired « ith

funds from the Winnipeg Art Gallery

Foundation Inc.

Yuusipik steps back to give a

broader view of the land, and
this work has an idyllic, almost
pastoral quality. There are no
overt symbolic or shamanic
overtones; the figures, both
human and animal, seem relaxed,
taking the time to enjoy their
surroundings. Yuusipik per-
fectly balances lelt applique

and embroidery techniques.

The placement of colour often reinforces this sense of balance. 8 The hangings that are freest in

composition arc completely or largely embroidered; they evolve more organically, like drawings
(Figure 143).

The subject matter of wall hangings ranges from narrative or symbolic depictions of tradi-

tional camp life to animals, the spirit world, transformation and mythology; in other words, the

same themes found in Baker Lake women's drawings. Landscape or detailed visions of the land
are particularly important to certain artists (Figures 144 and 145). Curator Bernadette Driscoll-

Engelstad (1994:7) summarizes the strong connection between the artists' femaleness and their

imagery as an "abiding concern with the procreative and transformative powers of people, the

land, animals and nature."

TAPESTRY WEAVING IN PANGNIRTUNG

Shortly after the establishment of the Pangnirtung Eskimo Co-operative in 1968, the federal

government set up an arts and crafts program to foster the development of printmaking, carving
and jewellery making. In 1969, the government contracted a Montreal company to establish a

78
'45
Ruth Qaulluaryuk (born 1932),
Baker Lake
Four Seasons on the Tundra:
Spring, 1992
Stroud and embroidery floss, 172 8 x
119.4

Winnipeg Art Cillery, Gift of the

Volunteer Committee to the Winnipeg
Art Gallery

Long interested in portraying

landscape in hei drawings and

textiles, Qaulluaryuk created .1

magnificent series of four

hangings depicting the sea-
sons. She developed a special

feathei stitch to replicate the

small, delicate foliage of the

tundra. Spring shows Arctic
plants flanked by moss- and
lichen-covered rocks.

TEXTILE ARTS
 9
training program in weaving as well. Initially, three women were trained in weaving techniques;
interest grew quickly, as there were few employment opportunities for women in the community
at the time. Early production items included blankets and sashes, which are still produced by the
weave shop, along with sweaters and scarves. In order to recover the high costs of weaving pro-
duction through the sales of higher priced prestige works of art, the co-op began soliciting

drawings from women to be used as designs for tapestries.

The first exhibition of Pangnirtung tapestries was held at the Canadian Guild of Crafts

Quebec in Montreal in 1972 (Pangnirtung prints did not appear until the following year). Since
the late 1970s, annual collections of tapestries have been exhibited all over North America.
Discouraged by the closure of their print shop and a lack of secure funding, the artists and
printmakers of Pangnirtung voted to take their activities out of the co-op system in 1988, incor-
porating the Uqqurmiut Inuit Artists Association. The territorial government suggested that the

weavers join the association and help raise funds to build a new weaving and print facility in

the community. The new weave shop opened in 1991 and has been producing tapestry editions
ever since.

The production of tapestries has definite parallels with Inuit printmaking, since weavers,

like printmakers, are employees of the shop. Artists submit drawings (graphite, coloured pencil
and recently some watercolours) to the weave shop, just as they do to the print studio. The full-

scale cartoons for weaving the tapestries are based on drawings selected by the weavers. Artists

have a say if they wish, and several have exerted considerable influence, discussing details of an

image with the weavers. Nevertheless, weavers generally make the decisions concerning the size,

proportions and especially the colours used in images. As well, certain technical limitations in

tapestry weaving frequently necessitate the simplification of the artists' lines. In the late 1970s,

the co-op decided to create editions often to twenty tapestries to capitalize on the more suc-

cessful images, with different weavers working on subsequent copies according to the original
colour schemes. 10 As in Inuit printmaking, there is some question of who should receive more
credit for a finished tapestry, especially since the crucial decisions about colour are often made
by the weavers." Over the years, Pangnirtung weavers have always had equal, if second, billing. 12

Like Baker Lake textile art, weaving relies on the patience and dexterity of Inuit women,
but the concept and technique of Pangnirtung tapestry weaving is fundamentally different.
Unlike the graphic arts and applique or embroidery, there is no "background" in that weavers do
not apply anything against an empty field; rather, the background and figures develop together

as the weaving progresses. Conceptually, this is not unlike traditional Inuit sewing, in which

pieces of skin were generally pieced together edge to edge.

Pangnirtung tapestries are created on horizontal floor looms, using a combination of tradi-

tional European Aubusson and North American methods." A full-scale cartoon, enlarged from
the original drawing, is traced onto the horizontal warp threads, and various colours of wool
yarns are used in a discontinuous weft method utilizing several bobbins. Weavers also experi-
ment by twisting together yarns of different colours to create new and subtle combinations,

which leads to small differences between tapestries in the same edition. Textured yarns are used

sparingly; Pangnirtung weavers pride themselves on simple, clean lines. The tapestries are so

carefully woven that they are practically reversible. They generally range in size from less than

one to almost two metres (three to six feet) in height and width, though a few larger works
have been produced as special commissions.

180
146
Malaya Akulukiuk I

(1915 191;,). Pangnirtung

I tlassie Akulukjuk f. (born

1951); original weaver K

Kakee t" (born 1955)

Children at Summer Camp, 1980

Wool, 118.5 111.5

National Gallery of Canada. Gift of

the Department of Indian Affairs and

Northern Development. 1989

Photo courtesy National Gallery of
Canada

This tapestry is indicative ol

the level of complexity of

weaving imagery and ot the

refined weaving technique in

Pangnirtung. Kawtysee has

brought a delicate colour sense
to Malaya's line drawing. The
soft blues and greys ot the

patchwork tents, and slightly

more contrasting figures, are

set against warm landscape

tones.

a
TEXTILE ARTS
 '47
Annie Kilabuk (born 1932) Kilabuk manipulates the pic-
Pangnirtung ture plane to present simulta-
Weaver: Kawtysee Kakce f. (born neous aerial, profile and
1955) frontal views of the boat and
Ummktuqtu — Boating. 1981 its occupants. The effect is
Wool, 114.0 x 187.5
humorous, as itmakes the boat
National Gallery of Canada. Gift of
appear to be capsizing. The
the Department of Indian Affairs and
beautifully modulated colour
Northern Development, 1989
Photo courtesy National Gallery of
by weaver Kawtysee almost
Canada approaches the sensitivity of
stencil prints (Figure 136).

[82
 With her drawings, Malaya Akulukjuk laid much of the groundwork for both the Pangnir-
tung tapestry and print programs, truly dominating the development of tapestry imagery. Malaya,
who was also a shaman, contributed ten bold drawings of spirit creatures to the first tapestry

collection alone. The earliest tapestries consisted mostly of single, striking images, but by the
late 1970s had shifted to the depiction of larger, more complex scenes with animal and human
subjects, often set in simple landscapes. Occasionally, single animal and spirit creatures, and more
recently, pure landscapes are depicted. The fact that the weavers are all women has influenced

their choice of imagery, which usually revolves around narrative or descriptive camping and
family themes (Figure 146). u Pangnirtung's long association with the sea also provides inspira-

tion for tapestries (Figure 147).

Pangnirtung tapestries resemble Baker Lake hangings in one respect; their "backgrounds"

are only rarely white, and even then, the shades of white are modulated. Weavers take advantage
of the choice of yarn colours and blending techniques to create subjects and settings which con-
form to the natural colours of animals and the environment: blues, greys, browns, greens and
whites predominate. As in Pangnirtung prints, there is an atmosphere of nostalgia: colours are

somewhat muted and blended, complementing rather than contrasting with each other. 15

WHILE TEXTILE ARTISTS are experimenting and expanding their range of imagery, wall
hangings and tapestries are more conservative art forms than sculpture and the graphic arts in

terms of technique. The textile art of Baker Lake, especially, is rooted in women's traditional

sewing and design skills. The women who create these works, and those who love and buy
them, appreciate the old-fashioned qualities of patience and attention to detail that perhaps do

not necessarily fit with "modern" ideas of innovation. The question is whether or not the newest
generation of Inuit women will have the desire or skills to carry on these traditions.

T E X 1 I l E ARTS
AFTERWORD ART AND INUIT IDENTITY

We have to keep our language, our stories, and our identity alive . . . The world has to learn about

the Inuit and their culture and traditions, so that they will not be forgotten.

-URIASH PUQJQ.NAK, GJOA HAVEN

COLONIAL EXPANSION southern Canada, the move into the Arctic

COMPARED TO in

by Europeans and Canadians has been remarkably peaceful. But while government
policies toward Inuit have been relatively benign, there has never been any doubt about

who was in control. Inuit have been forced to adapt to extremely rapid and far-reaching changes.

Contemporary Inuit art is, in a sense, a visual record or reportage of Inuit lite in the twenti-

eth century, a compendium of ideas regarding traditional beliefs, spirituality, values and cultural

change. Although Inuit art was never meant to be a vehicle for culture preservation or

affirmation, it has become a powerful means of recording and transmitting traditional culture

and traditions. The cultural legacy of Inuit art was not widely appreciated in the first twenty

years of the contemporary period. Only in the past two decades have Inuit artists and southern

art specialists realized that, in the absence of a large body of recorded music, poetry, literature

and historical writing by and for Inuit, the visual arts have preserved an enormous amount of
148
cultural information. Because the art of the Inuit so strongly reflects their traditions and beliefs.
Judas Ullulaq (born 1937), Gjoa
Haven much of what is known about Inuit culture has been directly related to the interpretation ot

Shaman with Amulets and

works of art.
Ceremonial Mask 1985
Whalebone, antler, grey stone, sinew, Like Uriash Puqiqnak, many visual artists strive to convey as much cultural information as
30.0x54.2x36.3
Art Gallery of Ontario, Gift of Samuel they can, as a way of preserving traditions for their children — even though, paradoxically, most

the south, never to be seen again. Perhaps displaying then culture

2
and Esther S.irn k
Inuit works of art end up in

Ullulaq, having absorbed and way to hang on to the past in the face o( rapid cultural
through their art has afforded Inuit a
modified his nephew Karoo's
style, is the Kitikmeot's pre change.' In the early years, when they had no clear sense of the outside world, what else could
eminent carver. Here, the sub-
they have portrayed? The old Inuit customs must still seem more "real" than some ot the new
ject, style and material (carved
and assembled masterfully) fuse southern ways, so arbitrarily imposed by outsiders. It is only recently that Inuit have come to
to give a striking depiction of
understand southern culture, largely through television, and even then only .1 very tew meet it

shamanic ritual, tempered with

own Through exposure to many outside influences commercial.
humour. The shaman-motlici completely on its terms. their

chants and dances, hei p.uk.i

governmental, educational and aesthetic— hunt have invented a new kind ot art. one made tor
flap flying, while her child hangs
on for deai life export but culturally relevant and truly communicative.

,85
 The question is how Inuit will choose to use their art. There is little record of Inuit art in

the north itself. Not only are the artworks themselves mostly in southern collections, but the

majority of written and visual resources concerning Inuit art are housed in southern archives.

This is not, however, a case of exploitation, theft, or misappropriation on the part of outsiders;

it is simply a logical outcome of the peculiar history of Inuit art production, marketing and
research. 4 It will be up to Inuit and other Canadians to decide what Inuit themselves can learn

from Inuit art. As one group of Inuit, the residents of the new territory of Nunavut, move to

control their political destiny, it will be interesting to see if they view Inuit art as an important

expression of their culture.

