BY DONALD CORDRY

by DONALD CORDRY University of Texas Press Austin and London

 Copyright © 1980 LIBRARY OF CONGRESS
by the University of Texas Press CATALOGING IN PUBLICATION DATA
All rights reserved
Printed in the United States of America Cordry, Donald Bush.
Mexican masks.
Requests for permission to reproduce material
Bibliography: p.
from this work should be sent to Permissions,
Includes index.
University of Texas Press, Box 7819, Austin,
1. Indians of Mexico—Masks. 2. Masks
Texas 78712.
—Mexico. I. Title.
F1219.3.M4C67 731 '.75 '0972 79-22254
isbn 0-292-75050-1

Facing title page

1. Possible Devil mask, dance unknown. This
extraordinary mask, carved from a single piece
of hardwood, probably dates from the mid-
nineteenth century. The concept of duality is
indicated by the two faces, with three eyes and
two mouths. Also shown in Fig. 206b. Photo¬
graph by Carlos Lopez Campos. Jaleaca, Gue¬
rrero; 42 cm.; hardwood, paint, ii.b.d.

v
FOR DOROTHY

WITH LOVE
The Mexican mask-makers reveal the same plastic vigor which is to be
found in African and Oceanic sculpture. Their masks are equally important
and comparatively unknown.
(Miguel Covarrubias,
in MEXICAN FOLKWAYS, 5, no. 3
[1929]: 116)
 Foreword by Peter T. Furst ix
riio

Id Preface and Acknowledgments

Publisher's Note xxiii

Note on the Illustrations xxiv

Introduction:
Masks—Faces of Mexico 3

PART I. The Mask 11

Chapter i. The Mask as Art 12

2. Iconography 33

3- Mask Design 43

4- Regional Styles 55

PART II. The Making of Masks 77

5- Links to the Past j8

6. Mask-Makers 100

7- Mask Materials 109

PART III. The Significance and Function

of the Mexican Mask 139

8. Shamanism 141

9- Symbolism 159

IO. Social Uses of Masks 221

Conclusion 253

' Maps 255

Appendix:
A Survey of Mask-Makers 257

Works Consulted 260

Index 267
 f
DONALD CORDRY
(1907-1978) Foreword by Peter T. Furst

TRANSFORMATION was a dominant theme in traditional Mesoamerican

thought. It remains so to this day—just below the surface here, overtly there, or
deeply buried as a kind of pan-Native American ideological substratum, to
which Indian Mexico belongs no less than do the native peoples of the
Northwest Coast or Amazonia. From his first venture on horseback into the
sierras around Taxco, Guerrero, in 1931, Donald Cordry was fascinated with this
fundamental concept, as manifested in Pre-Columbian art and iconography, in
sacred myths and folktales, and especially in the carved and painted dance
masks he found in Nahuatl-speaking villages that were then—as indeed many
still are—far from the mainstream of Mexican national life. In part brought
about by an early friendship formed on that initial visit with a very old
traditional painter of retablos, one of the last of his sacred craft, who also
introduced him to masks in their cultural context, his interest in masks became
the lifelong passion that has now, nearly fifty years later, culminated in this
important work, whose manuscript and-splendid photography he completed just
before his death in Cuernavaca, Morelos, on August 30, 1978. As these pages
demonstrate, from the start their author had the informed vision to perceive in
many of these Mexican masks not only the overt Spanish Catholic inspiration,
but more distant ancestry in the sacred transformational pageantry of Pre-
Hispanic native civilization and, earlier still, the masked dances and propitia¬
tory magic of the shaman as transformer and mediator between the complemen¬
tary and interdependent worlds of gods, ancestors, animals, plants, and man.
2. Rastrero mask, Tecuani Dance. The Rastrero
Donald Cordry came to Mexico in the summer of 1931 as one of a small
(Tracker) and his Dog hunt and kill the Tigre
in the Tecuani (Wild Beast) Dance, as well as group of artists from Minneapolis. Among them was Dorothy Mann, with whom
in the related Tlacololero Dance. The use of he had a casual acquaintance as a fellow art student and who five years later, in
possum fur and the painted white-rimmed New York City, became his wife and lifelong collaborator. Mexico now draws
eyeglasses make this Rastrero very distinctive.
millions of tourists every year, and there are paved roads almost everywhere,
El Potrerillo, Guerrero (Nahua); 40.6 cm., in¬
cluding beard; leather, paint, possum fur. patrolled by emergency road service crews provided free by the Ministry of Tour-
I.A.C.
 x Foreword

ism and flanked by government-owned gas stations open twenty-four hours a

day 365 days a year. Every town has tourist accommodations, and jet aircraft
connect all regions with the capital. It was very different in the early 1930's,
when one could not even drive all the way to Mexico City from the U.S. border,
and when Taxco, whose beautiful mountainous setting, picturesque colonial ar¬
chitecture, benign climate, and comfortable accommodations now attract visi¬
tors by the thousands each year, had only a small colony of expatriate artists and
writers, and one actual hotel. On the hill overlooking the old silver-mining
town, where the Hotel Rancho Taxco-Victoria now stands, the artists from the
Twin Cities found a spartan little casa de huespedes (guest house) operated by
a Swedish lady, and it was from here that Donald Cordry, a tall young man of
singular physical beauty, set out for the first time on foot and horseback to re¬
mote mountain hamlets, few of whose inhabitants could speak or understand
anything but their own dialect of Nahuatl, the language of the Aztecs. What
they could understand and appreciate, however, was their young visitor's inter¬
est in and respect for their crafts and their traditions. Donald Cordry had fallen
in love at first sight with Indian Mexico, and that love communicated itself
across the barriers of language and culture.
Though he often said much later on that he lived "only for beauty," this is
not quite accurate. He certainly did love beautiful things and surrounded him¬
self with them (Dorothy herself, by the way, was very attractive as a young
woman and now, in her seventies, still retains much of that beauty in combina¬
tion with intellectual vitality). As a talented and often inspired designer and
craftsman Donald was for many years the creator of elegant forms in silver, gold,
copper, tin, and other materials that found a ready market inside and outside
Mexico (Helena Rubinstein was an early client of his workshop) and that today,
three decades later, are still copied by some Mexican craftsmen. But he lived at
least as much for information as for esthetics—first-hand wherever possible,
from the mask carvers themselves or their descendants and fellow villagers;
from the gifted women whom he persuaded to part with their finest embroi¬
deries and weavings for his own collections and for museums,- from native re-
ligious practitioners and traditional storytellers; toward the end of his life, when
he was no longer able to travel into the mountains himself, from itinerant Indian
traders and merchants in masks and folk art who made his beautiful house (de¬
signed by himself) a regular stop; from professional friends with field experience
among native peoples; and from his own constantly growing library whose hun¬
dreds of books and out-of-print pamphlets on every facet of Mesoamerican art,
archaeology, ethnohistory, and ethnology, on the Puebloan cultures of the South¬
west, on the peoples and arts of the Arctic, the Northwest Coast, and other
Native American societies, made it one of the most comprehensive private re¬
search libraries anywhere. (He loved his books, but he was also generous to a
fault in lending even rare and valuable editions, and when he had duplicates he
often made presents of them to special friends. My own library has been so
enriched with several hard-to-find early Mexican ethnographies.)
 Foreword xi

Donald held no advanced academic degree, but he was one of the few Meso-
american scholars who could truthfully claim not only to own but to have read
all twelves volumes of Fray Bernardino de Sahagun's monumental sixteenth-
century Florentine Codex, along with most other published Early Colonial writ¬
ings on Aztec and other native Mesoamerican religion and ritual, including
those of Duran, Motolinia, Torquemada, and Las Casas. There were no bound¬
aries to his intellectual curiosity, no academic straitjacket, no favorite ''model"
or theoretical bias to confine his inquisitive mind to any one discipline, culture,
era, or explanation of cultural facts in his quest for information. Ethnographic,
mythological, folkloric, ethnohistoric, and technical documentation was the
hallmark of his whole long career as an eclectic collector of "beauty," and it is
this, not just the objects themselves (however outstanding their esthetic and
technical merit) that gives his collections of masks and indigenous costumes—
many now owned by major museums—their special value. In this book, of
course, the essential documentation of the illustrated works of art is consider¬
ably enriched by broad comparative analysis and discussion, based on his exten¬
sive ethnographic knowledge within and beyond the boundaries of Mexico.
Donald Cordry's autodidactic career as a careful and scholarly ethnographer
of the arts and crafts of Indian Mexico might be less remarkable had it been the
fruit of a particularly stimulating early home environment with deeply under¬
standing parental inspiration and encouragement. This was not the case, how¬
ever. Quite on his own, Donald developed an insatiable hunger for literature,
especially of the documentary kind. As a teenager he painted theatrical scenery
during summer vacations and spent his earnings on books and, eventually, on
tools, paints, and materials with which to create a world of miniature theater
uniquely his own. He enrolled in the Minneapolis Institute of Art, where, for
four years or so, he was ever the nonconformist, but where he also absorbed
technical proficiency in a large variety of materials. With his parents' basement
as studio-workshop-theater, he experimented with different forms and tech¬
niques of puppetry. In his early twenties, he carved many extraordinary wooden
marionettes and hand puppets with which he gave much-admired public perfor¬
mances in and around the Twin Cities until 1934. His puppets came to the
attention of Paul McPharlin, Blanding Sloan, Martin Stevens, and Tony Sarg for
their individuality, outstanding design, and mechanical excellence. Donald was
never one to rest on his laurels, devouring every book and journal dealing with
puppetry, and every review, description, and even the briefest notice of other
puppet shows, to see what he might learn from them. He became an enthusiastic
collector of modern and antique puppets from around the world, especially the
remarkable shadow play puppets of Indonesia, China, and Southern Asia, where
shadow plays performed with flat, translucent, articulated puppets have long
been a major cultural tradition. At his death his collection still included some
fine Javanese shadow puppets acquired more than fifty years earlier.
He never lost that intense early fascination with puppetry, for in 1951,
shortly before a bout with the painful Herpes zoster virus (for which medicine
 xii Foreword

still has no answer) left him with half his face paralyzed, he again began carving
large marionettes that are real works of art and with which he hoped to give
performances for Mexican children in Cuernavaca. It was a dream not to be
fulfilled, for in 1953 he suffered a massive stroke that left him confined with one
side of his body paralyzed for over eighteen months and from which—though he
did not allow it to hinder research, writing, and even more research in the field,
to the very end of his life—he never fully recovered. Fortunately, some of his
consummate knowledge of the history, art, and technology of puppetry is pre¬
served in the extensive correspondence between him and Paul McPharlin, now
housed in the Detroit Institute of Arts. His own puppets, some of which are in
private collections and in one European museum, have been published in various
puppetry journals. There is obviously a direct relationship between this early
and, indeed, lifelong interest in puppetry and his fascination with Mexican
masks and the articulated maromeros (see Fig. no) and other puppetlike compo¬
nents of Mexican religious pageantry.
In 1934, with Mexico as a permanent home still a remote dream, Donald
Cordry felt the need to broaden his experience. Putting his own creations away,
he moved to New York, where by then Dorothy Mann was also living and work¬
ing as an artist. He was immediately hired as puppet designer and puppeteer by
Tony Sarg, traveling with that famous company, teaching its summer workshop,
and making all the marionettes for its productions. But he had not forgotten his
first exposure to the transformational masks of Guerrero, and began to look
through the museums and libraries of the city for Mexican masks and whatever
might have been written about their history and meaning. He found almost
nothing. He thought perhaps George Heye's growing collection of American In¬
dian art and artifacts might include masks from Mexico or that Heye might be
able to give him information. Instead, Heye suggested that Donald return to
Mexico to collect dance masks and other arts and crafts for the Heye Foundation
(now the Museum of the American Indian), a commission he enthusiastically
accepted, although the proffered stipend was modest even by the standards of the
i93o's. For six months, in 1935, Donald scoured the mountains of Michoacan
and Guerrero on foot and horseback, laying the foundation for the Museum's
extensive collections of Mexican ethnographica. He returned to New York, Tony
Sarg, and, eventually, Dorothy Mann, more taken with Indian Mexico than ever.
In 1936 he and Dorothy were married. There was little money, but Mexico re¬
mained for both a powerful magnet.
In x937/ the Cordrys set out for an extensive ethnographic collecting trip to
the rugged Huichol territory in the Sierra Madre Occidental in Jalisco and Nayarit,
an expedition on foot and horseback under the auspices of the Heye Foundation
in New York and the National Museum of Anthropology and History in Mexico
City that was to last nearly six months. When I began my own studies of
Huichol religion, ritual, and art in the mid-1960's, the Huichols were still rela¬
tively isolated and their traditions largely unmodified by modernization. Some
of their most important rituals, particularly the long pilgrimage undertaken in
 Foreword xiii

the dry season by small groups of the most devout Huichols to collect the divine
peyote cactus in the high desert of north-central Mexico, some three hundred
miles to the east, were still essentially unknown to the outside world, except for
a brief second-hand account published by the Norwegian ethnographer Carl
Lumholtz at the turn of the century. But there were several airstrips located on
high mesas amid the steep Huichol mountains, and, though unpaved, these per¬
mitted relatively easy access to the Indian country, the flight from Tepic in small
(and not always very trustworthy) planes taking little more than an hour. In the
Cordrys' day, as in the earlier time of Lumholtz, Konrad Theodor Preuss, Leon
Diguet, and, in 1934-1935, Robert M. Zingg, there was only one way to travel in
and out of Huichol country—on foot or horseback, along steep mountain trails,
up and down the nearly perpendicular sides of deep canyons and across streams
whose velocity and depth in the rainy season sometimes interrupted all com¬
munication for months at a time. Under the best of conditions, the trip from
Tepic, the capital of the small West Mexican state of Nayarit, into the Huichol
country took five or six days, on horses that had to be purchased from traders
living on the western slopes of the sierra. There is a chronic shortage of food in
the sierra, especially in the weeks before the harvest, but the year 1937 was a
particularly hard one for the Indians, who were then as now, in the majority,
subsistence maize farmers who plant their small milpas with the traditional
koa, or digging stick. It was a difficult time also for the ethnographer-collectors,
and the Cordrys often spent considerable time in search of food for themselves
and for their horses. They had found that money had little utility for the Indians
in their own environment; instead, having first observed what Huichols came
down from the sierra to Tepic to buy, they took the tiny ceramic beads favored
by women and men for their superbly crafted bead necklaces, wristbands, and
ear ornaments, needles and thread, colored cotton yarn for embroidery (another
craft at which Huichol women excelled, then as now), mirrors, coffee, and a few
other staples to exchange for Huichol arts and crafts. In terms of collecting,
photographing, and recording ethnographic data, those six months were an enor¬
mously rich experience for the Cordrys, one from which Mexican ethnography
still benefits. Donald's Huichol photographs (he was even then a photographer of
thoroughly professional accomplishment) of Huichol life are of inestimable
value, not only directly for Huichol studies over time, but for comparative eth¬
nography as well. They provide valuable pictorial evidence of extraordinary
cultural stability from the time of Lumholtz, who studied the culture and col¬
lected its art and artifacts for the American Museum of Natural History in the
last decade of the nineteenth century, to the present. Somewhat unexpectedly,
they have also been of use in the interpretation of Mixtec symbolism. One of the
Huichol rites in which the Cordrys were participant observers, and which Don¬
ald recorded on film, was the ceremony of the Drum and the First Fruits, which
the Huichols call Tatei Neirra, meaning the celebration or fiesta of Our Mother
(the Drum). In this ritual, young children up to the age of five, magically pro¬
tected by the colored thread crosses that have become known (erroneously) as
xiv Foreword

“god's eyes/' and metaphorically transformed into birds, are wafted into the sky
on the sound of the shaman's drum on a celestial journey to Wirikuta, the sacred
land of the peyote in the high desert of San Luis Potosi, in north-central Mexico.
The symbol of this magical journey, which introduces the children to the tradi¬
tion of the peyote pilgrimage, is a cord of ixtle (sisal) fiber, to which is attached a
row of small cotton balls representing the clouds. These, in turn, are manifesta¬
tions of the Rain Mothers of the four directions, and in another Huichol ritual
are also represented by popcorn. A strikingly similar “sky rope," also festooned
with cotton, is depicted in two Pre-Hispanic Mixtec codices, Codex Vienna and
Codex Zouche-Nuttall, where the same rope represents the path traveled be¬
tween sky and earth by the culture hero 9 Wind and a pair of divine ancestors,
respectively. Lumholtz also observed the sisal string with its cotton puffs, but
the unmistakable analogy between this sacred Huichol symbol, still employed
today, and its Mixtec counterpart of six or seven centuries ago was recognized
only recently by comparison of Donald Cordry's photograph of the ceremony,
published in 1968 in the Cordrys' monumental study Mexican Indian Cos¬
tumes, with the Pre-Conquest pictorial manuscripts.
The Cordrys also made it to the neighboring Cora country, but their most
extensive collections were of embroidered Huichol men's and women's cos¬
tumes, long belts of undyed brown and white wool representing serpents (worn
only by men but probably derived from the serpent belts that characterize Pre-
Hispanic Mother Goddesses), beadwork, thread crosses, votive gourds decorated
with wool yarn, wax images of animals and people, glass and ceramic bead work,
disks of soft stone with painted or incised images of deities and other sacred
beings, effigies of supernaturals, shaman's chairs and their miniature counter¬
parts made for the gods, deer snares, home-made violins, guitars and drums, reed
flutes, hunting bows and arrows and bows used to make magical music with
which to “charm" deer and other game, and a hundred other items from the
material and sacred inventory of Huichol culture. It was an important collection
in and of itself, and it was to set the standard for much of Donald's collecting
activities among Mexican Indians. What he did not find—because they did not
exist—were Huichol dance masks comparable to those he had previously col¬
lected in Guerrero and Michoacan, with the single exception of a somewhat
crude, unpainted wooden mask representing Great-Grandmother Nakawe, the
fundamental old Huichol earth goddess, some of whose magical activities as
creator-transformer in Huichol origin mythology Donald recognized as strik¬
ingly similar to those of the Puebloan Spider Grandmother. More recently I did
find one more supernatural being represented by a single mask—the divine Deer
whom the Huichols address as Elder Brother. His likeness was actually the dried
facial skin of a real deer, with the antlers still attached and the empty eye sock¬
ets serving as eyeholes for the wearer. (Donald Cordry collected one such mask,
which he kept for himself and treasured for many years.) That this was indeed a
real mask, to be worn and not just suspended by a string in some sacred locale,
was evident from the cotton gauze pads sewn to the inside to protect the wearer's
 Foreword xv

forehead and nose from being chafed. I was told, however, that this type of mask
is very rare indeed; and, in fact, Huichols rely almost exclusively on face paint¬
ing (see Fig. 108) as a mark of transformation into divine ancestors or gods. As
Donald Cordry notes in these pages, the flat wooden Huichol masks gaudily
painted with symbols resembling those used in sacred face painting on the
peyote pilgrimage are made strictly for the tourist trade and are never employed
in the native setting. In any event, masks as vehicles of transformation were
found to be so rare in Huichol ritual as to effectively exclude that most tradi¬
tional of indigenous societies in Mexico from the Mesoamerican masking com¬
plex—unless, of course, one sees face painting as simply a fugitive or ephemeral
version of the more permanent masks that can be and are used over and over,
sometimes for many generations.
But with or without removable masks, as Donald Cordry recognized, the
concept of transformation runs through and even dominates all of Huichol belief
and ritual. Cordry was particularly interested in an origin tradition which links
the Dog Wife motif, shared by a number of North Mexican peoples with semi-
nomadic Desert Culture antecedents, with the story of the destruction of a pre¬
vious world by water, and which also illuminates the functional interrelation¬
ship of the facial mask and the outer garment with transformation. Because it
exemplifies both the traditional concept of transformation by means of assum¬
ing or discarding another's outer garment or likeness and the qualitative equiv¬
alence of humans and animals, it is worth recounting in some detail:
In ancient times a man, whom my informant called Watakame, Clearer of
Fields, went into the brush to clear land for planting. He cut down many trees
and made them ready for burning. When he returned the following morning, all
the trees had been put back in their place, standing upright, with their foliage
intact. He thought to himself, "Some animals must be doing this thing. All my
work for nothing." Again he cut many trees and piled them up for burning. The
following day it was the same: all his work had gone for nothing and the trees
were again standing upright. Angry and frustrated, he once more felled trees and
cut brush. On the third morning he found everything as it had been before. This
time he asked Great-Grandmother Nakawe, the old goddess of the earth, who
was playing these tricks on him. She replied, "There is no use to go on, because
everything will be covered with water." She told him to cut down a wild fig tree
and make a watertight box from its trunk. Then she gave him five kernels of
maize—blue, white, yellow, red, and multicolored—five beans, and five seeds of
different species of squash. For his companion Nakawe gave him a small black
female dog with a white spot on its throat. When the waters rose, she sealed
Watakame, the dog, and the seeds inside the box, seated herself on top, and poled
and paddled to the four sacred cardinal points, south, north, east, and west. In
each of the four directions they found the ancient people singing and dancing to
hold back the waters, but to no avail. From the Nanawata and other doomed
peoples they learned the dance of the yarn balls and other ancient dances that are
still performed on the reed flute and the drum made from the hunting bow and a
xvi Foreword

hollow gourd. When dry land reappeared, Nakawe fashioned images of plants
and animals which she brought to life with her staff, her magical weaving, and
her songs. She found a rock shelter for Watakame and his dog and told him to
clear new land for the seeds she had given him. He was sad because all his fellow
Hewi people had drowned and he had no one but the little dog as companion
and no woman to make his tortillas and atole (maize gruel) and bear his chil¬
dren. Nakawe said that when he had cleared land he could make people come
out of his fingers, but he continued to be sad.
In the morning Watakame emerged from his cave to clear land with his
stone hatchet. The little dog would run a little way with him and return to the
shelter. When he came home hot, tired, and hungry, thinking that there would
be nothing for him to eat, the little dog greeted him joyously, jumping up and
down, and leading him into the cave. Awaiting him by the fire was a stack of hot
tortillas and a bowl of atole. "How can this be?" he wondered. have no wife to
make these things for me. There is only this little dog." But he ate his fill and
went to sleep. The following day he again found tortillas and atole waiting for
him, and again the next. That night he asked Nakawe, who appeared as a little
old white-haired woman carrying her staff of bamboo root, how this could be
when he was alone and there was no woman to make these things for him. She
said, "Tomorrow leave as though you were going to the field, but really hide
behind a tree and see what happens." The next morning he hid behind the tree
and watched as the little dog barked a few times and disappeared into the cave. A
few moments later he was surprised to see a young woman, black of skin, emerge
with a container to fetch water from the nearby stream. He watched until she
had gone from sight and again asked Nakawe, "How can this be? There is only a
dog in there." The old goddess told him to enter the cave and see what he could
find. Inside, beside the hearth, he found the skin of the dog, whose animal owner
was nowhere to be seen. On Nakawe's instructions, he put the skin in the fire,
and, as he did so, he heard plaintive cries from the river, "Ah, no, you are burning
me, you are burning me!" Quickly he took the white nixtamal water in which
maize had been soaking in lime and threw it over the burning woman, who came
running to try and save her discarded skin. The lime water made her lighter,
which is why Indians have skin neither black nor white but of a color some¬
where in between.
Her old skin consumed by the fire, Dog Woman was unable to return to her
animal form. She remained human and bore him many children. Thus she be¬
came the divine female ancestor of the Huichol people.
The Huichol tradition is obviously related to the widespread "Swan Maiden"
motif, shared as myth or popular folktale by many people throughout the world.
The linkage of the motif, invariably involving marriage to some animal or bird
transformed into human shape through the loss of its fur or feather cloak, to the
universal deluge, however, seems to be characteristically American Indian, oc¬
curring in both North and South America,- in South American mythology, for
example, a pair of male culture heroes, sole human survivors of the Flood, marry
 Foreword xvii

a pair of Parrot Girls whose feathers they steal and destroy or hide to prevent
their return to their original bird shape. More to the point, the Huichols are at
least in part the descendants of the northern desert-dwellers collectively known
as Chichimeca, loosely meaning "Lineage of the Dog," and it was the interesting
and entirely plausible suggestion of the Mexican ethnohistorian Wigberto Ji¬
menez Moreno that it is their common tradition of the dog as female ancestor
that gave the Chichimecs—to whom the Aztecs, too, traced their origin—their
name. An interesting question that always intrigued Donald Cordry is whether
any of the dog masks used in ritual dances in both Mexico and Guatemala ul¬
timately bear some relationship to the Pre-Hispanic dog-as-ancestor tradition.
The absence of masks in the otherwise highly developed mythological and
ritual transformation complex among the Huichols hardly mattered, of course,
in the face of the wealth of other symbolic arts for which the Huichols are justly
famed, particularly in woven and embroidered textiles (the colorful yarn paint¬
ings are a more recent development, mainly in response to the growing market
for native arts and crafts inside and outside Mexico). In fact, Donald's determina¬
tion to publish, before it was too late, a major study of the traditional costumes
of the principal Mexican Indian populations, including their history, cultur¬
al context, technology, and symbolism, first took shape while photographing
Huichol women at their backstrap looms and learning something of the magical
power of the loom, its parts, and the symbolic designs produced with them—
indeed, the whole complex relationship of weaving and weaving tools to female
and agricultural fertility—in the Huichol belief system.
Following the Huichol field experience, Donald Cordry added the South¬
west Museum in Los Angeles, with its extensive collections of American Indian
art and ethnographica, to the list of major U.S. institutions with which he had a
working relationship. He and Dorothy collaborated on two important mono¬
graphs based on their field work in Puebla and Chiapas in 1939 and 1940, Cos¬
tumes and Textiles of the Aztec Indians of the Cuetzalan Region, Puebla, Mex¬
ico, and Costumes and Weaving of the Zoque Indians of Chiapas, Mexico,
published in 1940 and 1941 as Southwest Museum Papers 14 and 15.
In 1941 the Cordrys went to Oaxaca on the occasion of the great Indian State
Fair that drew tens of thousands of indigenous people from all over that most
Indian of states in the Mexican federal republic. Largely because of its numerous
different indigenous groups and the considerable survival of traditional beliefs
and arts and crafts among them, the Cordrys decided to settle in Oaxaca, and
there, in 1942, Donald founded the workshop that produced, first in Oaxaca and
later in Mexico City and Cuernavaca, for almost twelve years and with never
more than a handful of native craftsmen to help him, Donald's creative designs
in jewelry, screens, lamps, furniture, silver and other metalware, statuary, mir¬
rors, featherwork, and all sorts of elegant articles, many of them noteworthy for
the unexpected ways in which he managed to combine the old and the new and
traditional crafts with modern forms and materials. Donald was a prolific and
resourceful designer and craftsman, but essentially the workshop was always a
xviii Foreword

means to an end, the end being the financing of innumerable forays into the
remote hinterlands to collect and record ethnographic data. Over the years, the
Cordrys spent time with more than a third of Mexico's seventy or so surviving
indigenous populations, including the Seris and Mayos in the north; Huichols
and Coras in Jalisco and Nayarit; Tarascans in Michoacan; Mazahuas and
Otomis in the state of Mexico; Huastecs, Tepehuas, and Totonacs in Veracruz;
Mazatecs, Cuicatecs, Chinantecs, Zapotecs, Mixes, Mixtecs, Triques, Tlapan-
ecs, and Amuzgos in Oaxaca and neighboring Guerrero; Zoques in Chiapas, as
well as Tzotzils and other Maya-spealcers; and speakers of Nahua dialects in dif¬
ferent parts of the country, including the mountains of Guerrero and the Sierra
de Puebla.
In 1944, the workshop was moved to Mixcoac, in Mexico City, a move in
part necessitated by the market: Oaxaca lacked many needed materials, and
sales were mainly in the capital. But the real impetus was access to the archival
and anthropological literature in the Mexican capital, as well as the extensive
museum collections and the intellectual stimulation of contact with other
scholars and aficionados of Mexican prehistory, art, and ethnology. A close
friendship also developed between Donald and Miguel Covarrubias that was to
last until the latter's death in 1957. Covarrubias was a major influence on Don¬
ald Cordry, who was greatly impressed by the Mexican painter's understanding
of his nation's prehistory and art and his almost intuitive insistence, in the face
of strenuous opposition from some U.S. archaeologists, that the Olmecs be¬
longed in the first millennium b.c. as Mesoamerica's "mother civilization"
rather than being, as some then still thought, a late aberration of Maya civiliza¬
tion. Covarrubias, in turn, was at least equally impressed by Cordry's scholarly
enthusiasm and determination to preserve on film, on paper, and in museum
collections as much as possible of the arts and crafts of Indian Mexico before it
was too late. Covarrubias was to use many of Donald's superb Mexican Indian
photographs in his Mexico South (1947), as was Frances Toor in Treasury of
Mexican Folkways (1947), which also reproduced Huichol and Zoque folktales
recorded by Donald during his travels in the Sierra Madre Occidental and Chiapas.
The high altitude of the Mexican capital was increasingly hard for Donald, how¬
ever, and in 1949 the Cordrys made their final move, this time to Tlaltenango,
then a largely rural community surrounded by milpas and orchards but since
absorbed as a barrio into the rapidly expanding city of Cuernavaca, an hour by
car over a ten-thousand-foot pass south of the capital.
Donald was only forty-five when, in 1953, he suffered the stroke that closed
the workshop forever and that, for too long, removed him from active research
and photography in the field. But, mainly by sheer willpower, he bounced back
from semiparalysis, and by the mid-1950's was already beginning to organize the
hundreds of black and white and color photographs and the text for what was to
become a classic in modern ethnographic scholarship, the Cordrys' Mexican
Indian Costumes, published by the University of Texas Press in 1968. Not only
the rich ethnographic, ethnohistorical, and technical documentation in that
 Foreword xix

book but especially Donald's superb pictorial ethnography, much of it depicting

customs and costumes that have since become rare—if they have not disap¬
peared altogether—earned high praise; Covarrubias in his Foreword contrasted it
favorably with the purely artistic tours de force of so many photographic essays
on Mexico that emphasize the picturesque, on the one hand, and the purely
scientific, on the other:

Donald Cordry’s photographs do not belong to any of these categories;

rather they partake of the best qualities of all of them. In a strictly
photographic sense they rank with the best work of the modern pho¬
tographers who have turned their cameras on the Mexican scene, for
they are striking, dramatic, and always beautiful pictures. They possess,
in addition, a direct human appeal that derives from the uncomplicated
honesty of Cordry’s approach. To a surprising degree they succeed in
capturing the serenity, mystery, and monumental plasticity of his sub¬
jects. But more than this, they constitute an invaluable portrait of re¬
mote and little-known peoples who prefer their ancient modes and
manners to a modern world about which they know little and care less,
and against which their only defense is a stubborn refusal to abandon
their antique ways of life.

The work received instant acclaim, and shortly after its publication Donald
was honored by the Mexican government with the Sahagun Medal, a coveted
recognition awarded by the Instituto Nacional de Antropologia e Historia and
the Museo Nacional de Antropologia for the most distinguished contributions to
Mexican scholarship. Donald Cordry, ex-puppeteer and craftsman, self-taught
ethnographer of indigenous traje and masks, thus joined the company of North
American and European expatriate scholars who made Mexico home and who
have made, or are making, lasting contributions to Mesoamerican anthropology
and ethnohistory. Paul Kirchhoff and Roberto f. Weitlaner (whom everyone
called "Papa" and who, just before his death in the ninth decade of a long and
productive career that took him from engineering into ethnography, was still
planning forays on horseback into remote Indian communities in Oaxaca and
Guerrero), come to mind here, as well as the latter's daughter Irmgard Weitlaner
Johnson, Howard Barlow, Gutierre Tibon, Isabel Kelly, Barbro Dahlgren de Jor¬
dan, Bodil Christensen, Doris Heyden, Nigel Davies, Thelma Sullivan, and oth¬
ers of past and present accomplishments.
With the exception of a three-month-long study and collecting trip to the
Cuna Indians of Panama and Colombia in 1969 and one long mask expedition to
Guerrero in 1975, from the 1950's on, ill health and lack of travel funds largely
confined Donald to his Cuernavaca home. It was an inspiring confinement, to be
sure, for the whole world (or so it seemed to the visitor) was represented within
its walls—in his books and his eclectic collection, which ranged from Thai and
Indonesian puppets to Cuna shaman's paraphernalia, Australian aborigine bark
xx Foreword

paintings, Eskimo ivories, North American Indian baskets, Navaho blankets,

Indian and Chinese Buddhas, Spanish colonial santos, West African and Oceanic
ancestor figures, antique Talavera tiles, paintings and graphics by modern Mex¬
ican artists, seashells, Oriental furniture, as well as his own designs, and, of
course, the constantly growing mask collection so brilliantly represented in this
book, whose completion Donald knew all too well was a matter of increasing
urgency and his consuming passion in the last years and weeks of his life. The
collection of molas and other Cuna arts and crafts, as well as shaman's curing
chants and oral traditions (many, incidentally, from the same informant who
worked with the noted Swedish ethnographer Baron Erland Nordenskiold in the
1930's) constitutes the major unfinished work of Donald Cordry's career—that,
and a unique, well-documented collection of wooden dolls which Mexican In¬
dian fathers used to carve for their children before plastic toys flooded even the
remotest regions and which Donald collected in the 1930's and 1940's. Both
these studies Dorothy Cordry, who participated in all of Donald's field research,
hopes to complete for eventual publication.
"The first time I ever saw Donald was at a picnic of artists and art students
in Minneapolis in 1928," she recalled recently. "While everyone else at the pic¬
nic was gathered in groups either talking or eating, I noticed Donald by himself
over near the woods, turning over a log and studying what was underneath. He
then put it back the way he found it and went on to look under the next."
He was like that all his life, always his own person, always turning over one
more log to see what was underneath, never content with just the surface. But he
was also very much driven by the thought that the beautiful things that were so
exciting to him and that he was trying to make known, and the traditions that
lay behind them, were all going to disappear soon and that if he did not make
some contribution to preserving them they would all be lost and forgotten.
Donald Cordry has more than made that contribution.
PREFACE AND
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

MASKS were my first interest in Mexico. As an investigator during the summer

of 1931, I made forays by horse into the mountains of Guerrero and discovered
the marvelous masks there. Later I was asked by Dr. George G. Heye of the Heye
Foundation Museum of the American Indian to make a long trip to investigate
and collect masks in Michoacan and Guerrero. I am indebted to the late Dr.
Heye for this experience during six months in 1935 and for subsequent study,
research, and employment in the Museum in New York.
Until I began this book, my work with masks was intermittent over the
years due to my work in other areas of Mexican Indian ethnology. The field
work for these other studies did allow me to become familiar with the masks of
the Yaquis and Mayos in Sonora; the Huichols of Nayarit; the Nahuas and other
groups of Guerrero,- the Tarascans of Michoacan; the Nahuas of the Cuetzalan
area of Puebla,- some of the Indian groups of Oaxaca; the Zoque Indians of
Chiapas, as well as the Chiapanecs of Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas,- and the san-
teios (sculptors of church figures and masks) of Tlaxcala, who produce the ex¬
traordinary Carnival and Holy Week masks of that state.
Because of the richness of the Mexican folk art heritage, it is impossible to
cover the entire country in any depth in one lifetime. This means that there are
great gaps of whole states where I have not personally been able to investigate.
Friends, who are mentioned below, have provided great assistance in helping me
gather this missing information, since I can no longer travel extensively and
each day brings the further disappearance of all things indigenous.
I should hasten to add that not all of the romance and glamour of the Indian
Mexico has fled. In some ways, it is even more accessible now than before, be¬
cause it is now possible to reach by road many indigenous areas that previously
could be reached only by horseback. Then, too, in the thirties and forties, small
planes were not commonly available. There still remain large areas in Mexico
that are relatively unknown. There is one large section in Guerrero, for exam¬
ple, where Tlapanec and Popoloca languages are spoken and where people still
 xxii Preface and Acknowledgments

live in tiny mountain settlements called cuadhllas. While these cuadrillas do

not have electricity or even a marketplace; they have produced some of Mexi¬
co's finest mask-makers, such as Jose Rodriguez.
Generally; however; the heyday of the mask in Mexico is over. Fewer masks
are being made, and these are often of far less impressive quality than formerly.
Many masks are now made not for the Indians' use but to sell commercially. As
Mexico becomes more modernized and its people more culturally homogenized;
the deep significance that the mask formerly had will recede. Consequently, my
quest has been to preserve and record Mexican masks, their significance, and
their links to their Pre-Columbian ancestors.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Because of the diversity of Mexico, its people, and its accomplishments in all of
the plastic arts, a project of this magnitude depends upon the efforts and the
interest of a great number of people. In particular, I would like to thank my good
friend Larry Walsh for his editorial services in organizing this material and in
providing continuity within the text; his interest and labors were an invaluable
aid.
Likewise, I thank Thelma D. Sullivan, the Classical Nahuatl scholar, with
her great knowledge of the Mexican codices, and Doris Heyden with her archae¬
ological and ethnological knowledge, both of whom gave freely of their time in
reviewing this manuscript.
Other scholars to whom I extend my gratitude are Dr. Isabel Kelly,- Dr.
Fernando Horcasitas,- Professor Alfonso Medellin Zemil and Professor Garcia
Williams, both of Jalapa; Dr. Peter Furst, for his continued interest in my proj¬
ect,- Dr. Donald B. Goodall; Julie Jones of the Museum of Primitive Art; Dr.
Junius Bird; Dr. Maria Teresa Sepulveda of the National Museum of Anthropol¬
ogy of Mexico; Miss Caroline Czitrom, archaeologist; and Dr. Magali Carrera,
art historian.
I also extend my thanks to Sra. Maria Teresa Pomar, Director of the Museo
Nacional de Artes e Industrias Populares del INI, who not only lent masks for
my study but provided assistance with my survey of forty-six contemporary
mask-makers. I am indebted to Dr. Ruth Lechuga, Eduardo Dagash, Lucina
Cardenas, and Marta Turolc for their written accounts, photographs, and infor¬
mation, which have added much to this book. For similar services, I also wish
to thank Anita Jones, Marcos Ortiz, Walter "Chip" Morris, Toni Beatty, Dr.
Enrique Campos Chavez of Chilapa, Tom Lee, and the late Guillermo Echaniz
and his wife for their help in obtaining rare reference materials.
My old friends—the late Miguel Covarrubias, Malu Cebrera de Block,
Mitchell Wilder, Paul Perez, Cayuqui Estage, and Janet Esser—have brought
invaluable enthusiasm regarding both masks and a book about them. Dr. Max
Saltzman has generously given his services in chemical analysis of materials. In
particular, I would like to thank Marilyn Olen for her untiring assistance with
 Preface and Acknowledgments xxiii

translations and typing. While it is impossible to list all of the people who have
aided me in this study, I would like to extend special thanks to Cuauhtemoc
and his people for making this book possible.
Last and most important, I would like to express my gratitude to my wife,
Dorothy, for her patient help in so many areas of this mask project, which has
occupied us for all of ten years. She alone gave me the support and courage to
complete this book.

Donald Cordry
Cuernavaca, Mexico, 1978

Publisher's Note

The manuscript of Mexican Masks was completed by Donald Cordry shortly

before his death on August 30, 1978. In publishing the book, the Press has re¬
ceived invaluable help from the author's wife, Dorothy Mann Cordry, who took
on the responsibility for checking copy and proofs, securing permissions, and
answering innumerable questions. Her contribution to the book has been sub¬
stantial, and we are grateful.
XXIV

Note on the Illustrations

All illustrations, including color photographs, black and white ii. Anthropomorphic with zoomorphic elements
photographs, and line drawings, are numbered in one sequence a. Realistic
and referred to in the text as Figures. b. Disproportionate or exaggerated
The following information, or as much of it as is available, is c. Single human with some animal elements
given at the end of the caption for most photographs that show d. More than one human with animal elements
masks or other art objects: place of origin or use (with name of in. Anthropomorphic with phytomorphic elements
Indian group in some cases); measurement (always height unless a. Realistic
otherwise specified); materials used; and a coded reference to b. Disproportionate or exaggerated
the Mask Classification System described below. c. Single human with plant elements
Except where otherwise indicated, photographs are by Donald d. More than one human with plant elements
Cordry and masks are from the Cordry collection. iv. Zoomorphic
Where a photograph shows more than one mask, the individ¬ a. Realistic
ual masks are referred to by letters, moving from left to right b. Disproportionate or exaggerated
and from the top row to the bottom row, as in the following c. Single animal
examples: d. One or more animals with additional animal elements
v. Zoomorphic with anthropomorphic elements
a. Realistic
b. Disproportionate or exaggerated
c. Single animal with human elements
d. More than one animal with human elements
vi. Zoomorphic with phytomorphic elements
a. Realistic
b. Disproportionate or exaggerated
c. Single animal with plant elements
d. More than one animal with plant elements
vn. Anthropomorphic with zoomorphic and phytomorphic
elements
a. Realistic
b. Disproportionate or exaggerated
c. Single human with animal and plant elements
d. More than one human with animal and plant elements

The descriptive classification of each mask is noted in abbre¬

viated form. For example, i.a.c. indicates an anthropomorphic
mask (i) of a single human (c) executed in a realistic style (a).
MASK CLASSIFICATION SYSTEM note: "Realistic'' and "disproportionate or exaggerated" are
relative and somewhat subjective terms, for few, if any, masks
In order to facilitate comparisons and understanding of Mexican
can be said to be absolutely accurate in their rendering of real
masks, the figure captions include coded references to the fol¬
life. The classification of masks as to being realistic or not, then,
lowing classification system.
is a matter of the degree of their departure from reality in com¬
i. Anthropomorphic
parison to other masks. In a few cases, it has been difficult to
a. Realistic
judge to which of these categories a mask belongs. However, it
b. Disproportionate or exaggerated
should be remembered that this classification of masks exists
c. Single human
only as a guide, an aid for comparison, and should not be taken
d. One or more humans with additional human elements as a definite, absolute judgment.
MEXICAN MASKS
 While we are alive, we cannot escape from masks or names. We are
inseparable from our fictions—our features. We are condemned to invent a
mask for ourselves and afterward to discover that the mask is our true face.
(Octavio Paz 1970, p. 11)

ON A PURELY PHYSICAL LEVEL, masks are made to hide the real faces of
their wearers and to substitute artificial faces drawn from tradition and from the
imaginations of mask-makers. However, the act of covering the face is far more
profound than a simple disguise, for the face itself has a far greater significance
than one's features. While Mexico, like other cultures, has long equated the
human face with personality and the "persona" in the Jungian sense, Mexican
Indian groups have taken this symbolic process one step further: they directly
relate the face to the soul.
In commenting about the significance of the face in Pre-Hispanic Mexico,
Miguel Leon-Portilla states that while the heart "symbolized the source of
dynamism in human will," the ancient Nahua peoples believed that "Beyond
doubt, 'face' referred to that which most intimately characterized the intrinsic
nature of each individual" (Leon-Portilla 1963, pp. 113-115). On a secular level,
this concept of the face is equivalent to the European idea of the ego or the per¬
sona. However, such secular terms as ego and persona misrepresent the world-
3. Corcovi masks. In the foreground [a] is a
concept of these Indian cultures, for theirs was a world where nothing was or
fine old Tarascan mask from Michoacan,
termed a Corcovi, which was collected in could be separated from spiritual aspects.
1935. In the background [b] is a more recently That such spiritual concepts survive among present-day Indians is shown
carved Corcovi of much less interesting de¬ by Alain Ichon in his study of the religion of the Totonacs of the Sierra (1973, pp.
sign. The first mask is boldly conceived and
relies on drawing and painting for its striking
175-176). The Totonacs believe that each individual has two souls, one of
exaggeration, with the exception of the long, which (the Li-katsin) resides in the head, the other (the Lista’kna) primarily in
carved nose. While this mask is akin to the the heart (although it is also said to be located at the top of the head at times).
concept of "primitive" or modern art, the oth¬
The only difference between the soul-locations of the Totonacs and the ego-
er is carved and painted in a conventional
manner with the realistic forms of a human locations given by Leon-Portilla seems to be semantic, with "soul-locations"
face. Narrow eye slits are above the eyes of more accurately describing actual Indian beliefs in my opinion.
both masks. In mask a, a free-hanging piece For these Indians, then, covering the face with a mask is the equivalent of
of fur is used to unrealistically suggest hair.
temporarily removing the identity and the soul (alma) of the mask wearer from
Michoacan (Tarascan); (a) 24 cm., not includ¬
ing hair; (b) 26 cm.; wood, paint, animal fur the everyday world. But masks do more than just hide one's features: they sub¬
(a), (a) i.b.c. (b) i.a.c. stitute a "new" face (i.e., new ego, persona, and soul). Therefore, Mexican masks
 4 Introduction

(which are used throughout the country in ritual dances) must be understood as
an agent of a profound, mystical transformation in which their wearers become
someone or something else.
In ancient times in Mexico, these new faces given by masks were not arbi¬
trary, unconnected fantasies but sprang from the hard life that the Indians led in
trying to obtain sustenance and other basic necessities from unyielding nature.
Nature was very cruel, a terrible dualistic god: the giver and destroyer of life. At
this time, man was both the hunter and the hunted, the killer and the victim. In
order to control nature, he discovered the mask as a magical means of covering
his own soul and transforming it by assuming the identity of a god powerful
enough to control nature and the elements and to make things fertile and pro¬
lific, so that his life would be a little easier.
This was the meaning in the beginning, when the ceremonial wearing of a
mask was a profound and frightening thing and elevated the wearer to a degree
higher than the common man. Now, after so many centuries, only a vague
superstitious mystery remains. Even today we hear of venerated masks, such as 4. Metal mask of Xipe-Totec. A flayed person
a certain "Tigre" in a chest in Guerrero. When the chest is opened, it is said that is shown. Xipe-Totec was the god of vegeta¬
tion. Courtesy of the Museo Nacional de An-
the Tigre actually moves his eyes, blinks, and looks at the persons present.
tropologia, INAH, SEP, Mexico City. Western
In regard to contemporary Totonac dance groups (including the Voladores, Coast of Mexico; metal, i.a.c.
Negritos, Huahuas, and Moros y Cristianos), Isabel Kelly notes: “Each group re¬
veres a mask, which is believed to take vengeance on a dancer if one of the group
fails to observe certain tabus—for example, that of avoiding women before an
official dance performance" (1953, p. 175). The fact that some masks are be¬
lieved to be spiritual entities may also account for the preservation of some of
the very old masks, such as the Centurion helmet masks dating from the
eighteenth or nineteenth century shown in Fig. 98.
From within the carved images of Mexican masks, two distinctly separate
faces look out upon us. The first is a European face that reflects the pageantry
and processions, the morality plays, and the history of Spanish Mexico. The
other face is much older. It is an Indian face that has somehow survived the cen¬
turies of acculturation and religious repression. Much of its symbolism and
magical richness has been forgotten, but to the older Indians it still retains to a
large degree its mystery.
Thus, the masks of Mexico are a record of its peoples, cultures, religions,
and history. Only recently, with the advent of better communications, new
roads, television, and more schools, have we been able to see the tremendous
power of the past that has remained in isolated areas—traditions, customs, and
rituals of another, older world. People have preserved their traditions and beliefs 5. Stone mask. Although not readily discern¬
against the greatest odds, hardships, and anguish. Despite the encroachment of ible, there is a snake (or possibly two snakes)
running around the head, a motif found in
foreign cultures and religions, indigenous peoples still can be found in remote many contemporary masks of various mate¬
areas living and believing in much the same way as their ancestors did in an¬ rials. Courtesy of The Metropolitan Museum
cient times. of Art, The Michael C. Rockefeller Memorial
Collection of Primitive Art, Bequest of Nelson
But a new "conqueror," modern technology, is rapidly affecting indigenous
A. Rockefeller, 1979. Area of Mezcala, Gue¬
cultures which have held out against military conquest and missionary zeal. rrero-, 14 cm.; stone, ii.a.c.
 Masks—Faces of Mexico 5

Roads are being cut through the jungles and the jagged mountains; small planes
are connecting previously isolated settlements with modern cities. A door is
being opened, through which we often discover the miraculous survival of an¬
cient ways of life and belief, but through which also flow the influences which
must inevitably bring change.
It is at this historical juncture that this book comes into existence. In part,
the book exists because the door has been opened, for when I first came to
Mexico, people were very reluctant to show their masks or even to answer ques¬
tions about them. More importantly, this book exists to preserve a record of the
ancient customs, beliefs, and symbolism which the opening of the door threat¬
ens to destroy.
With such widespread change and with the glamor of new things, everyone
but the most conservative elders has come to want change and to feel ashamed
of backward customs. Young people leaving the small ranchos and going to large
towns to look for work soon find that their old beliefs are ridiculed. These fac¬
6. Devil mask, dance unknown. Nothing is tors will undoubtedly transform masks from a meaningful part of people's lives
known about this mask, which was found in
to a simple folk art made primarily for sale. This change is already a fact in some
the Lagunilla market in Mexico City. The face
is half red and half green, with a pink European areas that appear remote but in which masked dances no longer take place and
baby devil on the nose. The gold scorpion all the old masks have been sold. Yet, because of the prices that these old masks
painted on the cheek (at left) is symbolic of have brought, a new home industry has developed, and Indian youth with no
evil. This mask shows considerable age and
sculpting antecedents are carving masks instead of tending the fields.
has been repainted many times. At one time
it had four wooden tusks, only two of which This new art form, for all of its fine and different qualities, lacks the sig¬
now remain. Area unknown (possibly Gue¬ nificance of the old art of mask-making, which was part of the religious life of
rrero); height: 18 cm.; depth at nose: 17 cm.; the community and was a means of social control—one of the main functions of
wood, paint, i.a.d.
the mask during the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in Mexico. Today,
many of these religious and social functions, which still existed until quite re¬
cently, have been replaced by purely entertainment functions or have faded
away completely.
Masks then are links to Mexico's past. Over the last forty years, my wife
and I have traveled, often on horseback, pursuing this link and trying to docu¬
ment it before it disappears. We have more than once found old masks whose
meaning had been forgotten by all but the oldest villagers and have seen fantas¬
tic examples of the craftsmanship of mask-makers who are no longer working.
We have recorded descriptions of dances which now exist only in the memories
of those who once performed them long ago. We have collected masks, some of
which were rotting in native houses, while others were kept carefully tucked
away in wooden chests, elaborately wrapped in silk, out of danger but also out of
use. And we have been told about the symbolism of masks and ceremonies,
symbolism which remains only vaguely in the minds of elderly Indians. It is
hoped that this book is a faithful record of the brilliant art of Mexican masks. It
is also meant to serve as a tribute to the thousands of able Mexican mask-
makers, who in large part remain unknown.
In closing this introduction, it is important to address briefly the overall ap¬
proach of this book. During the years I have spent in preparing this study, many
6 Introduction

people have expressed the hope that it would be a catalog of Mexican masks,
listing all the villages which have made masks, the chronology of each mask
style within each village, the name of each mask-maker, etc. While the desire
for such ethnographic data is understandable, it fails to take into account the
basic realities of obtaining such information. There are literally thousands of
small, extremely remote villages that once produced masks. Most of the
mask-makers themselves were part-time craftsmen, small farmers who tilled
the soil, planted, and harvested, and only rarely do the very old remember their
names as mask-makers, much less when they made particular masks. Often I
have gone to a village that once produced large numbers of beautiful, distinct
masks, only to find out that no one remembered how the masks were used or
even whether they were made in that village.
While it is true that intensive field investigations on a village-by-village
basis can still obtain some ethnographic information, my use of such an ap¬
proach would have resulted in a book that concentrated on a few villages or
areas rather than on Mexican masks as a whole. As this book is the first serious
treatment concentrating on Mexican masks as a unique art form, I felt that it
should seek to define some of the broad aspects of the mask in Mexico: the vi¬
sual language of its symbols, its artistic achievements, its social and religious
uses, the craftsmanship involved in its making. Thus I hope that, by making
people more aware of the richness and complexity of the Mexican mask culture,
this work will engender further studies of this uniquely beautiful art form be¬
fore it is too late.

7. Pastorela Dance masks. A group of fine old

Michoacan masks with a white Hermit mask
in the center. Cheran, Michoacan, 1935
(Tamscan). (a) ii.b.c. (h) i.a.c. (c) iv.b.c.
 Masks—Faces of Mexico 7

8. Characters and dances unknown. These expressive, rather naive

masks were collected by the late scholar Miguel Covarrubias in the
early 1920's. Although Mexican masks were little known at that time,
Covarrubias felt that they deserved a place in the best of the world's
museums. These two are rather famous, having been exhibited in an
Exposicion de Arte Mexicano (American Federation of Arts) and repro¬
duced in Mexican Folkways, vol. 5, no. 3 (1929), p. 141. (a) Cuanajo,
Michoacan (Tarascan); (b) Santa Maria, Michoacan (Tarascan); (a)
39 cm.; (b) 50 cm.; wood, paint, i.a.c.

9. Chameleon masks, Devil Dance. The chameleon stands for good

luck and is said to be the King of the Animals, as no animal will eat it.
It is an uncommon mask subject. Both of these have great charm and
originality, with their multiple horns and the pochote spines (see Fig.
246) about the face. I know of no use for these masks save an Animal
Dance that today would be termed a Devil Dance. Property of the Uni¬
versity of Arizona. Tlanipatlan, Guerrero (Nahua); (a) 32 cm., includ¬
ing horns; (b) 33 cm., including horns; wood, paint, pochote spines.
VI.A.C.

10. Vaquero (Cowboy) mask, Vaquero Dance. False beards were men¬
tioned in chronicles of Pre-Columbian times, and the codices contain
illustrations of them as well. This large mask appears to have a frankly
false beard, but whether this is a hangover from an older tradition or
simply the mask-maker's style or fancy is not known. The center sec¬
tion of the beard and chin is movable. Ixcateopan, Guerrero (Nahua);
48.2 cm.; wood (zompantle), paint, i.b.c.
8 Introduction

11. Character and dance unknown. This crude

but expressive mask was probably made by a
In a historical analysis of an art form, it is normally desirable, if not alto¬ nonprofessional for his own use. The beard is
fashioned out of dark fur and home-grown cot¬
gether mandatory, to establish some type of chronology for the works of art ei¬
ton; these suitable materials make a very dis¬
ther on a general basis or for the individual pieces. In the case of Mexican masks, tinctive mask. Property of the University of
however, it is impossible to date the vast majority of masks with any reasonable Arizona. Possibly state of Puebla; 25 cm.;
accuracy beyond such vague terms as "old," "used," "very old," etc. While I re¬ wood, paint, animal fur, cotton, i.a.c.

alize that such descriptive terms are somewhat unsatisfactory because of their
12. Character and dance unknown. This very
imprecision, the reader should be forewarned that, except in those rare cases old and worn mask was probably made for the
where supplemental documentation exists, any attempt to date a mask (even as carver's own use. The grey, white, and red
to the century) becomes an extremely questionable estimate. In addition, many paint has now practically disappeared, and a
large crack has been carefully mended with
of these estimates come from mask vendors and informants who have a vested metal strips and nails. The carving is very ex¬
interest in overestimating the age of the mask to make it more valuable to the pressive, especially when the mask is seen in
buyer. motion. A ranch near Teloloapan, Guerrero;
21.6 cm.; wood, paint (oil), fox fur. i.a.c.
In large part, the inability to date Mexican masks stems from a temporal
ambiguity in Mexican culture, an ambiguity that is one of its essential charac¬
teristics and charms. It is not uncommon to find Pre-Conquest ideas and beliefs
existing side by side with modern ones without apparent conflict or the need to
eliminate one or the other. Many times, this cultural accommodation has per¬
mitted us to see a past that existed before the Spanish came, but this type of
acculturation is by no means consistent or linear throughout the whole of
Mexico or even throughout any single Indian group. The "past" that exists in
 Masks—Faces of Mexico 9

any one village depends on the strength and completeness of oral traditions, the
remoteness of the village, and the ardor of individual priests, government offi¬
cials, and teachers. Thus, a mask-maker in one village may easily produce a
mask of a type that has not been produced in other areas of the state for a great
many years.
One of the more common methods of dating art work is to use stylistic
trends as criteria. However, as pointed out in the section on "Style and Cultural
Traditions" in Chapter 1, the cultural diversity and complexity of Mexico, the
high degree of individuality permitted mask-makers, and a large number of
other variables preclude the identification of traditional styles in any but the
most general terms, far too vague to base any estimate of a mask's age upon.
Nor does direct examination of the masks provide any conclusive informa¬
tion. Judging the relative age of a mask on the basis of wear factors is extremely
difficult even for the most experienced of experts, as masks were usually worn
only once a year during the principal fiesta of the village and carefully preserved
for the remainder of the year. Consequently, a well-cared-for mask could have
had long use without showing any appreciable wear. On the other hand, as most
masks are made of wood, termites and moisture can "age" them very rapidly, so
13. Remnant of a fine old wooden mask. San
that even the most recent ones may appear to be quite old. In fact because of the
Martin Pachivia, Guerrero, i.a.c. severity of both termites and adverse climate in Mexico, it is surprising that any
of the very old masks have survived, and I must admit to being highly dubious
about the claims put forth for some masks which supposedly date from the sev¬
enteenth and eighteenth centuries. Another factor that complicates the dating
of masks is the fact that many masks are repainted every few years, thus
eliminating a large number of the signs that show age. This is not to say that the
trained observer cannot identify an authentic, "used" mask, but extrapolations
beyond this point are highly questionable.
Another problem in the task of establishing a chronology for masks is the
rapid social change occurring in Mexico. In the vast majority of cases, it is im¬
possible to determine whether a particular mask was made or used in a certain
village, much less when it was made or by whom. There is also very little re¬
corded information available, in part because the mask-makers were often itin¬
erant craftsmen whose activities did not merit mention in town records.
In order not to mislead the reader and to avoid implying any historical pat¬
tern that cannot be substantiated by the evidence available, I have not included
any estimates of the ages of masks in this text, other than those supported by
outside documentation. (It should be noted that the problems in dating Mexican
14. Devil mask. This fine Bull or Cow Devil
masks are very similar to those for African masks, which are also not dated as a
was probably made before 1920 and has been
repainted many times. The exaggerated open
standard practice for much the same reasons as listed above.) I have used the
mouth contains a movable tongue, while the term contemporary to refer to those masks which either were still being used in
ears are of heavy leather. The tusks are of dances or were being kept in the small villages until I obtained or photographed
carved wood, as is the snake-head nose. Gue¬
them. I would say that they represent a time period roughly equivalent to 1850
rrero (Nahua); height: 46 cm.; width of horns:
43 cm.; wood, paint, leather, goat horns. to the present, as I doubt that the older, Colonial masks could have survived
IV.B.D. Mexico's climate and insects without special protection.
 *

# jagr,"!
12 "
*
4 »
v!'||

SM

:sli%

••
 PART I: THE MASK
If, as Ortega says, every work of art, or at least every iconic work of art, is
a windowframe—the aesthetic form—> with behind it a garden—the
content of human experience to which the form refers us—> then the
non-objective painting or the sculpture of the extreme modernist is all
window. There is no garden. . . .
In contrast, the work of primitive art. . . does have behind it a gar¬
den, a wonderfully and complexly designed garden. Only, we cannot see
it.. . because it is a garden we have never visited, a work of reshaping the
natural world into a system of ideas and feelings that is unknown to us.
So slight are the indications given by the object as to this garden that we
may not even suspect that it is there.
(Robert Redfield, in Redfield, Herskovits, and Ekholm 1959, pp. 20-21)

15. Mask for Diablo Macho Dance (June 5). A

detail from Fig. 17, this mask was made forty
or more years ago by Jose Rodriguez. The frogs
held in the mouth may relate to the Aztec
ceremonies in which live frogs and serpents
were swallowed during the feast of Atamal-
qualiztli (see Fig. 133). Cuadrilla Santa Anita,
Guerrero (Tlapanec or Popoloca); 38 cm.;
wood (palo amargo), paint (oil), ii.a.c.
i. The Mask as Art

MEXICAN ETHNIC ART is a whole art which combines religious, social, and
esthetic elements, unlike the more secular, fragmented art of European civiliza¬
tion. Consequently, it is impossible to consider the esthetics of modern Mexi¬
can masks in isolation without distorting the understanding of these works of
art as integrated phenomena. This chapter, then, should be read in conjunction
with Part III, which traces the religious and symbolic underpinning of these
masks and places them within their social context.
However, the very complexity of the cultural information embodied within
Mexican masks presents a dilemma for the person making initial contact with
this art form. Is the appreciation of Mexican masks dependent upon the viewer's
knowledge of artistic conventions, symbolism, religious practices, etc., or does
such knowledge dilute the masks' impact and prevent the viewer from seeing
them as they actually are?
In addressing a similar question in regard to Tlingit masks, Andrew H.
Whiteford concludes: "It must be recognized that different kinds of experiences
in 'appreciation' have equal validity regardless of their diversity, and almost all
such experiences combine esthetic, emotional and cognitive responses. . . . The
person likely to derive the greatest enjoyment from an art exhibition is one who
possesses ethnological/historical background information and also training in
esthetics, but who is able to shift from one to the other and, better yet, to turn it
all off on certain occasions as he views the materials on display" (Whiteford
3:972, p. 9). The following discussion of the mask as art seeks only to augment
the reader's understanding and appreciation of Mexican masks.
Before launching into any detailed discussion of form, style, and design, it is
important to touch briefly upon the relationship of Mexican masks to Art. In
the past, Mexican masks were often labeled "primitive art" or "folk art," the
choice of terms depending more on the cultural background of the viewer than
on the art itself. Unfortunately, these labels have more often tended to obscure
our view of that art than to clarify it.
 The Mask as Art 13

■ ■■■I

16. Probably for Dance of the Marquez. This

superlative late-eighteenth- or nineteenth-
century mask was carefully hidden and pro¬
tected in the home of an old Indian, who
owned three or more of the original set. He
decided to sell one or more of these old masks
after seeing a television program about a Mex¬
ican painter who collected masks. Eventually,
this still sweet-smelling mask was bought by
an Iguala mask vendor. The carving of the
high-browed head suggests Church carving
and its elements of "Old Master" knowledge
of the human form. (Compare the execution
of this mask with the more stylized Dwarves
from La Parota and Barbones from Ostotitlan
seen in Figs. 188 and 32, respectively.) The
Dance of the Marquez was in fashion around
the turn of the century,- it is not known which
character this mask represents. The very nar¬
row eye slits beneath the eyes are a character¬
istic feature of very old masks. It would be
interesting for a young investigator to trace
the history of this beautiful cedar carving.
Coatepec Costales, Guerrero; 47 cm.; wood
(cedar), paint, i.a.c.
14 The Mask
 The Mask as Ait 15

In the past, the concept of "primitive art" was particularly ethnocentric and
biased, leading to such statements as "All primitive art is marked by a singular
indifference to realism" and "When the superiority of man and the nobility of
his form become recognized, primitive art is at an end" (Runes and Schrickel
1946, p. 806). Further, there was a large controversy as to whether "primitive
art" was the result of inferior mental capabilities on the part of "primitive man,"
or was produced by normal human beings in "inferior, primitive" societies. The
underlying premise of this entire concept was that when these individuals
and/or their societies "grew up," they would inevitably and logically come to
recognize and emulate the superiority of "Western" civilization and its art as the
culmination of creative endeavor.
Fortunately in recent years, we have grown past this type of rigid cultural im¬
perialism to realize that there are many different ways of approaching and or¬
ganizing reality, each with its own merits, and that technology is not the only
yardstick for evaluating worth or value. Within this light, it would seem that the
old-fashioned, outmoded views of "primitive art" should be relegated to the in¬
tellectual junk pile and forgotten about as quickly as possible, if it were not for
the fact that the connotations of its inferiority and lack of sophistication still
linger, even in the minds of many people who have come to appreciate such art.
Therefore, I feel that, to some degree, it is still necessary to dispel the artificial
barriers erected by those labels, so that the beauty of Mexican masks, which are
essentially a realistic art form, can be more clearly seen and their achievements
more easily celebrated.

17. Masks for Diablo Macho Dance (June 5).

In his great pioneering work Primitive Art, Franz Boas deals with the ques¬
Eight masks from a set of twenty-five made by tion of "primitive art" versus "high art" as follows: "The emotions may be
itinerant woodcarver/goatherder Jose Rodri¬ stimulated not by the form alone, but also by close associations that exist be¬
guez (see Fig. 149) and discovered in 1975 in
tween the form and ideas held by the people. In other words, when the forms
the Comisaria of the cuadrilla of Santa
Anita, Guerrero, where they had hung for convey a meaning, because they recall past experiences or because they act as
many years. Used in a dance to petition for symbols, a new element is added to the enjoyment. The form and its meaning
rain, they all have powerful water symbols combine to elevate the mind above the indifferent emotional state of every-day
such as snakes, toads, lizards, and especially
life. Beautiful sculpture or painting, a musical composition, dramatic art, a pan¬
bats. The outstanding workmanship shows
Rodriguez's skill and his knowledge of Nahua tomime, may so affect us. This is no less true of primitive art than of our own"
symbolism. The masks are carved of a hard¬ (Boas 1955, p. 12). Thus, Boas concludes that while different cultures assign
wood commonly called palo amargo. None of different meanings to forms, the process of art is the same and the art of one
the projecting elements (animal parts, etc.) are
culture is by no means intrinsically or structurally superior to that of another.
separate pieces applied to the mask; each
mask is carved of a single piece. The mask at A further consideration that is germane to the examination of Mexican
lower left [e] is said to have been used by the masks as art is the division between arts and crafts. Formerly, the term art was
leader of the Diablo Macho Dance. At lower
primarily reserved for painting, sculpture, etc., i.e., the traditional art forms of
right [h] is a mask with the same Asiatic fea¬
tures of high cheekbones and slanted eyes as
European civilization. Crafts were considered to be utilitarian items which were
the mask in Fig. 38, whose early carver may not regarded as seriously as "art." In accord with this ethnocentric dictum,
have influenced Rodriguez. Masks g and h masks were most often relegated to the non-art category of crafts. In an attempt
property of the University of Arizona. Cua¬
to remove the cultural bias of such terms without dispensing with them all to¬
drilla Santa Anita, Guerrero (Tlapanec-Popo-
loca); 35-38 cm.; wood (palo amargo), paint gether, Whiteford notes that "the art historian Douglas Fraser made a clear dis¬
(oil). 11.a.c. tinction between art and crafts: only 'objects of paramount importance,' gener-
16 The Mask

iswH
-V.is*

VMS
18. Devil mask, Chulanixtle Dance. This truly
great carving was done by Jose Rodriguez with
apparent rapidity and great sureness, giving it
the quality of a fine sketch. The continuity of
tmm.
all things animal and human and the power of
transformation are clearly evident in this su¬
perb Devil. Chultepec, Guerrero (Tlapanec-
Popoloca); 37 cm.; wood, paint, ii.b.c.

19. Abuela Teresa (Grandmother Theresa) this mask was used, the Tenochtli Dance
mask, Tenochtli Dance. I know of no other (based on the battle between the Spanish and
mask that shows so many years of hard use the Indians of Mexico City [Tenochtitlan] at
and at the same time such loving care taken in the time of the Conquest) was performed by
maintenance. This Grandmother face was re¬ eight dancers, who took the parts of Hernan
inforced with handmade fiber on the cheeks in Cortes, Rey Cuauhtemoc, Monarco, Pasqual
four places. Metal strips can be seen beneath Bailon, Malinche, el Negro, Huiquixtle (who
the right eye, and the chin is held together carries a snake), and this Grandmother figure.
with vegetable glue and small nails. The carv¬ San Miguel Oapan, Guerrero (Nahua); 14.5
ing of this very old mask shows extraordinary cm.-, wood, paint, i.a.c.
delicacy of expression. In the village in which
 The Mask as Art 17

ally associated with 'high spiritual values' can be regarded as art; secular and
utilitarian objects produced by 'slow, repetitive' processes such as weaving, are
classified as crafts or 'lesser arts.' He indicates also that, in the main, art is
created by men, crafts are produced by women" (Whiteford 1972, p. 9).
Within this expanded definition of both art and crafts, Mexican masks must
obviously be recognized as art, for the primary reasons for making masks were
spiritual, as is pointed out in length in Part III. These masks wTere also accorded
great importance within their communities, as is evidenced in the great care
that was given to protecting them from year to year. Until recently, masks were
hidden and not casually displayed to strangers, and some masks were thought to
be spiritual entities. Further, mask-making is almost exclusively a male occupa¬
tion, one that was often undertaken under the influence of hallucinogenic drugs
to enable the mask-maker to encounter the spirit world directly. In recent years,
however, the distinction between art and crafts has been fading, since the In¬
dians themselves did not make any such distinction and since almost every as¬
pect of Indian life had a definite spiritual component, particularly some of the
"crafts" done by women, such as weaving.
While Mexican masks must obviously be considered as art in this an¬
thropological sense, let us turn to the more technical level of art criticism. Ac¬
cording to Runes and Schrickel, "'Art' designates any activity that is at once
spontaneous and controlled" (1946, p. 801). To apply this definition to Mexican
masks, we must answer two questions: (1) Are the masks "controlled," that is,
are there sufficient virtuosity and skill in the craft of mask-making to allow the
artist complete control over the execution? (2) Are the masks "spontaneous," or
are the motifs, designs, and execution so dictated by tradition as to preclude any
real spontaneity of expression by the individual artist? These questions, like any
others in art, are best answered by the evidence presented by the masks them¬
selves.
Regarding the question of control, let us first look at the masks made by
Jose Rodriguez from the state of Guerrero,, which are shown in Figs. 15, 17, 18,
37, 150, 219, 222, 248, and 313. These masks combine animal and human forms,
with a smooth fluidity in the transitions from form to form. The figures are
precise and realistic, the surfaces are knowingly finished, and the handling of
the paint shows a tremendous talent and ability. In Fig. 146, from Juxtlahuaca,
Oaxaca, we see a highly realistic mask of a human face that is extremely well
carved and painted. The old mask of Abuela Teresa from San Miguel Oapan,
Guerrero (Fig. 19) shows extraordinary delicacy of expression. The huge masks
from La Parota, Guerrero, shown in Fig. 188 demonstrate a high degree of wood
carving skill in their realistic faces, the highly defined details of the beard, and
the almost perfect surface finish. In the extraordinary expressiveness of the
Angel mask pictured in Fig. 270 we can again see the skill and control of an un¬
known mask-maker,- the long, shapely nose and the delicately carved teeth
show exceptional workmanship, which is all the more surprising considering
that the mask is quite thin, ranging from 6 to 7 millimeters in thickness.
18 The Mask

20. Mermaid mask, Fish Dance (a); Three

Stages of Man mask, dance unknown (b). Each
of these carefully worked copper masks from
the region of Altamirano, Guerrero, is lined
with cloth, which is glued to any surface that
might touch the wearer's face. These masks
were made around the turn of the century
when there were several active copper mines
in the state of Guerrero. Mask a represents a
smiling Mermaid with her dark tail wrapped
around her head, the only copper Mermaid of
this conception I have seen. Her face is ringed
by black hair all around. The triple human
face [b] is carefully painted, with a large cen¬
tral face, flanked on its right by a cheerful
black face with grey hair and beard. The other
face is dark red and has somber features, as
does the central face. Region of Altamirano,
Guerrero; (a) 30.5 cm.; (b) 30.5 cm.; copper,
paint, cloth, glue, (a) ii.a.c. (b) i.a.d.

Nor are the skill and control of Mexican mask-makers restricted to wood
carving. In Fig. 20, we see two copper masks from the Altamirano region of
Guerrero made with the repousse technique, each fashioned from a single piece
of copper with the ears expertly soldered on. Figs. 21 and 154 show extremely
rare silver masks from Guerrero attesting to a high level of metalworking
craftsmanship. Mastery of leather is shown in the Tlaxcala Carnival masks in
Fig. 29 (a,b,c) and in the leather masks shown in Figs. 22 and 70.
These are just a few examples to illustrate and attest to the fact that Mexi¬
can mask-makers have more than sufficient technical virtuosity to allow com¬
plete control over their materials and the treatment of their subjects. In Mexico,
as elsewhere, people make masks for many different reasons and purposes, and
the quality of amateur masks often leaves much to be desired. Ffowever, the art
 The Mask as Art 19

21. Silver masks for rain-petitioning dance.

These six very rare masks, from an original set
of twelve, were probably made between 1890
and 1910. Mask c, an old woman, has the date
1902 hammered into the reverse side of the
chin. They weigh between .700 kg. and 1.675
kg. They were made in La Parota, Guerrero, at
a time when silver mines were active in the
area. During the same period many copper
masks were fashioned with a similar repousse
technique in Guerrero (Fig. 20), but I have no
news of other silver masks being produced
since Colonial times. It is interesting to note
that these masks were hidden away and pre¬
served, rather than sold piecemeal for their
silver. Each of these masks has earrings sol¬
dered on when they were originally made, in
the forms of flowers (c), monkeys [d], squash
blossoms (b), and squash [a, e, /.). The beauti¬
ful monkey motif earrings seen in mask d are
causing particular interest, since a good num¬
ber of similar artifacts have recently been un¬
earthed at the important archaeological site of
Xochipala, Guerrero (see Fig. 158). The mon¬
key earrings measure 3.5 cm.
In the top row we see two female figures,
one old (c), one young [a). The remaining
masks are male and exhibit large beards. Mask
e (lower center) has the intricate, separated
beard strands seen in the large wooden masks
found in the same area (Fig. 188) and in the
Barbones masks from the area east of Ostoti-
tlan, Guerrero (Fig. 32). In contrast to the high¬
ly sophisticated Greek feeling of these masks
are the potent old water symbols of snakes,
which curl into the mouths of d and /. Mask c
property of Beth Burstein; mask e property of
the Smithsonian Institution, Washington,
D.C. La Parota (near Campo Morado), Gue¬
rrero (Nahua); 43 cm. (average); silver, cloth
lining, (a, b, c, e) i.a.c. (d, f) ii.a.c.
of any nation cannot be evaluated by examining the work of Sunday painters,
and Mexican masks must be judged, at least in terms of virtuosity and control,
on the basis of the best work, which more than amply demonstrates the
prerequisite skill to fulfill the "control" criterion for the definition of Art.
Moreover, the ability to produce "finely finished surfaces" cannot be con¬
sidered the sole criterion of technical proficiency in any branch of the arts, as
noted by Paul S. Wingert: "Involved in the misconceptions surrounding primi¬
tive art is the additional, mistaken belief that smooth, polished surfaces and
refinement of detail stamp a work of sculpture as superior to one in which a
vigorous and dynamic realization of form is achieved by an equally strong and
direct technique which lacks polish and refinement. If, however, rougher style
were given an elegance of finish, and smoother style received an abrupt and
20 The Mask

\
 The Mask as Art 21

22. Helmet mask, Vaquero Dance (?). This old tion. I am happy to have been able to preserve
helmet mask is made of two very thick sec¬ for posterity some of these wonderful masks
tions of leather sewn together with leather from Totozintla, San Francisco, and Tlacozo¬
thongs at the sides. The disproportionately titlan that might otherwise have been lost (see
large nose and horns are made of wood. The also Figs. 230 and 231). Very few Bat masks
pointed ears indicate that this was for a Devil have been made for some twenty years, and all
character, but the transverse markings on the the old craftsmen are now gone. Collections of
horns suggest segments of a scorpion, or insect the International Folk Art Foundation in the
antennae. An unexplained projection of red- Museum of International Folk Art, Santa Fe,
painted wood with white circles rises vertical¬ New Mexico. Totozintla, Guerrero (Nahua);
ly from the forehead. Eye openings between height: 43 cm.; width: 50 cm.; wood, paint,
the eyes and the brows are like those found on animal teeth, ii.a.c.
some very old masks. The Vaquero Dance of
the region was also called the Pectoral Dance, 26. Deer mask, Tecuani Dance. The individual
but the reason for this is unknown. As this mask-maker's freedom of expression can be
helmet mask is very large, it rested on the seen in this simple, friendly Deer, with its
dancer's shoulders and chest, perhaps contrib¬ large, round eyeholes at either side of the head.
uting the meaning of the second name. Area In sharp contrast to this naive design is the
of Axoxuca, Guerrero (Tlapanec); height: 59.7 sophisticated Deer mask from Valle Luz, Gue¬
cm.; width: 61 cm.; leather, paint, wood, rib¬ rrero, seen in Fig. 27. Chilacachapa, Guerrero
bons, bells, ii.b.c. (Nahua); 27 cm.; wood, paint, deer antlers.
IV.a.c.
23. Bat mask, Bat Dance or Lord of the Ani¬
mals Dance. The area of Totozintla, San Fran¬ 27. Deer mask, Tecuani Dance. The concep¬
cisco, and Tlacozotitlan on the eastern Balsas tion of this heavy old Deer mask is quite un¬
River produced some of the finest masks in usual. It has been repainted several times with
the state of Guerrero. As this area specialized great care. On a piece of paper pasted to one
in the Bat Dance, Bat masks were made with side of the mask, a poem has been written:
infinite variety, from large helmets to small "Yo soy como el venadito/que habito en la
face masks, each highly original. The Totozin¬ sereania./Como yo soy tan mancito,/yo voy de
tla Bat seen here has the extraordinary feature aqua de dia. [I am like the little deer/that lives
of a jaguar head in both form and coloring. in the hills./As I am tame,/I come down to
The design has a Colonial Church flavor in the drink by day.]" The poem is difficult to read
deeply carved, richly embellished outer wing and apparently full of colloquial grammar.
area and the superb polychrome paint over the Valle Luz, Guerrero (Nahua and Tlapanec.);
entire mask. Only the human eyes on the bat height: 41 cm.; depth: 34 cm.; wood, paint,
wings give any indication that this carving is deer antlers, iv.a.c.
a mask. I am led to believe by mask study that 27
the mask-makers' idea of symbolism is some¬
thing we do not comprehend. They often seem
to see the bat head as a jaguar, although they
do not always paint it as a jaguar (see Fig. 24).
Totozintla, Guerrero (Nahua); height: 35 cm.;
width: 36 cm.; wood, paint, v.a.d.

24. Bat mask, Bat Dance or Lord of the Ani¬

mals Dance. The bat and the frog have a tradi¬
tional association thought to derive from their
shared ability to jump and their close relation¬
ship with water (see p. 203). Property of the
University of Arizona. Totozintla, Guerrero
(Nahua); 26 cm.; wood, paint, iv.a.d.