THE PLACE OF INUIT ART

Contemporary Inuit art, like traditional and contemporary First Nations art, has been officially

and unofficially embraced as a shining example of Canadian culture, both at home and on
the world stage. Canada, a young country with an ongoing identity crisis, has adopted Inuit

art as its cultural symbol of the north, which plays an important role in the nation's mythology."

Anthropologist Nelson Graburn (1986) has suggested that the desire to distinguish Canadian

from American culture, a growing confidence after the Second World War, and the need to

assert sovereignty in the Arctic during the Cold War (when the U.S. was building DEW Line

stations on Canadian soil) all added impetus to the Canadian government's promotion of Inuit
6
art in the 1950s. The combination of an art form with a "northern" flavour, clever promotion

and marketing, and political and bureaucratic support has resulted in a high degree of accep-

tance (though not any great understanding) of Inuit art as a quintessentially Canadian symbol.

Is Inuit art then part of Canadian art? A glance through any survey of Canadian art will

show that Inuit art is seldom represented as part of the mainstream. Although Inuit art was
embraced by the Winnipeg Art Gallery and the Canadian Museum of Civilization (then the
National Museum of Man — a history and ethnology museum) in the 1960s, it took another two

decades for other major institutions like the National Gallery of Canada and the Art Gallery of

Ontario to follow suit. The fact that there are separate curators of Inuit art in these institutions

may be an indication of Inuit art's importance, or it may demonstrate that mainstream curators

are so far unable or unwilling to deal with it.

Inuit art has always been very much a "popular" art. Few contemporary art forms can claim

such wide acceptance. The reasons are perhaps obvious: it has the lure of the exotic or "other";

its materials and variety of forms are aesthetically pleasing; much of it has undeniable emo-

tional impact and spiritual content; and most of its subject matter is understandable and univer-

sal. In short, unlike much modern contemporary art, it is accessible, as most people can relate to

some aspect of it. Inuit art has few pretensions — it does not attempt to be intentionally pro-

found; it is made by folks, for folks. It is not self-referential like so much of modern art, it is not
s
elitist, and only rarely political. Inuit art's initial success was no doubt due largely to its "primi-

tive" look and clever promotion, but its other attributes have maintained its status over five

decades." Benefiting from generous government assistance over that period (much to the envy

and consternation of its critics), Inuit art has developed from anonymous curio in the early

1950s to an art form created by celebrated Canadian artists and hailed as one of Canada's cul-

tural treasures.

186
 Almost from the beginning, however, limit art has been dogged by the criticism that the

whole enterprise is one giant government welfare project and the nagging fear that somehow
the art form is not really "authentic." in either its ethnicity or its artistic merits. The anthropolo-
gist Edmund Carpenter (1973:194), one of limit art's most vociferous critics, wrote: "Can the

word 'Eskimo' legitimately be applied to this modern stone art? I think not. Its roots are

Western; so is its audience." There are, however, numerous historical examples of peoples mak-
ing art and artistic objects for export. Moreover, there is the physical evidence of the artworks

themselves and the many gifted and inspired hunt artists who live their culture through their

work. The work could hardly be more "Eskimo." 1

Some critics (and even some limit) hold the

view that only artists of the older generation are "true'' limit artists, that younger artists, talented

though they may be, lack the essential life experiences of their grandparents. The young artists

themselves will have to prove these people wrong.

The fact that Inuit carvings are marketed in airport gift shops as well as housed in major
public galleries has added to this uncertainty; it is difficult to accept that some Inuit art is "fine"

art and some is mundane souvenir art.

11
This dilemma would resolve itself if we chose not to

treat Inuit art as a single body. With its wide range of regional, community and personal styles,

its various media and themes, and the different life experiences of three generations of artists, it

in fact involves several overlapping categories: fine art, folk art, tourist art, ethnic art (and per-

haps Canadian art). The greatest examples of Inuit art outgrew their "ethnic" label long ago; like

much so-called ethnic art, the work that relies most heavily on ethnicity for its appeal is often

fairly mediocre. For their part, Inuit artists make few distinctions, and would probably be sur-

prised at these quibbles over categories. i:

While Inuit art has been embraced (some would say appropriated) as part of Canadian cul-
ture, it is treated quite differently from "southern" art in museum and academic settings. Inuit art

objects are rarely exhibited or discussed in complete isolation; there is generally an effort to

explain the objects in the context of traditional or contemporary Inuit culture, often by inter-

viewing the artists themselves." Since Inuit art is not a Western art form, it should be treated by

different aesthetic and other criteria, but given today's ideological minefields, curators choose

a course at their peril. To discuss Inuit art in terms of Western concepts of style and art history

is to be accused of ethnocentrism and cultural assimilation; yet to treat Inuit art separately from
Canadian art is to be accused of ghcttoizing it and pandering to political correctness. The
issues are further complicated since Inuit art is more or less a contemporary art form and not
a "traditional" one, and since it is created almost purely for the consumption of the culture that

studies it."

The relationship of Inuit art to anthropology is an uneasy one. perhaps because of attitudes

like Edmund Carpenter's. And anthropologist Nelson Graburn, who has devoted much of his

career to studying contemporary Inuit art, has been criticized for his "social science approach

in attempting to come to grips with Inuit aesthetics. Graburn (1976:55) suggests that main

works of Inuit art have "risen above souvenir art and [have] become works ot .1 commercial
fine art.'" Inuit art historians, however, feel very strongly th.u the bes! of Inuit an is fine

art, period."

Almost every aspect of Inuit art challenges preconceived notions and definitions of "art"

and "artist," forcing us to rethink our positions on the meaning of art traditions, artistic motiva-

tion and freedom, .\nd creativity and innovation,

RWORD
THE STATUS OF INUIT ARTISTS

The status of the individual artist is not entirely clear, either. The Inuit artist is not a "primitive"

and not an anonymous craftsperson. There are many hundreds of good and ordinary talents, and
a surprising number of great ones. The majority of Inuit artists are known by name, although
unfortunately in the early years, indifference and poor record-keeping resulted in many works
being unattributed. To add further confusion, because of the nature of the Inuit art "experi-

ment," there exist many single outstanding works made by artists who discontinued their efforts

for one reason or another.

The social status of the individual Inuit artist has also evolved over the years. In the south,

where individual achievement is paramount, certain Inuit artists have become stars. In the north,

the best artists sometimes enjoy a status roughly equivalent to that of good hunters or seam-
stresses; they are seen as highly skilled and excellent providers for their families, and do not

necessarily view art as a special vocation.

1

" Other artists feel acute embarrassment at their inabil-

ity to hunt or find a "real job." And because the Inuit tradition of sharing is still strong, even the

most successful artists do not have an appreciably higher standard of living than their relatives.

Certain of the younger artists, however, especially post-contemporary artists, do see art as a

vocation, much as southern artists do.

You have asked many questions. Now if I may, I have something to ask you, and I will ask you
only the one question. What type of carving do people in the south want to buy?

ROMEO EEKERKIK, ARVIAT (DriSColl ig82b:29)

This question, posed by carver Romeo Eekerkik, is one that has been asked of almost every
researcher who has talked with Inuit artists. Inasmuch as many Inuit artists make art because

they enjoy it and have something to communicate, they all produce it to earn a living. Art-mak-
ing has brought more money into the pockets of Inuit than any other industry in the north;

although it may not always be lucrative, it is a relatively steady source of part- or full-time

employment in a region where "real jobs" are scarce. Perhaps 20 per cent of the adult population

is employed to some extent in the Inuit art industry; in some communities, the percentage is

considerably higher.

Inuit art is essentially a cultural export commodity; it has been so for some two hundred
years, and particularly in the past fifty. Although some artists stubbornly follow their own cre-

ative path, most are keenly aware that outside tastes and markets directly affect their livelihood,

and they want some feedback. Inuit artists are eminently pragmatic; most do not produce work

that they know will have difficulty in selling. At the bottom end of the scale, the infamous

quickly made "bingo" carvings 17 are still being made, but even the most celebrated carvers will

produce a work they know is easily salable if they need money urgently. Carvers, especially,

know the value of their work and often create one or more major pieces with the purchase of a

new snowmobile or outboard motor in mind. While immediate need is the motivation behind

many artworks, Inuit art-making is not a purely venal activity. The late Margaret Uyauperq ot

Arviat put it quite eloquently: "When I began carving I used to think of my children, how they

were going to get food and clothing . . . Also I looked at other carvers, and really loved them

because they were trying to do the same thing ... I think of my family, that they need some-

thing, they need food, they need to survive ... I have to help them ... I do not carve only for
18
money, but to help the family."
 The "economic" importance of art-making to Inuit is best seen in that light. Inuit existence

has always been about survival. Uyauperq's generation vividly remembers starvation and deadly

epidemics. Life is more secure for her children and grandchildren, but it is still hard. Perhaps

some day Inuit artists will have the luxury to think about making money for their own sake,

and making art for art's sake; in the meantime, the two remain inextricably bound together for

the vast majority of Inuit.

In the final analysis, it should not be important if the immediate motivation behind Inuit

art-making is monetary or artistic; it is the result that counts.

THE FUTURE: TRADITION OR INNOVATION?

If images of the past continue to be a powerful attraction for both Inuit artists and the outside

market, then change will come slowly to the art. While Inuit culture might seem anachronistic

to some, to others it remains a powerful tradition. Younger artists are caught in a difficult situa-

tion, as their attachment to the past is more tenuous.

Art history can be a boon or a burden. Early contemporary Inuit artists, participating in the

creation of a new kind of art, made choices that determined how the art would develop. Younger
artists, following fifty years of modern art-making, and increasingly under southern influence,

must also make choices. Will they choose the path of tradition or the path of innovation? Will
they reaffirm old ideas or simply mimic them? Or will they shift more towards Western ideas
and ideals? And having recognized the cultural importance of their art. will new generations of

Inuit continue to make art only for export, or will they begin to make art for themselves?

149
Eegyvudluk Pootoogook m.
(born 1931), Cape Dorset
Dog Spirit, 1960-65
Rl.uk stone, 20.8 x 31.6 x 12.4
Winnipeg Art Gallery. Twomey
Collection, with appreciation to the

Province of Manitoba and the

Government of Canada

"These creatures have been seen

mostly by shaman people . . .

1 myself have seen a seadog

that was black. It came up
through a crack in the ice. It

sat on the ice for a while and

moved like any other ordinary
dog ... I'm not trying to put
down the Fish and Wildlife
Officers, but the Fish and
Wildlife Officers have never
heard of these creatures," says
Lipa Pitsiulak (1983:13-14).

AFTERWORD -
 CHAPTER I 8 Polio, tuberculosis and other CHAPTER 3 4 The Guild instructed Houston
THE ARCTIC AND THE diseases ran rampant 111 the Arctic ART OF THE HISTORIC to purchase mostly clothing and
INUIT throughout the 1930s, 1940s and PERIOD (I 770s TO 1940s) crafts articles, but it seems that he
1950s. For a time the mortality rate disregarded those instructions to a
1 For a frank discussion of the among Inuit was twenty times the 1 For a brief account of Moravian large extent. It had been hoped
"colonization of the Arctic" from an national average. In 1953 almost mission activities, see Crowe that Houston would find additional
Innit perspective, see Ipellie (1992) 3,000 Inuit were living in tubercu- (1974:96-99). work in the neighbouring commu-
and Tagoona (1975). losis sanatoria in the south; the nity of Povungnituk. but his first
2 Bernadette Driscoll (in
average stay was twenty-eight trip there was a disappointment
2 The Inuit (Eskimos) of Hoffmann 1988 215) divides the art
months (Staples et al. 1993:5-7). (Wight 199^:54-62).
Greenland and Alaska have had of the Historic Period into two
similar experiences, and are more 9 Canada's Inuit population types the art of function" (tradi- 5 The Winnipeg Art Gallery's
assimilated than Canadian Inuit. reached .111 all-time low of about tional arts) focussing largely on tra- 1990 exhibition "The First
They, too, have traditional and con- 8,000 in the 1930s due to starva- dition and innovation in clothing Passionate Collector" featured the
temporary art forms, but these are tion and disease. Today, Inuit have design, and the "art of memory" collection of Ian Lindsay, who had
beyond the scope of this book. For one of the highest birth rates in (art communicating to outsiders). purchased many works at the first

discussions of Greenlandic and Canada, and modern medicine has Unfortunately, Driscoll's article Guild show. Curator Darlene
Alaskan Eskimo art, see Kaalund drastically reduced infant mortality does not appear in the English Wight published a detailed account
(1979) and Ray (1977, 1981, 1996). as well as eliminating the scourges translation of Hoffmann's book. of developments in Inuit art from
of influenza and tuberculosis. 1948 to 1953 (Wight 1991b).
3 This area constitutes about 1
3 Drawings by Enooesweetuk of the
third of the land mass of Canada, 10 The late Cape Dorset artist Sikosilingmiut Tnbe, Fox Land. Baffin 6 It is clear that 1949 marked the
or an area about the size of Pitseolak Ashoona said: "I don't Island, 1915. beginning of the "export market"
Argentina. Baffin Island alone is remember the drum dances; I only for Inuit art. Without that export
4 See Bellman (1980) and
NOTES larger than California and is almost remember the accordion dance"
Pitseolak and Eber (1975) for the
market, Inuit art production would
the size of France. The Inuit com- (Eber loynunpag.). have remained sporadic, and the art
remarkable story and images by
munity of Baker Lake (Qaman- might have languished in obscurity.
Peter Pitseolak.
ittuaq), 2500 kilometres (1554
7 Watt (1988b) gives an account
miles) northwest of Toronto, is CHAPTER 2 5 For an excellent description of
of the Houstons' trip.
actually the geographical centre of ART OF THE PREHISTORIC Historic Period art, see Blodgett
Canada. On April 1, 1999. the PERIOD (1988b). 8 According to Graburn
Northwest Territories will be (1987^3-4), the style of the book-
divided in two. The eastern por- 1 The usual English pronuncia- let was based largely on Alaskan
tion, where mosl hunt live, will be tion of the Danish name is Too-lee. CHAPTER 4 government publications of the
renamed the Territory of Nunavut THE DAWN OF 1940s. The booklet encouraged
2 Archaeological remains of the
("Our Land") By virtue ot popula- work that was still very much in
Sk ridings" encountered in Green- CONTEMPORARY INUIT ART
tion dominance, Nunavut's Inuit the "crafts" vein: thirty illustrated
land by the Norseman Eirik the Red (1949 TO 1955)
will have de facto political control suggestions for grass baskets, seal-
circa ad. 982 very likely belonged
of their homeland. skin mitts and bags, carved ivory
to the Dorset culture. It is possible 1 Houston went on to become a
and stone figures, and games were
4 It is possible that John Cabot that the Angmassalik Eskimos of designei for Steuben Glass in New
annotated with descriptions or
met Inuit if he landed in Labrador nineteenth-century southeastern York and the author of many books
advice. Here is an excerpt from the
in 1497, and Portuguese fishermen Greenland were descended from for adults and children, including
introduction: "This pamphlet ... is
may have had contact with Inuit in Dorset culture survivors. The While Dawn. His lively memoir
the first of a series to be published
the early sixteenth < cntury. (Houston 1995) id omits his per-
3 Taylor and Swinton both in Eskimo for the people of the
sonal discovery of Inuit art, his
5 See Eber (1989) for a fascinating advance this proposition in Taylor Canadian Arctic, to encourage them
subsequent involvement with it.
look at Arctic whaling from the per- and Swinton (1967). It is in effect in their native arts. It is hoped that
and his many years in the Arctic.
spective of Inuit oral history. two articles written in parallel these illustrations will suggest to
"The Silent Echoes of Culture" by 2 Now the Department of Indian them some of their objects which
6 Qaflunaaq (plural qallunaai) is
Taylor and "The Magico-Rcligious Affairs and Northern Development. are useful and acceptable to the
the Inuktitut term for Europeans
Basis" by Swinton. By the late 1940s, the federal gov- white man. Although the articles
and other non-Inuit, derived from
4 McGhee (1996:155) disputes ernment was eager to fund any pre- illustrated are not produced in all
the word qallu, which means "eye-
1 Ins theory, arguing that the aver- lects that might help Inuit to regions of the Arctic they are
brow" and "body hair." Possibly the
age Dorset person would have pos- diversify their economy, which had purely Eskimo . . . These sugges-
Inuit were impressed by the bushy
sessed a high level of technical been based for many years on the tions should in no way limit the
eyebrows and greater hairiness of
competence (by then) failing white fox fur mar- Eskimo. He should be encouraged
the Europeans. Other spellings
ket. Some civil sets. ints had in fact to make variations and introduce
include kadhwak and kabloona. 5 Swinton (Taylor and Swinton
seen potential specifically in the new ideas into his handicrafts"
[967:45) compares them to similar
7 Culturally distinct from Indians. m, nkci for (ivory) carvings. The (Houston 1951). By the late 1950s,
lubes found in Northwest Coast
Inuit do not fall under the lurisdic- partnership between the federal the department decided that it was
cultures. Indeed, the sucking tube
tion of Canada's Indian Act of government, the Canadian Handi- no longer appropriate for the federal
and .mows of sickness" are part of
1876. However, in 1959 the crafts Guild and the Hudson's Bay government to issue such explicit
shamanic healing in many different
Supreme Court of Canada ruled Company lasted for several years. directives to artists or artisans
cultures.
that Inuit were entitled to the same See Goetz (1993) for a discussion of
9 Eugene Power's nonprofit com-
government health, education and 6 For some interesting observa- federal government involvement
pany, Eskimo Art, Inc. ot Vnri
social services as Indians. The fed- tions concerning the possible sym-
3 Houston supplemented this Arbor, Michigan, promoted Inuit
eral government began acting upon bolic attributes of Thule art, see
with $500 of his own money, art in the United States for over
this ruling after the Second World Swinton (1992:117-18) and
which the Guild subsequently thirty years.
War. Inuit were given the right to ,\u ( Ihee (1977; 1988a).
repaid (Houston 1995:31-32).
vote in 1950. 10 See Watt (1989) for a discussion
7 Thule culture survived intact in
of the London exhibition and
Labrador and southwestern
reviews in the press.
Greenland until well into the

Historic Period (McGhee 1977:141).

190
 J 1

1 1 James Houston was by no 3 As early .is 1 nines Artists, on the other hand, 10 For a discussion of Inukjuak 19 In 1955 Houston moved to Cape
means solely responsible for stimu- Labrador, and as late as 1 want a steady supply ol material sculpture, see Winnipeg Art I Dorset as the government's first

•
promoting Inuit an dur- in certain parts of the Central regardless of the source, although (1977a) and Roberts (1978). northern service officer for the
ing tliis period, For accounts of Arctic. they resent having to pay by the region Houston helped develop
1 1 This is especially trui
some of the other people involved, pound for imported stone. the graphics program in 1957. and
4 See Blodgett (1979) for an compared with the people of
see Watt (1987; 1988a; 1991) and remained in Cape Dorset until
excellent and well-illustrated study 4 The term "whalebone" has tra- Puvirnituq Myers (19773:18)
Wight (1991b). 1962 he was succeeded by Terry
of Inuit shamanism. ditionally referred to baleen, a received this insight from Peter
Ryan, who has managed the co-op
1 lepartment of Northern black horny substance that grows Murdoch, who worked with Inuit
5 lii Labrador, Moravian mi ever since The West Baffin Eskimo
Affairs and National Resources in the mouths of certain species artists first as a Hudson's Bay agent
tig in the late eigh- Co-operative began marketing art
(1955) Baleen has been used extensively in and then as general manager of the
teenth century) and the Grenfell in the 1970s through its southern
Alaskan Fskimo art, but very little Federation des Co-operatives du
13 See Wight (1991b) for illustra- il missions at the turn of the subsidiary. Dorset Fine Arts, and is
in Canada. In Canadian Inuit art. Nouveau-Quebec.
works from 1949 See also
tions of century encouraged Inuit to pro- regarded as the most successful and
"whalebone" and "whale bone" are
Canadian Guild of Crafts Quebec duce carvings and other souvenirs, 12 Myers (1977^7 18) suggests independent art-producing co-op.
used in er to the
(1980) for works from the early which were sold abroad I that the rise of the co-operative Demand for the works of the most
actual bones of whales Fresh
I he Guild exhibits a pi funds. It does not appear, however, spirit in the late 1950s influenced famous sculptors is high, and the
whalebone is not suitable for carv-
nent collection. 1h.1t they particularly encouraged Puvirnituq's overall confidence and, co-op must compete with several
ing, hence artists nevei hunt whales
work with Christian themes indirectly, its art. The Povungnituk companies and private entrepreneurs
14 1 etter from Jack Molson of the materials Since whalebone
Sculptors' Society ol 1958 became
i .ni.iji in 1 landit rafts ( !uild to 6 For more Information on to a hundred years to 20 The original Cape Dorset stone
the Povungnituk Co-operative in
lames 1
or (Vt ighi 19910:73). l liiisti.in imagery in Inuit art. see age artists scavenge for it along was a coarse granitelike rock
A strong boost to the com-
|

i960.
beat Ins and (unfortun.it> Figure 22). Later, the more luscious
is lli introduction of wood, munity s pride and sense of pur-
I hull archaeological sites jadelike deposits were found near
cloth, and metals into Ins art 7 For more information on the sea pose, the co-op prompted
Kamadjuak and at Markham Bay.
destroys the true Eskimo quality goddess, including different vei 5 In the 1970s the U.S. Congress Puvirnituq Inuit to become
The latter quarry is shared with
and places him in competition with sions of the myth, see Nelda passed the Endangered Species Act involved in politics and the target
carvers in Kimmirut; Iqaluit artists
craftsmen elsewhere who have .1 Swinton (1980). and other acts severely restricting co-operative movement of the
find it worthwhile to travel tl
complete mastery of the materials" the importation of goods derived 1960s. Outsiders encouraged these
8 The exploits of Kiviuk are illus well. As if Cape Dorset were not
(Houston 1951). from whales and other species In 11 n. ities and had their own
trated and described in University blessed enough, a large vein of
addition, the Convention on influence on Puvirnituq's carving
16 This "question that will not die" of Alberta (1986). high-quality marble has been dis-
Inte111.111nn.il [rade in I ndangered among these wen
ible
is discussed in the last chapter, covered nearby.
9 Some hunt, even elders, feel Species regulates the trade of Peter Murdoch and Father Andre
17 "From a pseudo-traditional they do not remember enough to marine mammal products around Steinmann, an Oblate missionary. 21 All of the islands in Hudson
activity, already much influenced accurately pass on oral history I he the world. Bay, lames Bay and Hudson Strait
13 See Swinton (1977:21-24) and
by White contact, he [Houston] and renowned graphic .mist Kenojuak belong to the Baffin Region of the
6 There are some qailunaat (out- Graburn (1976 v> is) for a discus-
they [
limit artists] created a splen- said: "I stay away from trying to Northwest Territories. Cultural and
siders) who are very interested in sion of the sulijuk concept in
did new art of acculturation" use the old fashioned stones from family ties between the Belcher
subiect mattei and Inuit culture, Puvirnituq si ul|
(Martijn 1967:14). This article (as the oral tradition in my work Islands and southern Nunavik are
and Inuit artists foi whom a beauti-
well as Martijn 1904) presents an because I only have a kind of smat- 14 Surrealist works resulted from a strong, however.
ful object is important
excellent, frank discussion of the tering or superficial knowledge of contest sponsored in the commu-
22 Farley Mowat published h
challenges and dilemmas facing those stories and I don't want to 7 Graburn began discussing the 1 m '. in 11)67 hv Univetstty ol
sions of the famine of the late
artists and promoters in the 1950s. pul something down which would term in conferences in 1967 Sei t alifornia anthropologist Nelson
1940s and early 1950s in his books
Sec also Butler (1991) and Zcpp not really be true or accurate Graburn (1976:49-55) for an out- Graburn; without being given any
People of the Deer (1952I and The
(1986). (Blodgett 1985:35). line of his thoughts on Inuit aes- specific instructions, carvers were
Desperate People (1959).
On the other hand, see Nungak thetics His analysis has particular encouraged to produce work
15 There has been some contro-
and Arima (1988) for a fascinating validity in relation to the sculpture inspired by dreams, visions and 23 Norman Zepp (1986) high-
versy over the impact of Houston's
illustrated anthology of myths and of Nunavik (Arctic Quebec). imagination that might have other- lighted the work of seven artists
1 95 1 booklet Sanajasak Eskimo
stories told and illustrated by wise met with disapproval. Graburn whom he fell epitomized the
Handicrafts. Most observers feel that 8 Some ten years ago. Mai it