25. Bat mask, Bat Dance or Lord of the Ani¬

mals Dance. This superb Bat mask was fash¬
ioned with extraordinary artistry and imagina¬
22 The Mask

dynamic treatment, the results would be unsuccessful or even incongruous7'

(Wingert 1962, pp. 9-10). Thus, the apparently "crude" execution of some
masks must be attributed to the intended design, rather than to any lack of
technical ability.
The second consideration is whether there is opportunity for spontaneity
and individual expression in mask-making. This is a more critical concern, for if
it can be shown that mask-makers are simply executing traditional motifs, no
matter how skillfully, then their work is relegated to that of craftsmen rather
than artists. But again, this question is almost instantly resolved once we con¬
sider the masks themselves. In Figs. 42, 43, 138, 280, and 282-285, we see a
tremendous variety in Moor masks for the Dance of the Moors and Christians,
showing both tradition and individual mask-makers' ability. Nor are the differ¬
ences simply regional, since all but two of these masks were made in the state of
Guerrero.
The variety of mask styles begins with the individual mask-maker, and two
artists may produce sharply different masks even in the same village, as shown
in the Bat masks from Tlacozotitlan (Figs. 230, 231) and Totozintla (Figs. 23-25).
In Figs. 7, 60, 139, 155b, 173, 289, and 290, the latitude given individual mask-
makers is shown in the different ways they render the Hermit figure of the Pas-
torela Dance. In fact, the hallmark of Mexican masks is this very spontaneity
and individuality—enhanced by the fact that the mask-maker today is generally
not restricted by religious or social taboos.
In passing, I should respond to the implication that ethnic art is not realis¬
tic, particularly when it comes to depicting the human form. A quick review of
the figures listed above shows that one of the predominant characteristics of
Mexican masks is realism. Clearly, the mask-makers were accurate observers of
both humans and animals. Some masks (such as Figs. 16 and 154) compare
favorably to Greek art in their realistic portrayals of human forms. Such realism
cannot be attributed only to the European influences of the Spanish and the
Church, since ancient Mexico also had a tradition of realistic portrayal of the
human figure. In any case, the assumption that another culture's art forms must
pass through a Greco-Roman stage of human realism in order to be considered
art is extremely ethnocentric and presumes that there is only one correct line of
artistic development. As an example of how limited this view is, Covarrubias
notes "Ralph Linton tells of a Polynesian sculptor of the Marquesas Islands who,
upon seeing a picture of an academic marble nude, asked 'what was the use of
making a stone woman that did not feel or smell like a woman'" (Covarrubias
1954/ P- 94)-
Clearly, Mexican masks deserve to be carefully considered as serious artis¬
tic expressions. It is tme that the visions of reality embodied in these masks are
different than those of European civilization, but in a great many cases it is this
difference that gives them their tremendous emotional impact and power, for it
provides a fresh view of the basic human condition. These masks allow us to
recognize anew elements of our own humanity, unburdened with our cultural

\
 The Mask as Art 23

cliches and accepted viewpoints. The ability of Mexican masks to profoundly

affect viewers from other cultures is a testimony to the high quality of their art.

STYLE AND CULTURAL TRADITIONS

Normally, one of the first considerations of an analysis of an ethnic art is the

identification of traditional styles, so that it is possible to group the objects and
better judge the unique qualities of each one by comparing it to its peers. This is
an extremely difficult process with contemporary Mexican masks, not only be¬
cause of their characteristic individuality but also because of the complex cul¬
tural reality of present-day Mexico.
Because of this cultural complexity, it is important to define the terms and
concepts that will be used throughout this chapter. Technically, style is defined
as "those characteristics of form which are peculiar to a certain work or group of
works, and which at the same time distinguish it or them from other works.
These characteristic peculiarities must be organic, and thus are recognized as
the signs of an expression of a complete work" (Runes and Schrickel 1946, p.
974). It should be added that stylistic characteristics must be above and beyond
the inherent qualities of the materials used. The use of leather as a mask mate¬
rial, for example, involves constraints which cannot be considered stylistic.
The basic definition of style is extended into the field of ethnic art by Franz
Boas: "[Style can be considered to be] highly specialized local forms, so distinct
in appearance that each type may with certainty be assigned to the region from
which it comes" (1955, p. 145)- Region here assumes a meaning beyond simple
territorial considerations to include ethnographic and cultural components. A
traditional style, then, is an expression and an integral part of the culture that
produced it. As Herskovits says, "Style may be thought of as something that
gives cultural identity" (Redfield, Herskovits, and Ekholm 1959, p. 54).
As ethnic art styles have a necessary cultural component, it would be rela¬
tively easy to identify regional and/or traditional mask styles if Mexico
presented us with clearly defined cultures and cultural regions. However, the
situation is not that simple. To begin with, there are over seventy different lin¬
guistic groups within Mexico, and sometimes there are various tribal groupings
within a single linguistic group. While these groups are distinct from one
another and possess their own traditions, there has been a great deal of cultural
interaction from before the Conquest to the present day. Ideas, motifs, symbols,
and styles have spread without regard to their origins; their diffusion has not
been uniform or consistent.
An excellent example of this cultural diffusion in relation to masks was
given by Frances Toor in Mexican Folkways (vol. 5 [1929I, pp. 115, 142, 143). In
one of the first studies on Mexican masks, Toor identified three contemporary
masks as depictions of Ehecatl, the Aztec god of the winds. However, not all of
these masks originate with the Nahua (Aztec) Indians as one would expect. The
first was made by the Nahuas in Copanatoyac, Guerrero; the second was made
24 The Mask

by the Yaqui Indians of Sonora in the northernmost part of Mexico, and the third
by the Zapotec Indians of the Ixtlan region of Oaxaca in the southern part of the
country. Since it can be assumed that the Spanish and the Catholic Church did
not introduce this pagan god to these other ethnic groups, these masks stand as
prima facie evidence of Pre-Conquest diffusion and its continuing influence in
modern times.
The large number of Indian groups and their various Pre-Hispanic interac¬
tions constitute only one of the stumbling blocks in determining traditional
mask styles, for there have also been over 450 years of contact with European
cultural and religious influences. This contact has been far from uniform or
consistent. Some groups, such as the Coras, Huichols, and Seris, had only min¬
imal contact up until recent years, and their indigenous cultures have stayed
more or less intact. Other groups which were less remote or whose territory
contained valuable resources experienced a far more direct and pervasive
influence from the Church and the Spanish. Some Indians, such as those in
Jalisco, have become almost completely acculturated and have retained little of
their native culture. Others, such as the Nahuas in remote mountainous regions
of Guerrero, have retained much more of their own culture, but even in these
groups the native traditions vary dramatically from one village to the next. With 28. Mask-maker Santiago Martinez Delgado.
the destruction of the great centers of Indian culture, these traditions ceased to Shown posing with some of his masks, used in
have a central, living core and degenerated into local traditions with little or no the Fiesta of September 16. Photograph by
RuthLechuga. Chapa, Guerrero, 1976.
interconnection among different parts of the same region. Many of these tra¬
ditions were also suppressed by the Church and, therefore, went underground,
where parts were lost or distorted. The presence and the force of the Church var¬
ied considerably from village to village and from region to region, so that the
amount of remaining Indian culture also varies widely, depending more on the
village than on the area.
One good example of a confusing mixture of cultural influences is illus¬
trated by the story of Santiago Martinez Delgado, a mask-maker from Chapa,
Guerrero (Fig. 28). Recently, he was commissioned by a dealer in masks to make
several Eagle Knight (Caballero Aguila) masks, which are based on the Aztec
warriors' traditional masks. Even though Chapa is a Nahua village (i.e., Aztec),
the Eagle Knight mask is no longer traditional there, although it is still used in
other villages in Guerrero and Puebla. So, in order to find a model of this mask,
he ended up traveling to the Museo Cuauhnahuac, the museum in Cuernavaca,
which was showing a collection of some of my masks. This type of decay of
local traditions makes it almost impossible to ascertain regional traditions,- the
borrowing, of course, further complicates the situation.
Another major difficulty in identifying characteristics of mask style is the
rapid social change occurring throughout modern Mexico. In the past, the bal¬
ance between the indigenous and European cultures remained fairly stable on
the village level generation after generation. Even if this balance varied greatly
from village to village, there was at least a large degree of continuity within any
particular village. Since 1910, however, the government's policy of benign ne-

\
 The Mask as Art 25

gleet of Indians has been abandoned; the Ministry of Public Education has
opened schools in even the smallest villages, contributing to the substitution of
Spanish for native languages and accelerating the demise of Indian cultures.
Television or at least radio has penetrated many of the most remote villages,
bringing both the Spanish language and modern value systems. The young, in
their efforts to become modern, no longer respect or study the old values and
ways. Consequently, the traditions of masks and the art of making them have
disappeared from many areas and are rapidly fading from others.
Many times over the last years, I found outstanding masks in small villages,
but when I tried to find out who made them and what dances they were used in,
no one knew. "Si, senor, an old man who used to live on the hill used to own the
mask, but he is dead now. No, I don't know if it was made in this village," is all
too typical a response. Since masks are one of the most widely distributed of all
Mexican ethnic arts, it is often impossible to find out where a mask was made
and by whom, making all but the most general stylistic analysis totally im¬
possible.
Further complicating the task of identifying traditional styles is the fact
that such styles are not static and unchanging: the traditions themselves
change. Fig. 29 shows a collection of Tlaxcala Carnival masks. The oldest of
these masks were made of leather in the nineteenth century. Eater, wooden
masks became popular; more recently, these masks have movable eyes that
wink when a string is pulled. While the history of the Tlaxcala masks is fairly
well documented, this is not the case with the majority of other masks. The
large, unpainted helmet mask shown in Figs. 30 and 31 was supposedly used in
processions sometime in the past, but for some unknown reason, such masks
went out of vogue and were stored outside, with the rain and the elements wash¬
ing away their water-based paint. Excluding copies, no contemporary masks are
made in this fashion. Other types of masks that are no longer being made in¬
clude the large Dwarf masks from La Parota, Guerrero (Fig. 188) and the fine
Barbones masks from the region of Ostotitlan (Fig. 32). Such stylistic variations
can be particularly fmstrating just when one feels that one has pinned down a
particular regional style. (On the other hand, it is the variety of Mexican masks
that makes them so interesting!) Examples of this are the Caiman figures of the
Balsas River and other rivers in the state of Guerrero. Typically, these Caiman
figures have an open space in the center so that they can be worn about the waist
(see Fig. 303c). Just recently, however, I discovered what appears to be an older
Caiman sculpture that was meant to be carried under the arm and did not have
the typical center opening. Possibly this type was the precursor of the step-in
Caimans in some villages, while other villages have continued to use the older
style for their contemporary figures. It is also possible that the under-the-
shoulder Caiman is a separate contemporary style from another village and no
developmental relationship exists. Thus, without extensive research on a
village-by-village basis, it is a highly questionable practice to estimate ages of
masks on the basis of stylistic variations. There are only a few cases where suffi-
26 The Mask

29. Carnival masks. The small state of Tlax-

cala has an old tradition of mask-making, and
a great deal of time and money is spent to
maintain it. The Carnival dances of this area
seem to be surreal and sophisticated, but in
reality they represent a petition for rain and
fertility. In this set of masks, those on the top
row [a, b, c) are of leather and were made in
the nineteenth century. Mask b has a beard of
pita fiber. In the center row, d and e are fine
old santero carved masks with glass eyes. The
woman character (d) has the typical dimples
and ears. Masks /, g, h, and i are contempo¬
rary glass-eyed masks carved by Carlos Reyes
Acoltzi and his son of Tlatempan, Tlaxcala,
two of the few remaining santero mask-
makers. Masks g, h, and i have eyes that can
be opened and shut by manipulating the
strings seen hanging from the chins. Masks
d and f property of Mexican Folk Arts, Chi¬
cago,- mask h from the collection of Paul
Skinner. State of Tlaxcala; (b, i) 30 cm.; (oth¬
ers) 20-23 cm.; wood, paint, leather (a, b, c),
pita fiber (b), glass eyes (d—i). i.a.c.
 The Mask as Art 27

Figs. 30-31. Helmet mask, Bat Dance. During

the Bat Dance (December 23) all animals, but
the bat in particular, pay homage to the Christ
Child. Fig. 30 shows the human side of this
unpainted helmet mask and represents a
bearded deity, perhaps the Lord of the Ani¬
mals. A squirrel perches on the head, and a bat,
a butterfly, a lizard, and a coyote are super¬
imposed on the face. (The Aztecs called the
coyote Huehuecoyotl, the god of dance.) Fig.
31 shows a bat making up the entire face, with
crude human eyes carved into the wings and
three small bats along the lower edge of the
mask. From the collection of Larry Walsh.
Totozintla, Guerrero (Nahua); 84 cm.; wood
(zompantle), unpainted. (Fig. 30) ii.a.c. (Fig.
31) V.A.D.

32. Barbones (Bearded Ones) masks, Dance of

the Marquez and others. These finely carved
masks are, I believe, of the same period as the
silver masks seen in Figs. 21 and 154 and the
large La Parota wood masks in Fig. 188. Judg¬
ing from similarities in design and workman¬
ship, all these masks appear to have been pro¬
duced by a large family or school of excellent
artisans who probably worked on an appren¬
tice system. It is not known how large an area
this school of artisans covered, how many
carvers there were, or how long a time was in¬
volved. Recurring characteristics are the blue
eyes, high cheekbones, long upper lip, and in¬
tricately carved beards of many styles. Eye
slits appear either above or below the eyes.
Mask e property of the University of Arizona.
Area of Ostotitlan, Guerrero (Nahua); 22-49
cm.; wood (zompantle), paint, i.a.c.
28 The Mask

\
 The Mask as Ait 29

33. Carnival dancer. This masked Carnival

dancer wears colorful plumes atop his Indian
straw hat. His costly glass-eyed mask was
carved by santeio carver Carlos Reyes Acoltzi
(see Fig. 147), who also did church carvings.
Photograph by Ruth Lechuga. Papalotla, Tlax-
cala. i.a.c.

34. Devil mask, Dance of the Tres Potencias

(Three Powers). Unique to the town of Acape-
tlahuaya, Guerrero, are Devils with horn tips
in a protective wrapping of paper and hand¬
made string. This long face has a dispropor¬
tionate mouth with a single tusk and the
tongue extended to symbolize power and de¬
fiance. The cupped, handlelike nose has perfo¬
rated nostrils that allow the dancer to breathe.
The dancer's chin rests on a depression behind
the upper lip. Acapetlahuaya, Guerrero
(Nahua); 53.4 cm.; wood (zompantle), paint,
animal fur. ii.b.c.

34
30 The Mask

36. Mask for Los Locos (Crazy Ones) Dance. A real artist recognized a
fine opportunity here, as the natural formation of this piece of wood
was used to fashion a striking mask without much carving. The wood
was simply hollowed out to accommodate the dancer's face, and simple
eyes and nose were added to complete the crude design. The mask is
painted with modern enamel paints; the naive, bold colors and the way
they are used contribute to its effectiveness. Property of the University
of Arizona. Tlaniquitlapa, Guerrero (Nahua); 28 cm.; wood, paint.
I.B.C.

35. Character and dance unknown. This old mask by an amateur mask-
maker is primitive and clumsy in execution, yet remains very forceful
and effective. A double-headed snake passes through a mouth of crude
teeth and ends with its red heads resting next to the white, projecting
eyes. The protruding leather tongue signifies either power or defiance.
This mask is of very heavy wood. Property of the University of Arizona.
Michoacan (Tarascan); 27 cm.; wood, paint, leather, ii.b.c.

v
 The Mask as Art 31

cient documentation exists to permit one to make such estimates with any de¬
gree of accuracy.
The last major difficulty in identifying mask styles stems from the very
popularity of masks in recent years and the fact that they have become a salable
commodity. Many mask dealers are more interested in obtaining "merchandise"
than in finding the ethnographic information that gives these masks meaning.
Far too often one will find an obviously old and finely made mask with no in¬
formation as to where it was made, what dances it was used in, who made it, etc.
In other mask-making cultures, such as those of the Eskimo, the Northwest
Coast Indians, and African tribes, this would not be as serious a problem as it is
in Mexico, since those groups have distinctive traditional patterns and designs
which allow for easier and more accurate identification, in many cases down to
the particular village. Unfortunately, this type of identification is impossible
with the vast majority of Mexican masks, and the lack of ethnographic data be¬
comes a major tragedy.
Yet this is not the worst of the problem. A large number of masks are cur¬
rently being produced for the tourist trade. In many cases, it is extremely diffi¬
cult, except for the trained eye, to distinguish used masks from these well-made
"aged" copies. Many fakes are made within the mask-making tradition, so that
there are not always obvious stylistic or design characteristics that differentiate
them from masks made and used by the people. Moreover, the craft of forging
antiques has become an art in itself in Mexico. Acid is used to "age" the wood,
and tool dents to simulate use, and sometimes artificial termite holes are added.
There is no easy method of identification, for it takes years of experience to rec¬
ognize the small details (wear characteristics, paints used in certain areas, etc.)
that set old masks apart. Unfortunately, some large museums have been de¬
ceived and have included fakes within their collections. One of the major prob¬
lems with these masks is the resulting confusion in the task of making a sys¬
tematic study of authentic masks, their styles and usages.
All this does not mean that there are not regional differences in mask
styles, for there obviously are. These will be discussed in Chapter 4. But the
mixture of cultural traditions, the high degree of individuality, Mexico's rapid
transition into a modern, industrial nation, the changes in mask styles, and the
commercialization of masks make such a discussion general at best.
Despite the cultural complexity of Mexico today, there is, I believe, one in¬
formal structure that has a definite stylistic effect throughout the country as a
whole: the existence of three distinct types of mask-makers. While I do not
mean to suggest that this division is rigid or even explicitly acknowledged by
the community, the mask-makers I have known fit into three different
categories according to their backgrounds and mask-making styles: the santero,
who makes both masks and church figures (see Figs. 29 and 33); the professional
mask-maker, whose work tends more to reflect native traditions (see Figs. 1, 34,
no, 120, 121); and the amateur (see Figs. 35 and 36). These three types of
mask-makers are discussed in Chapter 6.
 2 Iconography

37. Devil masks, various dances. These six THERE ARE A NUMBER of iconographic motifs that have captured the imagi¬
astonishing Devil masks by the highly gifted nation of the Mexican people and are used as basic themes for mask design
carver Jose Rodriguez were made between
1920 and 1950. Mask a is a simple human face
found throughout most of the country. While the method of rendering them var¬
with two gracefully poised dragons atop the ies drastically, the almost universal acceptance of these themes and motifs re¬
head. Mask b is a darkly painted humanoid veals much about the overall Mexican character.
face with ferocious fangs and highly expres¬
Following is a brief discussion of a few of the more important and more
sive serpents. Below the center of the chin is a
coyotelike animal framed by variously posed
widely used themes and motifs. A great many will be discussed in the chapters
lizards on projecting branches. Mask c may be concerning regional styles and dances. Some of these, particularly those that
a comic character, with its elongated eyes and seem to be Pre-Hispanic survivals, are dealt with in greater detail in Part III. The
four intertwined snakes all carved with great
purpose of this discussion is to provide a general understanding of mask sub¬
skill from a single piece of wood. The three
lower masks show a Catholic influence in the jects, so that stylistic variations can be more clearly seen.
devils mounted on top. Mask d is a pale hu¬ The Devil (El Diablo). There are two basic types of Devils: the traditional
man devil with animal ears and a European European Devils, as seen in the small devils atop the masks in Figs. 37d and 370,
devil with feet poised flatly on the forehead.
and the wild, animalistic Devils, such as the one in Fig. 39. The animalistic
Mask e shows a dark human devil surmounted
by a pink devil standing on yellow frogs with Devils derive from pre-Hispanic "monster" or nagual masks. When the Spanish
serpents curving down from its hands beside friars arrived in Mexico, they simply added horns to these pagan masks and
the face below. Both d and e show the strong¬
renamed them Devils to assert the superiority of Christianity (see pp. 173-174).
ly Asiatic features used by an earlier carver,
whose work is shown in Fig. 38. Mask / has
Fig. 40 shows a set of Devil masks which combine European-style Devils
a strong facial expression and is crowned by a with Indian animalistic spirits and Indian symbolism, as do the ones shown in
devil figure. All these masks show Rodriguez's Fig. 37. Fig. 41 shows a particularly grotesque Michoacan Devil. Other Devil
careful conception of animal life and Indian
masks are seen in Figs. 6, 14, 18, 34, 31, 61, 68, 70, 87, 106, 133, 179, 189, 193,
symbolism. Masks c and e property of the
University of Arizona, (a, c) Calpisaco, Gue¬
200, 201, 217, 218, 242, 250, 251, 269, 292, 306-308, and 312. Many animal
rrero (Tlapanec or Popoloca); (b, f) Tecuitlapa, masks are commonly called Devil masks today.
Guerrero (Tlapanec or Popoloca); (d, e) Acate- Except in the Pastorela Dance, the Devil figure is now viewed more as a
pec, Guerrero (Tlapanec or Popoloca); 33-3#
prankster or clown than as a figure of evil. Often, a masked Devil will go around
cm.; wood (palo amargo), paint (oil), (a-c)
ii.a.c. (d-f) II.A.D.
during a fiesta telling sexual jokes and grabbing women, saying, "The Devil
made me do it!" Normally, this is regarded as great fun by all concerned.
Moors (Moros). In the Dance of the Moors and Christians and its many var¬
iants, the Moors, who are traditionally the villains, are represented as beard-
 34 The Mask

ed men, whose portrayal ranges from extremely realistic to crude but recog¬
nizable. Moor masks may also be quite splendid, reflecting a love of pageantry,
as is shown in the Sultan mask in Fig. 138b. The Morismo mask in Fig. 283
shows a freely conceived, happy rendition that is well executed. Fig. 280 shows
a sad-faced Moor with a bloody, slashed face. Some distinctive variations of
the Moor theme include the red-faced Moro Chino masks (Figs. 42, 284) and
the highly stylized, unrealistic Moro Pasion masks (Figs. 43, 285), with their
long, sometimes spiral noses, red faces with gold-painted projections, etc.
Animals. In many cases, animals play an important role in the remnants
of indigenous religious practices and form important symbols in masks. As the
various animal motifs are among the most widely used in modern masks (par¬
ticularly in those regions where the indigenous culture has remained a domi¬
nant element in village life), this category is far too broad to be discussed here. It
is dealt with at length in Chapter 9.
As mentioned above, many animal masks are commonly called Devil
masks.
Viejos (Old Men). The Viejos are a common mask type in many areas, the
38. Possible Devil mask. When this book
Viejitos (Little Old Men) of Michoacan being the most famous. These masks
was being prepared for publication, this mask
are usually representations of old men and are worn by young men who imitate and those seen in Figs, i, 206, and 242 were
the mannerisms and movements of the Viejitos to the amusement of the on¬ found in Jaleaca, Guerrero, where they had
lookers. Typical Viejito masks from Michoacan can be seen in Fig. 311. Not all been hidden or forgotten in old chests. I judge
them to have been carved around 1850 or be¬
Viejito masks depict old men; in a few areas of Michoacan, these masks portray
fore, but no information is obtainable to date.
young men, and old age is implied only through the actions of the dancers. Carved from a single piece of fine hardwood,
There are also very comic Viejo masks from Guerrero, reflecting the Indians' all are extraordinarily preserved and show
humorous (rather than depressing) view of old age. Another Viejo mask is shown wear only around the holes where cords were
attached to tie the mask to the wearer. Master
in Fig. 211.
carver Jose Rodriguez may well have been in¬
Malinche. Malinche was the Indian woman who served as Cortes's inter¬ fluenced by the work of this earlier carver, as
preter and who became his mistress. She is viewed as the betrayer of her country we see here the same distinctly Asiatic fea¬
and as a woman whose uncontrollable sexual passion destroyed the Indian tures of high cheekbones and slanted eyes as
on several Rodriguez masks in Figs. 17 and 37.
nations. However, when all is said and done, the Indians of Mexico have a cer¬
Photograph by Fermccio Asta. Jaleaca, Gue¬
tain amount of respect and admiration for Malinche because of the power she rrero (Nahua); wood, paint, ii.a.c.
had with the Spaniards.
The Malinche mask is used throughout Mexico in the numerous variations
of the Conquest Dance. Malinche is also found in a number of other dances,
such as the Dance of the Negritos, where she represents the "wanton woman,"
the destroyer. She is normally depicted representationally with varying degrees
of realism; however, animal and color symbols are often added to her face to
reinforce her sexual aspect. Two very typical, red-faced Malinches are seen in
Fig. 44; these masks have realistic, attractive features but with red paint, silver
dimples, and chintetes (small lizards) added to signify lust. Malinche masks can
vary greatly, as can be seen in Figs. 97, 215, 259, and 278.
Negritos (Little Negroes). The Negritos have wide distribution even be¬
yond the popular Dance of the Negritos. In most cases, they function as clowns
in much the same way as the Devils do. In fiestas, the Negritos tell sexual jokes,
 Iconography 35

39. Devil mask. The style of this Devil is

unique to the village of Huitziltepec, Guer¬
rero, which lies surrounded by fields, consider¬
ably inland from Zumpango del Rio on the
main road to Acapulco. The cockscomb was
associated with the Devil in medieval Europe¬
an legend, but the overall character of this
mask is definitely Indian, with its unrecogniz¬
able animal decorated with goatee, leather
tongue, and animal teeth. A newer Huitzilte¬
pec Devil can be seen in Fig. 142 (third mask
from left). Huitziltepec, Guerrero (Nahua); 24
cm. (approx.); wood, paint, leather, animal
teeth, iv.b.d.

40. Devil masks, Chintetes (Lizards) Dance. are superimposed on the faces of the upper
Of heavy wood and many times repainted, masks, and they form the noses of all the
these old masks combine Pre-Hispanic water masks. Mask a property of the University of
symbols of snakes, frogs, and fish with the Arizona. Guerrero (Nahua); 21-25 cm.; wood,
Christian Devil concept. The water symbols paint, ii.b.c.
36 The Mask

41. Devil mask, dance unknown. A superb

old Devil mask of unusually somber colors
and well-carved facial features. The carving
shows good definition and knowledge of form.
The reverse side has a deeply cut-out under-
jaw typical of Michoacan masks. The seg¬
mented, wormlike creatures that form the two
sets of horns combine with the serpent in the
mouth to give this Devil a particularly gro¬
tesque aspect. Michoacan (Tarascan); height:
45 cm.; depth: 35 cm.-, wood (zompantle),
paint, leather, ii.b.c.
 Iconography 37

42. Moro Chino masks, Dance of the Moors and Christians. There
are many styles of masks used in the Dance of the Moors and Chris¬
tians, ranging from the realistic (as seen in Fig. 138) to the type of
highly stylized interpretation seen here. Guerrero Moro Chino masks
have the curly beards and the unexplained horizontal block forms
across cheeks and brows seen here. The carving of these Moors is
strong and sure, with the small beards thmsting forward to repeat the
feeling of depth in the brow and cheek projections. The dancers look
out through the mouth in these tall masks. Mask a property of the
Smithsonian Institution; mask b property of the University of Ari¬
zona. Quechultenango, Guerrero (Nahua); 38 cm. (approx.); wood,
paint, i.b.c.

43. "Pilato el Chico" Moro Pasion ("Little Pilate” Suffering Moor)

mask, Dance of the Moors and Christians (variant). This very old
mask was brought to me in 1971 from a rancho in the area of Coate-
pec Costales, where it is said to have been kept unused since the
time of the great-grandfathers. The hard wood has an undercoat of
Spanish whiting covered with many coats of thick paint, which is now
cracked and chipped with age and heavy use. The long upturned nose
is a typical characteristic of Moro Pasion masks, one which may be
taken to the extreme, as can be seen in the Moro Pasion from Puebla
(Fig. 285) with its elaborate, coiled nose. Moro Pasion masks are usual¬
ly painted red, but in this older version, the mask-maker was content
to color only the nose and add red dots to the flat cheeks. Region of
Coatepec Costales, Guerrero (Nahua); height: 25 cm., including beard;
depth: 12.5 cm. (at nose); wood, paint, i.b.c.
38 The Mask

44. Malinche masks, Tenochtli Dance. Mask b is by far the older of

these two, as can be seen by the very small eye openings. It is not
known where this mask was made. The newer mask [a] is from
Acatlan, Guerrero. Both are painted red to signify lust and wanton¬
ness, and they share the feature of superimposed chintetes (lizards)
and silver or gold dimples. Mask b also has a bee on the nose, perhaps
to signify "stings," i.e., Malinche's brutal actions against her own
people. Guerrero;(a) 16 cm., not including hair (b) 18 cm., not includ¬
ing hair; wood, paint, ixtle fiber, ii.a.c.

make ribald comments and gestures, and help maintain order in the crowd so
that the other dancers can perform properly.
There are two possible sources for this mask theme. It may have originated
in the importation of Negro slaves by the Spanish. Since the Dance of the Negri¬
tos is most popular in the coastal states where most of the slaves were settled,
it is logical to assume that the dance springs from the presence of these slaves.
However, the Negrito masks are spread far beyond the regions where the dance
is practiced, and there is a second possible source. In the codices, the Aztec god
Tezcatlipoca is usually depicted with a black face and fangs, as befits his role of
god of the shadows and the night. Quetzalcoatl and Ehecatl also frequently have
black faces and fangs in the codices. We can see in Fig. 45 a Negrito mask from
Oaxaca with fangs at the sides of its mouth, which leads me to believe that Ne¬
grito masks developed from representations of Tezcatlipoca, Quetzalcoatl (see
Fig. 46), and/or Ehecatl.
In the state of Mexico, the Negrito characters of the village of Capulhuac
are used to keep animals out of the fields. They wear papier mache helmet
masks without tusks (Fig. 99).
Negrito masks are broadly representational in style but are often distorted
to emphasize their comic aspects. They can also be quite individualistic; see
Fig. 86.
 Iconography 39

45. Ehecatl/Negrito mask, Plume Dance.

Plume Dance assembly showing a character
wearing an Ehecatl/Negrito mask leading the
dancers into place for the action to begin.
Teotitlan del Valle, Oaxaca, 1942.

Death (La Muerte). Death is another theme that has both European and
Pre-Hispanic antecedents. The skull was a common motif in Mesoamerican
art; in fact, some of the most striking Pre-Columbian masks represent skulls.
The Spanish also brought the Death figure to Mexico in their allegorical mo¬
rality plays, to instruct the illiterate Indians in Christianity. These plays are
still performed throughout Mexico, the most notable being the Dance of the
Tres Potencias (Three Powers). Whatever its origins, the Death figure is now in
evidence in almost every facet of Mexican popular art.
Death is not a character that inspires fear and loathing; indeed, its function
is quite similar to that of the Devil, although Death is not quite so comic and
does not engage in the same level of buffoonery. The cavalier manner in which
Mexicans view Death comes, perhaps, from the fact that up until recent years,
life expectancy was short and death omnipresent; therefore Mexicans adopted
a joking response to it as a way of distancing themselves from their fears.
Death masks are normally skull representations, painted white to simulate
bone. In Fig. 47, we see a variety of Death masks, ranging from crude to sophisti¬
cated skull depictions, including two dualistic skull masks. Fig. 48 shows a
46. Quetzalcoatl with fangs, as seen in the
beautiful Death carved by Filiberto Lopez Ortiz, with a very effective stylistic
Codex Vaticanus 3773/ P- 34- From Commen-
tarios al Cddice Borgia (Seler 1963), vol. 1,
exaggeration of the features, especially in the eyes and the red wool tassel deco¬
Fig. 422. rations. Other Death masks are shown in Figs. 121, 309, and 310.
40 The Mask

48. Death mask, Day of the Dead. This detail

from Fig. 5 9 shows beautiful carving and paint¬
ing, as well as the finely finished reverse side
typical of masks by Filiberto Lopez Ortiz. Dur¬
ing the Day of the Dead (November 2) the
wearer of this mask went from house to house
begging for food or money. Pinotepa Nacional,
Oaxaca (Mixtec); 18 cm.; wood, paint, wool
tassels, i.b.c.

47. Death masks, various dances. The Mexi¬ down from the chin area, is from Tlanipatlan
can Indian's ingenuity with form and expres¬ and is deeply and knowingly carved. The most
sion can be readily seen in this collection of individual mask seen here is at lower right. It
Death masks, a motif with strong Pre-Colum¬ is worn with the dancer clasping the wooden
bian tradition that is still immensely popular peg seen protruding from below the chin. The
in modern Mexico. At top left is a mask col¬ mask comes from the village of Ocotepec.
lected in Tixtla, Guerrero, in 1931. It is finely Masks at lower left and in center property of
painted and has a high dome of leather. Dual the University of Arizona. Guerrero; 17-29
Death masks as seen at the top and on the cm.; wood, paint, leather (top left), copper
right are extremely rare. These come from the (lower left), cloth (center). (Dual masks)
village of Atenxoxola (see also Fig. 207). The i.b.d. (Others) i.b.c.
large mask at center, with the cloth hanging

v
 Iconography 41

Santiago Horse (St. James’s Horse). A figure that has received national ac¬
ceptance, reverence, and affection is the horse used in the Santiago Dance. The
horse is usually a small wooden one carved in two separate halves. The head and
front legs are fastened to the waist of the person playing the Santiago Caballero
and the back section fastened behind the dancer so that the total effect is that of
a mounted man. In some areas, only the front part of the horse is used (Fig. 197);
a third type is a larger step-in structure. What makes this figure unique to me is
the particularly strong veneration I saw given it in the village of Cuetzalan, Pue¬
bla, as noted on p. 152.
Christian Figures. Because the Church introduced a large number of mo¬
rality and passion plays into Mexico as instructional devices and as a method of
unifying Indian communities within the Christian tradition, a number of Mexi¬
can masks portray Christian figures, such as angels, Christ, and the Virgin. One
should not assume that all of these masks are made by santeros in their realistic
human style. Of course, in areas where the Church is strong, these masks are
49. Our Lady of Guadalupe mask (a); Our Lord made by santeros, but in remote areas where the Church's influence is weak or
Christ Mask (h). These masks were kept in a
intermittent, these figures have been integrated into indigenous traditions and
glass case in the village church of Chiapa de
Corzo, Chiapas, for many years, and it is not
often assume animal shapes. This is particularly true with groups like the
known how they were used—possibly for Yaquis, the Mayos, and the Coras, whose animal renditions of the Jews and the
church processions. Reportedly, a visiting nun Pharisees are particularly imaginative and totally nonrealistic (Figs. 71, 75-77).
reprimanded the local priest about having
Christian figures in the typical santero style can be seen in Fig. 155a, a fine
masks in a church, and they were sold to a col¬
lector. The masks were reconditioned in 1972. old mask showing typical Christian fairness of skin, blue eyes, etc. Restrained,
The Virgin (<2) is a serene mask with an un¬ realistic Christians in the santero style are shown in Fig. 49; these should be
usually dark complexion for a santero mask of compared to the highly idealized wax masks in Fig. 169, which are saccharine
this figure. She has a head covering of blue
types with lush, wavy hair and delicate features.
with a pattern of gold stars. The pale Christ
figure [b) has minutely carved beard and hair. Pre-Hispanic Survivals. Because of the over 450 years of Spanish and
The twisted bejuco (vine) crown of thorns is Christian influence on Mexico's indigenous peoples and because of scant
made of tiny wires. Both masks exhibit the
documentation of native people's beliefs during most of this time period, it is
style and rich materials used by the santero
extremely difficult to authenticate the survivals of Pre-Hispanic motifs, and
carver. Property of the University of Arizona.
Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas (Chiapanec); (a) 19 still more difficult to ascertain whether these figures still retain a religious
cm. (b) 24. r cm.; wood, lacquer, glass eyes, meaning. There are, however, a number of these motifs which I feel have sur¬
wire (b). i.a.c. vived as a part of Indian traditions. The majority of these are animal forms, such
as the jaguar (tigre), since animals were less recognizable as pagan gods than an¬
thropomorphic figures and were, therefore, not so readily suppressed by the
Church. (Again, these animal forms and their meanings are explored in more
detail in Part III). Other, nonanimal survivals that can still be recognized are the
masks of Ehecatl, the Aztec god of the winds (Fig. 45), as noted by Alfonso Caso
and Miguel Covarrubias; Xolotl, the Aztec god closely associated with duality
and monsters (since his main guise was that of a dog, Xolotl is discussed in
depth in Chapter 9; see Fig. 207); and the Tlaloc (rain god) figure with a twisted
snake nose (Fig. 106). In all likelihood, some of the animal figures that are la¬
beled Devils are also survivals of Pre-Conquest gods, but the lack of proper
documentation precludes any such identification.
42 The Mask

50. Rhythm-makers/masks, Owl Dance.

These unique hollow columns had a dual pur¬
pose in the Owl Dance. One of the carvings
was placed on the ground in the center of the
circle of dancers, and drumsticks were used to
make noise in time with the dancing by scrap¬
ing the concentric grooves on the wings of the
owl. Only for a brief time was the heavy col¬
umn lifted onto the head and shoulders of a
dancer to be used as a mask. Column a is
probably the older, and its composition is far
more finely integrated, showing compact
movement of the forms from bottom to top.
The human face at the bottom is the actual
mask, with eye slits on the eyelids. The pink
horizontal elements atop the head suggest part
of an insect form. The next connected element
is a green grasshopper whose legs reach down
and fold around the forehead of the human
face. The grasshopper is a split image, a popu¬
lar design element among the Northwest Coast
carvings (Boas 1955, p. 223). Perched on top is
the sturdy owl with its striated wings used to
create the cadence for the dance. From the
rear this carving is the same except that the
owl is shown from the rear with its tail feath¬
ers fanning out. The human face at the rear
has no eye slits, so the mask must be worn
with the owl facing forward. Column b is a
loosely organized design. Two human heads
are placed one on top of the other with hori¬
zontal plates to separate them in a rather arbi¬
trary fashion. A bloodsucking bat spirit sup¬
ports the owl, which is tall but delicate in
proportion to the carving. The entire column
is supported by a round base that includes
three flattened animal hooves. An oddity of
this column is that it has eye slits on both
the human faces, although the dancer could
have been able to use only the lower slits
while wearing the mask. Column b property
of the Smithsonian Institution. El Limdn,
Guerrero (Nahua); (a) 119 cm.; (b) 130 cm.;
wood (zompantle), paint, v.a.d.
 3. Mask Design

SINCE the overwhelming majority of contemporary Mexican masks are made

of wood, the following discussion is predominantly concerned with wooden
masks; there are simply too few masks made from other materials to permit a
comprehensive survey of their design characteristics.
Size and Form. Masks vary in size from small figures measuring only a
few inches to huge carvings of lightweight wood which tower several feet above
the wearer. Fig. 52 shows tiny Tejoron masks, only 11.1 cm. high, which are
worn with many scarves wrapped to hide the wearer's face (Fig. 53).
Medium-sized masks, those which are made to approximate the size of a
normal face, are usually attached to the wearer's head with a cord made of
leather, ixtle, straw, or cloth, which goes across the back and over the top of the
head to hold the mask on. Holes are often bored or drilled at the sides and at the
top of the center for this purpose. In a well-made mask, a good balance is
achieved in the design so that the mask will stay in place. Some masks are sim¬
ply tied across the face under the nose to the back of the wearer's head. Others
51. Devil masks, Devil Dance. These highly may be kept in place by the user's hand, small masks being held in one hand,
individualistic Devils from Milpillas, Gue¬
while masks too large to be comfortably attached are held in both hands.
rrero, with their flatly applied, brilliant colors,
are not typical of Guerrero. Rather, they sug¬
The largest masks are often designed to fit over the head as helmets. Fig.
gest the forms and colors of masks from 50a shows a huge helmet mask which measures 119 cm. (nearly four feet) in
Michoacan, which is not surprising, since height. This towering creation, from El Fimon, in the region of Ayutla, Guer¬
Milpillas is near the border of that state. The
rero, was used in the Owl Dance (Dance of the Tecolote). It was worn on the
placement of the colors is similar to that of the
extraordinary lacquer mask from Michoacan head for only a short time, then placed in the center of a circle of performers
seen in Fig. 268. Milpillas, Guerrero; (a) 18.5 who danced around it. This mask also had another use: a stick was worked
x 20.5 cm.; (b) 19 x 16 cm.; wood, paint. across the owl's corrugated wings to make noise during the dance.
II.B.C.
In Zitlala and several neighboring villages in the state of Guerrero, we find
large, heavy Tigre helmet masks made of leather (Figs. 55, 184). Old helmet
masks from the area of Axoxuca, Guerrero, are also made of leather, but with
wooden noses and horns (Fig. 22). Papier mache is also used in making helmet
masks, as demonstrated in Fig. 99.
 44 The Mask

53. Tejoron mask, Dance of the Tejorones.

This photograph was taken during Carnival in
Huaspaltepec, Oaxaca, a Mixtecan village of
the coastal area. The Tejoron wears a tall
feather headdress and a tiny mask, with many
scarves swathed about the face. Some of the
scarves have been pushed below the chin so
that he can smoke a cigarette. Photograph by
Ruth Lechuga. Huaspaltepec, Oaxaca; 12 cm.
I.A.C.