Puvirnituq artists. was conducting research on hunt Keewatin aesthetic with their
hunt artists quickly moved on to Routledge, curator of hunt art at
aesthetics at the time I
',<• strength and purity of
highly original concepts and styles the National Gallery of Canada,
grotesque forms of surrealism flour-
and developed .1 framework that 24 Swinton (1998) states thai virtu-
CHAPTER
I

19 Hudson's Bay Company traders 6 ished foi a tew years but in the end
attempted to synthesize 1egnn1.1l archaeological artifacts that
strongly favoured "realistic" scenes SCULPTURE: TRADITION and community hunt
did not meet with general market
could be classified
styles in as art ha 1

and styles, which is not surprising, AND NEW DIRECTIONS sculpture with an examination of
acceptance Set iiatford (1968) for
far been discovered in the Keewatin
since they were not trained in art. details of the contest
major artists in each region He suggests that Keewatin Inuit.
Their influence seems to have been 1 See Nasogaluak (199' 1
)
(Routledge and Hessel 1988; 1990; 15 Erotic and even pornographic without an art "tradition
especially strong in Puvirnituq; the
2 "What is most obviously dis- 1995). The analysis here is based art was encouraged by some out- working with a clean slate when
realistic style of that community
tinctive in Fskimo carving is the largely on that framework siders but is not particularly preva- 11 came to carving production
has since spread across much of
way life moves outward from inside lent today
Arctic Quebec. 9 Although the limit art market IS illcrv
the material, tonus and pan forms
values tin ,1, hievi ments "I classic" 16 Ian 1 indsay 1
of Rankin
of animality and humanity emerg-
1950s Nunavik an, it very much Inlet sculpture
ing from unshaped bone and stone,
CHAPTER 5 1
,
, wages and rewards innovation (1977) s, , ilso Sal tdin d Vti|
and the multiplicity of vital forms 26 Fiktak has the distinction of
THEMES AND SUBJECTS IN
in a single piece of Stuff" (Sparshott
today I his has led to difficulties
being the first hunt artist to be
INUIT ART foi Nunavik artists who are con-
1980). 17 For discussions ol Salluit sculp- honoured with a solo exhibition in
sidered "old fashioned In addi
ture .«iJ .mists set \n < lallery of Inuit
1 1 Ins is especially true tor the 3 The market has rejei ted tion, th< minoi foi ms of Nunavik
Windsoi (1992) and Roberts 1 sculpture hit the Canadian '

the ti mi isi and imported stone lor two ic.is,.iis tourist • .11'. ing are often copied I".
(Swinton
souvenii marki 1 whii h favours I 11st, there is the sense that tin purveyors of cheap imitations 18 lln ! I . large

realistically carved wildlifi arl imported stone is soim I: 1

in IU to the detrimeni ol the reputation administrative region that includes 27 Cape Dorsei artists

ihcntic" A largi pai t of thi i| ot Nunavik carvers 1 wo smvevx ol Baffin island, also extends south to mented with ceramics in the mid-
2 For a mi in detailed discussion
,,i ii 'in si ulpture involves the use porary Nunavil 11 Sanikiluaq in southern Hudson DUt then \\oH>
of animals in Iiuni art, sd Driscoll
I
native materials Si Noel 1
ise 1 lord ^i\ marketed See \ag\ (191
(1985) and Nelda
tins have become used to identify- I llesmere Island, and west to Sutherl
ing ceil. 1111 types ol stone closely i. which is on an island off of the Rankin Inlet eel

w nh paiiii ill, 11 1
1
mil Melville Peninsula

tot
 1

28 For a discussion of the Arviat 38 Both Alaskan mask li.uli is Unable to supply him with carving 6 A few stone blocks have been major print artists. But even some
style, sec Winnipeg Art Gallery and Greenlandic tupilak spirit carv- materials, she gave him paper and saved for archival and exhibition who went on to become famous
(1982) and Hessel (1990). For the ings also have grotesque tenden- pencil instead, and he drew eight purposes or have found their way artists maintain a free-form, experi-
Inuit perspective on developments, cies. According to Meldgaard pictures for her. into private collections, but they mental attitude. Kenojuak
sec Kalluak (1993). (1960:35), with tupilaks, "the more are never reused. approaches a drawing without a
2 See McDougall (1992) for a dis-
fantastic and distorted the better." preconceived plan and makes deci-
29 Chesterfield Inlet had both a cussion of Jenness's writings on 7 The Inuktitut syllables on the
sions as she goes along (Blodgett
hospital and a home for the aged, 39 Their forms also resemble those Inuit drawings. The article quotes Canadian Eskimo Arts Council's
1985:36).
operated by Roman Catholic mis- of some Makonde ebony shetani one of Jenness's "prophetic" 1946 blind stamp translate literally as "it

sionaries, similar to the one run in spirit figures from Tanzania. comments on the drawings of the is alright." meaning genuine. The 15 Kenojuak Ashevak: "For my
Pangnirtung by the Anglicans. Ivory Contemporary Makonde sculpture, Copper Inuit: "I cannot believe that Council was "an entity that has no subject matter I don't start off and
carving production thrived here for like lnuit sculpture, is an art form they lack talent, or that the second parallels in the international art pick a subject as such; that's not
some time, but the community is largely encouraged by outsiders in or third generation from today will world at any time in history" my way of addressing a drawing.
no longer a major art centre. the 1950s; there are many interest- not show as much proficiency in (Gustavison 1994:87). Gustavison My way of doing it is to start with-
ing parallels between Makonde and drawings as other Eskimo." gives a historical account of this out a preconceived plan of exactly
30 The Repulse Bay lnuit are also
Inuit tourist and fine arts. controversial body which for what I am going to execute in full,
related to the inhabitants of Coral 3 John Ayre, who has checked
almost thirty years acted as artist and so I come up with a small part
Harbour on Southampton Island. 40 Swinton's "fantastic art" (1972a) federal government memos, discov-
agent, arts advisor, jury, exhibition of it which is pleasing to me and I

The Sallirmiut, original inhabitants includes the Puvirnituq works, ered that Houston had discussed
sponsor, copyright agent and advi- use that as a starting point to wan-
of the island, were wiped out by other works that are horrifying in the introduction of printmaking
sor to the Minister of Indian and der into, through the drawing. I
disease introduced by the whalers content or form, the whimsical and with bureaucrats as early as 1955
Northern Affairs. may start off at one end of a form
early this century. The whalers then grotesque, and the extravagant or (Ayre 1996). That does not neces-
not even knowing what the
moved a group ot Aivilingmiut from baroque in form sarily contradict Houston's story of 8 Complexity is a major factor in
entirety of the form is going to be;
the Wager Bay-Repulse Bay area to Osuitok; perhaps it was the impe- techniques like stonecut and stencil,
41 This is also true for the other just drawing as I am thinking,
resettle the island in the 1920s. tus needed to finally begin. where it is difficult to reproduce
approaches discussed above, and thinking as I am drawing. And
fine lines or intricate patterns. The
31 Houston wrote (Winnipeg Art the sulijuk sensibility as well While 4 In the article "Japanese Artists that's how I develop my images"
advent of lithography has reduced
Gallery 1978:21) that the Repulse there may not be a "universal aes- on Inuit Printmaking: Challenge (Blodgett 1985:36).
the importance of complexity as a
Bay ivories he saw during his brief thetic," differing individual aesthetic and Response" in Inuit Art Quarterly
limiting factor. 16 Swinton (19723:8) had already
visit in 1950 "showed considerable tendencies can manifest themselves (Vol. 1, No.i, Spring 1986), two
used the term "synchretistic [sic]" in
skill but not much passion or at any time and in any place, even Japanese printmakers expressed their 9 For more on the relationship
his discussion of Inuit "fantastic art."
invention. . . . Why? A result of mid- within the confines of a fairly tradi- opinions on the Inuit use of the between drawing and print, see

Victorian whalers' tastes, perhaps." tional style. These approaches ukiyo-e method. Naoko Matsubara Blodgett (1991), Winnipeg Art 17 For a fascinating glimpse of
could lead to a personal style or laments that Houston "switched" Gallery (1983) and LaBarge (1986). Pitseolak's life and art. see Eber
32 Father Franz Van de Velde, the
direction which might be adopted from the early experimental stage (97i)
Roman Catholic missionary in 10 See Blodgett ( 1 976) and
by others, or they could be com- of the sosahi hanga method (a mod-
Pelly Bay, commissioned a bust of Driscoll (1982a), both on shows at 18 While more women than men
pletely idiosyncratic, and either tol- ern tradition imported from Europe
Christ in 1945. A 1952 portrait of the Winnipeg Art Gallery. Notable submit drawings, printmaking is a
erated by or scorned by peers. earl\ tins century, in which the
Christ is illustrated in Brandson among the commercial galleries male-dominated profession in Cape
artist is also the printmaker) to what
(1994:186), along with Christian 42 For an interesting discussion of have been the Innuit Gallery of Dorset, with a small group of about
she referred to as the old "assembly-
images by other artists. three "post-contemporary" sculp- I skimo Art (now the Isaacs/Innuit a dozen men producing most of the
line," "commercial" ukiyo-c method.
tors, see Wight (1991a). Gallery), Toronto, and the Upstairs community's over 2,500 prints.
33 Because Pelly Bay was accessi- Noboru Sawai, on the other hand,
Gallery, Winnipeg. See also Eber Many of the printmakers are also
ble only by air and not by ship, it 43 And as with any mannerist ten- sees the collective ukiyo-e tradition
(i97i)- carvers.
made economic sense to limit art- dency, there is always the danger of as appropriate "given the closely

work to a small scale. A number of going too far, of getting < ai 1 ied knit nature of Inuit society" He 1 Jackson and Nasby's 1987 show 19 In 1957. George Swinton col-

very fine works ended up in the away with elegance, virtuosity and notes that it took the Japanese at the Macdonald Stewart Art Centre lected drawings in Puvirnituq,
collection of the Eskimo Museum emotion. printmaking tradition over two in Guelph, Ontario, was a turning illustrated in Winnipeg Art Gallery
(founded by Oblate missionaries) in hundred years to evolve, and point in the study of Inuii draw (i977b:86-99). The look ol
44 See Anghik (1991) and
Churchill, Manitoba. assumes that the lnuit tradition will ings (Jackson and Nasby 1987). Puvirnituq art evolved quite
Piqtoukun (1994) for artist inter-
continue to evolve as well. differently from the styles sug-
34 Pelly Bay is discussed here views in Inuit Art Quarterly, and 12 Two Inuit who tried painting in
gested by these early examples.
again because its miniature tradi- Wight (1989). 5 For operational reasons, print the 1960s were featured in the The
tion and large-scale sculpture are shops often pulled complete edi- Heaver magazine (Autumn 1967). 20 For a discussion of "outsider
45 Wight (1991.1:10) notes that
very different. tions of prints before submitting Terry Ryan gave the artist art" see Maclagan (1991:32-49).
M.in.isie told her that in Arctic Bay,
them to the Canadian Eskimo Arts Kingmeata Etidlooie some water-
35 In .1 letter to the editor of lnuit Art he would only be an Arctic Bay 21 Gabe Gely began the first print-
Council. Its refusal to approve colours in the late 1960s; she pro-
Quarterly (Vol. 8, No. 1, Spring 1993, carver: in Toronto, he is "Manasie." making experiments in 1963 He
prints (sometimes more than halt of duced about two dozen works.
p. 61), John McGrath wrote that was also largely responsible for the
46 See Akpaliapik (1993) for an .111 annual collection) was a consid-
the British sculptor Henry Moore, 13 For an account of the develop- development of sculpture in Baker
artist interview 111 lnuit Art Quarterly. erable financial blow, not to men-
upon hearing of Karoo's death, had ments in painting in Cape Dorset, Lake He was followed by Roderick
tion a bitter disappointment to
sent a telegram to Canada's Prime 47 See Marion Scott Gallery (1994; see Gustavison (1996). Toronto McCarthy. Robert Paterson and
artists and printmakers, who often
Minister expressing regret at the 1996) and Leroux et al. (1994) for artist Kate Graham worked with Boris Kotelowitz.
did not understand the reasons
loss of Canada's foremost artist. critical and autobiographical writings Cape Dorset artists from 1973 to
behind seemingly arbitrary deci- 22 Jackson's "two-generation" the-
'977-
36 Roald Amundsen, the first per- sions. Some co-ops quietly mar- ory is based on her analysis of
son to successfully navigate the keted unapproved prints locally at 14 Terry Ryan suggests that the Baker Lake drawings (see Jackson
CHAPTER 7
Northwest Passage, arrived here on cut-rate prices. Baker Lake, which "strange" look of many of the earli- .987).
August 28, 1903, and spent two
GRAPHIC ARTS: DRAWINGS consistently produced more est Cape Dorset drawings is the
AND PRINTS 23 For early work in a clearly post-
winters living with the Netsiling- difficult" images, was often forced result of artists making corrections
contemporary vein, see Tagoona
miut before continuing his journey to market them outside regular and ad hoc decisions because of
I Pauloosie Karpik, quoted in a (i975>-
westward. channels For examples of prints (heir lack of proficiency 111 the
letter from Phyllis Worsley to H. G.
that were never officially released medium (Blodgett and Gustavison
37 The Copper Inuit were studied Jones in "Pauloosie Karpik's I irsl
see Canadian Arctic Producers 993 :
9)- This publication is inter-
extensively by anthropologist Drawings," Inuit An Quarterly
(1993) and Gustavison (1994). esting in that many of the .utists
Diamond Jenness during Vilhjalmur (Summer 1991, p.30). Worsley was
included in it did not become
Stefansson's Canadian Arctic Karpik's nurse while he was recov-
Expedition of 1913—1918. ering from hepatitis in hospital.
 3

Abraham Anghik There has been much inter

CHAPTER 8 Government of the Northwest AFTERWORD 8 Sculptor 13

feels that many Inuit are ing of Inuit artists, but most of it

TEXTILE ARTS Territories, which carried on fed- ART AND INUIT IDENTITY il

making subtle political statements has been relatively unsatisfying for

eral government initiatives in
with their art He calls them "posi- researchers and artists alike. The
Pangnirtung and elsewhere Sub- Quotation from the video
For illustrations of two bags by
1
1

tive" rather than "negative" political language and cultural gaps arc
sequent consultants and managers Keeping Our Stories Alive: The
Kenojuak, see Blodgctt (1985:
statements; they affirm Inuit iden- wide, and researchers usually do
included Charlotte Lindgren. Janet Sculpture of Canada's Inuil (Indian
33-34). For examples of skin pic-
and show "the way things are not have the time to build up rap-
Senior, Kordula and Northern Affairs Canada 1993). tity
Dep irtment of Northern I
>

"The Artists S.
and should remain." port and trust.
ind National Resources Williams and Deborah Hickman.
2 This is one of the great chal- series of interviews in Inuit An
(1955:23-24). 10 Because of the labour involved lenges facing Inuil artists, espe- 9 Joan Vastokas (1987:16) sug- Quarterly, following an Inuit art

and textile artists. gests that Inuit (and First Nations)

2 See the "Crafts from Arctic in tapestry weaving, additional cially carvers conference at the McMichael Can-
Their work often sold within art offers a deeply appealing and
catalogue (Canadian copies in an edition are produced is adian Art Collection in 1992. high-
satisfying alternative to the 'empty'
on demand, not in advani ["hi hours of being completed, and lighted this dilemma dramatically.
Eskimo Arts Council 1974) for 1

photograph theii formalism of mainstream western

examples of various types of hunt decision to use different weavers ts

14 The fact that there are not yet

was made to relieve the original work, they are left with only a
textile arts from the early 1970s .

and
any Inuit trained as curators art
Sec also Strickler and Alookee weaver of repetitive laboui OM memory. This must make il
10 Granted, the audience is
historians complicates the issue still
weaver will produce no more than extremely difficult for them to keep
(,988). Western, but the roots of contem-
further But even when that hap-
two or three copies of a single a sense of continuity and progres-
porary Inuit art are definitely not.
The federal government had pens, there will still be much to be
3
image. Kawtysee Kakee, who is sion; it is perhaps also one reason
While it would be wrong to sug-
opened a sewing shop in the mid- gained from the perspective ot
highly respected for her colour that many artists "copy themsi
a natural evolu-
gest that Inuit art is
1960s. It closed in 1970, but was "The carv- highly trained and passionately
sense, is credited with establishing Nick Sikkuark has said:
from traditional forms, or even
tion
re-opened under the auspices of the committed "outsiders " See also
the colour schemes of both of the ings are taken away from here; it's
equally
from Historic times, it is
Fry (1987) and
lovernment of the Northwest me Hessel (1991 6 15)
1
tapestries in this book, as well as like my creation has left
wrong to suggest that the whole-
Territories. McEvilley (1992).
weaving the first one of each edi- behind" (Sikkuark 1997:14). ."

idea is simply recently "planted

4 The 1974 competition and exhi- tion and one of the actual tape suns Opperman (1986) has some inter- 15 Graburn (1987a) tends to try to
3 "It is perhaps in the midst of
bition "Crafts from Arctic Canada" illustrated. esting comments on this question put everything into discrete cate-
catastrophic change, or in a time of
sponsored by the Canadian Eskimo Also, further questions about gories but realizes that Inuit art
11 In recent years, as artists have anguished endings and beginnings,
Arts Council did much to promote authenticity have arisen. Some sug- does not fit into just one. Questions
submitted more drawings in full that artists have the greatest oppor-
Baker Lake textile arts, but placed gest that drawings, prints and tex- of aesthetics are far more problem-
colour, the work of the weavers has tunity to offer something ot crucial
them in the same category as dolls, are less "authentic" than atic. In an anthropological sc:
evolved. Rather than making basic value to the culture around them, tiles

toys, clothing and jewellery. The an ings, because these media and however, he is absolutely right in
colour decisions, they are now by seeking, through the image, ,

Art Gallery of Ontario's 1976 exhi their materials were all introduced studying Inuit art together \uth
working to render images faith- ways to deal with the destruction
bition "The People Within" helped by outsiders, but the work done other lourth World arts: art by
fully This requires even more sub- of an old identity and to begin to
to elevate the status of textile arts these media speaks eloquently aboriginal peoples whose lands
tlety in the blending of colours. shadow forth a new one" in

when it exhibited Baker Lake wall for itself. fall within the national boundaries
(McEvilley 1992:124)
hangings together with drawings 12 Articles on Pangnirtung tapes- and techno-bureaucratic adminis-
There no real case for the The federal government's "Igloo
4 trations of the First. Second and
1 1

and sculptures from that community. tries written by southern advisers is

"repatriation of artifacts" or other Tag" program, instituted in 1959,

(who are weavers themselves) tend Third Worlds" (Graburn 19761).
5 Baker Lake Fine Arts and and contribution political action, but southern insti- created new problems while
to stress the skill
Crafts,founded and operated by attempting to solve old ones. 6 Kenojuak Ashcvak. a member
tutions will be under pressure to
1

of the weavers (sec Lindgren and

Marie Bouchard, purchased and Designed to differentiate genuine of the Royal Canadian Academy
Lindgren 1988). Art historians tend share their resources and informa-
promoted not only wall hangings and cul- [nuil sculpture from imitations (and and a Companion of the Order ol
to stress the imagery and give more tion. So far. Inuit political
but also drawings by selected shown ensure that Inuit sculpture Canada, has said: "I do not really
credit to the artists who provided tural organizations have to all

artists who had nowhere to sell would be deemed "original fine art" consider myself a drawer, or an
the drawings. surprisingly little interest in the
their work after the closure of the and thus be duty free), the "Igloo .1111st, or a sculptress, or whatever I

visual arts.
print shop. The business was 1 The original low warp Aubusson- lag helped to instill the wrong- wouldn't say that of mysell

recently sold to an lnuk, Sally type looms were designed for fab- 5 The Canadian idea of the "true
headed notion that all Inuit art is in conjunction with the other
weaving, not tapestry, but they North strong and free" is often things that do. would say. well
Qimmiu'naaq Webster. ric 1 reated equal (i e thai il is all "fine I 1

have been used with considerable highly romantic. In Peter Millard's and do
art"). This has brought on the draw and I sculpt, 1

6 See Fernstrom and Jones (1993) Gobelin words (1987:24), can be "a nos- m
success. Recently, a large it
backlash opinion that because of applique, embroidery and
for detailed descriptions of stitch- yearning for a romantic want go
high warp loom was acquired for talgia
some mediocre work touted as "tine point . . . Tomorrow I to
ing techniques; the authors provide commissions (Deborah north of organic simplicity and '
larger art." mi Inuit art is worthy ot the out and go jig ice
a history of wall-hanging produc-
Hickman, personal communication, pre-industrial innocence — a kind ot
dt st 1
iption. Toronto art dealer fishing]; I want to do that because I

tion as well as an analysis of artists'

fro/en pastoral."
'997)- Harold Seidelman (1986 15) wrote have fond memories of having
styles and themes. don't
an interesting comment.us in thai in the past 1

14 Janet Senior m Goldfarb (1989: 6 The construction of a string ot

famous which he voiced the growing anxi put any aspects of my expel
7 Oonark is especially for
17). Most of the advisors and man- twenty-two DEW (Distant Early
her large, imposing, highly struc- cty among gallery owners that as the main thing Being able
first
agers have been women; they have Warning) Line sites along Canada's
tured and symmetrical composi- there was nol enough clear separa- todo embroidery and being able to
no doubt had an influence as well. Arctic coast was completed in 1957
tions of the early to mid-1970s. Cold Wai rhe tion between Inuil fii go out on the land and all I

.11 the height ol the

Her 1973 untitled commission for 15 I he weavers have not always pr< idui tion othet things are nol a
cost was borne by the United ti idi

the National Arts Centre in Ottawa had a wide J mm- of colours. A being an artist" (Blodgett I S
States, but Canada retained owner- has
12 As Millard (1995 ji)
measured about four by six metres few of the early weavings were
ship of the stations 17 he nickname given to small
observed, 111 oui culture "intellec- I

somewhat garish, and for many

(u by 19 feet).
works made for quit
Opperman 1986 posed tual endeavout is concerned, to a li

years weavers had to make do with 7 Hal 1 'I

used immediately (for that

he influence of parka design large extent, with analysis and tax-
.
8 and answered the following ques-
I

one shade ol say, blue whereas

may have had an influence here
now they have six (l)i borah tion: "What accounts fot tin tppi onomy — examining things bingo game tot example)

(Driscoll-Engclstad 1994:6). or relativi k ol app< nun minutely and identifying them as commun
Hickm.m personal communit ation lai al ai c<
18 Personal 1

given body ol work? lose intellectual

times "i .