52. Tejoron masks. Dance of the Tejorones. this type are also made; they are worn by male
These three precisely painted masks come dancers dressed in the traditional woman's
from the Mixteca Baja area of Oaxaca. Their huipil and wrap-around skirt. Men wearing the
small size makes the dancers wearing them male, moustached masks also dance at times
look extraordinarily tall. The dancers' heads in the woman's costume, thus emphasizing
are swathed in scarves to hide the edges of the the transvestite implication. Top and bottom
mask (Fig. 53). Tejorones are members of masks property of the University of Arizona.
dance societies that exist in a number of Mix¬ San Cristobal, Pinotepa Nacional, and Pino-
teca Baja settlements. They perform at such tepa de Don Luis, Oaxaca (Mixtec); 11.1 cm.
events as childbirth or when damage is done (approx.); wood, paint, yarn (bottom mask).
by a snake, bull, jaguar, etc. Although these I.A.C.
masks are of male characters, female masks of
 Mask Design 45

54. Mask for Deacoyante Dance. This small

mask has sharper features than the Tejorones
seen in Fig. 52, but the color and style are very
similar. Santa Maria Nutio, Oaxaca (Mixtec);
27 cm., including headdress; wood, paint, tis¬
sue paper, i.a.c.

55. Tigre mask, Tigre Dance. This Tigre mask how masks like this are made. Customarily,
shows one of the many variations of this im¬ they have deepset mirror eyes, which are long
portant animal in Mexican mask art. A very lost from this particular Tigre. Property of the
stout helmet, the mask actually served as University of Arizona. Zitlala, Guerrero
armor during the early May fiesta when the (Nahua); height: 26 cm.; depth: 23 cm.; leath¬
dancers beat each other over the head with er, wild boar bristles, paint, iv.b.c.
knotted rope. (See also p. 157.) Fig. r84 shows
46 The Mask

56-57. Masks for Pastorela Dance. Each of

these rare, very old masks has a projection
from the forehead, the significance of which is
unknown and which does not appear to be an
animal form. Fig. 56 represents a female with
light complexion and brown eyes. This mask
The creative designs of masks may include representations of one or more also has a chin projection. Fig. 57 is also fe¬
human faces. Single-faced masks are of course the most common, although male, with fair complexion and blue eyes. The
expression of this older mask is rather strained
double-and triple-faced masks are also found in contemporary Mexico.
and fearful. From the forehead springs the un¬
A wooden mask usually covers the face well and is often carved so that explained projection bearing a ruddy, young
there is an indentation on the reverse side to allow for the wearer's nose. The female face. Area of Axoxuca, Guerrero; (Fig.
depth of the masks varies greatly. Often nostril openings are carved through the 56) 4J cm., including chin protrusion; (Fig. si)
height: 25 cm.; depth with protrusion: 36 cm.;
mask to give air. Even miniature Tigre masks intended not to be worn but to be
wood (zompantle), paint, ribbons (Fig. 56J.
sewn to costumes (Fig. 202), have the backs carved out. Many masks made to be (Fig. 56) i.a.c. (Fig. si) i.a.d.
worn show the mask-maker's concern for the wearer's comfort; the insides are
well smoothed and even painted or covered with cloth. Fig. 5 9 shows the careful
work of young Filiberto Fopez Ortiz from Pinotepa Nacional, Oaxaca, whose
masks were clearly designed with the wearer's comfort in mind. Some masks,
however, are very rough on the inside and may have no indentation for the
wearer's nose or holes for breathing.
Hair. The hair on wooden masks is often carved and then painted. It is not
unusual for a good mask-maker to depict the hair as a sculptor would, either
with scratched lines, curved or straight, on a two-dimensional surface or in
 Mask Design 47

58. Double mask, Fish Dance or Caiman

Dance. From what we know of Indian symbol¬
ism, it appears that the face at left is mirrored
by his double on the right, with the Caiman,
who is his real double, superimposed. Ixcapu-
zalco, Guerrero (Nahua); wood, paint, ii.a.d.

59. Masks by Filiberto Lopez Ortiz. These masks (top and lower right). At the bottom is
varied character masks from different dances an exceptionally well carved Death mask
were carved by a gifted young mask-maker, (shown in color in Fig. 48). All are carved with
who was a barber by profession (see Fig. 151). great feeling and flow of form in very hard
His fame had begun to spread to Mexico City guanacaste wood. Top mask property of the
when he was killed in a land dispute, well be¬ University of Arizona. Pinotepa Nacional,
fore he reached his prime as an artist. Three Oaxaca (Mixtec); 17-25 cm. (approx.); wood
Tigres (upper left, upper right, and center) (guanacaste), paint, wool tassels. (Top, bot¬
showing great diversity of style are seen with a tom, lower left, and lower right) i.b.c. (Upper
Negro mask (lower left) and two Carnival left, upper right, and center) iv.a.c.
48 The Mask

61. Devil mask, Dance of the Moors and Chris¬

tians (variant). This mask was probably made
in the i92o's, and time has given the surface
a rich crackle texture. At one time horns may
have been attached to the mask, as there are
anchoring spots for them beneath the sheep¬
skin on the forehead. The large hook nose and
cheeks have parallel wrinkles brushed inside
with red paint. The pupils cover the entire
outer area of the unrealistic eyes. Guerrero
(Nahua); 29 cm.; wood (zompantle), paint,
boar tusks, wool (sheepskin), horsehair, i.b.c.

60. Hermit masks, Pastorela Dance. These

semi-helmet masks are typical of those carved
twenty to fifty years ago in the Cuetzala, Gue¬
rrero, area. They are heavy and squat in design,
and the carving of beard and hair is relatively
simple. Mask a property of Monte E. Hart,
Cuernavaca, Morelos, Mexico. Cuetzala, Gue¬
rrero (Nahua); (a) 41 cm.; (b) 44 cm.; wood,
paint, i.a.c.
 Mask Design 49

63. Goat mask, Goat Dance. It is not known

what type of hardwood was used to fashion
this heavy old Goat mask. It has been re¬
painted a number of times. The striking design
features horns that curve in a simple, sweep¬
ing arc and are squared off on the inner side.
Eyeholes are placed high on the face. Tlape-
huala, Guerrero (Nahua); 24 cm.; wood,
paint, iv.a.c.

62. Parachico masks, Parachicos Dance. These here) have eyes made by heating scrap glass
fine old Spanish-style masks were worn with a and forming it to fit the eye sockets, with the
wig of natural-colored ixtle fiber (Fig. 96) in a pupils painted on the reverse side of the glass.
dance that began in Colonial times. It is said Newer masks (such as the others here) have
that a Guatemalan woman named Doha Maria commercial glass eyes. Mask at upper left
de Angelo initiated the dance to help cure her property of the University of Arizona; mask at
sick son. Wearers of the large mask in the cen¬ lower left property of the Smithsonian Institu¬
ter and the one on the upper right were the tion. Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas; 19-22 cm.;
lead characters in this dance, which was given wood, lacquer, glass eyes, false eyelashes.
during the last six days of January. The old I.A.C.

Parachico masks (such as the one at upper left

 Mask Design 51

64. Indian Soldier mask, Battle of the Fifth of 66. Azteca masks, Azteca Dance. These very
May. This mask and the one in Fig. 91 were fanciful masks are a surprise when compared
used in a dance depicting a battle between to the many more realistic masks found in
French and Indians that has been performed Mexico. The movement of the extremely dis¬
in Zacapoaxtla, Puebla, for many years. This proportionate noses is reflected in the con¬
fighting Indian has paint sparingly rubbed on tours of the long tongues. Painted pink, the
cheeks and forehead. The mask has square-cut faces are adorned with bizarre facial features
eyeholes, a bold round mouth, and horsehair in reds and blacks. Mask a property of the
crudely attached for eyebrows and beard. University of Arizona. Hidalgo; height: 24
Zacapoaxtla, Puebla (Nahua); 21 cm., not in¬ cm.; length: 36 cm. (approx.); wood, paint,
cluding beard; wood, paint, horsehair, leather. leather, i.b.c.

I.B.C.
67. Helmet mask, Bat Dance. This helmet
65. Character and dance unknown. Nothing is mask shows a bat superimposed on a bearded
known about this esthetically pleasing, freely human face so that the wings of the bat are
conceived mask. Its asymmetric design, the transformed into the moustaches of the face
contrasting shapes of eyes and mouth, and the below. A small underground rodent, called a
irregular jaw are a strong and primitive com¬ tuza, becomes the figure's phallic nose. The
bination. Collections of the International Folk dancer looks out through holes on either side
Art Foundation in the Museum of Internation¬ of the tuza's head. The reverse side of the
helmet (not pictured) is a male visage, perhaps
al Folk Art, Santa Fe, New Mexico. State of
Puebla; 23 cm.; wood, paint, animal hair. a Lord of the Animals figure. Property of the
University of Arizona. Tixtla, Guerrero
I.B.C.
(Nahua); 47 cm.; wood, paint, ii.b.c.
64
 52 The Mask

beautifully formed raised masses which flow very effectively in the desired di¬
rection (figs. 32, 60). Other masks have flat painted areas to designate the hair or
use supplementary materials such as wool, ixtle, animal hair, commercial hair,
etc. (See Chapter 7 for further information about the materials used in masks.)
Eyes. There must be a way for the wearer to see through the mask except
in those rare cases in which the mask is held over the head or in front of the face.
In the majority of wooden masks, the eyes are carved and painted; the wearer
looks out through a slit above or below the eye. Parachico masks from Chiapas
exhibit half-moons carved above or below the eyes (Figs. 62, 96) and the
Tlacololero masks of Guerrero have a circle cut in each cheek (Figs. 143, 216).
Sometimes there are no eye openings, and the wearer looks through the mouth,
as in the old Devil masks from Guerrero (Fig. 106) and some Tigre masks from
Jalisco, Guerrero, and other states (Figs. 81, 82, 176, 202, 264).
A smaller, though nonetheless considerable, number of masks have the
entire eye carved out in a circular, square, or almond shape. An interesting
example of carved-out eyes is Fig. 64, an Indian Soldier mask. A very expressive
mask (Fig. 65) has square cut-out eyes in contrast to the triangular cut-out
mouth.
In many Mexican masks the eye openings seem extremely inadequate. One
would think the dancers could not see at all. When one considers that drunken¬
ness is part of the ritual aspect of the ceremony, it is not hard to picture the
general blindness (see p. 157). Many very fine old masks have exceedingly
narrow eye openings (Fig. 44b).
Noses. The nose is probably the most important element on the carved
wooden mask for imparting information concerning the identity of the mask.
Sometimes, because of the lack of a large enough piece of wood, the mask-maker
must put the nose on as a separate piece. One does, however, find masks with
the nose carved from the same large piece of wood as the rest of the mask (Fig.
68. Devil masks. These masks exhibit some
267). For symbolic reasons, the nose may be carved in the shape of a small ani¬ of the finest carving and conception in Nahua
mal or human figure. Particularly among the Bat masks, a large bat is often masks. Each has a human face (now termed
combined with the human face, a part of the bat body forming the human's nose a Devil) with animals superimposed on the
planes or as part of the features. Masks a,
(see Figs. 226, 227). Conventional noses are found in masks in which symbolism
e, f, j, and k depict various forms of lizards; / is
does not play a part. The nose can also be an erotic feature (see. p. 216). Long one of the finest combinations of facial and
noses have been phallic symbols in Japanese, Balinese, and Javanese masks since animal features to be seen. Mask d has an
the earliest times. enormous tarantula or spider, while the face
on g is almost completely hidden by a frog.
Mouth, Teeth, Tongue. Wooden masks display endless types of mouths,
Mask i has deer antlers over the nose and a
often revealing extraordinary imagination on the part of the carver (Figs. 64, wonderful facial expression. Devil 1, like g, is
212). Teeth, when indicated, may be individually carved of the one piece of almost completely hidden, this time by a large
wood of which the mask itself is made, or may be of other materials, such as turtle body. These masks come from the re¬
mote Nahua settlements of Copanatoyac,
animal teeth, animal claws, corn kernels, or even real human teeth. Each of the
Hueycantenango, Huitzapula, and Colotlipa
extraordinary rain-petitioning masks by Jose Rodriguez was made from a single in the state of Guerrero. Masks a-e, h, k, and
piece of wood (Fig. 17). Tongues are sometimes carved of the same piece of wood 1 property of the University of Arizona; mask
or may be added as a separate piece. (For additional details, see the section on /' property of the Smithsonian Institution.
Guerrero (Nahua); 26—40 cm.; wood, paint.
supplementary materials in Chapter 7.) II.A.C.

\
54 The Mask

70. Devil masks. These exotic and unique

Devils are decorated with painted scorpions
and lizards about the face and on the tongue.
The snouts are tubelike leather sewn together,
with bits of hair attached. The striking marble
eyes have eye slits below. The hair and red-
dipped deer antlers are built on top of old In¬
dian hats. The Devil tradition seen here is one
69. Viejo mask, Viejos Dance. This very of imagination and fantasy. Mask b property
masterfully carved and lifelike mask was used of the Smithsonian Institution. Cajititlan,
in a Viejos Dance probably some forty years
Jalisco; 75 cm. (approx.) from tip of horns to
ago. Traces of paint are barely visible. The tip of tongue; leather, paint, deer antlers, mar¬
carving of the mouth is most realistically exe¬
ble eyes, horsehair, human hair, iv.b.c.
cuted. Collections of the International Folk
Art Foundation in the Museum of Internation¬
al Folk Art, Sante Fe, New Mexico. Cruz
Grande, Guerrero; wood, paint, i.a.c.
 4. Regional Styles

71. Chapayeka (Pharisee) mask, Holy Week AS EXPLAINED in Chapter i, the complex relationship of culture and style in
Passion Play. The Chapayekas (also spelled Mexico, the highly individualistic styles of the mask-makers themselves, and
Chapoyecas), or priests, take the part of the
the passing of mask-making traditions have combined to make a concise, defini¬
Pharisees who hunt down and crucify Christ
during the Holy Week Passion Play ending on tive analysis of regional styles all but impossible. Generally, it is far easier to
Holy Saturday, after which all but two of the identify particular styles for those groups which are isolated and produce only a
Chapayeka masks are burned. "Two masks, few different types of masks. Therefore, the reader should remember that the
regarded as sacred objects, are kept from the
following observations are of necessity general and cannot be rigidly applied to
fire in the event that one or two Chapoyecas
should die during the year. A Chapoyeca must all the masks from any given region. I have concentrated on the major stylistic
be buried with such a mask next to him in his considerations, particularly in the more prolific regions, as I do not think that
grave to signal his status to the after-world" any attempt to produce a detailed, village-by-village description of mask styles
(Fontana, Faubert, and Burn 1977, p. 17.) This
large leather helmet mask has two leather side
is feasible or accurate today.
pieces that are painted with tlaloache flowers, The Yaquis and Mayos of Sonora and Sinaloa. Of all the Northwest Mexi¬
from a narcotic and hallucinogenic plant that can Indian groups, the Yaquis and Mayos are the dominant mask-makers. These
in some doses is a violent poison (Martinez
groups are also the least assimilated of the Northwest Indians, with the excep¬
1959, p. 225). The nose, mouth, and teeth are
of carved wood. Property of Maria Teresa tion of the Seris, who do not have a mask tradition and the Tarahumaras, who
Pomar. Region of Vicam, Sonora (Yaqui); use very few masks. While the Yaqui and Mayo groups are two distinct entities,
height: 40 cm.; width: 52 cm.; leather, paint, they do share certain motifs, styles, and dance organizations. The reason for this
wood, horsehair, i.b.c.
commonality is given by James S. Griffith: "In any discussion of the art and
crafts of these people, it must be emphasized that what we are dealing with is
not a case of pure aboriginal survival, but rather a group of 17 th and 18 th cen¬
tury Spanish Colonial traits, frequently with a particular regional flavor im¬
parted by the aboriginal traditions of the group upon whose culture the trait has
been superimposed. . . . Local distinctions and specialties . . . are overshadowed
by the regional similarities that testify to the unifying effect of the Spanish co¬
lonial system" (Griffith 1967, p. 10).
These Indian groups use masks for religious purposes and produce two basic
types of masks: the Pascola mask, which is used in the Pascola-Deer Dance
complex, and the Chapayeka or Chapakobam (Pharisee) and Jew masks, which
are used in the Lenten and Easter Week celebrations. The Pascola mask is a
56 The Mask

72. Pascola masks. These fine Mayo masks are cocoon rattles on their legs and clear the fiesta Siberal, Sonora, 1938; [b) Triscoasa, Sonora,
very rare. Their unique style evolved from face area (see Fig. 123). At times they may also 1938; (c) Guaymitos, Sonora, 1963; [d) Viacusi,
painting techniques and attests to the tribe's dance. As stated in The Other Southwest, Sonora, 1963; [e] Fluatabampo, Sonora, 1938;
isolation from outside influences. Mask b is "Pascolas are individualists who perform as a (/) Villaruma, District of Jiipore, Sonora, 1963;
the finest we have seen. Beautiful incisings, result of dreamed visions. Their knowledge is (g) Tierra Blanca, Sonora, 1938. Masks c-g
vibrant color, and the many small mirrors set gained from animals of the woods, rather than property of the University of Arizona. Region
around the outer edge and in a crown on the Christian supernaturals" (Fontana, Faubert, of Navajoa, Sonora (Mayo); 19—23 cm., not
forehead, though scarcely visible here, make and Burn 1977, p. 18). Places and dates of including beards; wood, paint, goat hair, in¬
it a true work of art. The Pascola dancers wear collection of these masks are as follows: [a] laid mirror (c only), i.b.c.

\
 Regional Styles 57

73. Pascola masks. A detail (mask a) from

Fig. 72, this is one of the finest of Mexican
masks. The long, silky goat hair is carefully
inserted into tiny holes to form the beard and
hair. It is thinly carved in hard wood. The best
Mayo masks are works of art which measure
up to craftsmanship found anywhere in any
period. Siberal, Sonora (Mayo); 20 cm., not
including beard; wood, paint, goat hair, i.b.c.
 58 The Mask

75. Chapayeka (Pharisee) mask. This Yaqui

helmet mask was collected in 1957 by an el¬
derly American miner, Alberto Maas. The
craftsman who made it and the one shown in
Fig. 76 had a singular sense of design, and his
work is exceptionally interesting artistically.
Property of the Smithsonian Institution. Ran¬
cho Sapote, Sonora (Yaqui). i.b.c.

74. Pascola masks. The wonderful style of signs, and there are painted crosses on the
these Yaqui masks is indicative of the Yaquis' brow and chin. Mask b was collected in Guay-
isolation from outside influences. (Note the mas, Sonora, in 1955, and it is finer than many
similarly individual style of the Mayo masks Yaqui masks seen today. The white areas are 76. Chapayeka (Pharisee) mask. Another
in Figs. 72 and 73.) Mask a was made around painted onto the face in the forms of lizards, Yaqui helmet mask collected by Alberto Maas
1905 and is from Topalobampo, Sonora. The crosses, and abstract decorative designs. Sono¬ in 1957. Today these masks are made from the
white areas once contained inlaid mirrors. The ra (Yaqui); (a) 19 cm.; (b) 16 cm.; wood, hide of goats, deer, or wild pigs, but they are
cheeks are adorned with floral and scroll de¬ paint, mirrors, horsehair, i.b.c. crude and without design interest. Here, how¬
ever, we see a mask which has fine style and
knowing design, with the scraped facial area
and ears with earth-pink and grey bands. Ran¬
cho Sapote, Sonora (Yaqui). i.b.c.

\
 Regional Styles 59

small wooden face mask in the form of a man or a goat. Horse or goat hair is
inserted to represent the beard and eyebrows. Yaqui masks generally have
horsehair as a fringe, whereas Mayo masks generally have finer goat hair. The
upper hair of Yaqui masks is clipped at eye level (Fig. 74); Mayo masks leave the
hair long and flowing (Fig. 72). The masks are normally painted black, although
white, brown, and other colors are sometimes used. They are further embel¬
lished with geometric and representational designs that have their origin in face
painting; almost invariably these designs include a cross in the middle of the
forehead and some type of geometric border. These designs can be either in¬
scribed or painted. Typical Mayo Pascola masks can be seen in Figs. 72 and 73;
Fig. 74 shows two Yaqui Pascola masks. See also Figs. 123 and 140.
The second type of mask is the Chapayeka/Chapakobam (Pharisee) mask,
as it is called in Sonora, or the Jew mask, as it is called in Sinaloa. These masks
are used in the dramatization of the Passion Play and represent both evil charac¬
ters who persecute Christ and clowns. There are two general styles of these
masks: wooden masks depicting humans or European devils, and fantastic fur
hide masks. The one common element of both types is that the entire head is
covered, even where the mask itself is only a face mask. The "human" masks
are vaguely realistic, with the face either unpainted or painted white. Often
77. Chapakobam (Pharisee) mask. This fine,
very old Mayo Easter Week Pharisee mask was
cheeks, eyebrows, and moustaches are painted onto these masks. The second
obtained in a shop in New Mexico, where its type of Pharisee mask is a helmet mask made from goat hide depicting a crea¬
identity was not known. The fur of the helmet ture that seems to be a cross between an animal and a human being (Figs. 71,
is scraped away over the face and ears. Note
75-77). The hide is shaved, and the upper face and eyes are painted in. The nose
the perforated eyes. Today there would be far
less care lavished on the detail in the well-
consists of an unshaved strip of fur, a flap of leather, or in some cases a carved
painted eyebrows, colored paper trim, etc. wooden nose. Occasionally, cow horns are added to make the mask appear more
Area of Navajoa, Sonora (Mayo), i.b.c. like a devil. Ears, when they occur, are made from leather and are usually
painted. Some of these masks are outstanding in design and style.
The Huichols of Nayarit and Jalisco. Traditionally, the Huichols make
only one mask, that of Tate Nalcawe (Grandmother Growth), which is used in
the "First Fruits" ceremony. When I first visited the Huichols in 1937, the Tate
Nakawe mask was unpainted, as is shown in Fig. 78. Recently, however, the
Huichols have been making these masks to sell to tourists and have started to
paint them, using their traditional face painting patterns similar to those shown
in Fig. 108.
The Coras of Nayarit. In contrast to the drab masks of the neighboring
Huichols, the masks of the Coras are brilliantly colored and highly imaginative.
The Cora masks, which are used during Holy Week celebrations, depict fantas¬
tic animals. In Fig. 172, we see a mask that appears to be a cross between a deer
and a caiman. These masks are made of cardboard covered with tissue paper and
occasionally use fiber or animal hair as a supplementary material. One common
characteristic of these masks is that they are painted with bright colors, often in
broad stripes that have no relationship to a realistic portrayal. The masks are
large face masks that normally extend beyond the face on both sides.
60 The Mask

Guerrero. Guerrero is predominantly populated by Nahua Indians, al¬

though small groups of Tlapanecs, Cuicatecs, Mazahuas, and Popolocas also live
within the state. Most of the Guerrero masks are produced by the Nahuas. In my
opinion, the Guerrero masks surpass those of any other state in Mexico in terms
of the number of masks produced, the survival of Pre-Hispanic influences, and
the high quality of the work. The very number and variety of these masks, how¬
ever, prevent any detailed analysis of their stylistic characteristics except on the
most superficial level.
A good example of the wide diversity in Guerrero masks can be seen by
comparing a number of the Tigre masks produced by this region. In Fig. 79, we
see one of the famous Tigre masks from Olinala, Guerrero. The Tigre masks
from this town, which is also famous for its lacquer ware, have a distinctive
style and are finely finished and carefully lacquered (Fig. 79). Other characteris¬
tics are the ridges which border the mouth, the painted leather ears, the use of
boar bristles for whiskers, the red leather tongue, the glass eyes, and the piglike
conception of the Tigre (real jaguars [tigres] not having been seen there for
many years). In Fig. 80, on the other hand, we see a very old wooden Tigre mask
from Tianguizolco, Guerrero. In many ways, this mask looks far more catlike
than the preceding one. Fig. 81 shows a third Tigre mask, from Hueycantenango,

78. “First Fruits” Fiesta. A masked dancer and

some participants at the Huichol “First Fruits"
Fiesta. La Mesa, Nayarit, 1937. i.b.c.

v
 Regional Styles 61

80. Tigre mask, Tigre Dance. The Tigre mask

has taken on innumerable forms, as it comes
from the imagination of a skilled carver, who
may never have seen a real jaguar. Here we see
a benign pussycat, which is hardly fearsome,
with its small nose and ears and naive whisk¬
ers. This heavy mask is very old and has been
newly repainted. Tianguizolco, Guerrero
(Nahua); 30 cm.; wood, paint, iv.b.c.

79. Tigre Mask. The famous Tigres of Olinala,

Guerrero, can always be recognized by their
distinctive style, of which this is a typical
example. The fine folk artists of Olinala pro¬
duce these painted masks, many of them lac¬
quered, for use in a number of villages in the
area. There are several Olinala Tigre designs,
all with piglike countenances. Property of the
Smithsonian Institution. Olinala, Guerrero
(Nahua); 32 cm.; wood, paint, boar tusks,
wild boar bristle, leather, iv.b.c.

81. Tigre mask. The cleft on the forehead is a

typical feature of Olmec sculpture. Hueycan-
tenango, Guerrero (Nahua). iv.a.c.
62 The Mask

83. Armadillo mask, Rabbit Dance. This sym¬

pathetic Armadillo mask has eyeholes on ei¬
ther side of the rabbitlike ears. The feet are
shown as rather large, as the armadillo is
known for its extraordinary digging ability.
This type of mask was one of several styles
used for the Rabbit Dance in Northwestern
82. Tigre masks. These exotic and original
Guerrero (see also Fig. 84). San Miguel Totolo-
hardwood Tigres come from a remote interior
pan, Guerrero (Nahua); 32 cm.; wood, paint.
Nahua village. Both masks were worn high
IV.B.C.
on the head so that the dancer could see out
through the mouth. Mask a property of the
Smithsonian Institution. Quechultenango, 84. Armadillo mask, Rabbit Dance. This high¬
Guerrero (Nahua); (a) 44 cm.; (b) 42 cm.; ly decorative Armadillo shows a strong sense
wood, paint, iv.a.c. of style developed by the artist. The shell of
the animal has wide center bands with strik¬
ing black triangles (compare Fig. 85), while the
outer bands are decorated with grey dots. The
head is neatly tucked in, and the tail is insig¬
nificantly small. The close association of the
rabbit and the armadillo described elsewhere
is a Pre-Conquest survival with fertility sym¬
bolism. Ixcapaneca, Guerrero (Nahua);
height: 30 cm.; depth: 16 cm.; wood, paint.
IV.B.C.

v
 Regional Styles 63

Guerrero. This mask is finely modeled, with the mouth ridges used to give it a
ferocious aspect. The eyes, however, are completely different from those of the
two masks discussed above, and they give this mask a somewhat oriental look.
Note, too, the different way the nose is rendered. A fourth and radically different
conception of the Tigre can be seen in the masks from Quechultenango, Gue¬
rrero (Fig. 82).
From this example, I think it is apparent that styles vary more from village
to village and from one mask to another in Guerrero than in the other regions
we have examined thus far. This divergence precludes minute stylistic compari¬
sons and couches the entire discussion in far more general terms.
In comparing the masks of Guerrero to those of other states, one can say
that the subjects of these masks far more often involve animal motifs, although
one occasionally finds animal masks of high quality in Puebla, Oaxaca, and
Michoacan as well. Guerrero also produces masks incorporating more different
types of animals or animal parts in the same mask design than other states.
Many of these masks are made by masters of the art who excel in making
smooth transitions from one animal to another to form the overall design. One
such master was Jose Rodriguez, the great itinerant mask-maker who moved
from one cuadrilla to the next in the most inaccessible, remote mountain area
to the south of Tlapa, Guerrero. Ffis work can be seen in Figs. 15, 17, 18, 37, 150,
219, 222, 248, and 313. In masks like those made by Rodriguez, the various ani¬
mals are used as symbols, and the entire mask becomes a symbolic statement.
This type of sophisticated use of animal symbols is normally found only in
Guerrero. As mentioned previously, many of these animal masks are commonly
called Devil masks.
In addition to the unique use of animals, there are also a number of mask
types found only in Guerrero. One of these is the Armadillo mask formerly
found in El Limon, Guerrero. There are three basic forms of this mask: the hel¬
met mask covered with real armadillo hide (Figs. 236-237), the frontal mask
with pieces of armadillo hide applied (Fig. 233; see also Fig. 195); and the carved
Armadillo with a hole cut in the middle of the sculpture so that it can be worn
about the hips (Figs. 234, 235). There are also other types of Armadillo masks
found in the general area of Teloloapan. These are smaller wooden face masks
depicting the entire animal, used in the Rabbit Dance. The interpretation of the
armadillo varies from village to village (Figs. 83, 84).
Other mask designs found in certain areas of Guerrero are the Moro Chino
and Moro Pasion masks from the Dance of the Moors and Christians (see Figs.
42, 43, 284, 285).
85. Pitfall and armadillo, as seen in the Manu- Another type of mask found principally in Guerrero is that used in the
scrito Troano, Plate IX. After Thomas 1882, Caiman Dance; it is decorated with pochote spines (Figs. 199, 247). As with the
p. 98, Fig. 15. The striking black triangles
Armadillo theme, there are also representations of the Caiman (Crocodile) with
across the center area of the armadillo show
an Indian design sense that continues today, an open space in the center so that it can be worn about the waist (Figs. 243,
as shown in the modern Armadillo mask in 303c). For years, I thought that the Caiman pochote mask and costume (Fig. 187)
Fig. 84. were unique to Guerrero, until I chanced upon a newspaper article that showed
64 The Mask

a similar but different Caiman costume and mask from the Huastec area of the
state of Veracruz. This surprised me very much until I found out that this mask
and costume were made in a very small Nahuatl-speaking village called Tem-
poal, indicating that this motif had once been part of the general Nahua culture.
Michoacan. The state of Michoacan, which is predominantly populated
by Tarascan Indians, is the second most important mask-producing state in
Mexico. These masks can be categorized into two major style groupings: (i) the
highly finished and somewhat restrained human representational masks (typ¬
ified by the Viejitos, the Negritos, and the Christian religious masks), and (2) the
wild, animalistic Devil masks.
The Viejitos (Little Old Men) are the best-known of all the Michoacan
masks, especially since the Viejitos Dance has become one of the major tourist
attractions of the state. These masks, while representational, are generally
stylized caricatures. As can be seen in Fig. 311, they usually have large eyes and
a wide, toothy grin. They are often painted white when they are carved in wood.
Old clay Viejito masks from Quiroga, Michoacan, on the other hand, are often
painted in darker flesh tones. Often, white “hair" is attached to the wooden
masks to further reinforce the characters' age. The face itself is distorted to bol¬
ster the comic effect.
The Negrito masks are highly finished and well modeled and are generally
more realistic than the Viejito masks. Although the noses and the mouths are
finely and realistically fashioned, the eyes are out of proportion, and in many
86. Negrito masks, Dance of the Negritos.
cases the irises are painted a bright blue. The lips are sometimes painted red, Dancers with finely carved masks, costly
and the faces are lacquered black. The overall effect is quite individualistic. Fig. headdresses, and lavish ribbon adornments.
86 shows two Negritos from Cheran, Michoacan, photographed in 1935. Cheran, Michoacan, 1935 (Tarascan). i.a.c.

The Christian masks of Michoacan are now quite rare, as the artisans seem
to have stopped making them in the 1920's. The ones that are still in existence
are highly realistic and seem to have been made by santeros. These masks ex¬
hibit a high degree of craft and ability that is characteristic of this region's 87. Devil masks. Here we see some of the in¬
mask-makers. finite forms the Devil takes in the rich imagi¬
In comparison to the tight, restrained style of the masks discussed above, nation of the Michoacan carver. This group is
essentially anthropomorphic with zoomorphic
the Tarascans of Michoacan show great imagination in making Devil masks
features, with the exception of masks c and g,
(Fig. 87; see also Figs. 41, 218, 306, 307, 312). While these masks have animal which are clearly animal, and b, which is en¬
motifs, as do the Guerrero animal Devils, they often may be distinguished by tirely human. Starting at the top and moving
from left to right we see: [a) a Devil with real
their multiple, forward-projecting serpents and two or three sets of horns. In ad¬
horns; [b] a lacquer mask from Uruapan used
dition, a large number of these Michoacan Devils have mouths that appear to be for the Hortelanos Dance,- (c) a Pig Devil from
opened in the midst of a scream; large, sharp fangs,- and protmding tongues. San Francisco, Michoacan; [d] an old lacquer
Most often, they are lacquered. In many masks, a more traditional European Devil from Uruapan,- (e) an old Tarascan Devil
of complex form; (/) a hardwood mask with un¬
Devil is incorporated into the design.
usual detachable horns; (g) an old Devil from
Oaxaca. In terms of quantity, Oaxaca is perhaps the third most important Zacapu, Michoacan. Mask c property of Mex¬
mask-making state in Mexico. In all likelihood, this is a direct result of the large ican Folk Arts (Chicago); masks d, e, f property
number of Indian groups that still maintain their native languages and customs. of the University of Arizona. Michoacan (Tara¬
scan); 21 37 cm.; wood, paint, lacquer, ani¬
This complicates the job of assessing mask styles and trends. In the areas dis¬
mal horns, leather, (a, d, e, f) ii.b.c. (b) i.a.c.
cussed up to this point, we have been analyzing the masks of a single or (c) IV.a.d. (g) IV.a.c.

V
Regional Styles 65
66 The Mask

88. Negro-Mestizo mask, Day of the Dead

Dance. This mask, from a Negro village near
the coast and the Guerrero border, is strongly
reminiscent of the simplicity found in some
African sculpture. The corn kernel teeth,
round eyes, deer antlers, and horsehair are
distinctive features that give the mask force,
despite its flimsy base material. Estancia
Grande, Oaxaca; 29.2 cm.; corrugated card¬
board, paint, deer antlers, horsehair, corn
kernels, ii.b.c.

89. Dance and character unknown. The power

of this mask lies in its cmde execution, with
few sculpted features and the application of
iguana skin and iguana spines to represent
teeth along the protruding upper lip. Eyes and
see-out holes are one here, so that the mask
comes to life when the dancer's eyes are visi¬
ble. San Dionisio del Mar, Oaxaca (Huave);
24 cm.; wood, iguana skin, iguana spines.
I.B.C.
 Regional Styles 67

predominant Indian group, such as the Tarascans of Michoacan or the Nahuas of

Guerrero. The state of Oaxaca, however, has three major linguistic groups (the
Mixtecs, Triques, and Zapotecs) and a large number of smaller ones, including
the Amuzgos, Chatinos, Chontales, Huaves, Chochos, Chinantecs, Mixes,
Tlapanecs, and even a branch of the Zoques. Over the years, the motifs and de¬
signs of these groups have diffused throughout the entire area to the point where
it is often impossible to identify distinct styles for different groups, with the
single exception of the Huaves, who live in a remote coastal area.
Masks from Oaxaca tend to be cruder than those of Guerrero and
Michoacan. There does not seem to be as much overall emphasis on the mask as
a developed art form as in the other areas. Oaxaca masks tend to be less realistic
and less finely crafted in terms of modeling, surface finish, and painting. A good
example is the Negro-Mestizo (Day of the Dead) mask from Estancia Grande
(Fig. 88), made from folded pieces of cardboard with eye and mouth holes
crudely cut out. The painting appears to have been done by the individual mask
user, rather than by a professional mask-maker. Other typical Oaxaca masks are
found in Figs. 89 and 178.
Oaxaca masks tend to reflect native humor and life. One example of this
can be seen in Fig. 267, a comic mask from Cuilapan with a long, phallic nose
that serves as a musical instrument: a raspador, or noisemaker. The sound is
produced by scraping a stick across the ridges. Both the mask itself and its
"music" are considered great fun by the spectators.
hike most regions, Oaxaca has had a number of santeros who have produced
highly realistic masks and whose style is distinctive. See, for example, the fine
mask from Juxtlahuaca shown in Fig. 146 and the exceptional work of Filiberto
Fopez Ortiz of Pinotepa Nacional, shown in Figs. 48 and 59.
The only Oaxaca Indians who have retained a unique style are the Huaves.
They tend to use animal materials and motifs in their masks; the three most
important are the turtle, the snake, and the armadillo. Characteristically, a tur¬
tle shell may be used to produce a work of art as in Fig. 174b. This use of animal
90. Serpent rump mask. This Huave Indian materials extends even to human masks, in which armadillo skin may represent
rump mask with snake-head design is tied be¬ the beard and hair. Another characteristic Huave mask is the rump Serpent
hind the dancer. The only other modern rump
mask from San Mateo del Mar (Fig. 90), carved to resemble the head of a snake
mask I have seen is the Pig rump mask from
Ocozocoautla, Chiapas, shown in Fig. 94. and worn on the dancer's buttocks.* Rump masks are found in only a few areas
Property of the University of Arizona. San
* In the English language newspaper The News suing chase, the Archer beheaded the Serpent
Mateo del Mar, Oaxaca (Huave). iv.a.c.
(June 18, 1978, Vistas section), Cayuqui Estage in symbolic manner, removing the Serpent's
tells about the festivities for Corpus Christi hat and placing it upon the point of his arrow.
in San Mateo del Mar in 1963 and 1964. Dur¬ With cheers from the watching Indians, he
ing the late afternoon of that holiday, the then returned the hat to the Serpent, striking
Dance of the Serpent's Head took place. In this the wooden rump mask three times as he cir¬
dance a rump Serpent's Head mask was worn cled him. Thus renewed life was bestowed,
by one of the two chief dancers, the Serpent, magic had been performed, and the long-
who wielded a large wooden sword. The needed rains would come. The rump Serpent
second dancer, the Archer, sallied forth from mask shown in Fig. 90 may not have been used
the ranks, menacing the Serpent with the in the Huave Corpus dance but is entirely
point of his arrow and striking the Serpent's typical.
wooden head with his whip. During the en¬
 68 The Mask

of Mexico and are part of a ''Pacific Basin" complex described by Michael Kan in
Early Chinese Art and the Pacific Basin (Fraser, ed., 1968, pp. 109-m).
Puebla. As the Indians of Puebla are predominantly Nahuas like those of
Guerrero, one would expect them to produce high-quality masks that are realis¬
tic and have a sophisticated use of animal symbolism. To a degree, this expecta¬
tion is correct, as can be seen in Fig. 244, showing a fine, rather naturalistic Dog
with caiman ears. These old Puebla masks are carved almost paper thin in a
fine-grained hardwood.
In Fig. 161a we see an Apache mask that was used in the Carnival celebra¬
tion in Huejotzingo. The underlying leather face of this mask is the same as that
of the Serrano masks which are used for other characters in the same Carnival
celebration. Differentiation between these masks is achieved through the use of
supplementary materials and the painted skin tones. The Serranos have light-
colored facial hair with long eyebrows, moustaches, and goatees. The Apache
masks have dark-painted skin tones with gold interlocking circle patterns simi¬
lar to face painting and usually a brass ring through the nose.
Another distinctive style of mask still in use in Puebla today is the Santiago
mask of Cuetzalan, which has a characteristic large, sharply pointed nose and is
painted a bright red. These Santiago masks show none of the high skill of the
older Puebla masks. They have limited delineation of facial characteristics, ex¬
cept for the noses, and are commonly decorated with ribbons during the San¬
tiago Dance. Other distinctive, unique Puebla masks can be found in Figs. 64,
65, 91, 92, 270, and 291.
Tlaxcala. Tlaxcala is famed for its Carnival masks; it is also one of the
few states where a history of the development and usage of masks exists. Most
informants believe that leather Carnival masks, such as the ones shown in Fig.
29a, b, and c, were in use around 1800. These were quite realistic and were
made by pounding leather over a stone or wooden mold, as are the Ffuejotzingo,
Puebla, Carnival masks of today. A slit was made from mouth to chin and sewn
together with a thong to help form the face. When beards were used, they were
made of pita fiber. According to the same informants, these masks were not
satisfactory. After being used for five or six hours, they became sticky, hot, and
bad-smelling, so the dancers were very happy to switch to wooden ones.
The early wooden masks were carved in a naive manner, with painted eyes.
It was not until they began to be made by the more experienced and sophisti¬
cated santeros that the masks acquired a very finished look, with a fine profes¬
sional paint job and glass eyes with eyelashes, which is now considered to be the
Tlaxcala style. The fine, old man and woman masks in Fig. 29 (d and e) date
perhaps from the beginning of the twentieth century.
The latest innovation in these masks (Fig. 29^, h, and i) is movable eyes
with false eyelashes; the cord by which the eyes are manipulated can be seen
hanging below the chin. A spring keeps the eye open, and the cord is used to
shut it, so that it appears to wink at the viewer. These masks for the most part
represent city people and are notable for the prevalence of gold teeth. They are

\
 Regional Styles 69

92. Masks possibly for Day of the Dead Dance and Procession (Novem¬
ber 2). These two disproportionate masks have no mouths, possibly
because the dead do not speak. An extraordinary departure from the
anthropomorphic can be seen in the noses: one, a coiled and painted
snake, and the other, a 40.6-cm. tree branch, whose slight bend gives
life to an otherwise lifeless mask. Possibly area of Cuetzalan, Puebla;
(a) 23 cm.; (b) 28 cm.; wood, paint, (a) ii.b.c. (b) iii.b.c.