Angus
The company. Karen Rulow
.1 . .

9 1997)-
think there is one simpli answei passions usually serve us well, but
Ltd., hired Don Stuart to manage 1

bet ausi they imunii tti they weigh us down with a lot of
the project in 1970. That year,
ompletely than others.' cultural baggage when we try to
responsibility for the development ,

come to gups with traditions oui

of arts and crafts shifted to the
side oui immediate experii

193
NOTES
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Akpaliapik, Manasie. (1993). Blodgett. Jean. (1991). In Cape Centre The Drawings of Luke Contemporary Inuit Art and Art
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Fall 1995 (6 1)
Summei 1986
1

I OG R A P H Y
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Roch, Ernst, ed. (1974). Arts of the Tulurialik, Ruth Annaqtuusi, and Dorset Winnipeg: Winnipeg Art
Eskimo Prints. Montreal: Signum Sutherland, Dave. (1994) In David Pelly. (1986). Qikaaluktut: Gallery,
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Winnipeg Art Gallery. (1981).
University Press. Rankin Inlet Ceramics University Press.

Routledge, Marie. (1979). Inuit Art

Experiment — 1 963-1 965. In Inuit
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Winnipeg:

Art Quarterly Vol. 9, No. 2, Summer

in the lyjos/L'art inuil actuel Gallery. (1986). Keeveeok Awake!:
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'970-79 Kingston, Ontario: Agnes Mamnguqsualuk and the Rebirth of
Eskimo Point! Arviat. Winnipeg:
Etherington Art Centre. Swinton, George. (1965). Eskimo Legend at Baker Lake Edmonton:
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Sculpture /Sculpture I squimaudt Boreal Institute for Northern
Routledge. Marie, and Ingo Hessel.
Toronto/ Montreal: McClelland and Studies. Winnipeg Art Gallery. (1983). Baffin
(1988). Die zeitgenossische
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in das Medium, die KUnstler und Swinton. George. (1966). Artists Association. (1992). Pangnirtung
ihr Werk. In HofFmann from the Keewatin. In Canadian Art ii)<)2 Prints Pangnirtung: Zepp, Norman. (1986). Pure Vision:
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(1990). Regional Diversity in Swinton, George. (1970). Tikiak Vastokas, Joan. (1971/72).
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limn Art Quarterly. Vol. 5, No. 3, Winnipeg: Gallery One One One, Style. In artscanada. 162/163,
Summer 1990. (10-23). University of Manitoba. (1971-1972). (69-83).

Routledge, Marie, and Ingo Hessel. Swinton, George. (1972a). Eskimo Vastokas, Joan. (1987). A Reply to

(1993). Contemporary Inuit Fantastic Art. Winnipeg: Gallery in, Nelson Graburn. In Inuit Art
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Swinton, George. (1972b). Sculpture
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of the Eskimo. Toronto: McClelland Watt, Virginia. (1987). In
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Swinton, George. (1977). The
Jackson. (1990). I'udlo. Thirty Years
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Gouvernement du Quebec. Swinton, George. (1982) Memories Watt. Virginia. (1989). In
of Eskimo Point 1967-1979. In Retrospect In Inuil Art Quarterly
Saucier, Celine, and Eugene Kedl.
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(1988). Image inuit du Nouveau-
Quehcc Quebec: Musee de la civili- Swinton, George. (1992). Sculpture
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and Stewart. (Revised edition of Lighthall: 1891-1991. In Inuil Art

Seidelman, Harold. (1986). Fine Art
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In Inuit Art Quarterly Vol. I, No. 3, Swinton, George. (1998). Personal
Fall 1986. (.5). communication. Wight, Darlene. (1989). Out of
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Ruben Piqtoukun Winnipeg:
Turner. (1993). The Inuit Imagination muite de la merl The Inuit Sea Goddess.
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Vancouver/Toronto: Douglas & Montreal: Montreal Museum of
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Tradition and Beyond: New

Sikkuark. Nick. (1997). Nick Swinton, Nelda. (1993). Arctii
Attitudes Toward Art-Making in
Sikkuark: "I do love the carvings Wildlife: The Art of the Inuil
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Vol. 6. No. 2, Spring 1991. (8-15).
Vol. 12, No. 3, Fall 1997. (Interview Fine Arts.
by Simeonie Kunnuk, 1994). Wight. Darlene Coward. (1991b).
Tagoona, William. (1975). Shadows.
/ he 1 irst Passionate < 'ollei tor The Ian
Sparshott, Francis. (1980). Spence Ottawa: Oberon Press.
Lindsay Collection <*/ hum An
Bay Sculpture: 'An Expressive
Tasseor Tutsweetok, Lucy. (1989). Winnipeg: Winnipeg Art Gallery.
Force.' In The Innuit Gallery of
Personal communication.
Eskimo Art. Spence Bay Sculpture: An Wilford, Nigel. (1974). Spence Bay:
Expressive Force '
Toronto: The Taylor, William E., and George Whalebone Carvings. In

Innuit Gallery of Eskimo Art. Swinton. (1967). Prehistoric Dorset North/ Nord. Vol. 21, No. 2, March-
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(32-47).
McConnell and Jill Oakes. (1993). Winnipeg Art Gallery (1977.1) Port
Soaps tone and Seed Beads: Arts and Thomson, Jane Sproull, and C.illuni Harrison I Inoucdjouac Winnipeg:
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Povungnituk Winnipeg: Winnipeg
Edmonton: Provincial Museum of
Art Gallery,
Alberta.

196
 1

abstract! illustrated 29 40 112 113 121 drawings, 26, 139, 14 12,4 148-52, hunnii^
123-26, 131 132 133 prints illustrated 173, 178 142, 148. 141,
acculturation. 3, 8-9. 24, 34-35. 78. )6 |i 1
14 sculptures illustrated. drawings illustrated 29 31 40
1
83. 189 34 38 44 53 83. 84. 85; wall 112 113 117 118 120. 121 idemity, Inuit, 11. 130. 185-87
Adams, Amy, 125 hangings illusirad 1 33 1 3X 126 131 132 133
aesthetics. 26. ;;, 75ft, 107, i^fT, 140. 141 142 143 144. 145 Driscoll-Engelstad, Bernadctte, 178, Igloo Tag. 193
162. 174, 187 Balikci. Asen, no 190 Igloolik. 94; sculptures illustrated
Ahlooloo, Elisapee Kanangnaq. 132; , 137, 171, 172 drum dancing. 9, 41, </>-, ;;/ 26 42
work 7} by, Belcher Islands See Sanikiluaq Iglulingmiut, ;. ,

Akeeaktashuk, js "bingo" carvings, 188 Eastern Arctic sculptures illustrated, Iksiktaaryuk I

Akesuk LatcHolassie, 89, 12 3; work birds, it), iji, 121, ij(> 16. 24 Iksiraq. Thorn..
by, 67 blind boy and the loon Set Lumaaq Eclialuk, Noah, Ho: work by, 59
Akkuardjuk. Paul, [21; work by, 32 legend economics of art, 9, 11. 21. 34-35. Innakatsik, 3
Akpaliapik, Manasie, 1
94 13 Brancusi, Constantin, 102, 123, 12- 71, 73, 139, 144, 153, 171, 173, Inuit art. concept of. 21, 26. 75. 187
work by. 56. 109 k, 160 180, 188, 189 Inuit art, curatorial treatment of.
Akulukjuk, Malaya, 181, iK;: work Butler, Sheila, 152. 160, 173 economy, barter and cash. 8, 9, 21, 29 186, 187
by. 146 education and literacy, 8, 9 Inuit art. status of. 26, 186. 187
Alaku. Paulosikotak, work by, 51 camp life, scenes of, 21. 22, 38-43. Iekerkik, Romeo, 188 Inuit artists, status of, 188-89
Alaska. 1 j, 16, [30, 132, 190, 192 41 44. 80. 82, 115, 148. 155. 158, Ekagma. Peggy, >2; work by. 39 lnuk|uak, 29. 78, 80-82. no: sculp-
Alaskan I skimos 1 52, 138 embroidery, 172, 173. 174, /-;. 1—. tures illustrated. 17. 21. 23. 30
Alikatuktuk, Ananaisie, work by, 41 Canadian Arctic sovereignty, 8, 186 49 55 59 60
Aliknak, Peter, tig; work by 97 Canadian Eskimo Arts Coum il employment. 9, 94, [88 Inukpuk. Johnny. 35. 64, 80; work
real pouch). 60, 6 )9 [56, 160
1 Endangered Species Act. 191 by, 49
amautik (woman's parka). 171 Canadian Guild of Crafts Quebec, engraving, 16, <J2, 140. 14} Inuktitut. 6. 8,
Amidlak. Samwillie, 54; work by, 21 9, 27. 29, 30, 180 entertainment 1 Inuvialuit. 5. 130, 132
Amittu, Davidialuk Alasua, >/, 82, Canadian Handicrafts Guild. See erolic art. 82 Ipeelee. Osuitok. 8. 35, 77, 87. 88.
INDEX j,- work by, 37, 61, 126 Canadian Guild of Crafts Eskimo Point. Set Arviat 138; work b'. s~
amulets, 7. 14. it), 137, 161 185 Quebec etching, 140-44 Ipellie, Alootook, 37
Amundsen. Roald. no Canadian identity and culture. 186, exhibitions. 27, 29, 30, no, 140. Iqqugaqtuq. Agnes Nulluq. work
Page references to captions are
Vnaittuq, Augustin, u6\ work by, 94 187 144. 155. 173. 180, 190, 191 by, 88
in nahc type. References to figure
angakok. See shamans and shamanism Canadian Museum of Civilization. exploration, European, 7, 16, 19, 26 Isluanik. Henry. 121. work by, 99
numbers of illustrations are in
Anghik, Abraham Apakark. 130-32, 186 expressionism. 80, 82, tjH, no liulu. Davidcc. 92: work -1
I

bold type. ip, 193; work by, 108 Cape Dorset, 10, 30, 87, 123, 132, 111. /-,": work by 141
Anglican church, 8, 9, 94, 113, 173 140. 144, 155-56. 172; drawings face clusti ivory, 6. 14. ;;. ;,-. 16. /-. (9
Angmassalik Eskimos. 190 illustrated. 31, 117, 120; paint- family theme. ;g, 60, 69, 80, 82, 23, 24, 26. 27. 30. ... .

Angnako, Josephee, work by, 14 ings illustrated. 19, 119; prints 96. 10), 183 78. 92. 93. 107. 121. See also inlay
Angrnaqquaq, Elizabeth, r~; work illustrated, 1. 25. 28. 48. 50, 54. Fifth Thule 1 xpedition, [6, 94 Ivujivik 86, 132. sculptures illus-

by. 143 116. 123. 124, 125; sculptures First Nations artists, 130 trated in
Anguhadluq, Luke, 41, 130, 162; 20, 22, 46, 47, 57,
illustrated, fishing, 6, lyo lyaituk Matiusi 132, i)$ work by
work by, 29, 121 66, 67, 68, 69, 70, 102. 105, I laherty, Robert z6
animal themes, y, 37- 3«, ,-f, 76,86, no. 149 folk art, 22, 44. 73, 86, 121, 121, /;./,

87, 94, 10), 128, 155, 160, 178 caribou. [7, 19, 77, 88, 116, 1 146, 158, 187 Jackson, Marion. 152
Annaqtuusi Tulunalik. Ruth, 164; 162 food, 6, 'i lenness. Diamond. 1
j

work by. 132 Caribou Inuit, >, 94, 163, 171, IJ2 fur trade. 8, 24, 35 jeweller)
anthropology and anthropologists, Carpenter, Edmund, 187
26, 83, 138. 187 carving materials and methods, 10, Gely, Gabc, 172, 192 K.ut.ik. Sammy. 84. work by 64
antler, caribou, 6, 44, 75, 86, 102, 73. 74-75. '3°. 132 geography, 3 Kakee, Kawtysee 181, •

toy, [21, 121 Central Arctic miniature carving, George River. See Kangiqsualujjuaq Kalvak, Helen, [61 . r6r, 171 work
applique. 137, 172, 173, ij6, 777 107, 108, lot) Giacometti, Alberto, 123 by, 129 130
Arctic Bay, 94. 132; sculptures illus- ceramics, 96, 100 Gjoa Haven. [Ii -is sculptures Kangiqsualujjuaq, 86. 121; sculp-
trated. 56, 73. 109 Chesterfield Inlet, 54, 107 92, 93, 95, 96, 148
illustrated: tures illustrated 98
Arctic Quebec. .See Nunavik Christianity and Christian imager} Government, Canadian, 8. 9 11 Kangiqsuj
Arctic Small Tool tradition. 13 8, 9, 26, 43, 54, 60, 107, no, 30, 34, 96, 138. 139. 185. 186. Kangirsuk. 86. 121; sculptures illus-
Arluk, George, 124; work by, 101 123. 162, 164 [87 trated. 65
Arnasungaaq. Barnabus, 103; work climate, 3-5, 19 Graburn, Nelson, 77, 82, 186. 187. Karpik, Andrew [62, i<>

by. 83 clothing and clothing design, 6 92, 190, 191 work I". 1 ;-

Arp, Jean (Hans). 123 137. ;>-, [60, 162, 163, 171-72, Graham, K M . ij- Karpik, Pauloosie 1
57
Art Gallery of Ontario. 186 . .
, .

',111 nland, 1 ;, 16, 190, 192 Kasadluak, Paulosie •

Arviat. 96-102, 121, 172; sculptures communities. 8, 9, 71 Greenlandic Eskimos, 138 Kavik |ohn, 91 • >rk bv
illustrated. 52, 58, 80, 81. 82, contests, 6,160 Grenfell medical mission. [91 7778
99. 103. 104, 106 Convention on International Trade Grenier, Claude. 96 :
importation
Ashevak. Karoo, no. ;;/, 111. 115, in Endangered Species (CITES), grotesque and fantastic an v
, 115 Keewatin
116, ii'j, 131, 1J2. 185, work by, 191 Kiakshuk, 143, is.^ work by 116
89, 90 co-operatives, 87, 139. 155, Kigusiuq, lanet, -1 /;-. work bv
9, 73,
Ashevak, Kcnojuak, 40, 155. 158. 172. 160, 162, 169, 178, 180 handicrafts. 27, 29, 30. 94, 173 43 "•*
174, 191, 192, 193; work by, 28 Copper nu I it . ,\ ,. -. 115, 138, 160, healing and medi< ine, 7. 14 Kilabuk, Annie. 1S2. work by 14-
Ashoona. Kiawak, Hy, 155; work by, it, helping spirits, 7. 14, i$, 4<>. 141 Kllllkli, -

68 Coppermine S« Kugluktuk Hiratsuke, Un-ii h Kimmirut, 93; sculptures illustrated

Ashoona, Mayoreak, ;,,\ 123 rafts 29, jo, 94. 175 Historic Period, 8, 21-27, 22, 23, 24. 71.72
Ashoona, Pitseolak, 9, . i ribbagi boards •
1 s6 121, 137-38 ; ), 54, 71. 78, ;o>". 107, Kingwarsiak, Kola 9/; work by, 70
143,1 work
fS, '55; by, 31, 117 , n:ni , ii mge, 7-9 1
•! 1
; ; (69, 171
Ashoona. Qaqaq 63 96, :•< 155; 1 loffmann, Gerhard, 123 Kltlkim
works by, 47 Department ol Indian Minis and I lolman, 43. 1 15. [60, 172. prints Kiviuk legem'
Atchcalak. Davie, work by, 74 Northern Devi lopn 1 illustrated, 45. 122. 129. 130. Kolaut, Pacome, work ; .•<

Attok, John. 1 -\ work by, 80 DEW line, 107. [8 sculptures illustrated, 97

Aurora Borcalis , 5 disc numbers, 8 Komoartok, Ekid
authenticity, 187 I louston |ami s 135
Avaalaaqiaq Tiktaalaaq, Irene, 46; disease ,
9 94 1 , 115, 189 Koviak,
work by, 33 .1 6 hi 1
., Se the trans Hudson's Bay Compan Krmiks; S

Ayre, [ohn [9 1 portation

dolls, t6 rp, 172 Kudluk
,
ulture and art, 1; H' human figure theme 6 6S
Baker Lake, 43, 96. 105. [6 62 .
, vorks illustrated, 7. humour, 86, 115 121, Kugluktuk. us sculprun
169, 1 - 1
-
li iwings 8. 9. 10 trated ,)
Labrador, 7. 8, 21, 78, 121, 172; Nungusuituq, 26 particular communities; post- 2, 20, 21, 22, 23, 24, 26. 27 Thule culture and art, 13, 16-19. 7-
sculptures illustrated. 15 Nutaraluk Aulatjut, Elizabeth. 74, contemporary graphic artists 30 34, 37 38. 39, 42 44. 46 79, 78. 137; works illustrated, n,
Labrador limit, f 702, 123, 72?, 727; work by, 104 prints: community styles of, 152-69; 47, 49. 51, 52, 53, 55, 57, 58, 12 13
Lake Harbour. See Kimmirut Nuvaqirq, Koonogousiq, 137 editions of, 139; historic prece- 59. 60 61 62 63 64 65, 66. Tikeayak, Eli, work by. 79
landscape, 3, 44. 66, 71. 77. 73-7, 148, Nuvaqirq, Tommy, 769; work by, 136 dents of, 137-38; marketing of, 67, 68. 69. 70. 72. 74. 75, 76, Tiktak, John. 96. 96. 08; work by.
160, 162, 174, 178, 178, 779, 181, 139; themes, 148-52. See also 77 78. 80, 81, 82. 83. 84. 91. 7576
.8) Okheena, Mary, 757, 160, 169; names of particular communities 93, 97. 100. 101. 102, 103. 104, Tookoome. Simon, ,-j; work by, 40
language, 6, 8, 8, 158 work by, 122 prints illustrated: engravings, 116; 105, 106, 107, no, in. 149; tools, carving, 75
legends So myths and legends Okittuq, Maudie Rachel, 77jj; work etchings, 135; lithographs, 50, whalebone. 35. 56. 73. 89. 90. tools and weapons, 6. 13, 14. 17,
life, contemporary, 9-11 by, 91 123, 124, 130, 137; stencils, 41, 92. 94. 95, 96, 108. 109. 148 162, 76;, 164
life, traditional, 5-7, 19, 35, 38, 41 Oonark, Jessie, 747, 162, 163, 1-1. 43. 122, 136; stonecuts, 1, 25, sea goddess, 54, 55, ,-6, 9;, 113, 732, totem imagery, jo, 70S
43. 44, 80 172-73, 776; work by, 113, 114, 28, 45, 48, 115, 125, 127, 128. 32 tourist art, 21, 26, 30, 34, 73, 78,
Lighthall, Alice, 29 131, 138, 142 129, 134; stonecut and stencils, sealskin hangings, 30, 172 94. "87
lithography, 140, 144, 155 Opperman, Hal. 193 36, 54, 114 seasons, 3-5, 779 trade, 6, 8, 13, 16, 21, 24. 115
Little Ice Age, 19 Oqutaq, Sheokjuk, 33, 34; work by, Pudlat, Pudlo, 71, 77. 137, 140, 148, Sedna. See sea goddess transformation. 43, 46, ,-7.
J2,
,-;.

Lutnaaq legend, 54, 57, 60, 61 22 154, 155, 777; 124 work by, 54. Sevoga, Peter, 69, 105, 123; work 57, ,-9. 87. 105. 776, 1)4. 155.
oral history, 6, 16, 60, 78, 137 Pukingrnak Aupaluktuq, Nancy, by. 53 162. 767, 169. 178
McGhec. Robert, 190 Oshuitoq, Peesee, work by, 20 ;6f; work by. 133 Shaa, Aqjangajuk. 88, 756; work by, transportation. 6, 9. 13, 21, 84, 109,
Mat kenzie Inuit. ,- owls, 40, 89 Puqiqnak. Uriash. 185 66, 125 182
McMichael Canadian Art Puvirnituq. 78, 82, 87, 110, 121, shamans and shamanism, vn 7 14 tribal groups, 5
Collection, 140, 155 paintings, 24, 144, 747; illustrated. 123, 156, 158, 172; drawings 1% 45-54. 7". 49, J2 54. >' 57 tuberculosis. 96, 132
Manning, Jimmy, 169 19, 119 illustrated. 118, 126; prints illus- 102, 107. no, 773. in). 123. 124. Tukalak, Lukassie, work by. 127
maps, 26 Palaeo-Eskimos, 13. 73, 137; works trated, 115, 127, 128; sculptures 130, 732, 141. 160, 797. 162, 167, Tungilik. Mark, 107, 108; work by.
Mapsalak, Lucie Angalakte, 34, 108; illustrated, 7 illustrated. 27, 37, 61, 62, 63 1'"). 171, 7-ft, 18), l8<) 87
work by, 86 Pangnark, John, 79. 102, 703, 126. Sikkuark. Nick. 115. 7/9. 123, 132. Tunnillie, Oviloo, (>). 97, 132, work
market, influence of, 71 127; work by, 58, 103 qalkmaaq (outsider), 21, 190 193; work by, 95. 96 by, 46. 69
marketing and promotion, 29, 30, Pangnirtung, 94, 160, 162-69, [ 78- Qaulluaryuk. Ruth, 71, 779; work Sivuarapik, Charlie. )</, work by, Tuu'luuq. Marion, 1-4; work by,
34. 144. 186. 187 83; prints illustrated, 41, 134, 135, by. 145 27 140
marriage, 5 136, 137; sculptures illustrated, Quinuayuak, Lucy, 147, work by, Skraelings. 190 two-generation theory. 152
masks and maskettes, 13, 14, 18$ 14, 74; tapestries illustrated, 146. 119 soapstone. 6. 74, 80. See also stone
Matisse, Henri, 1-4 47 Qinuajua, Eli Sallualu. 123; work social problems, 11. 132 Ugiuk. Charlie, 123, 12;: work by,
Matsubara, Naoko, 192 Paningajak, Tivi. work by, 105 by. 62 South Baffin Inuit, 5 35 100
Meldgaard, Jargen, 19 Papialuk, Josie Pamiutu, 146, 158; work by 107
Qittusuk, Charlie, 128; souvenir and tourist art, 21, 26, 30, 1
}8, 139
memory art, 148 work by. 118 Qjyuk, Miriam Marealik, work by, 34. 73, 78, 94, 187 Ullulaq, Judas, 115, 776. 18), work
meta-realism, 152 Parr, iv, 14), 140, 155; works by, 1, 44 Spence Bay. So- Taloyoak h\95 "48
Miki, Andy, 703, 126, 128; work by, 120 qulhq (oil lamp), 6, 64, 74, rj7 spirits and demons, vii, 7. 14, 45, ulu (woman's curved knife), 162,
82, 106 Paulatuk, 130; sculptures illustrated, 46. 89, 93, 94, no, 777, iij, 779, /'.,. 176. Sec also tools and
Mikpiga, Annie, 7,-9; work by, 128 2,108 Rankin Inlet, 96, 171; sculptures 123, 12), 7(7. 155. 159. 167, 169, weapons
Millard, Peter, 152, 193 Payne Bay. See Kangirsuk illustrated, 75, 76. 77, 78. 79, 7-,-. 178, 183, 7X9 umiak (luge boat), 6, 84, 182. See
miniatures and models, 21, 21, 22, Pelly Bay. 54, 107, 115; sculptures 101 spiritual beliefs, traditional, 6-7 also transportation
24, 26, 27, 34, 107, 108, 109, illustrated, 88. 94. 95, 96 Rasmussen ECnud, 16, -79. 94 starvation and famine, 9, 54, 56, 94, unemployment, 9
709, 110, 132 perspective, spatial. 41, 1)0, 152, reduction and streamlining. 123-26 96, 105, 727, 189 Ungalaq. Natar. j<5, 132; work by. 42
missions and missionaries, 8, 21, 26. 162, 182 regional groups, 5, 19, 171 Steinmann. Father Andre 156 1 ng iva Inuit, ,-