91. General mask, Battle of the Fifth of May. The carvings of this long¬
faced General, probably a Frenchman, is bold and primitive, and very
little paint remains on the mask. There are still several wooden teeth
in the mouth. For another mask from the same dance, see Fig. 64.
Property of the University of Arizona. Zacapoaxtla, Puebla (Nahua);
26 cm.; wood, paint, horsehair, leather, i.b.c.
70 The Mask

93. Carnival dancers. These dancers wear fine attire and carry umbrel¬
las, in a dance which has ancient rain-petitioning significance. Their
beautiful masks, with glass eyes, are of the type seen in the studio in
Tlatempan in Fig. 147. Photograph by Ruth Lechuga. Amaxac de Gue¬
rrero, Tlaxcala, 1977. i.a.c.

94. Pig rump mask. This rump mask was worn by the character Maoma
(Mohammed), but is also called Goliath. Its wearers also wore Parachico
face masks. This rump mask is rather artless and heavy but has been
lovingly embellished with a great variety of materials, including curved
glass eyes and straw eyelashes. The mask is inscribed inside "1970
recuerdo [remembrance of] Jose Domingo FT" Property of the Univer¬
sity of Arizona. Ocozocoautla, Chiapas (Zoque); 29 cm.; wood, paint,
leather, mirror, wire, paper flowers, ribbons, straw, glass, iv.b.c.

95. Cow mask. This very expressive mask was worn in a dance for the
Fiesta of San Sebastian. The Cow appears in this fiesta together with
traditional Parachico dancers (see Fig. 96), who have similar hair head¬
dresses made of ixtle fiber. Property of the University of Arizona.
Suchiapa, Chiapas, iv.a.c.

\
 Regional Styles 71

painted with oil paint and/or enamel. Fig. 147 shows mask-maker Carlos Reyes
Acoltzi and his two sons. Reyes and one other master carver (who now lives and
works in the city of Puebla) are the only remaining makers of these fine, expen¬
sive wooden masks, which are still used in Tlaxcala today.
In addition to these extremely realistic masks, the dancers normally wear
frockcoats, black trousers, dress shirts, and white gloves, and carry umbrellas
(Fig. 93). This surprisingly sophisticated costume seems wildly out of place in
the small provincial towns of Tlaxcala where the dance is performed, and one
feels that one has just walked into a Fellini movie. Fifteen years ago, men also
took the parts of the women, wearing dresses, hats, and kerchiefs over their
faces instead of masks. While this dance appears very modern and sophisticated,
there is probably a shamanistic undercurrent to it. The umbrellas carried in the
fiesta that is conducted in the midst of the dry season may be a plea for rain.
This interpretation is further reinforced at the end of the dance, when dancers
wearing plumed hats (Fig. 33) carry pairs of whips made of ixtle, which they
96. Parachico dancer. He carries a tin hand rat¬ place on the ground in an arrangement that suggests serpents. As is pointed out
tle and wears an ixtle fiber wig. See Fig. 62 for
other Parachico masks. Chiapa de Corzo,
in Chapter 9, serpents are symbolic of rain and water, and whips are often used
Chiapas, 1941. i.a.c. as a substitute for them.
Chiapas. In identifying traditional styles, Chiapas presents the same type
of difficulty as Oaxaca, in that there are a great number of different Indian
groups in the state and that generational and village differences are often greater
than tribal ones. It can be said that Chiapas masks are somewhat better crafted
than those of Oaxaca, although they do not generally have the fine modeling of
facial detail found in other states. A good example of this is the Cow mask used
in the Fiesta of San Sebastian in Suchiapa, Chiapas (Fig. 95).
Chiapas does have highly original masks that stand out as being unmistak¬
ably from this state. These are the famous Parachico masks from Chiapa de
Corzo (Fig. 62), which are extremely realistic and well finished, and have glass
eyes. Even beard detail is carved into the masks. Also note the use of false
eyelashes to create more realism. One of these masks is shown in use in Fig. 96.
The Salc-Hol mask is also unique to Chiapas. It is a half-mask that seems to be
derived from Indian traditions rather than from European origins (Fig. 134).
Another unique mask from this state is the Tzotzil leather Carnival mask from
Huistan shown in Fig. 1611. Generally, these Carnival masks do not show any
97. Malinche mask, "Malintsi Este Dance"
facial details except for the sharp nose, the almond eyes, and the small round
(Lenten dance). Malinche is usually depicted
with far more derision than we see in this mouth. Facial painting patterns and a false moustache and goatee are sometimes
forty-year-old Zoque mask. The serious yet added to make the mask more colorful. Another distinctive Chiapas mask is the
plastic face has been carefully smoked to a reserved, restrained Zoque Malinche mask shown in Fig. 97, finely carved and
flat black, with only faint patches of the red
carefully smoked over a cooking fire to an inky black. Cardboard Zoque masks
undercoat showing through. This mask was
collected in 1970 by Dr. Tom Lee. The Indians, can be seen in Fig. 274.
particularly the Zoques, hung masks in the State of Mexico and Federal District. Excluding those from Mexico City
smoke of their kitchens so that they would (whose population is drawn from all the states of the country), the masks of the
acquire a sooty black color. Rayon Mescalapa,
state of Mexico and the Federal District tend to represent human subjects rather
Chiapas (Zoque); 18 cm.; wood, paint (under¬
coat only), soot, i.a.c. than animals, as in Guerrero, or Devils, as in Michoacan. Mask styles vary sub-
72 The Mask

98. Centurion helmet masks. These rare

masks are from the eighteenth or nineteenth
century, with richly carved headdresses
painted in the "Estofado" manner with poly¬
chrome colors and gold leaf. The dispropor¬
tionate fangs and nonhuman ears suggest evil.
The Centurions played the brutal guards of
Christ during Holy Week ceremonies. Over
the painted eyes of the mask on the left is
curved glass that was melted to shape by the
mask-maker, a feature found in other masks
of this age. Both masks have movable jaws
tied with thongs through holes in the side of
the head. Area of Toluca, state of Mexico; 5 8
cm. (approx.); wood, paint, glass, gold leaf.
II.A.C.

99. Negrito (Negro Sordo) mask, Dance of the

Negritos. This mask, made by Adelaido Al¬
varo, is being held by Santos Tesillo, ex-
mayordomo of the Dance of the Negritos in
Capulhuac, Mexico. Dancers wearing black
papier mache helmet masks like this one
stantially. Some masks, like the fine, old Centurions (Fig. 98), were painted in
guard the fields against animals. Probably they
the churchlike "Estofado" manner. Today, masks from this area are made far also fulfill the role of the black-faced clowns
more roughly. The Negrito masks by Adelaido Alvaro of Capulhuac, Mexico who are commonly used to clear the areas
(Fig. 99) are papier mache helmet masks in which only the nose is articulated, where the dancers perform in many parts of
Mexico (see Fig. 45). Information and photo¬
with slits for eyes and mouth. Considering the plasticity of papier mache and graph courtesy of Eduardo Dagach. Capulhuac,
what other groups (like the Coras) do with this medium, the starkness of these state of Mexico, i.b.c.
 Regional Styles 73

masks suggests that they are not designed to resemble actual Negroes so much
as one of the ancient black gods—Tezcatlipoca, Quetzalcoatl, or Ehecatl (see
Chapter 2).
More realistic and more commercial are the wax masks from Santa Maria
Astahuacan, Federal District, and from Chimalhuacan, State of Mexico. Figs.
166-168 show the process of making these masks, which are formed over a plas¬
ter mold.
Other Mask-making Areas. There are yet other areas of Mexico that pro¬
duce masks, although none as important as those described above. The state of
Morelos is one of these areas. Logically, one would suppose that, since its popu¬
lation is predominantly Nahua and it is bordered by Guerrero on one side and by
Puebla on the other, Morelos should produce a large number of masks; unfortu¬
nately, this is not the case, probably because Morelos is so close to the capital
and is criss-crossed with roads, and is therefore highly acculturated. Flowever, a
few excellent masks have been found in this state during the last fifteen years
(see Figs. 100, 212). Morelos is most famous for the Chinelo* masks of the
Tepoztlan area (Fig. 101). These Carnival masks are made from window screen¬
ing stretched over a wooden mold and trimmed with black, red, or white beards
and eyebrows. The major decorative accomplishment of the Chinelos is to be
found in their rich velvet costumes and beaded hats. Recently, these hats began
to feature small inset lights that can be turned off and on by the dancer.
Jalisco is another state in which masks have almost ceased to be produced,
100. Probably Emperor Maximilian mask. and only a small number of the old ones still exist. Perhaps the most characteris¬
Masks from Morelos are rare. The village of tic of the masks of Jalisco are the long-nosed leather Devil masks shown in Fig.
Axochiapan particularly had a masked dance 70. Another type of Jalisco mask is the crude human-faced mask with lizards
tradition. Today a few dances are still per¬
carved in its cheeks (Fig. 102). In style, this mask is more reminiscent of Gue¬
formed, but the masks are now usually of
cloth, paper, or other cheap material. In 1974 rrero than of neighboring Michoacan.
I saw a dance of Las Moras (Female Moors), The masks from Veracruz are crudely representational of human faces and
but no masks were used except by the King of are not generally finely finished or painted. In the masks of Noalinco, Veracruz
the Moors and the King of the Christians. This
mask is said to have been collected in 1925
(Fig. 103), there is a tendency to exaggerate the eyebrows, and the painted striped
by a Mexican resident of Cuernavaca. It prob¬ patterns of the moustaches and eyebrows suggest a possible African influence.
ably represents the Emperor Maximilian. Ap¬ As Veracruz had one of the largest concentrations of African slaves of the Mexi¬
parently Maximilian left behind in this area of
can states, these stripes may well be a survival of African face-painting designs.
Morelos some blue-eyed followers from his
forces, known as "Zuaves." Another, very
Veracruz masks sometimes also incorporate animal figures, although without
similar mask from this period has been found, the complexity or precision of the Guerrero and Puebla animal masks. Quite
having like coloring but a slightly different often, there are snake motifs, although these snakes probably do not function as
beard. Both masks are in superb condition but
water or rain symbols as do snakes in masks from drier areas. The symbolism
were made for use, as they have crescent¬
shaped eye slits above the eyes. These masks here probably relates to the abundance of poisonous snakes in the area, with the
have been given to the museum in Cuerna¬ snakes on the masks serving as talismans.
vaca. Property of Museo de Cuauhnahuac en
el Palacio de Cortes, Instituto Nacional de
The meaning of "Chinelo" is obscure. One in¬ Puebla is famed for its china poblana (Pueblan
Antropologia e Flistoria, Centro Regional
formant stated that the name derived from Chinese) costume, the clogs and thereby the
Morelos-Guerrero. Tepalcingo or Axochiapan,
the clogs, called chinelas, which were origi¬ dancers took on the "Chinese" appellation.
Morelos (Nahua); 34 cm.; wood, paint, i.a.c.
There has been no verification of this story,
nally worn by the dancers. These clogs were
supposedly purchased in Puebla, and since however.
74 The Mask

101. Chinelo Carnival dancer. These dancers wear masks of window 102. Character and dance unknown. It becomes very difficult to deter¬
screening shaped over a mold for their pre-Lenten festivities. Great care mine the age of a mask that has been under protection in a collection.
and expense are lavished on their beaded hats and velvet costumes. When this one was brought to our door in 1969 it looked familiar. After
Photograph by Toni Beatty. Tepoztlan, Morelos, February 1977. i.a.c. purchase, I found it pictured in Mexican Folkways, vol. 5, no. 3 (1929),
p. 116. At that time it was owned by a Sr. Jubilo. Nothing more is
known about it except that in the 1929 photograph the missing teeth
and worn nose were exactly as they are here. The earless mask has a
lizard and a frog carved onto the cheeks. Jalisco; 28 cm.; wood, paint.
II.B.C.

\
 Regional Styles 75

103. Wooden mask. The colors used in this

distinctive mask are largely red and white.
Courtesy of the Instituto de Antropologfa,
Universidad Veracruzana, Jalapa, Veracruz.
Noalinco, Veracruz (20 km. north of Jalapa).

104. Carnival masks, Macho Cabrillo (Goat)

Dance. These small goatman masks have both
a cheerful and a sinister aspect. The faces are
carved with twisted noses, a feature also seen
in the masks of other cultures, such as the
Seneca, the Northwest Coast Indians, African
tribes, and the Eskimo. The significance of
this nose in these Hidalgo masks is unknown,
but facial expressions are generally exagger¬
ated for Carnival festivities. Mask a property
of the University of Arizona; mask b property
of the Smithsonian Institution. El Nante,
Hidalgo (Otomi); 16 cm. (mask only); wood,
paint, goat horns, wire, ribbon, bells, horse¬
Otomi masks from El Nante, Hidalgo, are small goatlilce human masks of
hair. II.B.C. hardwood, with little articulation of facial features except for the nose, which is
often twisted, as in Fig. 104.
The last mask-making state to be mentioned here is Guanajuato, which
produces millions of papier mache masks that are sold throughout Mexico.
Generally, these are brightly painted Devils and Death masks. Both types are
extremely popular with Mexicans, but tourists generally avoid the Death masks
and buy only the Devils, a reflection of different cultural attitudes toward
death. Two fine wooden masks from Leon, Guanajuato, may be seen in Fig. 155.
The Mayans of the Yucatan Peninsula, whose ancestors produced some of
the finest of all the Pre-Conquest masks, do not make any masks now, as far as I
can determine. This is surprising, given the fact that their indigenous traditions
are still strong.
PART It THE
MAKING OF MASKS

105. Character and dance unknown. Mask b

is from the late nineteenth century and is very
finely crafted, with cloth beneath the paint
and touches of gold leaf. It was purchased in
Atzacualoya, Guerrero, from an elderly Indian,
who had no information about it, although he
had had it for a long time. Masks a and c are
later copies of this style and much cruder in
execution. In the Codex Borgia we see the face
of the Earth God Tlaltecuhtli looking out from
the open jaw of a cipactli (Fig. 249 of this
volume)—a convention similar to that used
here and in the Frog Devil Masks in Fig. 248.
All of these may have a similar meaning sur¬
viving from Pre-Hispanic times. Mask a from
Collections of the International Folk Art
Foundation in the Museum of International
Folk Art, Santa Fe, New Mexico; mask c prop¬
erty of the University of Arizona. Guerrero;
(a) 80 cm.; (b) 101 cm.; (c)js cm.; wood, paint,
cloth (b), gold leaf (b). ii.a.c.

106. Devil mask and costume. This open-

mouthed, bovine Devil mask retains the Pre-
Conquest conception of Tlaloc, the rain god,
as a twisted snake (closely associated with
water) forms the nose. The staff and the cos¬ THE OBJECTIVE of Part II is the documentation of the art of mask-making.
tume are basically European in nature, except Since mask-making is a traditional art form in Mexico, with hundreds of years
perhaps for the pair of open-mouthed serpents
of history, it is impossible to understand contemporary masks completely
attached on either side of the staff. See Fig.
107 for a Pre-Hispanic clay vessel representing without understanding their historical context. Consequently, Part II is divided
Tlaloc with his twisted snake nose. Property into three chapters: Chapter 5, "Links to the Past," a brief synopsis of relevant
of the University of Arizona. Chilacachapa,
Pre-Conquest and Colonial mask-making traditions; Chapter 6, "Mask-mak¬
Guerrero; height of mask, including horns:
39 cm.; depth from nose to back: 29 cm.
ers," a discussion of modern artisans; and Chapter 7, "Mask Materials," a de¬
IV.B.D. scription of the materials, tools, and techniques that are in use today.
 5. Links to the Past
Oh, golden flower opened up
she is our mother
whose thighs are holy
whose face is a dark mask. . . .

(“Poem to the Mother of the Gods” [Aztec];

Rothenberg, ed., 1972, p. 282)

MEXICO is and has always been a mask culture, and its tradition of mask¬
making stretches back for thousands of years. Many //modern,/ mask types,
mask symbols, and mask-making techniques derive from this Pre-Hispanic her¬
itage. Contemporary masks must be viewed as part of this tradition if they are to
be fully understood.
The objective of this section is to provide a brief discussion of Pre-Conquest
and Early Colonial masks that have influenced contemporary masks. This dis¬
cussion is a limited one, in part because of the scarcity of historical records,
which makes definitive correlations almost impossible. Only a few of the Pre-
Conquest masks have survived; these are generally made from clay or stone and
do not represent the full spectrum of mask types. The early Spanish chroniclers
tended to pay scant attention to masks in their descriptions of the gods and
rites, and most of the Indian pictorial codices were burned. Over 450 years of
cultural interaction with the Spanish, the Catholic Church, and African slaves
further complicate any historical analysis; a detailed discussion of these influ¬
ences is far beyond the scope of this book. I have included here only those mate¬
rials which I feel are relevant to modern Mexican masks.
107. Clay vessel with the face of Tlaloc, god of
rain. In Museum fur Volkerkunde, Berlin. The
ANCIENT MASKS drawing is Vs natural size. After Comentarios
al Codice Borgia (Seler 1963), vol. 1, Fig. 301.
Face Painting. The inclusion of face painting as a mask type may seem odd,
but the function of a mask is to disguise and transform its wearer. Face painting in
its ritualistic and ceremonial aspects has the same goal and so should be classified
as a type of mask. In all likelihood, the first mask was the painted face, as
natural dyes (such as ash, vegetable juices, and colored clays) were readily avail¬
able, and people did not require great technological skill to utilize them. The
face has comparatively flat surfaces on which to paint, and it is generally con¬
sidered the center of an individual's personality or soul. The face is the feature
that must be changed if that personality is to be replaced and transformed.
 Links to the Past 79

Although far more sophisticated masks were available at the time of the
Conquest, face painting was also used. In the Florentine Codex (Sahagun 1951,
p. 120), we read: “And when they [the captives] were being cast into the fire,
there then went dancing [one arrayed as a] squirrel. He was bedecked with a
small feather crest; he had a crest. The painting on his face was in two colors. He
wore a small box upon his back as he went, in which was a small dried rabbit/'
Face painting is still practiced in Mexico today among the Indian groups
that have had minimal outside contact, such as the Huichols (Fig. 108) and the
Seris (Fig. 109). The Mayos and the Yaquis also use face-painting motifs on their
Pascola masks (Figs. 72, 74). In addition to face painting, another custom similar
to that mentioned above in the Florentine Codex may have also survived, as it is
still common to find clowns (Huiquixtles) carrying dried, stuffed squirrels and
other animals as they clear the field for other dancers.
In ancient Mexico, the body was often painted as well as the face, as is noted
in the Historia de las Indias: ". . . three days before the fiesta the priests were
painted, some white, some black, others green, others blue, others red ... In
short, they were very strange, because in addition to the many colors, 1,000
figures were made on the body, of devils, serpents, tigers, lizards and similar
things. They danced all the day before stopping" (Gomara 1966, 2:426).
108. Huichol face painting. A Huichol Indian Although a few Mexican Indian groups (such as the Coras and the Tara-
with his face painted for the peyote ceremony.
humaras) continue to paint their bodies for fiestas, the preceding passage is of
The face paint is made from a yellow root said
to be obtained in the state of Zacatecas during interest mainly because of the mention of the creatures which were painted on
the peyote-gathering pilgrimage. 1937. the bodies. These creatures remain important symbols in contemporary masks
and are discussed in greater detail in Chapter 9.
Fig. no shows a carved wooden Maromero (Tight-Rope Dancer) from
Igualapa, Guerrero, whose costume chiefly consists of body painting, complete
with the representation of an ancient green jade necklace.
Bone Masks. Bone was, of course, readily available to the ancients and
could be easily worked with simple tools. Further, bone had intrinsic, magical
properties within the shamanistic religious framework of Indian Mexico,- it em¬
bodied the soul, the spirit of the animal. Since shamanism was largely con¬
cerned with controlling natural forces (such as the abundance of animals) in
order to ensure survival, it is logical that bone was an important mask material.
One of the earliest artifacts that can be tentatively identified as a mask was
fashioned from the fossilized vertebra of a llama to resemble the head of a coyote
(Fig. hi). Found in Tequixquiac, state of Mexico, it is thirteen centimeters in
height and dates from around 12,000 to 10,000 b.c. Whether this vertebra is or is
not a mask is open to debate, but I feel that it probably is. Its small size is not
significant, since masks of this size and smaller are still used in Mexico today. It
is also not significant that there do not seem to be any holes on the outer edges
of this mask for fastening it over the face, since bone masks used today are se¬
cured in a different manner (Fig. 112). Whether one can see out through this
109. Seri face painting. An old blind woman
shows Seri face painting of simple everyday
mask can only be determined by wearing it; in Pre-Conquest times, there were a
variety. Punta Chueca, Sonora, 1963. large number of small masks without any eye openings at all. These were hung
 80 The Making of Masks

110. Maromero (Tightrope Dancer) masks and

Maromero somersault figure, Lenten Fiesta
and Fair. During the Lenten Fiesta in Igualapa,
Guerrero, two dancers, wearing the old masks
seen here, manipulated the somersault "danc¬
er" by the pole that pierces its body. The loose¬
ly jointed doll swings with great movement
and added fun and excitement to this famous
fiesta. These three pieces are probably fifty
years old. Collections of the International Folk
Art Foundation in the Museum of Internation¬
al Folk Art, Santa Fe, New Mexico. Igualapa,
Guerrero (Nahua); (a) 25 cm.; (b) 65 cm.; (c)
29 cm.; wood, paint, i.a.c.

about the neck or waist and called amulets. More recently, small masks have
been sewn onto costumes to serve as protection against evil spirits, as can be
seen in Fig. 202.
A modern bone mask is shown in Fig. 112. It is from Mochitlan, Guerrero,
and is made from the pelvis bone of a cow or other large mammal. Another pel¬
vic bone mask is one made by the Northwest Coast Indians (Fig. 113), which
demonstrates the diffusion of shamanism in the Americas. (See Chapter 8.)
Crowns. One element of shamanism that has had wide distribution
throughout American Indian cultures is the use of crowns. While no Pre-Con¬
quest crowns have yet been found, possibly because they were made of perish¬
111. Fossil vertebra of a llama fashioned to
able materials, there are many indications of their existence. Fig. 114 shows resemble the head of a coyote. In the National
contemporary crowns made by the Seris of Nayarit and the Nahuas of Guerrero. Museum of Anthropology, Mexico City. After
Similar crowns are to be found among the Buryat and the Altai of Siberia (Fig. a photograph by Irmgard Groth, Bernal t968,
p. 32. Tequixquiac, state of Mexico; 13 cm.;
115). Andreas Lommel (1967, pp. 108—109) tells us that after a Buryat shaman
bone. 12,000—10,000 B.c.
undergoes a special ritual initiation, he receives an iron hat shaped like a crown
and made of a hoop with two cross hoops attached to it. Among the Altai people,
these crowns were sometimes worn instead of masks.
Leather and Skin Masks. The evidence that Pre-Hispanic Indians used
masks made from leather is given by Francisco Lopez de Gomara: "All garb
themselves in their finest array,- some stain themselves with soot, others cover
 Links to the Past 81

112. Mojiganga Procession mask. This

masked musician plays a drum and partici¬
pates in the Mojiganga Procession. Both men themselves with leaves and others don leather masks" (1965, 1:69). Because of
and women take part in this procession, which the perishability of leather, none of these masks have survived, nor were they
announces the fiesta and the dances that fol¬
low. The mask is made from the pelvis of a
described in sufficient detail to make possible any comparisons to modern
cow or other large mammal. (See also Figs. leather masks. Leather masks were probably more widely used than those
113, 156.) Photograph by Marcos Ortiz. fashioned from gold and other precious materials, though the latter are most
Mochitlan, Guerrero, 1974; pelvis bone.
noted in the commentaries.
IV.B.C.
In Pre-Columbian times, masks were also made from the human skin of
sacrificial victims. In the History of the Indians of New Spain, Fray Toribio de
Motolinia wrote, "They beheaded two female slaves at the top of the steps be¬
fore the altar and the idols. There they flayed their bodies and faces and cut off
their thigh bones. In the morning the leading Indians put on the skins, even the
skin of the face like a mask" (1950, p. 66). This practice is also confirmed by
other sources* The sacrificial victims represented the gods themselves; thus
these skin masks, which were the faces of the gods, constituted the ultimate
religious transformation for their wearers.

* In the Florentine Codex, for instance, wc read rated. . . . Now he departed, in order to bear
“Here [this one] was waiting. He had his mask his mask, made of the skin flayed from the
made of the skin of the thigh [of her who had leg [of the woman who had represented Toci],
been the likeness of Tocij; and he put on his off to the enemy's land" (Sahagun 1951, pp.
peaked cap, which was curved back and ser¬ 112, 114).
 82 The Making of Masks

114. Seri crown (left); Nahua crown (right).

Wooden Masks. As wood is the most popular material used in masks to¬
day, it is logical to assume that it was also a common mask material in ancient
115. Altai crown. After Lommel 1967, p. 109.
Mexico. In illustrations in the codices we see towering masks and headdresses,
undoubtedly made from lightweight wood and probably decorated with huge
superstructures of bark paper. Because of climatic conditions, none of these
wooden masks have survived, and it is impossible to establish any direct corre¬
lation to modern masks.
Helmet Masks. When I first saw carved wooden helmet masks from sev¬
eral small villages in the state of Guerrero, I was confused and surprised, never
having previously heard of or seen them in any dance during my years in
Mexico. Immediately I thought of the large European Carnival masks of France
and Italy and guessed that the idea might have been brought to Mexico. How¬
ever, the appearances of these masks made this seem unlikely, for, though no
one in the village remembered when or how they had been used, the masks de¬
picted animals and, most particularly, the Lord of the Animals, a central Indian
motif (Figs. 116-117).
I then found that these masks do have Pre-Hispanic antecedents. The first
mention of the use of helmet masks is found in Gomara: "Many come with
feather helmets or masks, made in the form of the heads of eagle, tiger, alligator
and wild animals" (1966, 2:139). More direct evidence of their use is found in the
small archaeological figures which were discovered in several different
localities. Figs. 118-119 show a clay sculpture of a dancer from the late Classic
period (a.d. 600-900) from southern Veracruz. Like other sculptures from the
same period, it represents a figure over whose head fits a removable clay helmet
mask.

v
 Links to the Past 83

116-117. Helmet mask, Bat Dance. Here are two views of a fine old
helmet mask that shows great ability in composition and execution. In
Fig. 116 we see the inevitable male face, whom we believe to be the
Lord of the Animals, who accompanies the animals in so many Mexi¬
can masks. Atop the head is a baby bat, which faces backward, as can
be seen in Fig. 117. Fig. 117 shows a large bat with wings spread. The
genital area of the bat becomes the mouth of the human face, with
teeth (a vagina with teeth?). The human countenance behind the bat
body has eyes with slits for the dancer to see through. Property of the
University of Arizona. San Francisco, Guerrero (Nahua); height: 49
cm.; circumference: 104 cm.; wood, paint. (Fig. 116) ii.a.c. (Fig. iij)
V.B.D.
84 The Making of Masks

The removable masks on these figures often represent skulls. Some con¬
temporary Mexican wooden helmet masks also have a skull on one side, with
another figure, very often a bat, on the reverse side (Figs. 120-121). The Pre-
Columbian removable helmets, on the other hand, portray only one face each,
not two. The actual use of these small clay figures is not known, but it can be
assumed from their elaborate costumes and headdresses that they had ceremo¬
nial significance.
Contemporary helmet masks may be made of wood, leather, or papier
mache. We know of a wooden Tigre mask with a leather back added to make it
into a helmet mask. The heavy leather helmet mask shown in Fig. 5 5 is so thick
and stiff that it must be soaked in water before it can be worn. The old so-called
Vaquero leather helmets (Fig. 22) have wooden noses and horns. A papier mache
helmet mask is seen in Fig. 99.
Wax Masks. Wax is a fragile material that in my opinion was used in
Pre-Hispanic times, both alone and as a base for mosaic on wooden masks. Pro¬
fessor Jorge Angulo, former director of the Cuahnahuac Museum of Cuernavaca,
informs me that in the excavation of a tomb in Zaachila, Oaxaca, stone mosaics
were found scattered on the floor of the tomb with vestiges of the wax mask in
which they were embedded still remaining. The wood had long since disinte¬
grated. Wax was abundant in ancient Mexico. At the time of the Conquest,
Motolinia commented: 'There is a great deal of wax and honey in these
mountains, especially in Campeche. They say that there is as much honey and
wax there, and just as good, as in Safi, Africa" (1950, p. 220). One can assume
that this bounty was used by Pre-Conquest Indians.

118-119. Pre-Conquest clay figure with mask.

The removable mask is shown in place (Fig.
119) and removed (Fig. 118). From the collec¬
tion of Dr. Kurt Stavenhagen, Mexico City,-
photograph by Wiltraud Zehnder.

\
 Links to the Past 85

120-121. Helmet mask, Bat Dance (December 23) and Devil Dance
(La Navidad, September 8). The bat and the human face are always an
interesting combination in Mexican masks, as can be seen in Fig. 120,
showing one view of a splendid helmet mask. The ribcage of the bat
here bridges the human nose, while the bat legs are transformed into
moustaches. Fig. 121 shows the reverse side, a strong Death mask in
the tradition of a Pre-Hispanic motif that pervades many genres of folk
art in modern Mexico. The only bat characteristic seen here is incor¬
porated into the nose of the skull. Tlacozotitlan, Guerrero (Nahua);
54 cm.; wood, paint, ii.b.c.
 86 The Making of Masks

Wax is commonly used as a mask-making material today, as in the masks

from Santa Maria Astahuacan, Federal District, which are formed over a plaster
mold in a process described in Chapter 6 and shown in Figs. 166-168.
Stone and Clay Masks. Because of the durability of clay, we have direct
and unequivocal evidence of mask use in Mexico by the Pre-Formative people
who inhabited the area of Tlatilco about 1500 b.c. These people left behind
small clay figures of shamans holding masks in their hands: these masks were
probably used in magical ceremonies. Other figures include masked dancers
with decorations wrapped about their legs (Fig. 122), reminding one of the but¬
terfly cocoons used by the Mayo Indian dancers of Sonora today (Fig. 123). It is
not known what material was used in making the Tlatilco masks—possibly
clay, since this is a clay region, although it might just as well have been wood.
In contrast to the masks described above, the surviving clay and stone
masks are commonly classified as mortuary masks, as they were usually discov¬
ered in tombs. As shown in Fig. 124, some of these masks have no eyeholes and
were probably specifically made for the dead. Others, such as the Guerrero and
Chontal masks and the beautiful Olmec mask shown in Figs. 124-126, do have
eyeholes, whose presence suggests other possible uses. One might well think
that such masks were worn by the living, as they have eyes cut to see through, a 122. Pre-Classic clay figurine with leg decora¬
place for the nose, and even nostril holes drilled so that the wearer could tions. From the collection of Miguel Cova-
rrubias. After Covarrubias 1957, facing p. 14.
breathe. The sides of such masks may also be perforated so that they could be
Tlatilco, Valley of Mexico, Middle Zacatenco
tied over the face. There are three possible explanations for this type of con¬ Period.
struction. The first possibility is that these masks were made for, and worn by,
the living and were simply buried with their owners. Second, they may have
been used on wooden idols within the tombs, idols that have long since disin¬
tegrated.* Finally, all this splendid work may have been done so that the wearer
could wake up comfortably after death in another world.
Stone masks have been made of jade, diorite, porphyry, granite, quartz, and
alabaster. Many mortuary masks, however, were made of clay (Cordry 1973, p.
2). One interesting Pre-Hispanic use of masks is found in the clay funeral offer¬
ings that depict a dog wearing the mask of the deceased (Fig. 127). These offer¬
ings, which are particularly prevalent in Colima, illustrate the belief that the
Aztec god Xolotl in his guise as a dog leads the deceased in the journey to the
underworld. Miguel Covarmbias writes, 'The clay dogs, made obviously as a
funerary offering, are modeled with extraordinary realism; they are shown
standing, seated on their hind legs, curled asleep, rolling on their backs, with
bones in their mouths, barking, and so forth" (1957, p. 93). Other animals were
also portrayed wearing masks (Fig. 128), possibly as part of a shamanistic ritual
with the human face disguising the animal nature behind it, or with the shaman
taking the characteristic of the animal whose power he utilized.

* The use of masks on idols was probably a and they dressed it with great ceremony, and
common practice, as noted by Fray Juan de covered its ugly face, with an uglier and more
Torquemada: "They arrayed this Idol in horrible mask" (1969, 2: 290).
vestments of the God Quetzalcohuatl. . . .
 Links to the Past 87

124. Olmec stone mask. Courtesy of the In¬

stituto de Antropologia, Universidad Vera¬
cruzana, Jalapa, Veracruz. Las Choapas, Vera¬
cruz. I.A.C.

123. Pascola dancer. This dancer wears a 125-126. Exterior and interior of Olmec stone
small mask (see also Figs. 72 and 73) and a belt mask. Dated approximately a.d. 600-800.
with bells. In his hand is a special Mayo rattle. Courtesy of the Instituto de Antropologia,
The cocoon leggings are possibly a survival of Universidad Veracruzana, falapa, Veracruz.
Pre-Cortesian leg ornaments seen on early Las Choapas, Veracruz, i.a.c.

figures from Tlatilco (see Fig. 122). The Mayo

cocoon leg rattles, or teneboim, are from a
"giant silk moth (whose silk is not utilized),
Rothschildia Jorulla. The moth attaches co¬
coons to shmbs where Mayos and Yaquis gath¬
er them in the spring" (Fontana, Faubert, and
Burn 1977, p. 48). Pebbles and sand are put
into the cocoons. Pueblo Viejo, Sonora, 1938
(Mayo), i.b.c.
 88 The Making of Masks

While very few stone masks are made today clay was commonly employed
as a mask material in the state of Michoacan up until very recent times. Fig. 160
shows a typical example of one of these clay masks; notice the delicacy of
execution. Some of the famous Michoacan Viejito masks were also made of clay.
But today clay is most commonly used as a mold for making papier mache and
leather masks. The common papier mache Carnival masks, sold in almost any
market in Mexico, are made over these clay molds in Toluca and Guanajuato.
Some of these molds, as well as the masks, are works of excellent craftsmanship.
Masks of Precious Materials. The most important of the Pre-Conquest
masks, at least in the eyes of the conquistadores, were those fashioned from
gold, turquoise, mother-of-pearl, emeralds, etc. The early Spanish accounts
abound with references to these masks and the materials that they were made
from. One typical account is as follows:

. . they had and worshiped 2,000 gods, of which the principal ones
were Vicilopuchtli and Tezcatlipucatl. . . They were of stone, well pro¬
127. Pre-Columbian clay funerary offering.
portioned, although with ugly and frightening faces, as large as fully- Miguel Covarrubias describes this sculpture as
grown giants; they were covered with mother-of-pearl, many pearls and a "dog wearing a human mask, with holes in
pieces of gold were inserted through the outer layer, mounted and glued the ears for earrings. Other animals shown in
collections of Colima effigy-vessels are storks,
with a paste they call tzacotli. Birds, serpents, animals, fishes, flowers, parrots, a turtle with a dog's head, snakes, fish,
roses made in mosaic style with turquoise, emeralds, chalaydony ame¬ sharks, a crab, a tarantula, shells, and snails—
thysts and other fine stones, were beautifully executed, and the mother- the representative fauna of the country" (Co¬
varrubias 1957, pi. 93). Courtesy of the Museo
of-pearl was revealed which shone greatly. Each of these idols had a thick
Nacional de Antropologia, I.N.A.H., S.E.P.
chain of gold girded around its body, in the manner of a snake, and at the State of Colima, v.a.c.
neck a thick necklace of gold down to the shoulders, from which hung
ten human hearts, also of gold, with mirror eyes, that by night and by day
shone greatly and in the darkness caused great terror; at the back of the
head it had a face of a dead person; very dead, but none the less frighten¬
ing. (Cervantos de Salazar 1936, 2:4s).*

Another sixteenth-century chronicler, an eyewitness to the Conquest, tells

of Cortes climbing the steps of the Great Temple in Tenochtitlan, where, with
an iron bar, he attacked the stone statues of the gods, especially that of Huitzil-
opochtli, the Aztec tutelary god, which he hit between the eyes: “. . . and this
way he removed the gold masks with the bar . . ." (Tapia 1971, p. 585).
A surviving mosaic mask made of precious materials is shown in the Oc¬
tober 1968 National Geographic, where it is described as follows: "Mosaic mask

* Some other accounts of masks made from of precious materials are included in a listing
precious materials, are as follows. Torque- of the ransom that Grijalva obtained. It reads:
mada comments upon the masks given as . . . Two gilded masks.
gifts to Juan de Grijalva by a cacique: A mosaic mask with gold.
“.. . three or four masks, parts covered with Four masks made of gilded wood, of
turquoise stones... set in the manner of which one had two straight rods of tur¬
mosaic work. . . and parts covered with quoise mosaic, and the other had ears
leaves of gold..." (1969, 1: 354). In the of the same, only with more gold . . .
Historia General de las Indias, masks made (Gomara 1966, 2: ij).
 Links to the Past 89

128. Archaeological figure of a turtle. This little three-legged animal

had a shaman's horn on its brow and wears a human face mask. (See
discussions of horned masks on pp. 173-174.) One can see very clearly
where the horn was, and one can only regret that this member was
broken at some remote time. West Coast; n.s cm.; clay, v.b.d.

129. Mosaic mask in the Pre-Columbian tradition. This mask, made in

recent times, follows the ancient mosaic tradition of Mexico. The wood
base has turquoise inlaid around the eyes and on the upper cheeks, but
plastic is used for the rest of the mosaic with such ingenuity that the
mask remains both beautiful and effectively strong. It is not known
whether this mask was ever used for a dance or whether it was made
purely for sale. Ixcateopan, Guerrero (Nahua); 21 cm.; wood, paint,
turquoise, plastic, i.b.c.

may have fitted a wooden figure used in religious ceremonies. Chips of tur¬
quoise and red shell encrust a serpentine base; obsidian pupils peer from
mother-of-pearl eyes. The life-size mask came from the Pacific Coast State of
Guerrero, a hundred miles from Teotihuacan but once under its sway." *
The making of such masks required not only great wealth but also a high
degree of craftsmanship and religious motivation on the part of the Indians.
After the Conquest, as their wealth and religious motivation disappeared, so did
the high level of craftsmanship. Masks made of precious materials are no longer
a major part of the mask-making tradition, though a few have been made in
modern times. See, for example, the silver masks in Figs. 21 and 154, made
between 1890 and 1910. It is surprising that these masks, which weigh up to 1.7
kilos each, have survived, rather than being cut into pieces to be sold.

* Bart McDowell, with photographs by B. An- Past," National Geographic, October 1968,
thony Stewart, "Mexico's Window on the p. 501
90 The Making of Masks

In recent years in Ixcateopan, Guerrero, beautifully executed copies of tur¬

quoise mosaic masks have been made, in which white or black plastic is used
together with real turquoise to simulate the ancient masks; these are sold to
tourists (Fig. 129).

PRE-CONQUEST USES OF MASKS

The existence of masks made from gold, jade, turquoise, and other precious ma¬
terials indicates that the Indians of ancient Mexico must have placed tremen¬
dous importance on masks. Fig. 130, from the Codex Tro-Cortesianus, shows a
Mayan artisan who appears to be working on a mask, suggesting that mask¬
making was a large industry that involved many highly skilled craftsmen. Yet,
while it is obvious that masks played a major role in the religion, there is very

130. Mayan craftsman at work. After the

Codex Tro-Cortesianus, p. 65. Alfred M.
Tozzer states that figures such as that being
worked on here are "braseros" (1907, pp. 108,
109). Eric Thompson has suggested that they
are wooden idols (1970, p. 191). I suggest that
they are probably masks.

131. Eagle Knight mask, Azteca Dance. This

old, well-worn mask was used in the Toto-
zintla-Tixtla-Huitziltepec area of Guerrero.
The carving is finely conceived and executed
with unusual sweeping feathers at the rear of
the mask and large red and green ear orna¬
ments. The mask represents a warrior of the an¬
cient Chichimecs who fights against the Chris¬
tians. Guerrero (Nahua); 42 cm. (approx.);
wood (zompantle), paint, ii.a.c.

\
 Links to the Past 91

little information extant about the circumstances in which they were used.
Most of the ceremonies in which masks were employed were quickly sup¬
pressed by the Catholic Church because of their "idol-worshiping" nature. Con¬
sequently, only a few of these old usages can be shown to have had any direct
influence on contemporary uses. In keeping with the intent of this chapter, only
those Pre-Conquest uses of masks that seem to have influenced modern usage
will be presented in the text. I have, however, included a brief discussion of
some of the "nonrelevant" uses in the notes for the interested reader.
Warfare. In Pre-Hispanic Mexico, warfare was almost continuous. Most of
these wars were not territorial conflicts, but wars whose main purpose was to
capture sacrificial victims; they are commonly called "flower wars." Warriors
normally wore terrifying masks depicting jaguars, eagles, and other beasts to in¬
spire fear in the enemy, as the wearer was thought to assume the qualities of the
animal/god represented in the mask (Cordry 1973, p. 2).
The use of Eagle and Jaguar masks is found today in the Azteca and Tenoch-
tli dances, garbled versions of the fall of Tenochtitlan in which the struggle be¬
tween the Aztecs and Cortes's army is recreated (Fig. 131). Irene and Arturo
Warman suggest in Lo efimero y eterno del arte popular de Mexico (1971, 2:743)
that Conquest dances are probably variants of the Dance of the Moors and
Christians, introduced in Mexico during the early sixteenth century, but both
132. Xolotl as the double of Tezcatlipoca. the eagle and the jaguar were animal symbols most closely equated with war
Shown by the deformed foot sign at bottom
and power in the Aztec mind, and the use of these masks suggests a survival of
right. As seen in the Codex Borbonicus. After
Comentaiios al Codice Borgia (Seler 1963),
this concept.
vol. 2, Fig. 213. Representations of the Gods. In religious rites in ancient Mexico, masks
were worn not merely to represent a particular god but to transform the wearer
into that god. This is not actually a specific use of masks but the primary func¬
tion of all masks. The numerous gods in the Pre-Hispanic pantheon were dif¬
ferentiated from one another by the assignment of distinct characteristics to
each. The Aztec god Xolotl, for example, was associated with the dog; Tezcatli-
poca, with burning or mirror eyes and the jaguar; and Quetzalcoatl with the
plumed serpent. Also, the gods were identified by specific vestments and objects
held in their hands (Caso 1958, p. 21), in much the same way as the Catholic
Church used to identify its saints. The coloring of these symbols was also impor¬
tant; many gods were associated with identical objects, but of different colors.
Modern masks frequently incorporate many of these identifying symbols.
Because of the long time span and the lack of documentation, it is impossible to
state whether these symbols are direct survivals or simply represent traditional
motifs that have been passed down from generation to generation but have los,t
their original meanings. The similarity of some masks to older prototypes and
their use in some of the contemporary dances strongly suggest that there are
many such "survivals" in modern masks. Part III deals with this issue in greater
depth.
One example, however, of a possible direct survival (as opposed to a sym¬
bolic one) is the Sak-Hol (White Head) mask used in the Fiesta of San Sebastian
 92 The Making of Masks

in the Tzotzil village of Zinacantan, Chiapas (Fig. 134). This is a simple leather
mask, covered with tinfoil; it covers only the upper half of the face. Although
half-masks are extremely uncommon in Mexico today, there are many Pre-
Columbian archaeological figures with masks covering just the upper or lower
half of the face. It could be argued that the Sak-Hol mask may be a variant of the
half-masks used in Pre-Hispanic Mexico (Fig. 135a). The remoteness of Zina¬
cantan leads me to believe that this could be an indigenous survival.
Protection. In Pre-Flispanic Mexico, masks were often worn for protection
against evil spirits, against illness,* and in funeral rites.t Of these three uses of
masks, the only one that seems to have a possible connection to modern use is
that of protection against evil spirits. According to Sahagun (1953, pp. 27-28),
during the Aztec New Fire ceremony (which was performed every fifty-two
years to rekindle the sun), pregnant women and children wore masks of maguey
leaves, to protect them from changing into wild beasts and mice, respectively.
The connection of this practice to modern masks comes not in the ritual itself
but in the use of maguey as a mask material.
While I have not encountered any masks specifically of maguey leaves,
there is one mask from San Juan de las Colchas, Michoacan, made from the
heart (quiote) of the maguey (Fig. 173). The maguey plant has always been con¬
sidered a magical plant with special properties; thus its use as a protective agent
is readily understandable. Some of the names of the over two hundred species of
maguey are very revealing of this aspect of the plant: maguey manso (tame
maguey), maguey bravo (savage maguey), maguey bruto (beastly maguey), and
maguey curandero (healer maguey). Since most makers of wooden masks be¬
lieve that masks embody the magical properties of the material they are made
from, it is logical to assume that this modern mask is also thought to incorpo¬
rate some of the characteristics of the maguey itself.
Entertainment. In Pre-Conquest Mexico, as today, there were some
dances which must be classified as entertainment, although they may also have

* As noted in Datos para la historia de la far- been a stylized mask of the king. When the
macia pre-cortesiana, "For as long as the ill¬ king died, Gomara continues, a mask "painted
ness of some individual lasted, his face was with devils" [pagan gods] was placed over his
covered with masks of Ffuizilopochtli or of face.
Tezcatlipoca" (Rea 1953, pp. 10-11). In the
Historia General de las Indias Gomara com¬ t When mortuary bundles were the custom, a
ments upon how masks were utilized as a pre¬ mask of stone, wood, or possibly copper was
caution against illness: "When the King of tied to the top of the bundle. "Of the ceremo¬
Mexico is sick, masks are put on Tezcatlipoca nies with which they buried the lords, and
or Vitcilopuchtli or on another idol, and they those who were not, in this New Spain . . . All
are left there until he recuperates or dies" assembled together, they put the dead body in
(Gomara 1966, 2: 394). These two statements order, wrapping him up in fifteen or twenty
are quite different. In the first, the mask of the exquisite capes woven with a design . . ., and
god is put on the individual. In the second, a when he was shrouded and his face covered,
mask was put on one of the idols mentioned, they placed a painted mask on top" (Mendieta
but this statement does not tell us what mask 1945, 1: 178).
was thus used. One wonders if it could have
 Links to the Past 93

Hk
r.tej

134. Sak-Hol (White Head) mask. Used by the

Tzotzil Indians of Zinacantan, Chiapas, for the
Fiesta of San Sebastian. Mask and information
courtesy of Walter "Chip" Morris.

133. Devil masks. These masks are now in their mouths, not with their hands. They alive. When this was similarly done, these
termed Devil masks because of the Spanish in¬ took them only in their teeth, when they very same macateca performed [the swallow¬
fluence but may at one time have represented seized them in the water, there before [the ing]." (Ibid., p. 188)
something else. Each figure holds in its mouth image of] Tlaloc. And the Ma£ateca went This ritual is similar to a dance for rain done
a snake that becomes its nose. A hint as to eating the serpents with which they went by the Hopi of New Mexico.
their possible Pre-Hispanic meaning is given dancing. Mask a property of the University of Ari¬
in the Florentine Codex: "And he who first finished with a serpent— zona. (a) Apaxtla, Guerrero; (b) Cuetzala,
"And [an image of] Tlaloc was set in place. who swallowed it—then raised a shout and a Guerrero; (c) Copalillo, state of Mexico; (d)
Before him was [a vessel of] water. It was full of cry; he circled the temple. And they offered Michoacan-, (a) 44 cm., including horns; (b)
serpents and frogs. And they who were called gifts to those who swallowed serpents." (Saha- 31 cm.; (c) 44 cm.; (d) 35 cm.; wood, paint (a,
Magateca swallowed the serpents [while still] gun 1951, pp. 163-164) b, d), animal teeth (b, d). ii.b.c.
full alive. Each one severally held them only "And thus they swallowed frogs, likewise
94 The Making of Masks

135. Some Pre-Conquest styles of masks, [a] the back of her head. This figure shows the Anne C. Paul writes of similar cut-away
A small mask worn over the upper part of the idea of duality. (/) Probably a mouth mask in masks on a Maya vase: "The most intriguing
face. The man looks through the mouth, but it the shape of a bird. It would have been held in and unusual items of dress which these figures
is not entirely clear from the drawing whether place by a leather strap or a piece of wood held wear are the human-image face masks; these
the chin is carved or whether it belongs to the in the wearer's teeth. Such masks exist today masks partially reflect the profiles of the men
wearer of the mask. For a modern mask with in Indonesia and Africa, though they are no who wear them. Apparently made of wood,
similar characteristics but with a carved chin, longer used in Mexico. (It is possible that the they are attached to the headdresses and ex¬
see Fig. 226. [b] A mask of Tlaloc from the whole face and mouth ornament here is a sin¬ hibit slight variations in construction. The ex¬
same codex of a more openwork character. We gle mask, but it appears more likely that a ample on Person 3 is moveable; it is hinged at
don't know whether the nose is carved or be¬ mouth mask is involved.) (g) A Mayan with a the mouth and is activated by means of a cord
longs to the wearer, (c) An animal mask of mask. This representation may depict a long, which is attached to the chin and held in the
which we have almost exact counterparts to¬ narrow mask of a type no longer in use in wearer's left hand. The other masks also ap¬
day. It is probably a wolf or coyote, [d] A very modern Mexico; or it may simply be a depic¬ pear to be hinged although no pulling-cords
cleverly devised skull. It probably is not all tion of the wearer's face and the mask at the are indicated. The masks on Persons 6, 8 and
carved but rather is a mouth mask (see below). same time through an artistic convention sim¬ 11 have goatees. Those on Persons 6 and 11
(ej A figure of a double-faced torchbearer. We ilar to our use of dotted lines to indicate in¬ have traces of a moustache, and those on Per¬
cannot tell whether there is a large helmet terior surfaces. Masks a-f after the Codex sons 9 and 11 have teeth set into both the
mask hiding the head of the wearer or whether Nuttall (Nuttall, ed. 1974); mask g from Stela upper and lower jaws" (Paul 1976, p. 121).
one face is that of the wearer, with a mask on 11, Yaxchilan (after Kubler 1962, plate 76).
 Links to the Past 95

had subsidiary functions.* One such dance that existed in ancient times and
whose variants are still practiced today was described by Fray Diego de Duran:
''Another dance is performed; that of the old Humpbacks who wore masks rep¬
resenting old men. It was extremely gay, merry, and funny in the native fashion"
(1971, p. 297). Because of Duran's use of the word corcovados, which can mean
either "humpback" or "bent over/' it is not known whether he was describing
the Humpbacks Dance, which is still performed in Oaxaca, or the Viejitos
Dance, in which the "old men" are bent over. It is possible that these two dances
are variants of the dance that Duran observed.
Another modern dance with Pre-Hispanic origins is the Stilt Dance. Al¬
though there are no descriptions of how this dance was performed before the
Conquest, there are a number of depictions in various codices of dancers per¬
forming on high stilts, such as the woman from the Codex Tro-Cortesianus pic¬
tured in Fig. 136. In Fig. 137, we can see a modern performance from the Indian
State Fair of Oaxaca in 1941.

COLONIAL INFLUENCES

It is difficult (if not totally impossible) to identify accurately all the cultural
influences on the Indians and their folk art that were introduced during the Co¬
lonial Period. It is even more difficult to gauge how these influences affected the
various Indian groups and their mask-makers, as many of these groups lived in
remote, inaccessible places and spoke only their own languages. We can, how¬
ever, identify three major cultural influences—the Spaniards, the Catholic
Church, and the African slaves—although these influences were not distributed
equally throughout Mexico.
The Spaniards had a strong secular folk-art tradition, particularly in regard
to masks. In the New World, this tradition was manifested in the form of mas-
caradas, which are described as follows by Irving A. Leonard:

The commonest public spectacle was the mascara or mascarada. It was,

essentially, a parade of persons dressed in varied costumes and wearing
peculiar masks, who promenaded about the streets by day or night, on
foot, or mounted on horses or other animals; if after dark, they carried

* An ancient entertainment dance with such a the rubbish. All these native farces were high¬
subsidiary purpose is reported in the Book of ly amusing and pleasant, but were not acted
the Gods and Rites and the Ancient Calendar: out without pagan meaning, for they stemmed
“. . . another man appeared, representing a per¬ from the fact that the god Quetzalcoatl was
son with a cold, coughing constantly, feigning held to be the advocate for tumors, eye dis¬
a chill, making wild and funny gestures. Then ease, colds, and coughing. Thus, in these same
the actors were a large fly and a beetle; they farces they included words of pleading directed
came out imitating these creatures in lifelike to this deity. They begged for help, and so it
fashion. One of them buzzed like a fly when was that all those suffering from these ills and
it comes near meat, while the other watched diseases came with their offerings and prayers
him and said a thousand funny sayings. Then to this idol and his temple" (Duran 1971,
this other, disguised as a beetle, poked about P- 135)-
 96 The Making of Masks

lighted torches, giving the city an unaccustomed illumination. They rep¬

resented historical, mythological, and Biblical personages, gods of primi¬
tive religions, astrological planets, allegorical figures of Virtues, Vices,
and other abstractions, and almost any bizarre creature, real or imagi¬
nary, was a welcome novelty. Impersonations reflected themes which
varied from the sublime to the ridiculous, from the refined to the gro¬
tesque, and from the exalted to the most satirized. To an illiterate public
the mascarada was like an animated magazine bringing before their avid
eyes a semblance of things real and imagined; it instructed, it diverted, it
entertained, and it often expressed their moods, their reverence, and their
resentment.
Those mascaradas featured the garbs of many nations, and a partial¬
ity for that of the Turks, still threatening in Europe, was second only to
the costumes of Indian tribes nearer home. The impersonation of familiar
and exotic types did not, however, exhaust possibilities, for the partici¬
pants frequently marched in the simulated forms of birds, animals, and
imaginary creatures.
(I. Leonard 1959, pp. 118-120)

The second major influence was the Catholic Church. The missionary zeal
of the Church produced the most direct contact with the native populations, as
it tried to suppress Indian religions and replace them with Christianity. There
was no Indian group that did not have at least some contact with the Church,
which had a rich, complex iconography complete with religious celebrations
and processions. “The Church . . . did not fail to recognize this general passion
for pageantry which it shrewdly utilized to its own advantage by sponsoring
processions displaying the richly clothed images and ornate symbols of the
Faith with all the pomp, splendor and wealth at its command" (I. Leonard 1959,
p. 118).
The last major influence was that of the African slaves. Although slavery
never reached the proportions in Mexico that it did in the United States, large
numbers of Africans were brought to Mexico to work the sugar cane. The
Blacks, with their strong African mask-making tradition, were quickly inte¬
grated into the Indian communities, and even today there are a number of Indian
groups that must be classified as negroid (see Cordry and Cordry 1968, p. 299).
Since the effect the two groups had on each other was not documented by the
Spaniards or the Church, it is difficult to say how much or how little African
traditions influenced Indian mask-making.
In the Early Colonial Period, the processions and the masks were probably a
mixture of Indian and European traditions, but as the Colonial Period wore on,
masks acquired more of a Spanish character. We are told by Manuel Romero de
Terreros y Vinent (1923, pp. 23-24) that in a fiesta for the glorification of San
Isidro el Labrador on January 24, 1621, an elaborate procession paraded through
the streets of Mexico City. On one of the floats, the allegorical figure of Fame
 Links to the Past 97

136. Woman walking on stilts. She is wearing

an animal headdress for a ceremonial rite.
After the Codex Tro-Cortesianus, Folder 36,
top. "The special evils that happened during
the Muluc years were a scarcity of water and
an abundance of sprouts in the corn. The old
women had to perform a special dance on high
stilts and to offer dogs made of pottery with
food placed on their backs" (Morley 1956, p.
215).

137. Masked stilt dancers. These dancers are

from Santa Maria Roala (near Zaachila),
Oaxaca, photographed at the Indian State Fair
of Oaxaca, 1941. Stilt dancers still perform in
this village for the Day of San Pedro, June 29.
98 The Making of Masks

■P

\
 Links to the Past 99

138. Pilate mask and Sultan mask, Dance of wore a silver mask made by the silversmith Juan Rodriguez Abril, a clear exam¬
the Moors and Christians. These Moor masks ple of the carry-over of the Indian tradition.
are semi-helmet masks in that the rear is
carved to fit partially over the dancer's head
Many of the Colonial masks also began to be covered with gold leaf. The
and he looks out through ample curved open¬ masks in Fig. 98 are probably from the late eighteenth or early nineteenth cen¬
ings above the eyes. These masks have not tury and are said to represent the centurions who guarded Christ. Later masks
been used for more than twenty years and
that reflect the Colonial style are to be seen in Figs. 138 and 286 (Moors from the
have been well cared for. The fine carvers from
the village of San Martin Pachivia, Guerrero, Dance of the Moors and the Christians). Very few real Colonial masks exist to¬
produced masks for many other settlements, day.
such as Ahuacatitlan, where these two masks However, the Spanish influence did not totally overwhelm and replace the
were collected. The dark-faced Pilate [a) is
Indian. While the Indians readily accepted the pageantry, glamour, and beliefs of
truly splendid, with his intricate crown and
wavy hair, while the Sultan [b] can be recog¬ the Church, many retained parts of their own religious systems below the sur¬
nized by his turban, decorated with half¬ face. The fact that early Christian missionaries tended to merge pagan festivals
moons and stars. Ahuacatitlan or San Martin and usages into the Christian calendar and hagiography allowed a great number
Pachivia, Guerrero; (a) J4 cm.; (b) 63 cm;
of Pre-Conquest beliefs to survive, in many cases producing a strange coexis¬
wood, paint, i.a.c.
tence of Christian and Indian beliefs, in which individuals may participate and
believe in elements of both systems without seeing any conflict. In most cases,
however, the Indian beliefs are fragmentary, since they depend solely upon oral
tradition.
In a very few, isolated cases, native religious practices have survived almost
intact; one striking example of this is the Judea fiesta celebrated by the Cora
Indians of Nayarit. Originally, the Judea was a re-enactment of the Passion Play
taught to the Coras by Jesuit missionaries. When the Jesuits were expelled from
Mexico in the early nineteenth century, this Easter Play quickly reverted to
something far closer to the Indians' real beliefs. Today, the Judea consists of two
opposing armies, the Pharisees and the Romans, in mock combat. These "sol¬
diers" are painted from head to toe in striking designs, wear brilliantly colored
papier mache animal masks (Fig. 172), and engage in ritual drunkenness and
simulated public masturbation. Observers not aware of the "Christian" theme
of this event would probably think that they were witnessing a strictly pagan
fertility ritual. In this case, Pre-Hispanic traditions and beliefs have never been
completely integrated with Christian beliefs.

139. Hermit mask, Pastorela Dance. Carved

with sincerity rather than sophistication, this
semi-helmet mask has a primitive charm
reminiscent of some Byzantine icons. The
paint is applied thinly and without undercoat,
probably for financial reasons. Region of Aca-
petlahuaya, Guerrero; 35 cm.; wood, paint.
I.A.C.
 6. Mask-Makers

MASK-MAKING is a disappearing art whose traditions are rapidly being lost as 140. Mask-maker Don Placido. The mask-
a result of the social changes occurring in Mexico today. Remote villages which maker is shown blocking out a Pascola mask.
A finished, painted model is seen in the fore¬
required a two- or three-day horseback ride to visit in the 1930's and 1940's now
ground. Antanguisa, Sonora, 1938 (Mayo).
have roads and some type of regular bus service; their traditions are no longer
protected by isolation. Even the land of the Huichol Indians, which was 141. Mask-maker Fidel de la Fuente. This
safeguarded by the rugged mountains of the Sierra Madre Occidental, has re¬ mask-maker makes Devil masks with many
horns and small devils emerging from the face.
cently been penetrated by roads and planes and is being opened to modern
In this town on September 16 there is a contest
influences. of Devils, and the young men help each other
The increase in population due to better medical care and the shift from to finish the masks until the evening before
subsistence agriculture to modern farming techniques have caused a major the festival, each adding details of beard, hair,
and metallic paint according to his taste. Be¬
flight of people from the countryside to the cities. Today, it is rare to encounter a
cause of this competition, new masks are
village which does not have at least a few members living in an urban area. As made each year. Later they are sold or kept by
many of these members are viewed as "progressive" by the other village mem¬ the participants as mementos. Photograph by
bers, their visits to relatives and friends not only serve as direct sources of cul¬ Ruth Lechuga. Teloloapan, Guerrero, 1976.

tural diffusion but also reinforce the prejudice that too often exists about the
142. Boy with several masks. Here we see the
Indian way of life in today's Mexico. son of mask-maker Eliseo Garcia in front of
Changes in the educational system have also hastened the cultural integra¬ his father's house with a group of masks. The
tion of indigenous groups into the mainstream of Mexican culture. In the past, first and third masks here are of the types seen
in Figs. 193b and 39, respectively, although the
most of these villages had either limited educational programs or none because
spirit helper is missing from the Vulture mask.
of the lack of funds and teachers. In recent years, the government has launched a Huitziltepec, Guerrero, 1970.
major effort to teach Spanish and provide a basic education for these groups. In
143. Mask-maker Cruz Teodora. A fine Gue¬
many cases, this has resulted in the functional loss of Indian languages by the
rrero mask-maker, said to have been about
young and in the corresponding loss of the culture's traditions. forty-five to fifty years of age in 1931, when
One of the most profound agents for change has been the wide acceptance this picture was taken. On the right is a Tlacolo-
and use of radio and television. After a village receives electricity, the first lero mask, which in Guerrero is the only type
of mask to almost always have large round eye¬
modern appliance to be purchased is often a television or a radio. Not only do
holes on the cheeks. The mask alone on the
television and radio place further emphasis on the use of Spanish as the primary lower step is an interpretation of Christ and
language,- they also speed the substitution of modern values for traditional ones is now the property of the Heye Foundation's
and accelerate the flight from the villages to the cities. Museum of the American Indian in New York.
Mask-Makers 101
 102 The Making of Masks

As the erosion of the languages and traditional values of indigenous villages

increases, the function and the importance of masks within those communities
are also eroded. Fewer and fewer young people see any necessity or value in be¬
coming mask-makers. Thus, in many villages the craft of mask-making is re¬
stricted to old men and is disappearing.
In an effort to document the craft of making masks while it was still
possible, I initiated a partial survey of existing mask-makers with the assistance
of Maria Teresa Pomar and her helpers, in order to augment the field observa¬
tions that I have made over the last forty years. This survey, which was in the
form of a questionnaire, concentrated on the materials, paints, glues, and tools
used by individual mask-makers, as well as when and in which dances their
masks were used, and whether they were sold to other towns for use in their
fiestas. Questionnaires were completed by forty-two modern Mexican mask-
makers from eight states, as follows: thirteen from Michoacan, ten from Oax¬
aca, ten from Guerrero, three from Zacatecas, two each from Hidalgo and
Queretaro, one each from Puebla and Chiapas. This distribution more or less
reflects the distribution of mask-making in Mexico today, with the addition of
Veracruz and some mask-making groups, such as the Huichols, the Coras, the
Yaquis, and the Mayos, which were outside the survey area. The individual re¬
sponses of the forty-two mask-makers are included in the Appendix.
Many years of study could be devoted to gathering data on the work of the
scores of fine mask-makers who worked from ten to fifty years ago and more.
Except in rare instances,* one cannot find even their names, although at times it
is possible to identify the work of a sculptor by the style of carving. It is interest¬
ing to discover that one man's good work spread to nearby villages and often
covered a wide radius. Of the forty-two mask-makers surveyed, sixteen sold
their masks to markets other than local, which indicates the inherent difficulty
in tracking down any particular craftsman. Masks are one of the most widely
circulated of all folk arts.
In my years of investigating masks, I have been fortunate enough to become
familiar with the work of numerous mask-makers, many of whom have since
died. A good number of the craftsmen who made the masks shown in this book
died from ten to forty years ago, and their successors know little of the old tra¬
ditions. Fig. 144 shows Nalberto Abrahan, one of the ablest Indian wood carvers
I have seen in Mexico. This photograph was taken in Tixtla, Guerrero, in 1945,
and I never have forgotten Abrahan or his magnificent carved wooden masks and
dolls. When I was able to return to Tixtla in 1972, it had changed from a small

* One instance where the names of past mask- see a person once and he could sculpt them in
makers were recorded was in Acapetlahuaya, wood.
Guerrero, where they were written into the "2. Sebastian Neri. i860. He was a mask-
municipal record. According to Arturo Reyes, maker.
one of my informants, these were as follows: "3. Guillermo Pico. 1887. Mask-maker
"1. Pablo San Pedro. 1755. He was also for dances.
known as Pablo Santero, because he sculpted "4. Florentino Casino. 1925. Mask-maker
many saints. It is said that all he needed was to for dances."
 Mask-Makers 103

144. Mask-maker Nalberto Abrahan. Abrahan

not only made excellent masks but also carved
extraordinary wooden dolls, photographs of Indian village to a sizable town. I tried to find Abrahan or his descendants and
which are to be published at a later date. He finally located his seventy-two-year-old son Ruperto, who said that his father
died in 1966 at the age of eighty-eight. In 1972
had died in 1966 at the age of eighty-eight. Ruperto was also a mask-maker but
we returned to Tixtla and found his son, who
was also a mask-maker (see Fig. 145). Tixtla, had very little inherited talent. He did, however, make good Tlacololero masks,
Guerrero, 1945 (Nahua). such as the two he is shown with in Fig. 145. Ruperto died in 1974, and one of
his sons is now carrying on the tradition. It remains to identify and record the
145. Mask-maker Ruperto Abrahan. Ruperto
Abrahan was the son of the very fine mask-
few remaining good old mask-makers in Mexico,- when they are all gone, the
maker Nalberto Abrahan (Fig. 144). Ruperto links with past customs will also disappear.
died in 1974 at the age of seventy-four, but a
third-generation son, also named Ruperto, is
said to be working as a mask-maker in Tixtla. TYPES OF MASK-MAKERS
Tixtla, Guerrero, 1972 (Nahua).
As mentioned briefly in Chapter 1, the mask-makers I have known throughout
Mexico fit into three categories according to their background and their mask¬
making style. First is the santero, who makes masks and church figures. He
usually has the approval and assistance of the local priest and therefore has ac¬
cess to good paint, glass eyes, commercial hair, and even gold paint or tinsel pa¬
per. Above all, he may have a few good tools, since he carves large church
figures. This mask-maker produces fine, well-finished masks which are used by
the people of his village and are in demand by those villages near and far where
his fame has traveled. These sophisticated masks may have movable eyes,
eyelashes, and gold teeth. People pay as much as one hundred pesos per mask to
have these repainted each year and also pay high prices for costumes of a suita¬
ble quality, appropriate for use with the masks. The santero has good paint and
104 The Making of Masks

146. Character and dance unknown. Obviously the product of a santeio, this
realistic face is well carved and painted. The brown eyes and dark complexion are
unusual for a santeio mask, as the ideal for these carvers is usually a European/
Spanish fair complexion with blue eyes. Juxtlahuaca, Oaxaca (Mixtec); 20 cm.;
wood, paint, glass eyes, i.a.c.

147. Church sculptor and mask-maker Carlos Reyes Acoltzi and his sons. Shown
in their workshop, "El Arte." In 1975 we heard that there was only one son
working with his father. (See Fig. 29 for other Acoltzi masks; see also Figs. 33, 93.)
Tlatempan, Tlaxcala, 1971. i.a.c.

148. Character and dance unknown. This beautifully mended lacquer mask was
seen in the house of a mayordomo, where an old woman "apparently owned it
privately and held it in great veneration. After taking the mask from the chest
where her clothes were kept, and laying aside the many wrappings of cloth and
paper, she said: 'It is like a saint.' Then she kissed the mask and talked to it softly
in Zoque. This mask belonged to her great-great-grandmother, and it had the fine
patina and appearance of the wooden santos of the 18th century. In Copainala the
same masks are used in various dances and are often rented for a peso each"
(Cordry and Cordry 1941, p. 60). Copainala, Chiapas (Zoque); 19 cm.; wood,
lacquer, i.a.c.

\
 Mask-Makers 105

knows how to use it. Generally, the standard of the santero is one of realism (see
Figs. 49, 270, 291).
Santeros producing masks as of 1978 are to be found in Juxtlahuaca, Oaxa¬
ca; the city of Guanajuato,- and Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas. There are also Carlos
Reyes Acoltzi and his son, who are currently working in Tlatempan, Tlaxcala.
Their very highly finished masks are widely respected and are used during Car¬
nival in various towns in the state. They are used on Carnival Tuesday in San
Bernardino Contla; on the first Sunday of Lent in San Francisco Tepeyanco; and
on Carnival Sunday in San Juan Totolac. Fig. 29 shows the two general mask
types, with and without beard, with stationary glass eyes and eyes that blink
when a string hanging below the chin is pulled. Reyes has very professional
carving tools from Mexico City, although he probably uses a machete to form
the original block. Fie also has a special room attached to his house that he uses
as a workshop (Fig. 147).
Second is the professional mask-maker who has neither the santero's train¬
ing nor his standard of realism. Rather, he came to be a mask-maker by virtue of
having considerable aptitude for the craft as well as varying degrees of artistic,
creative talent. He may or may not have inherited the profession from his father
and/or grandfather. His masks may have a wonderful naive quality which makes
one think of Byzantine or early Christian art (Fig. 139), or they may be very skill¬
fully and imaginatively executed, realistic portrayals (Fig. 148).
This mask-maker is likely to know the symbolism of each mask and how to
149. Jose Rodriguez. An old photograph of the use the symbols, incorporating them into the design. By making many masks
extraordinary mask-maker Jose Rodriguez and over the years, he may have developed a readily recognizable style. Moreover, he
his young family taken in a Chilapa; Guerrero,
may sell his masks to other villages, where they may be used for characters
studio (date and photographer unknown). Rod¬
riguez lived and worked in the cuadrilla of
other than those for which they were originally intended. One typical example
Santa Anita and other ranchos and villages of of this is the animal masks made for an Animal Dance with definite Pre-
Guerrero, and he died many years ago. This Hispanic origins (Fig. 222). These masks often turn up elsewhere as Devils for a
picture belonged to an aged cousin of Rod¬
Devil Dance.
riguez and was brought to us in Cuernavaca.
The dates of his life have not been determined. In this category, one of the most extraordinary mask-makers during the last
One bench he carved was dated 1919, but no centuries in Mexico was Jose Rodriguez (Fig. 149), who lived and worked as a
other dates have been found. It is to be hoped goatherder in small, remote cuadrillas (settlements) in the eastern, Tlapa side of
that more information will eventually be un¬
the state of Guerrero thirty to fifty years ago. His masks were so respected that
covered.
in villages where he worked, whole sets of masks have been kept in chests in the
church or on the municipal building walls for all these years. He was said to
have lived first in a community called Cuadrilla Santa Anita. This small com¬
munity and the others where he worked, which do not appear on most maps of
Guerrero, have kept their traditions intact to an extraordinary degree.
Rodriguez created the twenty-five masks used in the Diablo Macho Dance,
which was performed in Santa Anita on June 5 as a prayer for rain. Each mask is
unique and has many symbolic water creatures and a semihuman face, as can be
seen in Fig. 17. These probably originally represented gods rather than devils, as
has been mentioned. Rodriguez's knowledge of animals, snakes, lizards, frogs,
and bats was great as was his knowledge of the supernatural.
106 The Making of Masks

151. Filiberto Lopez Ortiz and his wife. This

very gifted mask-maker was most unfortu¬
nately killed in a land dispute a few years
later. (See Figs. 48 and 59 for examples of his
work.) Pinotepa Nacional, Oaxaca, 196s.

150. Owl masks, Tecolotillo (Little Owl) poner el tecolote ("to place the owl") in which
Dance (August 14). Jose Rodriguez must have a crucifix was placed at the head of a dead
spent an unusual amount of time creating this person, while a candle was placed at the feet.
set of Owls, with their particularly careful The combination of the lizard with the owl
painting and beautiful color schemes. The owl seen here is one of those mysterious animal
was associated with death in rural Mexico, relationships whose meaning is no longer
and these have a particularly frightening as¬ known. Mask c property of the University of
pect that brings to mind the proverb, "When Arizona. Parotillas, Guerrero; (a) 36 cm.; (b)
the owl screeches, the Indian dies." Santa- 44 cm.; (c) 34 cm.; wood, paint (earth colors).
maria (1959, p. 1018) writes of a custom called IV.B.D.
 Mask-Makers 107

152. Possibly Carnival mask. Although it is

the work of a nonprofessional carver, this
mask has a naive charm in its distinctive use Jose Rodriguez also made masks for a settlement called Parotillas for the
of color and simple carving. The numeral 4
Tecolotillo (Little Owl) Dance, performed on August 14. The three Owls in Fig.
repeated on the face appears to be merely a
random decoration. The mask was probably 150 are very original in design, and the handling of the paint shows great talent.
used in Carnival, although the former owner Commercial paint is primarily used on these masks, but some of the Rodriguez
said it was used during Holy Week ceremo¬ masks are painted with earth pigments.
nies. Tancanhuitz, San Luis Potosi (Huastec);
These first two groups of mask-makers can be classified as professionals,
jo cm.; wood, paint, i.a.c.
even though those in the second group do not have the official sanction and sup¬
153. Matachines Dance mask. This unpreten¬ port that the santeros have. These two groups represent the mask-makers in¬
tious mask was made by a nonprofessional, volved in our survey. It is interesting to note that twelve of the mask-makers
yet is very expressive in its simple carving and
who completed the questionnaires had fathers who were also mask-makers and
in the use of plain, available natural materials.
Collections of the International Folk Art seven had grandfathers who had been mask-makers.
Foundation in the Museum of International The third type of mask-maker is the amateur, a poor man who can't afford
Folk Art, Santa Fe, New Mexico. Villa Garcia,
to purchase or rent a mask but has made a vow to the patron saint of his village
Zacatecas; 26 cm.; wood, paint, animal fur,
to dance on the Dia del Patron. His mask may be an artful, naive creation (Fig.
cotton yarn, i.a.c.
299), or it may be entirely without esthetic merit. Very likely, it will be cmdely
carved and unpainted, except for a bit of shiny oil paint borrowed from a
neighbor (Fig. 175).
r • v f * »
i • \ '
V J
 7- Mask Materials

CONTEMPORARY MASKS are most commonly made of wood; however, a

wide variety of other materials are used as well. Most of these basic materials
are traditional and have been in use since before the Conquest. Of course, some
changes have occurred, as a few new materials have been adopted and the use of
some Pre-Hispanic materials (human skin, precious stones, etc.) has been dis¬
continued. (See Chapter 5 for a more complete discussion of Pre-Conquest
masks and materials.)
The following is more than just documentation of modern mask materials,
for each material imposes inherent limitations upon the artist. Further, special
qualities are often thought to reside in certain materials, and mask-makers have
devised special ways of handling these materials to preserve these qualities.
Therefore, to understand the masks of Mexico, it is mandatory to know and un¬
derstand the materials used in their production.