54, 78, 107, 108, 115, 119 perspective, temporal. 58, 730, 162 religion, Dorset, 14. See also stencil printmaking, 140, 160, 162, Ungava Peninsula, 7, 82
Molson, Jack, 29 photography, 26 Christianity, shamans and 169' Uqqurmiut Inuit Artists Association.
Moore, Henry, 96, 124. 192 Picasso, Pablo, 64 shamanism, spiritual beliefs stone, 30, 73, 74. 80, 87, 96. 102 162, 180
Moravians, 8, 21, 78, 191 pinguaq concept, 121 Repulse Bay, 54, 107, 121; sculp- stonecut printmaking. 140, 158, Uyauperq Aniks.ik Margaret 68
Morgan, Peter, 121. 121, work by, 98 Piqtoukun, David Ruben, vu. 130- tures illustrated, 18, 32, 86. 87 160, 162 102, 188; work by, 52
mother and child theme, 29, jj, 60, 32; works by, 2 residential schools, 130 storytelling, 6. 60, 84. 137. See also
(14, 66, 67, 68, 73, -'i, 80, 84, 93, Pitseolak, Peter, 24, 26, 138, 144, Roman Catholic church, 8, 9, 107, oral history Van de Wide Fathei Franz, 107, 192
<)6, 98, 102. in, us, '-'• '-'/• t^j 171; work by, 19 115. w), 130, 160 Sugluk. See Salluit Vastokas, Joan. 193
Murdoch. Peter, 191 Pitsiulak, Lip, 1, itj-. iS(j; work by, romanticism, ,'9 realism 1 1 mi ept, 77. 82, 121
music, modern, 21, 157, \i,~ '34 Routledge, Marie, 191 130, 158 wall hangings. 172-78; illustrated
music, traditional, 6. Sec aim drum Pitsiulak, Oopik, 132, 1)4; work by, Royal Canadian Mounted Police, 8, surrealism, 82, 8), no, 115, 125 33. 138. 140. 141 142 143. 144
dancing no 9 Swinton, George. 14. 16. 79, 75, 82, See also tapestries
muskoxen, 2;, ,-2, 105, roj, 776, 162 polar bears, vn, 14. y, ;p, 9,-. 70#, Ryan, Terry, 155 192 IO7, 121, 123. 151. 158, mi 192 walrus, i~. 128, 167
myths and legends, 6, ,-7, 54-60, 124, 128, 14c/ syllables, 8. 8. See also Inuktitut watercolour See painting
78, 82, 83, 87, 105, no, 773, 130, police (Royal Canadian Mounted s.nl.i Pauta, 123, 124, 128; work by, symbolism, 14, /, u> [9, 11 148 weather, 141,

148, 158, i;8, 160, 162. 765, 178. Police), 8,

9 102 16). 171, 1-4. 176, [78 weavers, status of, 180
See also Kiviuk legend, Lumaaq Pootoogook, Eegyvudluk, work by, Saila, Pitaloosie. 64; work by, 48 syncretism, 152, 155, 169 weaving, tapestry, 162, 178-83
legend, sea goddess 149 Sallirmiut, j, 192 wea\ ing techniques, 180
Pootoogook, Kananginak, yj, 77. Salluit, 82-86; sculptures illlustrat- taboos, 7, 54, 161 Weetaluktuk, Eli, 80; work by, 30

names, Inuit, 8 140, 152; work by, 25 ed, 51, 64 Takkiruq, Nelson, 115; work by, 92 Weetaluktuk, Syollie, work by. 55
Nanogak, Agnes, work by, 45 61; Pootoogook, Napatchic, 66, 155; sanan^uaq concept, 75 Taleelayu. See sea goddess welfare, 8-9, 187
Napartuk, Philipoosic, work by, 23 work by, 50 Sanikikiaq, 94; sculptures illustrated Talirunili, Joe, 80, 82, 84. 121, 142. Western Arctic, 115, 130, 160
National Gallery of Canada, 30, 186 Population, 9 107 158; work by, 63 115 Whale Cove sculptures illustrated,
naturalism, 14. 26, 34, 37. 37, (9. Port Harrison. See Inukjuak Sawai, Noboru, 192 Taloyoak, no. 172; sculptures illus- 82, 106
68, 77. 77. 78, 82, 87. 91, ti 15, post-contemporarty graphic artists, scale of artworks, 26, 30, 34, 75, 87, trated 35. 89. 90, 91, 100 whalebone, 7i 7t -9 .14, 119. 132
115. 121. 148 169 "7! tapestries, 178-83 whalers and whaling, 8, 16, 19, 21,
Netsilik, 43, 110-15 post-contemporary sculptors, 130- si rimshaw, 26, 30, 92, 137-38 tapestries illustrated. 146, 147 26, 93, 94, 107, 115, 137 '"-
Netsilingmiut, j, no 35. 169 sculpture: aesthetics. 75-78; artistii Tardy, Father Henri, 160 169, 769
Niuqtuk, Eric, work by, 34 POV, Abraham, 80; work by, 60 crosscurrents, 115-26; "discovery Tasseor, Tutsweetok Lucy. -9, 10 j, Whitton, Elizabeth, 173
Noah, William, 137; work by, 36 Povungnituk. See Puvirnituq of," 29-30; early contemporary, 123, 727; work by, 81 wildlife art 3 7 -
3 S 77, 87, 130, 156
Norse, 7 Povungnituk Sculptors' Society, 156 30-34, 108; methods and materi- Tataniq, George, 37, roj, 126; work Winnipeg Art Gallery. 186
North West Company, 73 prehistoric art. See Dorset culture als, 70, 74-75; regional styles, 75- by, 38, 84 women artists, 38, 80, 82, 102, 105,
Northwest Coast art, ijo, 132 and art, Palaeo-Eskimos, Thule 115; See also abstraction; folk art; tattooing, 13, 11, 64. 137, 161, 162 144, 156. 158, ;,-9, 173. 178. 183
Northwest Passage, 8 culture and art grotesque and fantastit .111 Taylor, William, 14 wood, 6, 30
Northwest Territories, 9 printmakcrs, status of, 139, 140, 141 miniatures and models; names of technology, southern, 9, 21, 26, 75, writing system. See syllables
Nudes, 62, 132 printmaking: aesthetics of, 148; particular regions and communi- 154, 155, 171. '-' 172
Nuha|uk. See sea goddess beginning of, 138; drawings in ties; post-contemporary sculptors technology, traditional, 6, 8, 21 Yuusipik Singaqti, Mary, 178; work
Nunavik -
(Arctic Quebec), 29-30, 43, relation to, 66. 139-40, 777, 148. sculptures illustrated: antler, 9, 32, tents, 6, by, 144
73, 78-86, 172 152; economics of, 139; tech- 85. 98. 99; ceramic, 79; ivory, textile .ins beginnings of, 172-73;
Nunavut, Territory of, 9. n, 186, 190 niques, 138-44, 155, 158, 160, 7, 8, 10, n, 12, 13, 14, 15, 16, historic precedents of, 171. See also Zepp, Norman, 191
Nunavut Arctic College, 162 162, 169, 180. See also names of 17, 18, 32, 71, 86, 87, 88; stone. tapestry weaving, wall hangings

198
 GO HESSEL was lor twelve years
lal and Co-
Projects Officer
ator of the Canadian Inuit An
ation Centre of the Canadian
inent ol Indian and Northern
A.iairs. His interest in Inuit art has led
him to curate exhibitions and to teach
courses at the University of Ottawa.
He has numerous
also published
on the subject and his booklet,
articles
Canadian Inuit Sculpture, has been
published in nine languages. He lives
in Ottawa, where he is an Inuit art

consultant and writer.

DIETER HESSEL is a commercial

photographer with a studio based in

Toronto. His photographs have

appeared in numerous books and
magazines.

Jacket jront Naomi Ityi, Baker Lake Untitled c 1974 Duffle, fell.

and embroidery floss Collection of Winnipeg An Gallery (..ill ol

the Women's Commuiee Courtesy Canadian Arctic Producers.

Winnipeg

jacket taiife. clockwise frem top Pauta Saila. Cape Dorset Dancing
Beat 1984 Mottled dark gray stone and lvorv Art GaBl

Ontario, Gift of Samuel and Esther Sanck Courtesy West Baffin

Eskimo Co-operative Lid . Cape Dorset. N WT , and Dorset

Fine Arts. Toronto Kananginak Pootoogook, Cape Dorset

Pnntmaker Kavavaow Mannomee Approadung Dangei Nc. w

Slonecut Courtesy West Baffin Eskimo Co-operative Ltd . Cape
Dorset. N WT . and Dorset Fine Arts Sammy Kauak salluit

Woman Combing Her Hair c 1955 Gray stone Canadian

Museum of Civilization, Gift of the Department ol Indian Affairs

and Northern Development Courtesy La federation ch

operatives du nouveau-Quebec Photographs O Dieter Hessel

HARRY N ABRAMS, INC.

'
H 1H \\1 Ml
f-ORK, N Y LOOll
abramsbooks com

, niicl in I long Kong

The art of the Inuit is

intimately tied to their unique

experience in the Canadian
Arctic. The land and its animals,
Inuit community and family life,
and traditional myths and beliefs
are all powerfully rendered in
sculpture, prints, drawings, and
textiles. This stunning book offers
a revealing look into Inuit culture
as it celebrates fifty years of
contemporary Inuit art.

9-3476-0
Minium im in 111 90000