WOOD

Most of the reasons for the popularity of wood in mask manufacture are obvi¬
ous: availability, relative plasticity, the ease with which supplemental materials
can be attached, comparative durability, and the fact that a finished mask can be
produced with a minimum of tools and, in some cases, with a minimum of
154. Silver mask for rain-petitioning dance.
training. Many Indian groups also attribute spiritual qualities and forces to par¬
This intricately worked, bearded mask, one of ticular trees, a belief which is probably a holdover from Pre-Hispanic times, *
a set of rare silver masks (see Fig. 21), has and masks made from the wood of these trees acquire their attributes and pow¬
squash blossom earrings, a popular design
ers. Many masks have to be cut from a specific wood in order to be deemed effec¬
motif adopted from Mexico by the Indians of
the Southwestern United States. The squash
tive. It is not surprising that the groups holding these beliefs have also developed
blossom motif was originally Moorish and was special rituals for harvesting the wood.
brought first to Spain and then to Mexico. The
richly decorated brow, teeth, and beard show
exceptional workmanship and attention to de¬ * Certain woods in Pre-Conquest times were live trees so as to absorb some of this living
tail. La Parota, Guerrero (Nahua); 43 cm.; sil¬ thought to have a life or spirit of their own. power, a practice used by the Iroquois and
ver, cloth (lining), i.a.c. Masks may have been carved at times on the some African tribes.
 110 The Making of Masks

Rituals of Wood Harvesting. In some regions of Mexico, the cutting of

trees to be used in making masks is undertaken only at specific times. In some
parts of Guerrero, for example, trees have traditionally been cut during the luna
menguante (waning of the moon), preferably at sunrise during the month of
January. The Totonacs in Veracruz believe that "any wood will last longer if the
tree is felled in November, when the moon is in conjunction" (Kelly and Palerm
I952/ P- 72)- Elsewhere, it is believed that wood must be cut during the full
moon. A fine old Bat mask from Xotoltitlan, Guerrero, which I acquired is made
from zompantle (colorin) wood, which is usually very light; but this mask is
very heavy, which is said to have resulted from cutting the wood during the full
moon.
Some rituals have a much more mundane cause, however. In Michoacan,
according to a friend who lived there for many years long ago, legend had it that
the woodcutters sought wood for masks only in the rainy season. The reason,
though, was more practical than symbolic. The cutting was restricted by the
government, but during the rainy season the inspectors remained in their warm
houses and could not hear the blows of the axe over the roar of the thunder. Re¬
strictions on the felling of trees still carry severe penalties, and one Guerrero
mask-maker told me he was trying to get an exemption from such worrisome
regulations.
The tree used in the Dance of the Voladores is also cut under special cir¬
cumstances. The woodcutters give the tree a drink of tepache and ask its pardon
for the cutting (Duran 1971, p. 163). Furthermore, additional ceremonies must
be carried out before the tree is used in the dance. The possible consequence of
omitting such ceremonies was reported in the Mexican newspaper Excelsior on
August 14, 1966. The article tells of an accident which took place while a dance
was being performed in Saltillo, Coahuila. Two of the dancers were killed and
two were injured when they fell from the pole, which they had climbed during
the dance. According to the leader of the group, the accident was due to the
omission of the religious ritual honoring the pole. The base of the tree should
have been sprinkled with the blood of a hen and a litre of mescal. Since a hen
could not be found and only the mescal was used, the tree was offended.
Also, woodcutters and mask-makers sometimes prepare themselves accord¬
ing to traditional rituals and practices. One woodcutter who believed that trees
must be cut during the full moon remarked that, while cutting, "Our ancestors
took herbs [probably hallucinogenic] but now we drink mescal."
Eighty-two-year-old Maximiliano Calderon, from the village of Ixcapaneca,
Guerrero, said that in former years, when the people made masks, they would
fast. They were also drugged with mushrooms taken either from trees or from
the ground on June 24, the day of San Juan Bautista. A liquid was then extracted
from the mushrooms and combined with other ingredients. A carver would
drink the mixture before undertaking the making of a large number of wooden
masks. Likewise, another Indian, now too old to carve, said that in his youth
mushrooms were taken while fasting before beginning a mask. Unfortunately, it
 Mask Materials 111

Table 1. Woods Used in Mask-making

Chiapas poplar
Guerrero zompantle, siringuanillo, clabellino, plum, parota (cona-
caste), avocado, camaroncillo, zopilote, sabino, palo hedion-
do, copal
Hidalgo pine
Michoacan cirimo, copal, zompantle, jaboncillo, poplar, tepamo, avo¬
cado, pine
Oaxaca copal, pochote, sompan, huamuchil (guamuchil), zompantle,
pine, willow, palo mulato, parota, tutucunyi (white wood),
ash, huaje, sapote, ciemilm
Queretaro ash
Zacatecas willow

is difficult to get information concerning current practices involving the taking

of hallucinogens because those who may know are afraid to talk, fearing inter¬
ference by the authorities.
Types of woods used. Table i, based on our survey of living and working
mask-makers, gives the woods that are currently being used in the various states
of Mexico.
One of the most widely used woods is zompantle (Eiythina ameiicana,
Mill.), commonly known as colorin. It is a very light, soft wood with a heart that
is spongy like cork. There are eleven varieties in Mexico, widely distributed.
The zompantle tree has two qualities which made it very important to the
mask-maker. One is that it is practically indestructible. Branches planted in the
ground, even long after they are cut, will sprout into small trees. Thus, the tree
is believed to have an immortal quality. The other important characteristic is
that it produces a small red hallucinogenic bean. This bean probably is one of
the hallucinogens used in the past to produce the desired visions while making a
mask. It was used for similar purposes in Pre-Hispanic times.* Unfortunately,
some areas have suffered from a scarcity of zompantle wood. I know of one in-

*At the time of the Conquest of Mexico, a Wood was a sacred, powerful, living thing part¬
wooden rack was placed in front of the main ly because of the belief in the mystic union of
temples. Skulls of sacrificial victims were put all things and partly because of the numerous
on this, and it was called a zompantle. I al¬ sacred ceremonial objects that were made of
ways wondered why the skull rack was called wood. Zompantle, in particular, was sacred be¬
zompantle and why that wood was used. It cause of its hallucinogenic property and its ap¬
does not seem possible that this soft wood parent immortality.
was used for such a purpose, i.e., to perforate The small hallucinogenic red beans from
skulls, until one realizes that the mystic ideas the zompantle tree were called tzite by the
that held things together and united them are Mayans (Recinos 1950, p. 87-89) and were said
the important ones at work here—specifically, to have been used to create the first man. The
the idea of the everlasting quality of the tree. Mayans also used tzite for divination.
112 The Making of Masks

155. Pastorela Dance masks. These two sharply contrasting masks 156. Mojiganga Procession masks. The larger of these two mammal
were probably used in the same dance. The finely carved mask at left pelvis bone masks was worn during the Mojiganga Procession, where
[a) shows the santero features of realistic style, fine materials, and fair noisemakers were used to set the mood and summon the people to the
complexion with blue eyes. The tin crown is adorned with a cast-off fiesta (Fig. 112). The smaller mask is a child's mask for the same
bicycle light. The Hermit mask on the right [b) is crudely carved and occasion. (Fig. 113 depicts a similar bone mask of the Northwest Coast
adorned with simple fiber and leather. It shows hard wear, unlike the Tlingit Indians.) Property of the Smithsonian Institution. Mochitlan,
santeio mask, which has been very well preserved. The Hermit mask is Guerrero (Nahua); (a) (top) 18 cm.; (b) 48 cm.; (a) small animal pelvis;
accompanied by a large wooden rosary of beads and cross strung on a (b) cow pelvis, iv.b.c.
twine of twisted fibers. Both masks property of the University of Ari¬
zona. Leon, Guanajuato; (a) 48 cm., including crown-, (b) 27 cm., not
including beard; (a) wood, paint, galvanized tin, plastic, mirrors; (b)
wood (zompantle), paint, ixtle fiber, leather, i.a.c.
 Mask Materials 113

157. Tigre mask, Tigre Dance. This copper

Tigre was probably made before 1910, during
the same period that brought forth other cop¬
stance in which mask-makers from the famed mask center of Olinala, Guerrero,
per and silver masks in Guerrero. A few of
these rare masks of several sizes came onto had to travel to Apango, Guerrero, to carve their masks because there was not
the market in 1975 and 1976; then the type enough zompantle for their work in Olinala.
disappeared entirely again. Recently, a friend A wood that was formerly employed for masks in Acapetlahuaya, Guerrero,
stopped by Chiepetepec, where this one was
was from the tree called palo hediondo (Cassia emarginata, L.). The name de¬
made, to ask about copper Tigres and found no
one who knew of them. This mask is ham¬ rives from the fact that the leaves, when crushed, are foul-smelling. To work it,
mered out of a single piece of copper, with the wood was cut when the moon was waning, preferably in the month of
coiled wire ears and earrings added. Chiepe¬
January at sunrise. After cutting, the wood was soaked in water containing one
tepec seems to have produced the only Tigres
with two sets of ears, as seen here. The coiled
or more herbs to prevent splitting when the masks were carved. One herb thus
wire ears are reminiscent of the monkeys and used was called jarilla negra (Dodonaea viscosa, Jacq.), according to Maximino
bells produced in Xochipala (Fig. 158). Chiepe¬ Martinez (1959, p. 105).
tepec, Guerrero (Nahua); 25 cm.; copper,
paint, iv.b.c.

OTHER MATERIALS
158. Copper and silver ornaments and bells.
These small ornaments, whose age is not Bone. The earliest masks were probably made of bone. This material was
known, were found in Xochipala, Guerrero,
readily available, and furthermore had great symbolic significance due to man's
and were circulated by several vendors during
the years 1976-1977. In the foreground are close relationship with animals. (See Chapter 5.) Some bone masks still exist
silver monkey ornaments of several sizes. today. In Fig. 156, we see such a mask from the state of Guerrero fashioned from
(Two similar monkeys of the larger size can be
the pelvis of a large animal, probably a cow or ox. A similar mask, although
seen as earrings on the La Parota silver mask
more elaborated with carved designs, was made by the Tlingit Indians of Alaska
in Fig. 2id.) In the background are copper
bells, long green with age, in the forms of (Fig. 1131-
monkeys, frogs, coyotes, and caimanes. Xo¬ Copper and Silver. Masks are seldom fashioned from metal today. A rare,
chipala, Guerrero; 1-4 cm. (approx.); silver,
indeed unique, set of twelve silver masks (ten male and two female) was made in
copper.
La Parota, near Campo Morado, Guerrero. One mask, which depicts an old
woman (Fig. 21c), has the date 1902 hammered on the reverse side of the chin;
the others probably date from 1890 to 1910. As shown in Figs. 21 and 154, these
masks were made with the repousse technique from a very heavy gauge of sheet
 114 The Making of Masks

silver; they weigh up to 1.7 kilos each. The ears were soldered on, as were the
silver earrings, in the form of monkey heads and flowers, which are 3.5 cm. in
length. The backs of these masks are lined with cloth for greater comfort.
Copper masks are more plentiful than silver ones. The copper masks shown
in Fig. 20 were made during the same period and in the same manner as the
silver masks from La Parota: repousse technique with a heavy-gauge metal and
cloth linings. These were probably once blessed or offered to the gods, as is
suggested by the faint smell of copal incense lingering in some of the cloth lin¬
ings. These copper masks differ from the silver ones in that the faces are painted
and they do not have earrings. The copper Tigre mask from Chiepetepec, Gue¬
rrero (Fig. 157), however, has two sets of ears, the lower pair being fashioned
from coiled copper wire and having earrings. Most copper masks found now
come from the Campo Morado, Malinaltepec, Chiepetepec, and Pascala del Oro
areas of Guerrero. Judging from their condition, the bulk of these masks were
probably made in the early part of this century.
The metalworking techniques used in these masks were also used to make
silver and copper bells that are similar to the earrings mentioned above.* These
bells are from the Xochipala area of Guerrero (Fig. 158). The most common de¬
signs are frogs, butterflies, crocodile heads, monkey heads, and coyote heads.
Most Indian informants state that these bells were originally made for
necklaces. However, when I first witnessed a performance of the Dance of the
Moors and Christians in Caracuaro, near Patzcuaro, Michoacan, in 1935, the
dancers used small silver bells in the shape of fish as decorations on their cos¬
tumes. This leads me to believe that many of these copper and silver bells were
originally used on dance costumes. The date of the Xochipala bells is not
known, but great quantities have been found in recent years in large jars in the
foundations of a very old church being torn down. It is interesting to note that
the silver mask shown in Fig. 21 d has earrings identical to the monkey bells
mentioned above.
Stone. In Pre-Hispanic times, stone was often employed for masks, as is
noted in Chapter 5. It is seldom used today, but one modern stone mask has
been collected from Texcaltitlan, near Toluca in the state of Mexico. This mask,
shown in Fig. 159, is made from a light porous stone called tezontle, which was
used for building facades in Colonial times. Other types of stone are used for
mask molds, as seen in Fig. 162.
Clay. Clay was also utilized in Pre-Hispanic times for making masks and
other figures. However, due to the weight and the impracticality of this mate¬
rial, it is not commonly used today. In some areas of Mexico, one still can find
contemporary clay masks. I have seen an Ehecatl mask of black clay with white
tusks, made in the early 1940's, in San Bartolo Coyotepec, Oaxaca. It is said to
have been made for the traditional Valley of Oaxaca Clown character who ap-

' The technique of metal wire coiling (copper, cations throughout ancient Meso-America,
silver, and even gold) was used in various lo-
 Mask Materials 115

159. Doctor mask, Doctor Dance. From the Toluca area, this is the
only modern stone mask I have seen. The Doctor Dance has five
characters: the Doctor, the Male Nurse, the Wife of the Male Nurse,
Don Cleto (who owns the dog that chases the Tigre), and the Tigre. The
dark red, porous tezontle stone used here is the same as that seen on
many Colonial building facades in Mexico City. Today masks for this
dance are said to be of commercial rubber. This stone mask is lined
with animal fur and leather to protect the dancer's face. The character
has forms on either cheek that may be either sideburns or some animal
representation. Property of the University of Arizona. Texcaltitlan,
state of Mexico; height: 32 cm.; width: 23 cm.; stone (tezontle), paint,
fur, leather, i.b.c.

160. Mask for Tastoanes Dance. This very heavy, old clay mask is
lined with cloth to protect the dancer's face. The face is strongly
modeled and very expressive. Michoacan (Tarascan); height: ij cm.;
thickness: 1.5 cm.; clay, paint, cloth, i.a.c.
116 The Making of Masks
 Mask Materials 117

pears in the Plume Dance and other locally performed dances. (Fig. 45 shows a
similar mask made of wood and worn in the Plume Dance in Teotitlan del Valle,
Oaxaca, in 1942.) Fig. 160 shows a clay mask for the Tastoanes Dance from
Michoacan. It is carefully lined with cloth and has withstood years of wear and
tear. The face of this mask is definitely that of an old man,- however, a clay mask
161. Various characters and dances. This col¬ used for the same dance in Juancito, Michoacan, depicts the face of a young
lection of twelve leather masks shows the va¬ man. In the latter case, the wearer shows through magnificent pantomime the
riety of forms this material can be fashioned process of becoming an old man.
into by skilled Mexican artisans. Mask a, at
the upper left, is an Apache Carnival mask
Molds made of clay have traditionally been used in mask manufacture and
collected in Huejotzingo, Puebla, in 1945. In are still common today (Fig. 171). There are excellent, very old clay molds from
this town the Carnival festivities depict the Toluca, state of Mexico, used in making inexpensive papier mache masks sold at
Cinco de Mayo (Fifth of May) battle in which
Carnival time in many areas of Mexico, most particularly and in greatest quan¬
the Mexicans defeated the French. Today only
small holes remain on the mask to show that tities in Celaya, Guanajuato.
it once had moustaches and eyebrows, and the Leather. Leather, another material used since Pre-Hispanic times, is
gilded nose ring is also gone. Several over¬ utilized today by mask-makers in several areas of Mexico. Examples are a fine
lapping gold painted circles are still visible on
Apache mask (Fig. 161 d) from Tixtla, Guerrero, which was collected in 1945,
the cheeks. Mask d is another Apache mask,
collected in Tixtla, Guerrero, in 1945. It is and two excellent old Devil masks from the Guadalajara area (Fig. 70).
fashioned from two pieces of heavy leather There are many variations of simple, rather flat, fur-trimmed leather masks
joined down the center of the face and skill¬ from the Tecuani (Wild Beast) Dance that is enacted in the area of El Potrerillo,
fully sculpted into the facial features. The
bearded mask at the lower left (i) is a very well
as well as many other parts of Guerrero. (Wooden masks are also used.) One
made example of a Tzotzil leather Carnival character in this dance is the Rastrero, or Tracker, who hunts the Tigre (Fig. 2).
mask from Huistan, Chiapas. The face is made He wears a mask with yellow- or white-painted eyeglasses, reminiscent of some
of one piece of heavy leather with cut-out eyes
Eskimo masks which have eyes outlined with dark lines of fur. It is believed that
and mouth and a triangular nose, which has
been cut out and sewn on. Isinglass (mica) has
the glasses give him magic vision. Another important character in the Tecuani
been carefully attached from the inside to fill Dance is the Dog, Maravilla, who sometimes has a leather mask, although more
the eye sockets. Decoration is added in the often a wooden one. In Figs. 238-239, we see an ingeniously made leather
form of small black painted papelillo beads
Maravilla mask. The talented leather craftsman has determined an extraordi¬
made of paper, bells, and a horsehair beard.
Mask 7 represents a Rastrero from the area of nary pattern for a realistic head with large ears—all fashioned from a single
El Potrerillo, Guerrero. Bits of red leather, piece of leather and so designed that it will stay on without benefit of cords.
white seeds or beads for teeth, and shredded A famous, very heavy leather mask used as armor is the Zitlala, Guerrero,
leather hair and beard are attached to the flat
Tigre helmet mask shown in Fig. 55. It is painted yellow or green and probably
leather face. Mask k is a Tzotzil Carnival
mask from Venustiano Carranza (formerly San once represented the green or the ripe corn. It has deep-set mirror eyes and
Bartolome de los Llanos), Chiapas. This is the whiskers of boar bristles. Another heavy leather mask is the small, very old
only deerskin mask we have ever seen. The mask with gesso surface and colored paint from Santa Cruz de las Huertas,
final mask (1) is from Ayutla, Guerrero, and
Jalisco (Fig. 163). This mask, which is used in the Tastoanes Dance, has a very
was used in the Viejitos Dance. It was made
over a mold and is the only mask in this group long, phallic nose made of plaster and leather and an enormous wig. Its use of
which is carefully lined with cloth. Note¬ gesso over the leather is unusual.
worthy are the expert painting and the expres¬ In Venustiano Carranza, Chiapas (previously called San Bartolome de los
sive eyes. The beard is of ixtle fiber. All other
masks pictured here are Carnival masks from
Llanos), deerskin masks are worn in the Carnival (Fig. 161k). Another leather
various parts of Guerrero. Masks b, c, e, /, g, Carnival mask, from the Tzotzil village of Huistan, Chiapas, is shown in Fig.
h, 1 property of the University of Arizona; 16 ii; it is neatly made and brightly trimmed with bells and papelillo beads. Still
mask 7 property of the Smithsonian Institu¬
another Chiapas leather mask is called Sak-Hol (White Head) and is used for the
tion. Various regions; 16-29 cm. (approx.);
leather with various supplemental materials, fiesta of San Sebastian in Zinacantan. It is a simple, flat leather mask with silver
(d, e, i, j) i.b.c. (Others) i.a.c. paper or tinfoil glued to the front surface (Fig. 134).
118 The Making of Masks

162. Stone mold and leather Carnival masks.

This stone mold and the leather masks made
from its form come from a small town near
Atlixco in Puebla. Clay, plaster, and wood are
also used for mask molds. Property of the Uni¬
versity of Arizona. Huiluco, Puebla (Nahua);
20 cm. (approx.), (a, c) i.a.c.

163. Mask for Tastoanes Dance. Heavy leath¬

er is here coated with clay and ponderous
broken color to achieve a monstrous human
face with disproportionate features and a mop
of wild ixtle hair. Such boldly erotic features
are not common in Mexico, but the chintete
(lizard) and small snake seen on the cheeks do
often appear also on Malinche masks. This
mask is very old. Santa Cruz de las Huertas,
Jalisco (Tarascan); height: 19 cm.; depth at
nose: 19 cm.; leather, clay, paint, ixtle fiber,
gesso, ii.b.c.

\
 Mask Materials 119

164. Gourd mask. Ex-Cordry collection, ex-

Raul Kamfer collection. Photograph by Car-
melo Guadagno. Courtesy of Museum of the
American Indian, Heye Foundation, N.Y. Mi-
choacan (Tarascan); height: 13.3 cm.,- width:
19 cm.-, gourd, paint, i.b.c.

165. Hortelaho (Field Worker) masks, Horte-

lahos Dance. Children are participants in
many Mexican fiestas, and these small, highly
individualistic masks are used by them for the
Hortelanos Dance in the Barrio of Magdalena
in the city of Uruapan, Michoacan. Large
noses made of small gourds are wired on,
while the disproportionate features are en¬
hanced by eyebrows, moustaches, and beards
of horsehair and sheepskin. It is interesting to
note that, for this agricultural dance, the
masks are made from an agricultural product,
the gourd. This choice may have had some¬
thing to do with sympathetic magic in former
times. Masks b and d property of the Univer¬
Gourds. In some areas of Mexico, gourds are utilized for making masks.
sity of Arizona. Uruapan, Michoacan (Taras¬
can); 18 .cm. each (approx.); gourds, sheepskin, One such gourd mask was made in Olinala, Guerrero, for the little-known Tur¬
horsehair, glue, i.b.c. tle Dance. Another gourd mask, collected in Michoacan in 1935, is pictured in
Fig. 164. Now in the Museum of the American Indian in New York, this small
mask is fashioned of a section from a fairly round gourd with an applied wooden
nose and touches of paint. A children's Hortelanos (Field Workers) Dance in one
barrio in Umapan, Michoacan, features amusing gourd masks (Fig. 165).
Wax. Wax is another material employed in both Pre-Conquest and con¬
temporary masks (see Chapter 5). The following is a report by Ruth Lechuga
concerning the manufacture and usage of wax masks in Santa Maria As-
tahuacan, Federal District, and in Chimalhuacan, state of Mexico. The masks
referred to can be seen in Figs. 166-168.
 120 The Making of Masks

The wax masks from Santa Maria Astahuacan, D. F., used during Carni¬
val date back several generations and are representative of an ancient
tradition. They are presently used with a charro costume. Mr. Candido
Castillo Cerillo learned the trade from his father and was the mask pro¬
vider for all neighboring towns. He died recently, but his widow, Angela
Torres de Castillo, their son Delfino Castillo, and their niece Maria del
Refugio Garcia de Medina now manufacture the masks, assuring the tra¬
dition’s survival. They maintain they are the only ones who know how to
make them, and people from all the towns within postal zone 13, such as
Tlahuac, Tlaltenango, Santa Cruz, and others, order their masks through
them. The masks used in each place are slightly different. In Santa Maria
Astahuacan, for example, they prefer broad beards, decorated with curls.
In some towns they might order them very white; in others, such as
Santa Cruz, very red.
The Castillo family uses plaster casts which they make. A piece of
manta cloth is placed over the mold, followed by the color. This seems to
be a secret. While they described their work in great detail, they would
not specify which substances were used, and mentioned only a powder
and a solvent. Various layers of wax are applied, until the desired thick¬
ness is achieved. The cloth is encased in the mask. This part of the work
must be done at midday; otherwise the wax is too hard when it is cold.
The wax used must be top-grade beeswax. To buy it one asks for cera
en marqueta (a cake of crude wax).
The eyes, mouth, and nose are painted at the end. This first process,
called hacer las pelonas, is to make the unadorned masks. The eyebrows,
beard, and moustache are then made in a process known as encarriar, “to
make curls.” The bristles from cows’ tails are used for the hair, and these
bristles are wrapped around them, and the needles are pulled out. The
resulting curls form the base of the beard, which is sewn to the mask,
and the other decorations are sewn on top. A ribbon is sewn to the top
edge of the mask and is tied around the dancer’s head. A large charro hat
hides the ribbon when the mask is used. The hat’s strap is tied below the
chin, securing the mask close to the face. The mask is heated slightly,
either on the stove or in the sun and when soft is molded directly to the
dancer’s face.*

Wax masks, more crudely made than those from Santa Maria Astahuacan,
are used for the Jardineros (Gardeners) Dance of the famed black pottery village
of San Bartolo Coyotepec in the Valley of Oaxaca. This dance is one of the many
variations of the Dance of the Moors and Christians, which was introduced by
the Spanish friars and has survived for centuries in Mexico. There are three
principal characters in the wax-masked version of the Jardineros of San Bartolo

Ruth Lechuga, personal communication; translated by Marta Turok.

 Mask Materials 121

166-168. Artisan Angela Torres Vda. de Cas¬

tillo making a wax mask. Fig. 166 shows three
stages of the wax mask process and the plaster
mold [left). In Fig. 167 the artisan is seen
removing the wax mask impression from the
plaster mold. Fig. 168 shows two finished wax
masks. Photographs by Ruth Lechuga. Fig. 168,
mask a, property of the University of Arizona.
Santa Maria Astahuacan, Federal District,
1974■
122 The Making of Masks

169. Christian King mask (a) and Christian

Dama del Caballero (Cavalier's Lady) mask
(b), Jardineros (Gardeners) Dance. From the
famous black pottery area of Oaxaca come
these carefully made wax masks. Both these
Christians have the traditional fair skin, blue
eyes, and light hair. The eyes are covered with
isinglass (mica) for brilliance, and the beaten
tin crowns are gilded and inlaid with pieces of
mirror and colored glass. In Fig. 170 we see the
Jardineros dancers from the same village per¬
forming in 1941 with less elaborate masks and
costumes. The more elaborate masks and cos¬
tumes of today are due to the betterment of
this village's economic situation. Property of
the University of Arizona. San Bartolo Coyo-
tepec, Oaxaca (Zapotec); 25.5 cm. (approx.),
including crown-, wax, paint, cloth (lining),
tin, mirror, dyed pita fiber, glass, feathers (b),
isinglass, i.a.c.

170. Jardineros Dance. The first Indian State

Fair of Oaxaca brought a number of Oaxaca's
diverse Indian groups into direct contact for
the first time. This group, from San Bartolo
Coyotepec, are wearing simple wax masks and
homemade costumes, which today have been
replaced with more lavish ones (see Fig. 169).
Indian State Fair of Oaxaca, 1941.
 Mask Materials 123

Coyotepec, two of which are seen in Fig 169. The Christian King wears a painted
tin crown with six points and stars, a brown wig of curled pita fiber, and reddish
brown painted-on hair, moustache, and goatee. The Dama del Caballero wears a
diadem with glyphs on the front and a reddish brown wig. According to our
friend Anita Jones, who sent us the masks, these dancers hire themselves out to
other villages from time to time. Fig 170 shows the Jardineros Dance as it was
performed in 1941 in the same Oaxaca village.
When we first saw the Stilt Dance in Zaachila, Oaxaca, in 1941, the dancers
used wax masks, as shown in Fig. 137. According to Anita Jones, the Stilt Dance
is now performed in Zaachila on June 24 and 29. On the latter date, which is the
Day of San Pedro, the dance takes place in the barrio of San Pedro with the
music of a small drum and a flute. No wax masks or any other masks are used
today in this dance. As mentioned earlier, the Stilt Dance is one of the few
modern dances that can be traced back to Pre-Conquest times (Fig. 136).
Cloth. I am acquainted with two heavy cloth Tigre masks from Hueycan-
171. Cloth masks, dance unknown. These tenango, Guerrero, and one Zoque Tigre mask from the village of San Fernando,
rather comic masks are made by gluing cloth
Chiapas, constructed over a frame of vine and bamboo strips. The Hueycan-
in layers over a clay mold, such as the mold for
a Pig mask from the same village seen in the
tenango Tigres are made of many layers of cloth glued together, resulting in a
foreground. Mask a is a round-eyed, boldly thickness of more than one-half inch; they are painted yellow with spots of
painted Parrot, while mask b is a human char¬ black. No flexibility may be found at any point; rather, these masks are like
acter with animal ears. The ixtle fiber hair is
heavy armor. They have wild boar tusks, leather ears, and mirror eyes; the
well mounted, and white cloth closes off the
sides and bottoms of the masks. Cloth masks wearer looks out through the mouth. Fig. 171 shows two rather comic heavy
are very rare. From the collection of Ruth cloth masks from El Doctor, Guerrero, made in clay molds.
Lechuga. El Doctor, Queretaro; 20 cm. (ap¬ Window Screening (Tela de Alambre). One unusual material used in
prox.), not including hair and white cloth;
cloth (glued layer technique), paint, ixtle fi¬
creating masks is window-screening or tela de alambre. The masks of the rich,
ber. (a) iv.a.c. (b) ii.a.c. velvet-costumed Chinelo dancers of Tepoztlan, Morelos, are made of this mate¬
rial. Window-screening is worked over a wooden mold and trimmed with a
black, red, or white beard and eyebrows (Fig. 101).
Papier Mache. Very interesting papier mache masks are made in Jesus
Maria, a Cora village in the heart of the mountains in Nayarit. These masks
form a part of the mixture of Pre-FFispanic and Christian rites enacted during the
Easter ceremonies. The Judases wear large masks, such as the Imaginary Beast
mask in Fig. 172, each one the creation of the man or boy who wears it. At the
end of the ceremonies, these masks are ritually destroyed by casting them into
the river, where they disintegrate. In 1936, when I was in Jesus Maria, there was
no mention of such masks. It has been suggested that, at some time since then, a
teacher in the schools there may have taught papier mache technique which
took the form of mask-making. This is probably what happened, as the Coras
previously used face painting and we have no record of their using masks until
fairly recently.
The following account of how these papier mache masks (which are called
hasha in Cora) are made was recorded by Marina Auguiano and Guido Miinch in
Jesus Maria, Nayarit, during Holy Week in 1972:
1. One makes a clay mold two weeks in advance. Normally, each person
 124 The Making of Masks

makes his own mask, unless he is without talent.

2. When dry, one glues pieces of cardboard to the mold with a flour and
water paste. The mask is then left to dry.
3. The mold is destroyed, leaving the mask.
4. To simulate the hair, the "hair" that is found inside the organ cactus is
used, as it looks authentic.
5. Deer antlers or imitations of them are covered with tissue paper and
placed on the mask.
6. The mask is then covered entirely with tissue paper.
7. The teeth may be metal or, in the case of this fantastic animal (Fig. 172),
wood covered with silver cigarette paper.
8. At dawn on Holy Thursday, the "Borrados" (the Judases) go toward the
river Jesus Maria and paint their bodies, masks, machetes, and the turtle shells
which they carry in their belts in black and white patterns. The white they ob¬
tain from earth lime, and the black from burned, ground corn.
9. On Good Friday, they decorate the masks, machetes, and turtle shells
with colors: both ochre earth color and aniline dyes. They dissolve the aniline
in water and spit it onto the masks.
10. On Saturday about twelve noon, the Judases take off their body paints
in the river and then throw their masks and machetes in the river.
11. When the things are destroyed, the only items saved are the deer antlers
(if authentic) and the turtle shells.

In some areas, papier mache masks have supplanted wooden masks for prac¬
tical reasons. In Acatlan, near Chilapa, Guerrero, I recently encountered one
mask-maker who had always carved wooden masks in the past, but, due to diffi¬
culties in obtaining wood and to the time involved in carving a wooden mask,
had decided to make all his masks of papier mache. He used a convex face made
from wood, with almost no facial features, as a mold; on this, he worked with
paper and a paste of flour and water. He said he could make ten papier mache
masks in the time it would take to make one wooden one. Also, since papier
mache masks are less expensive and wear out quickly, they can be sold readily
and more often than masks made of more durable materials,—perhaps another
example of modern preplanned obsolescence.
The situation is the same for a sixty-eight-year-old mask-maker from
Tlaniquitlapa, Guerrero, who had traditionally carved wooden masks. A few
years ago, he decided to make masks of papier mache and rent them for thirty
pesos per three-day fiesta. He said that he would not do any more business with
wood, as wooden masks do not wear out and replacements are rarely needed.
Maguey and Fiber. Maguey (Agave americana) is a material, like wood,
that is thought to possess spiritual forces or qualities. As previously mentioned,
in Pre-Conquest times, masks made from maguey leaves were used for protec¬
tion of pregnant women and children in the Aztec New Fire Ceremony. A
modern use of maguey can be seen in Fig. 173.
 Mask Materials 125

173. Hermit mask, Pastorela Dance. Accord¬

ing to informant Leonardo Valdez, this un¬
painted mask is carved from a very unusual
white material called quiote (heart) de
maguey. Property of the University of Ari¬
zona. San Juan de las Colchas (near Uruapan),
Michoacan (Tarascan). i.a.c.

In recent years, a large number of woven fiber masks have appeared in

Mexico. These masks seem to be made solely for the tourist trade, as I have
never seen or read about their use in any authentic dance.
Tin. Tin masks have always been rather a mystery, but there are some
172. Imaginary Beast mask. An Easter fiesta beautiful ones. We have been informed that there is a fine old tin mask in the
mask of papier mache, called hasha by the
Cora Indians. (See the text for a description of
Museum of Popular Art in Patzcuaro, Michoacan. Recently a tin mask from the
the way such masks are made.) The material state of San Luis Potosi has been brought to my attention by Maria Teresa
seen beneath the horns and hair comes from Pomar. Whether the tin masks were used in dances has always been doubtful.
the inside of an organ cactus. Jesus Maria,
Nayarit (Cora), 1972. iv.a.d.
SUPPLEMENTARY MATERIALS

Maslc-malcers often use supplementary materials in forming various parts of

masks, especially wooden masks. This is often done when appendages are too
large to be carved from a single piece of wood. Materials may also be added to
achieve realism or to create an elaborate design. For example, Fig. 174a shows a
mask made from a turtle shell, to which a carved wooden nose and mouth have
been added. Or supplementary materials may be used to add symbolic sig¬
nificance to the mask. Tassels of handspun dark red wool are seen on the Tejo-
ron and Negrito Carnival masks made in Pinotepa Nacional, Oaxaca. Their
symbolic significance derives from the handwoven women's belts from which
they are fashioned. For generations, the belts have afforded symbolic protection
to pregnant women during eclipses (Cordry and Cordry 1968, p. 43).
The variety of materials which are added to masks is practically limitless.
Bells and ribbons may be attached to the mask, as in Fig. 104. In addition, glass,
leather, plant fiber, and even tinfoil taken from cigarette packs may be used.
Spines from the pochote or ceiba tree (Ceiba pentandra, L.) formerly served as
decorative features in trimming wooden masks, most commonly Caiman and
Xolotl masks (see Figs. 199 and 247). These cone-shaped spines, from one-half
 126 The Making of Masks

inch to three inches long, grow on the branches and trunk of the tree (see Fig.
246). As discussed in Chapter 9, the pochote tree was commonly regarded as the
Tree of Life throughout Pre-Hispanic Mexico and has great symbolic sig¬
nificance.
Supplementary materials may be attached at the top of the mask for hair.
Animal materials such as sheep's wool, wild boar bristles, or horse tails are
often used on masks as head hair, eyebrows, and beards. Hair may also be repre¬
sented by maguey or ixtle fiber (Figs. 44, 96) or the finer, twisted pita, either in
its natural color or dyed in various hues. Other plant fibers are similarly used in
other areas of Mexico (Fig. 172). In Fig. 278, a copper mask representing
Malinche displays thick locks of human hair. The horns in this mask are antlers
from a deer.
Beards are made of plant fiber, animal skin, or even human hair. The same
material used for hair is frequently used in making the beard. The longstanding
practice of using animal hide for beards is illustrated in Fig. 175, which shows a
comic mask from Tanlajas, San Luis Potosf.
Eyes are sometimes made from pieces of old glass bottles, which are heated
and curved. Such eyes, with hand-painted iris and pupil on the under surface,
have traditionally been set into the Parachico masks of Chiapa de Corzo,
Chiapas (Fig. 62a). More recently, these masks have commercial glass eyes
brought from Mexico City, where they are manufactured for large dolls and
store-window mannequins. Some Tlaxcala masks have glass eyes with lids
which the wearer opens and closes with the aid of a string; the actual apertures
for seeing are half-moons located directly under the painted eyebrows. Com¬
mercial glass eyes are most commonly used by santeros, who have access to
commercial products (Fig. 29, second and third rows). On some Tigre masks
from Guerrero, the round eyes are covered with flat or curved glass (Fig. 176).
Other Guerrero Tigre masks have mirrors over the eyes, requiring the wearer to
look out through the mouth (Fig. 264). Masks with mirror eyes were also made
in Pre-Hispanic times, as noted in Chapter 9. Eyes are sometimes accented with
eyebrows of human hair. Moro Chino masks have rectangular wooden blocks,
often painted gold or yellow, over their eyebrows and across their cheeks (Figs.
42, 284).
Fig. 233 shows masks from the area of Ayutla, Guerrero, that have cheeks,
foreheads, and chins covered with armadillo hide. The skin of a deer is used
on some masks representing that animal, and sometimes deer antlers are at¬
tached (Fig. 177). Animal hide is also used occasionally to make ears, as shown
in Fig. 79.
An unpainted wooden mask from the state of Oaxaca, shown in Fig. 178,
has a snakeskin covering the nose area. Wooden snakes are commonly attached
as noses, as are carvings of other animals and human figures. Elaborately carved
noses are often attached and are an important symbolic feature of masks. A
long, thin nose, as shown in Fig. 163, may have an erotic significance, as is
common in masks from Japan and other parts of the world.
 Mask Materials 127

174. Characters and dances unknown. On the

left [a] is a turtle-shell mask from the Ran-
cheria Moluco in San Juan Guichicovi,
Oaxaca. The brown face is augmented by a
wooden nose and mouth, and the eyes are
merely round cut-outs. Mask b is from San
Mateo del Mar, Oaxaca, a unique village lo¬
cated on a strip of sand between el mar vivo y
el mar muerto ("the living sea and the dead
j>ea," i.e., the Pacific Ocean and a lagoon). The
delicate carving, the simple spacing, and the
shapes of eye and mouth combine to make
this a true work of art, reminiscent of the
work of Paul Klee. Mask a property of the
University of Arizona, (a) San Juan Guichi¬
covi, Oaxaca (Zapotec); (b) San Mateo del
Mar, Oaxaca (Huave); (a) 30 cm.; (b) 31 cm.;
turtle shell, wood (a), i.b.c.

175. Comic mask, character and dance un¬

known. This very crude mask from San Luis
Potosi is shown with its two hats flapped back
from the face. Trimmed in strips of leather,
fur, and metal and with only stark eyeholes, it
does not resemble the styles seen in Oaxaca
and Guerrero. Tanlajas, San Luis Potosi; 32
cm., not including hat; wood, paint, leather,
metal, animal fur, two straw hats, i.a.c.

176. Tigre mask, Tecuani Dance. The excep¬

tionally rich quality of this heavy old Tigre is
seen in its rough surface texture, which exhib¬
its hard use. The painted wooden eyes are cov¬
ered with hand-curved glass, and the tongue is
made of leather. Tecuani Dance Tigres gener¬
ally do not have eyeholes; the dancer looks
out through the mouth. Region of Apango,
Guerrero (Nahua); height: 34 cm.; depth: 19
cm.; wood, paint, wild boar bristle, leather,
glass, iv.a.c.
128 The Making of Masks

177. Deer mask. This mask was probably used

as a decoy to aid in good hunting. I know of
very few masks made from the actual head of
an animal, as is this one, although the Mayo/
Yaqui dancers do use an entire deer's head as a
headdress. Here the animal's eyes have been
removed to allow the wearer to look out, and
the antlers have been left intact. Collections
of the International Folk Art Foundation in
the Museum of International Folk Art, Santa
Fe, New Mexico. Place of origin unknown; 33
cm., including antlers; deer head, deer ant¬
lers. IV.A.C.

178. Character and dance unknown. Although

this mask was not carved by a skilled crafts¬
man, the unusual use of the stuffed snakeskin
dividing the stark face makes it unique and
powerful. Collections of the International Folk
Art Foundation in the Museum of Interna¬
tional Folk Art, Santa Fe, New Mexico. State
of Oaxaca; 26 cm.; wood, snakeskin. ii.a.c.

179. Devil mask, Devil Dance. This very well

made Devil, with animal ears and goat horns,
has a movable tongue with a serpent resting
on it. The design of the nose is derived from
representations of the bat. Eye slits are seen
above the eyes. The bold carving and design of
this mask are the work of a predecessor of the
young Chapa, Guerrero, carver Santiago Mar¬
tinez Delgado (see Fig. 28), whose work has
not yet attained the sculptural understanding
seen in this Devil. Apetlanca, Guerrero (Na-
hua); 49 cm., including horns; wood, paint,
goat horns, ii.b.c.

v
 Mask Materials 129

A movable mouth and jaw is integrated into the Moor Mask shown in Fig.
280. Wooden mouths, attached to masks made of gourds and other materials,
often show extraordinarily expressive imagination on the part of the carver (Fig.
174a). Movable tongues, made of wood or leather, may be seen in Figs. 14 and
179. For symbolic purposes, tongues are sometimes carved in the shape of ani¬
mals, such as the frog shown in Fig. 251. One unique mask has a glass tongue
(Fig- 301).
Teeth from animals or humans may be attached to add realism to masks. In
Fig. 231, tiny animal teeth are used. Pieces of bone (Fig. 306) or large boar tusks
(Fig. 79) may also be used.
Animal fur of various kinds is sometimes employed for mask decoration
(Fig. 2), and many types of animal horns may be seen, such as the goat horns in
Figs. 14 and 179.

GLUES

Commercial glues are commonly used in mask-making today. However, vegeta¬

ble glues have been popular throughout the history of Mexico* and continue to
be used in some areas. Vegetable glues are derived from a number of plants, in¬
cluding mesquite (Prosopis juliflora), canuela (Equisetum lamosissum Desf.),
and ixcapante (Illicium floridum). Oil of chia is also used in combination with
other substances.
Glues derived from various species of orchid are common not only in
mask-making but also in the making of other wooden items, such as the violin.
Three varieties of orchids employed are Coatzontecoxochitl (Stanhopea tigrina
nigra, Batem); Laelia autumnalis, Lid.,- and Cyrtodium (cigar orchid). The bulb
of this third orchid serves as an adhesive called jilotillo. While soft and fresh,
the bulb is scraped with a knife or piece of obsidian, yielding a sticky mass
which is the basis of jilotillo. When combined with sawdust, this adhesive is
used in mending cracks and knotholes in unpainted wooden masks. The mix¬
ture is also used to join separate pieces of wood, as in the case of helmet masks
too large to be made from a single tree trunk (Fig. 277). Jilotillo is extremely
strong and is also used to fasten the pochote spines to the masks and to the
manta cloth of the costume for the Caiman Dance (Fig. 187).

* Adhesives made from orchid plants were with the powder this remarkable glue is pre¬
used in Pre-Hispanic times, as described by pared" (1959, pp. 117—1x9).
Francisco Hernandez: "The Chichiltictepetza- Bernal Diaz del Castillo also mentions an
cuxdchitl grows roots similar to those of the adhesive used by Cortes's army: "And later
asphodel, white and fibrous. . . . The root is Cortes ordered . . . that he distribute them, ar¬
cold, damp and sticky; an excellent and very rows as well as metal arrowheads of copper,
adhesive glue which the Indians use is pre¬ among all the crossbowmen, and that he order
pared with it, and principally the painters use them always to polish and feather them with
it to adhere the colors more firmly, so that the paste, which sticks better than that of Castilla,
figures do not rub out easily. The root is cut in that is made of something like roots that is
small pieces, dried in the sun and ground, and called zacotle" (1939b, 2 : 205).
 130 The Making of Masks

Paints. As with tools and adhesives, paints used in mask-making range 180. Owl mask, Apache Dance. This large,
from simple ones made from natural materials of the earth to commercially expressive Owl is very well conceived and exe¬
available products. Since the latter are difficult, and sometimes impossible, to cuted. The reverse side is deeply carved and
cleanly finished. I have seen very few masks
come by and are invariably expensive, they are usually used sparingly. A single painted with water-base paint, much of which
color may be applied to the whole mask, or an accent of color, such as a touch of is here worn off. Copanatoyac, Guerrero
white on leather or a red mouth on wood, may be the only painted design. (Nahua); height: 32 cm.; depth: 33 cm.; wood
(zompantle), paint (water base), iv.a.c.
The dyes used in paint-making have traditionally come from colored earth,
minerals, or plants. Earth colors and red tones are often derived from minerals. A
yellow paint used by the Huichols for hundreds of years comes from a yellow
root which they grind on a flat stone and mix with saliva. This paint has tra¬
ditionally been used for face painting; on their present masks, which are made
for sale, it is being supplanted by commercial paint.
Plant binders are an important ingredient in paints. They are usually added
to the dyes made from earth, minerals, or plants and are often mixed with corn-
 Mask Materials 131

181. Bat mask. This large late-nineteenth-

century male Bat mask is from Xataltitlan,
Guerrero, near the historic Bat Dance center
of Tlacozotitlan (see Fig. 230). On the Bat's
arms one can see the cloth showing through
where the paint has worn off. This mask ap¬
pears to be one of a pair of very rare Bat masks.
The female mask (not pictured) is larger and
similar in features, color, and style, but with-
—out a moustache. I have seen other pairs of
animal masks, with male and female Turtles
and Armadillos, but this is the only pair of
Bats I have seen. These mask pairs are one
important expression of the concept of duality
(see Chapter 9). Xataltitlan, Guerrero; 55 cm.;
wood, paint, cloth, ii.b.c.

\ " ' ip ‘ ’ •
'Aty 1
£■■.//. 1 4-h •• i V'X

182. Apache mask, Apache Dance. Made in

the famous lacquer village of Olinala, Gue¬
rrero, for use in Huehuetono, this fine old
Apache mask shows heavy use, as the chin is
slightly damaged. In this Olinala lacquer tech¬
nique, called rayado ("scraped" or "marked"),
the lacquer was applied in layers (in this case
red over green) and then scraped or cut out to
reveal the design in the underlying color. Thus
animals, flowers, and borders emerge in clear¬
ly defined color patterns. Huehuetono, Guerre¬
ro (Nahua); 30 cm.; wood, lacquer, i.b.c.
 132 The Making of Masks

183. Tigre mask, Tecuani Dance (a); Old Man

Carnival mask (b). Very careful workmanship
is combined with an unusual spirit of fun and
entertainment in these two lacquer masks.
They were made by mask-maker Jose Antonio
Gabriel (see Appendix). Mask a property of the
Smithsonian Institution; mask b property of
the University of Arizona. Temalacatzingo,
Guerrero (Nahua); (a) 27 cm.; (b) 26 cm., in¬
cluding beard; wood, lacquer, (a) iv.a.c.; (b)
I.B.C.

mercial powdered paints as well. A plant widely used as a binder in Guerrero is

suelda consuelda, possibly a species of Anredera scandens, Mag., from the fam¬
ily Chenepodiums (Martinez 1937, p. 442). This vine yields a juice which has
properties similar to egg white. Used in paint, it proves to be an excellent bind¬
ing material.
The importance of binders in paint is illustrated in Fig. 180, which shows a
fine old Owl mask with only traces of its once colorful designs remaining. Col¬
ored water paint was used on this mask and over the years has almost com¬
pletely washed off. Similarly, I have a number of large, old helmet masks with
only the barest traces of the white undercoating known as "Spanish whiting"
(bianco de Espana). No color remains whatsoever.
Before painting, an undercoat of Spanish whiting was formerly applied to
many of the better masks. Also, some old wooden masks were first covered with
a piece of natural-colored, handwoven cloth, carefully glued, coated with
Spanish whiting, and then painted. Late-nineteenth-century masks with cloth
beneath the paint are shown in Figs. 105 and 181.
An additional ingredient sometimes added to paint is oil of chia. The
water-repellent qualities of this oil were known in Pre-Hispanic times,* and it is
still used today to produce long-lasting, waterproof paints and lacquers.

* ". . . and even their paint, water does not ruin or damage it, nor do they smear it with chiyan oil"
(Gomara 1966, 2: 437).
 Mask Materials 133

Lacquers. Lacquers are also used to impart color and brilliance to masks
in some areas. The process of making lacquer is similar to that of making paint;
minerals or commercial pigments are used for color and texture, and, in some
parts, oil of chia is added for durability. Occasionally, oil of chia is replaced by
commercial linseed oil, but this decreases the resistance and the durability of
the lacquer.
The lacquering process is far more complicated than painting. First, a color¬
less paste is applied, and the piece is polished by rubbing with a coarse abrasive,
sometimes an agate or a piece of a glass bottle. Then the coloring pigment is
rubbed over the surface. The color being used determines the number of coats
needed to achieve depth and brilliance. For example, red requires more coats
than other colors. Finally, a high polish is obtained by rubbing the piece with a
cloth. After eight or ten days, the lacquer is completely dry, and decorations are
added, using pigmented lacquer applied with a paintbrush.* Fig. 182 shows a
lacquer mask made in Olinala, Guerrero, a town which specializes in decorated
lacquer gourds and masks. Some very interesting lacquer masks are made in
Michoacan, where lacquering has been popular for many years (Fig. 87a, b, d, e,
* The following information provided by Eduar¬ process oil of chia is being replaced by com¬
do Dagach of the Fondo Nacional del Fomento mercial linseed oil—but the resistance and
de las Artesaru'as is an explanation of the lac¬ durability are diminished.
quer process. Although this information does “Description of the process.
not apply specifically to mask production, the "The chamatl is smeared with the finger
technique is presumably the same. on the gourd [peara) trying to smooth it while
"data obtained about the process of putting it on; later with the tail of a deer the
LACQUER OR SHELLAC IN TEMALACATZINGO tizacalte or calcium carbonate is taken from a
AND OLINALA, GUERRERO washtub and is dusted over the piece until the
"Local materials that are used. oil is absorbed by the carbonate powder. Im¬
“Tizacalte. It is a natural product that is mediately the piece is polished rubbing it with
ground in its native state and which can be an agate or a small glass bottle. Once polished,
replaced by calcium carbonate. a mixture is made of tolte with the coloring
"Tecoxtle. The tecoxtle is another carbon¬ pigment that is going to be used, previously
ate probably of magnesia which is also ground rubbed several times in order to form a con¬
in its native state. It serves to harden and dry sistent coating over the piece. When it does
rapidly. not show signs of being damp, or rather when
"Tolte. This is a double carbonate of mag¬ all the greasiness of the oil has been absorbed,
nesia and calcium that is gathered from the the piece is left. The pigments that are used
area. It is calcined in the fireplace for four to will determine the number of coats needed to
five days, then ground. give brilliance to the piece. For example, the
"Oil of chia. It is obtained by toasting the color red needs more coats than other colors.
chia in a comal, grinding it while hot and The brilliance is obtained by rubbing the piece
kneading it with tepid water. Later it is with a cotton cloth that is stiff and tight. This
squeezed out through a linen cloth to obtain shine is given to it the first time five hours
the oil. The oil of chia is used in two forms: after the lacquer has been applied; the follow¬
"1. Tolte and tecoxtle are stirred on the ing time will be the next day when it has dried
metate and mixed with oil of chia, giving rise a little more. Once the piece dries (four or five
to a paste called chamatl or chamate which is days) it is impossible to shine. After eight or
just to begin the process. ten days the decoration begins by means of
"2. Tecoxtle and commercial red lead ox¬ paintbrushes made in the region, and using
ide are mixed with the oil of chia and boiled pigment which comes from Mexico City and
until the preparation becomes black. This oil only mixing it with sizing, a different color is
is used for the final decoration with a paint¬ applied each day. The paintbrushes are made
brush. The oldest artisans add whole garlic, with cat hair tied and put in the point of a
because they say that in this way maximum turkey feather. The hairs from the back of a
brilliance is obtained. Lately in this part of the cat are used because they are firmer."
134 The Making of Masks

Table 2. Paints and Lacquers Used in Mask-making

Chiapas oil paint combined with mineral paint (lacquer technique)

Guerrero oil paints, enamel, paints made from mineral powders, mix¬
tures with mermeyon chino, lacquer made with tecoxtle and
tolte, a extracts from leaves and tree bark, mineral and earth
paints, oil of chia
Hidalgo varnish, zapolin, oil paints
Michoacan oil paints, enamel, gesso, varnish, plaster combined with oil
and paint
Oaxaca enamel, aniline, puchino
Puebla vinyl
Queretaro analine, oil paints
Zacatecas vinyl, oil paints

a See note on p. 133.

268). In the small lacquer center of Temalacatzingo, Guerrero, Tigre and other
masks continue to be carved and painted according to the traditional lacquer
technique (Fig. 183).
In the manufacture of lacquer masks for the Parachicos Dance, according to
one mask-maker, the esophagus of a bull is used to smooth the lacquer paint.
The esophagus undergoes an elaborate series of preparations before being used in
mask-making.* It is possible that this was originally done as a symbolic proce¬
dure to make the mask and the mask wearer more eloquent and the voice
louder.
Information about the paints and lacquers currently used by mask-makers,
derived from our survey of these craftsmen, is given in Table 2.

TOOLS

The following section is based on our survey of modern mask-makers who work
predominantly with wood (see Appendix). Tools for other materials are men¬
tioned in the description of mask materials and processes elsewhere in this
chapter.
Tools employed today for the making of wooden masks are largely impro¬
vised from machetes, knives, and other metal implements, which are cut and

The preparation of the esophagus was de¬ until it floats in the water. (Then it is rotten.)
scribed by Antonio Lopez Hernandez, a mask- Take out the small member inside and wash
maker from Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas (see it with jabon de pan. Afterward put in lime
Appendix): "It must be male, killed during the and knead it. Wash it again with clean water.
full moon. First separate the meat, take the Cut in twelve-to-fifteen-cm. pieces and knead
member and put it in a bottle of water. Leave it on a paint brush. Use it when the varnish is
the bottle in the sun for twenty-four hours fresh (about twenty minutes after application).
 Mask Materials 135

Table 3. Tools Used in Mask-making

Chiapas machete, saw, compass, gouge, chisel, polishers, esophagus

of bull (used to smooth paint)
Guerrero machete, knife, gouge, chisel, saw, adz, sickle, homemade
tools
Hidalgo gouge, chisel, knife, sandpaper
Michoacan handsaw, rasp, knife, gouge, plane, sandpaper, machete,
chisel, brush (angarito)
Oaxaca chisel, knife, gouge, machete, handsaw, plane, sandpaper,
barbequi (saw), ax, moso de media
Puebla hammer, knife, wooden mallet, mold
Queretaro gouge
Zacatecas knife, adz, gouge, chisel, improvised tools

184. Mask-making tools. Juan Godinillo dem¬ 185. Mask-maker preparing zompantle wood. 186. Mask-maker Miguel Cruz Lopez. He is
onstrates the tools used in making a heavy cow He prepares the block of wood with rapid shown carving a Twins mask for the Mascari-
leather Tigre mask, similar to the one shown in blows of his machete. Apango, Guerrero, tas Dance. See Fig. 209 for other Twins masks
Fig. 55. Zitlala, Guerrero, 1975. 1914. by this mask-maker. Photo by Martha Turok.
Pinotepa de Don Luis, Oaxaca (Mixtec).
136 The Making of Masks

shaped to suit the type of wood being used. Commercially manufactured tools
are used but are not obtainable in some areas and, when available, may not be
within the economic means of the mask-maker. One tool which is used is the
chanasco, a short curved knife usually used by shoemakers; another is the gur-
bia, a short, wide gouge.
Fig. 144 shows the tools used by Nalberto Abrahan in Tixtla, Guerrero, in
1945. With his left foot acting as a vise, he is pounding with a wooden object. A
chisel and a broken machete lie nearby. Fig. 185 shows another Guerrero carver,
whom I saw in 1974, doing the preliminary cutting of a piece of zompantle with
free swings of a machete, the same tool used in the fields. The tools used by
Miguel Cruz Lopez of Pinotepa de Don Luis, Oaxaca, consist of a straight ma¬
chete and homemade carving tools, as seen in Fig. 186. This artisan specializes
in carving masks from hard parota (conacaste) wood.
Many types of abrasives are used in mask-making. A simple implement
such as a rough piece of glass may be used for finishing wood. An excellent
sandpaper is made by grinding glass into a powder and sprinkling it on glue-
covered paper. In Chiapas, coarse plant leaves have traditionally been utilized
for sanding wood. In certain coastal regions, such as the Isthmus of Tehuantepec
and the Yucatan, small squares of very hard, dried shark skin were used. Com¬
mercial sandpaper is also used by many mask-makers.
Table 3, based on our survey of mask-makers, gives the tools currently in
use by mask-makers in eight states of Mexico.
 Mask Materials 137

187. Caiman mask and costume, Caiman

Dance. The Caiman Dance with this type of
mask and costume was formerly performed in
the towns of Ostotitlan, Zimatel, Cuajitlotla,
and El Mirador, Guerrero, but these perfor¬
mances ceased fifteen to twenty years ago.
Several years ago, I heard that two such cos¬
tumes still existed in Cuajitlotla, and this is
one of them. The masks, which at one time
were produced in some quantity, are also no
longer available. (For other masks of this type,
see Figs. 199 and 247. See pp. i98-2or for a
discussion of the significance of the Caiman.)
Collections of the International Folk Art
Foundation in the Museum of International
Folk Art, Santa Fe, New Mexico. Cuajitlotla,
Guerrero (Nahua); 50 cm. (mask only); mask:
wood, paint, pochote spines; costume: cotton
cloth, pochote spines, ii.b.c.
 Interpreting ritual is a maddening intellectual challenge when the members
of a society are not so articulate as Victor Turner’s Ndembu, or the
Navaho among whom I worked before starting field research in Zinacantan.
Native exegesis on the meaning of rituals . . . is the most revealing
source of information. . . . But when, as any Mesoamerica field worker
knows all too well, the most common response of an informant asked
why or what about a ritual is “it’s the custom,” then the discovery and
interpretive procedures are long and involved indeed.
188. Dwarf masks, Dance of the Dwarves (Vogt 1976, p. 1)
(Enanos) (May 3). This dance was first per¬
formed, so they say, in 1804 (see note on p.
152). The two masks seen here are part of a set
of twelve replacements, several times removed
from the earliest ones. These large masks were
worn by small boys some seventy to eighty
years ago in a rain dance held in a cave at the
beginning of each rainy season. The boys car¬
ried yellow canes etched with animal designs
and, wearing the huge masks, they appeared to IN CONTRAST to most articles of ethnic art, masks do not have an obvious
be dwarves. The rain gods, such as Tlaloques,
practical function; they do not plow fields, keep anyone warm, carry water, or
were believed to be dwarves who lived in
caves. On the masks, water symbols can be feed families. They are, rather, manifestations of the invisible world of the reli¬
seen in the blue-green eyes, the blue rippling gious, psychological, and social systems of their cultures. Masks are designed,
beards and hair, and the snakes curling down
constructed, and used as symbolic expressions of these systems of beliefs. To
the sides of the mask on the right. This set of
masks is said to have been carved by a member
understand masks and their symbols, we must first understand the beliefs that
of the Bahena family who was reputed to have gave rise to masks, beliefs that to some degree are still in evidence today.
been a master carver at the age of fifteen. In In Mexico, masks developed as a part of the shamanistic basis of the Pre-
recent times, the masks are said to have come
Hispanic Indian religions. Masks were used to transform the wearers spiritually
into the possession of Pedro Bahena, who later
sold them to various collectors. Such large, and psychologically into gods, supernatural forces, another level of existence.
intricate masks will probably not be seen in Masks were instruments that allowed the wearers to contact and to exert some
Mexico again due to the amount of wood, control over the forces that were believed to affect their lives and their commu¬
time, and talent needed to produce them. Dis¬
nity.
tinctive is the undercoat of black pigment
rather than the usual Spanish whiting. These While shamanism per se is slowly disappearing in Mexico today, many con¬
masks are reminiscent of the fine Barbones temporary masks are an expression of a shamanistic element within Indian cul¬
masks from nearby Ostotitlan (Fig. 32), which tures which has survived the Conquest of Mexico by both the Spaniards and the
may have been carved by a related school of
sculptors. La Parota, Guerrero; (a) 8 s cm.; (b)
Catholic Church. If we are to understand the symbols contained in these masks,
94 cm.; wood (zompantle), paint, (a) i.a.c. (b) we must view them within the context of their religious traditions. The objec¬
II.A.C. tive of Part III, therefore, is to provide a brief explanation of the shamanistic role
of masks (Chapter 8), the more important mask symbols (Chapter 9), and the
social uses of masks (Chapter 10).
 8. Shamanism

IT IS DIFFICULT for most modern readers to regard the concept of the world in
which supernatural powers are responsible for rain, diseases, death by “soul
loss," and abundance or starvation as anything more than the superstition of a
"primitive" people. We see our world as real and rational; we have an appropriate
scientific answer for everything that happens. Each night, we can retreat into
the protection of our safe, warm houses, secure in our knowledge and logic. But
the world was not always like this. To understand how masks have functioned,
we must once again enter the world where man was alone with the elements,
the world from which modern man is a very recent refugee.
While the great civilizations of Pre-Hispanic Mexico were based on agricul¬
ture, their heritage, their world view, and their religious systems were in large
part shaped by a hunting and gathering culture. The hunting and gathering cul¬
ture was never far in the past for these civilizations; indeed, there was a direct
and continuing influence exerted by invading groups of less civilized peoples,
such as the Chichimecs. Flowever, the difference between agrarian societies and
hunting and gathering ones is far more than just a matter of economics, for, as
noted by Andreas Lommel: "The world-view or feeling for life of the two cul¬
tures is fundamentally different. The planter has a certain idea of how he can
render his environment useful. Ffe carries on a productive economy, and his aim
is to multiply his possessions. The hunter hunts and seizes what he finds. He
feels himself one with nature and does not wish to dominate it in the modern
sense,- but as a hunter he kills the animal, and this murder which is necessary to
his existence gradually comes to weigh heavily upon him" (Lommel 1967, p. 15).
In a hunting society, man was ferocious and cruel in order to survive, and, at
189. Devil mask. This extraordinary mask is
one of many having two lizards, one on each the same time, he was timid and weak in comparison to the forces of nature and
cheek. It was described as a Devil but obvious¬ the animals that stalked him for food. He depended on the elements and the
ly once pertained to the shamanistic belief animals for his food, his shelter, and his very existence, and in this aspect,
regarding the close relationship of man and
animals. Tlacozotitlan, Guerrero (Nahua); 26
nature was good, his benefactor. On the other hand, the same elements and
cm.-, wood, paint, ii.a.c. animals oppressed, frightened, and destroyed him. Further, "in the mind of early
 142 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

man, the border line between the concrete and the symbolic was blurred; he
could not conceive of a life clearly demarcated by any determining facts of
reality. He could not separate the natural from the supernatural. For him, the
latter was a living force with which he needed to identify" (Turner 1967, pp.
104-105).
In order to gain control over the natural (this dualistic giver and destroyer of
life), man tried to become one with the elements and to be like his natural
environment: without beginning, without end. He became the worshipper and
the worshipped, the killer and the victim, where the life force of blood was given
and received. Nothing was what it seemed; men were animals and animals were
gods.
The identity between men and animals has existed among people in differ¬
ent places throughout the world, particularly among American Indian groups.
Almost all of these groups have myths, stories, and/or songs in which their gods
are transformed into animals and animals into men. One good example of this is
an Eskimo hunting song:

In the very earliest time,

when both people and animals lived on earth,
a person could become an animal if he wanted to
and an animal could become a human being.
Sometimes they were people
and sometimes animals
and there was no difference.
All spoke the same language.
(Rothenberg, ed., 1972, p. 45J

In ancient Mexico, the idea of the mystic unity of man with animals was
widespread and formed an important element in the religions of all classical In¬
dian civilizations. The importance of this identity was retained even after these
societies became agrarian and ceased to depend on hunting. The Olmecs, for
example, associated themselves with the jaguar and were "able" to transform
themselves into men-jaguars and jaguar-men.
Given man's need to become one with nature and his invention of the soul
as a method of doing so, these views evolved toward two poles: the Lord of the
Animals, who is the concentration of these spiritual forces (discussed in further
detail in Chapter 9); and the shaman, a spiritual technician whose soul could
travel to the spirit world and cause animal spirits to return to earth so that
hunger and want could be averted. The shaman must be differentiated from the
medicine man and the magician, not only because of his unique practices
(which included flying, being killed and brought back to life, the use of crowns,
masks, and bones, etc.), but also because the shaman, by benefit of his training,
could directly contact the supernatural world at will and served as a guide for
the other members of his tribe. As Mircea Eliade states, the shaman is differen-
 Shamanism 143

190. Mask for Fox Dance. The ancient unity

of man and animal is well demonstrated in
this inventive old composite mask, as the jag¬
uar and the human face become part of one
another. The jaguar holds the human eyes in
its mouth, while its tongue becomes the hu¬
man nose. Jaguar paws encircle the strong jaw
and chin. In this mask a nagual, tonal, or
protective meaning seems obvious. (See p. 174
for a discussion of the nagual or tonal.) San
Luis San Pedro, Guerrero (Nahua); height: 30
cm.; depth: ij cm.; wood, paint, animal
teeth, ii.b.c.

191. Azteca masks, Azteca Dance. Mounted ages above the human face are malevolent or
on top of each of these masks is a jaguar pro¬ benevolent (see Fraser, ed., 1968, pp. 82-84).
tector similar to feline protectors that have Mask a property of the University of Arizona.
been found on helmets in both Mexico and (a) Chalpa (near Tlapa), Guerrero (Tlapanec);
China (see Fig. 192). There is a difference of (b) Ajuchitlan, Guerrero (Nahua); (a) 47 cm.;
opinion as to whether these jaguar/tiger im¬ (b) 37 cm.; wood, paint, ii.a.c.
 144 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

dated from both medicine men and the lay population "by the intensity of his
own magico-religious experiences" and by the fact that "he alone succeeds in
acquiring a technique that enables him to undertake ecstatic journeys at will"
to the supernatural world (Eliade 1964, pp. 297-298).
Yet it is not shamans themselves who are important in relationship to con¬
temporary masks, but the system of shamanistic beliefs which formed an inte¬
gral part of Mexican Indian cultures and survived the attempts at suppression by
the Catholic Church. Shamanism, which Eliade defines as a "technique of 192. Feline helmets and headdresses from
ecstasy" (1964, p. 4) for merging and communicating with the spiritual world, Mexico and China. At upper left is the great
Mixtec conqueror Eight Deer, from the Codex
was used by all the members of the tribe. The shaman was the technician of the
Nuttall; at upper center, a human face sur¬
sacred but not its sole possessor. It was believed that each Indian had a tutelary mounted by an enormous jaguar headdress,
spirit or spiritual "power" that made him capable of "visions" and augmented from a clay urn of the Monte Alban III area
his reserves of the sacred (ibid., p. 298). Shamanism was the technique of com¬ from Oaxaca. At upper right is a bronze pole-
end from early China, Shang period—a human
municating with the spirit world that was shared by all of the members of the face with a tiger on top; at lower right, a tiger
community. cap of cloth worn by modern Chinese children
The shamanistic use of masks to facilitate that journey to the spirit world as an amulet. After Covarrubias 1954, P- 5°-
is made clear by Eliade: "There is always some instrument that, in one way or
another, is able to establish contact with the 'world of the spirits'.
This... falls under a 'law' well known to the history of religions: one becomes
what one displays. The wearers of masks are really the mythical ancestors [as
well as the gods, spirits, and animalsj portrayed by their masks" (Eliade 1964, p.
179). Therefore, the use of masks by the members of the tribe is far more than
just a ritual performance in homage to the gods or the supernatural powers; it is
a method for establishing direct, mystical contact that is used by a large seg¬
ment of the village.

\
 Shamanism 145

194. Characters and dances unknown. I have

known only six masks in Mexico like these
with small human faces superimposed on the
forehead. Similar masks are used by the Es¬
kimo in shamanistic ceremonies; the small
faces represent shaman helpers (Ray 1967,
plate following p. 96). Mask a depicts a taran¬
tula with human features and is from Xal-
patlahuac, Guerrero. Mask b is a human face
with bat ears. Guerrero (Nahua); (a) 22 cm.;
(b) 30 cm.; wood, paint, bone teeth (a), (a)
II.B.C. (b) I.A.D.

193. Devil masks, various dances. On the left that appears in many forms on Eskimo masks;
is a beautifully carved Crow, whose rather see, for instance, the shaman helper dog spirits
fierce aspect warns of danger to crops. A death in Dorothy Jean Ray's Eskimo Masks (1967,
head is carved on the brow. This mask was Plate I). Both of these are now termed Devil
said to have been used for the Crow Dance and masks, but they undoubtedly had an esoteric,
the Devil Dance. On the right is a Zopilote shamanistic meaning at one time, (a) Tlanix-
(Vulture), possibly used in the Tecuani Dance. patlan, Guerrero; (b) Huitziltepec, Guerrero;
On the forehead is a spirit helper of the sort (a) 37 cm.; (b) 26 cm.; wood, paint, v.a.c.
146 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

\
 Shamanism 147

THE MASK AS AN INSTRUMENT OF TRANSFORMATION

Given the need for man in primitive conditions to merge with the animal and
natural forces of the world, the invention and use of masks as a catalyst for that
transformation was not only logical but probably inevitable. Masks could be
made to closely represent the animal or natural force that man wanted to con¬
trol. In the case of animal deities, masks were (and still are, although rarely)
made from parts of that animal, such as the bone or hide, and thus more directly
shared the spiritual power of the animal itself.
It is not surprising that the earliest Stone Age masks are of animals. As Wal¬
ter Sorell notes, "Animal masks were the most important symbols in the to-
temistic culture; they were among the first and most logical images and dis¬
guises for man, whose major and immediate experiences were with the animal
world. The mask was undoubtedly preceded by the painting of the body, the first
realization of man's sense of decoration which greatly inspired and finally led to
the creation of masks. Curt Sachs has pointed out that 'masked culture, one of
whose roots lies in the physical, conceives its spirits in perceptible, often in
animal form'" (Sorell 1973, p. 9).
Yet the function of masks is not limited to the simple representation of the
animal or natural force. In Mexico, as in other areas, Indian groups regarded the
face as the representation and the center of an individual's personality. Thus,
donning a mask was more than just adopting a disguise,- it was the equivalent to
temporarily eliminating the personality of the wearer and replacing it with a
being from the other world. It was a profound, mysterious, and magical trans¬
formation.
In writing about masks in A Dictionary of Symbols J. E. Cirlot states: "All
transformations are invested with something at once of profound mystery and
of the shameful, since anything that is so modified as to become 'something
else' while still remaining the thing it was, must inevitably be productive of
ambiguity and equivocation. Therefore, metamorphoses must be hidden from
view—and hence the need for the mask. Secrecy tends towards transfiguration:
it helps what-one-is to become what-one-would-like-to-be; and this is what
constitutes its magic character. . . . The mask is equivalent to the chrysalis"
(Cirlot 1962, pp. 195-196).
While this transformation is of necessity an individual one for the wearer, it
195. Mask for Armadillo Dance and Tlaco- serves a social and collective need and can only exist on the basis of an agree¬
lolero Dance. Users of this mask sought to ment of the members of that society. In discussing masks as a means of chang¬
evoke with sympathetic magic the spirit of ing personality, C. G. Jung says that through the use of the mask, "the outstand¬
the armadillo. The tough armadillo hide is ap¬
ing individual is apparently removed from the sphere of the collective psyche,
plied with unusual precision for this material
and is tinted over with thin paint on the cheek and to the degree that he succeeds in identifying himself with his persona, he is
and chin areas. Across the brow are a number actually removed. This removal means magical prestige. . . . The building up of
of bands of the nine-banded armadillo, the prestige is always a product of collective compromise: not only must there be
only species found in Mexico. Property of the
University of Arizona. Ayutla, Guerrero (Na-
one who wants prestige, there must also be a public seeking somebody on whom
hua); 33 cm.; wood, armadillo hide, paint, i.b.c. to confer prestige. . . . Since society as a whole needs the magically effective
148 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

figure, it uses the needful will to power in the individual, and the will to submit
in the mass, as a vehicle" (Jung 1956, p. 160). While Jung's insights illustrate the
basic psychological mechanisms of the mask as an instrument of transforma¬
tion, I would say from an anthropological viewpoint that the transformation
takes place and that the shaman or masked dancer recognizes this transforma¬
tion not as a personality change, but as a taking over of the personality by a
higher power or god. In essence, "The spiritual act of taking possession of, or
rather assimilating, the spirit represented by the mask—to the point of becom¬
ing possessed by it or becoming it—was the goal of such a masked man" (Sorell
1973/ P- 8).

SHAMANISM AND THE MASK TODAY

The central question remains: to what extent (if any) does the shamanistic use
of masks survive in the design and use of contemporary Mexican masks? As I
have pointed out, many elements of shamanism have been destroyed or lost or
have gone underground during over 450 years of domination by the Spanish and
by the Catholic Church. The shaman as an institution has almost totally disap¬
peared from Mexico, except in peripheral groups like the Huichol and Yaqui In¬
dians. For example, one of the primary tasks of the shaman, in which masks
often played an important role, was the curing of the sick, whether from soul
loss or from broken bones. To my knowledge, this association with the mask
has disappeared, and no curing ceremonies in which masks are used exist today.
Yet it is my feeling, based on my years of direct observation in small Mexican
villages, not only that shamanistic elements still exist, but that they are spe¬
cifically manifested in the design of modern masks and their use in a large
number of contemporary dances. This is tme not only of those groups like the
Huichols and the Yaquis, whose systems of religious beliefs are still relatively
intact, but also of peoples like the Nahuas, who have had extensive contact
with Christianity from the beginning.
One good example of the survival of this type of system of beliefs is shown
in Timothy Knab's study of San Miguel Tzinacapan, a small Nahuatl-spealcing
village in the Sierra de Puebla. He states: "The religious phenomena of San
Miguel Tzinacapan comprise two distinct and independent systems of religious
thought and symbols, that of the public syncretic cult of the saints and the pri¬
vate yet not covert animistic beliefs: the cult of the earth. Individuals may par¬
ticipate in and hold concepts of either or both systems without seeing any
conflict or paradox in either" (Knab 1976, p. 3).
Specifically, the belief of the people of San Miguel Tzinacapan in the cult
of the earth is the belief in Talocan, which means the earth itself in the Nahuatl
of the Sierra de Puebla and also refers to a complete cosmogony. This system of
beliefs (and the word Talocan itself) most certainly originated directly from
classical Aztec religion and its Tlalocan, which was the paradisiacal underworld
of the Aztecs. Thus, Talocan and its supernatural beings represent a direct sur-

v
 Shamanism 149

vival of a Pre-Hispanic religion through oral tradition alone, despite Christian

contact and efforts to suppress such pagan beliefs.
The people of San Miguel Tzinacapan classify these supernatural beings as
amo tokinwan, which means "not our brothers," although this is not to say that
they are thought of as being totally malevolent. These beings have charge over
the natural phenomena with which each is associated. A man must ask the ap¬
propriate supernatural being for permission to grow his crops, for personal pro¬
tection, for rain, and for protection from thunderstorms. While these beliefs are
somewhat more agrarian than those we have discussed previously, the trans¬
formation of these beings to animals and to humans is well known to these peo¬
ple. I believe these personages are the Lords of the Animals or vestiges thereof.
They are said to appear like villagers, in indigenous dress and speaking Nahuatl.
They are considered to be dangerous should they enter the village, as is shown
in the following prayer:

“THEY EAT US!

They are—not—our brother (firmly)
They are worms, wild beasts yes”
(Knab 1976, p. 6)

Belief in such supernatural beings is not confined to such groups as the

Nahuas. In our field work with the Zoque Indians in Tuxtla Gutierrez, Chiapas,
we recorded a tale that illustrates these Indians7 belief in the interaction of the
supernatural being and humans:

The Moyo are the thunderbolts that live in caves in the mountains. They
are very old but look like little boys of about ten years of age. They carry
whips which are really serpents.
Once there was a little boy who was returning from his cornfield.
Someone called to him. When he looked up, he saw a Moyo sitting in a
tree, who said to him, “Give me my whip!” He asked the little boy to do
that for him because he could not fly away without the whip and it is
forbidden for a Moyo to touch the ground, so he could not get it himself.
The little boy looked, but instead of a whip he saw a big snake. He
was very much frightened and told the Moyo, “That is not a whip; that is
a serpent.” The Moyo replied, “That is my whip,” and he begged and sup¬
plicated, “If you will give me the whip, I will clean your field. I shall
clean it very well, only don’t go there tomorrow, because I will be working.”
The little boy procured a long stick, carefully put it under the ser¬
pent, and lifted it up to the Moyo. When the Moyo took it in his hand, he
disappeared so quickly that the little boy did not know what had hap¬
pened. When the boy returned to his field, he found that the Moyo had
cleaned it thoroughly for him.
(Cordry and Cor dry 1941, pp. 8-ro).
150 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

196. Wooden horse used in the Santiago

Dance. After a drawing by Donald Cordry.
From Cordry 1940, p. 17, Fig. 6.

197. Santiago mask; Santiago horse. Two mu¬

sicians, one with a bamboo flute, the other
with a drum, flank a masked Santiago, who
wears a small Santiago horse attached to the
front of his body. Mochitlan, Guerrero, 1970.

\
 Shamanism 151

The most direct survival of shamanism is to be found among the Huichol

Indians. Each year, Huichol villages send groups of pilgrims from the mountains
of Nayarit and Jalisco to Wirikota in the high desert of San Luis Potosf. Led by
their village shaman, the pilgrims walk over thirty days and cover over six hun¬
dred miles in many cases before they return. During the trip, they fast, drink
very little water, and ritually purify their souls. In part, the journey to Wirikota
is made to collect peyote, a hallucinogenic cactus that is sacred to the Huichol
because the visions it produces allow them to directly see and interact with
their gods. In part, it is also a spiritual journey to the center of the Huichol uni¬
verse, to the place where creation began, to a state of mind in which each pil¬
grim experiences a direct, personal communication with the gods. This ecstatic,
mystical relationship with the gods, which forms the basis of shamanism, is
best described by the Huichols themselves:

. . . And there on the Earth of the Gods they hear singing

The gods are singing
The mountains the hills are singing
e) the roses are singing
The song of life in Wirikota only heard in Wirikota
Eternal song of Life
Only there
Only there &) heard in Wirikota
(“For the God of Peyote” [Huichol]}
Rothenberg, ed., 1972, p. 362)

Belief in the supernatural is not restricted to Indian cultures but is wide¬

spread throughout all of Mexico. Curanderos (curers or healers) and brujos
(witches) can be found in almost every village, town, and major city in the coun¬
try. While they do not, to my knowledge, use masks in their rituals, they do
share many functional characteristics with shamans, such as having direct per¬
sonal experiences with supernatural beings and curing individuals who have
suffered soul loss, susto or magical terror, or evil winds at the hands of these
supernaturals.
One example of the power of these curanderos and the depth of people's be¬
lief in them occurred recently to a friend of mine who lives in a small but
thoroughly acculturated, Spanish-speaking town in the state of Morelos. As a
poet, he was particularly grieved to wake up one morning and find that both of
his typewriters had been stolen. After hearing about what had happened, two of
his friends of the village went directly to a curandera, who not only had a vision
as to where the typewriters were but also placed a curse on the thief unless they
were returned. Two days later and after the word of the curse got around town,
the stolen typewriters were miraculously found.
While the preceding examples have sought to document the survival of a
number of general shamanistic beliefs in contemporary Mexico, there are also
 152 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

many instances where the use of masks constitutes a specific expression of be¬
lief in magic. One such case involves the small, wooden horse of Santiago (St.
James) in Cuetzalan, Puebla, used in the Santiago Dance (see Fig. 196). Although
this dance was introduced by the Spanish soon after the Conquest, the treat¬
ment and veneration given the horse is certainly not part of the Christian tradi¬
tion.
As we noted in our original field work:

... in Cuetzalan we encountered a superstition concerning the wooden

horse of the Santiago Caballero which we had not observed in the beliefs
of Indians elsewhere. The toy animal is deeply venerated and is believed
to be endowed with life—possibly a survival of the superstitious awe
with which the Indians first viewed the horses of the Spanish conquerors.
The principal dancer each year, who has the honor of impersonating
the Santiago Caballero, takes the horse from his predecessor and keeps it
until the day of his fiesta arrives. During this time he is under obligation
to the community to give the horse a bowl of maize and a bowl of water
each day. It is believed that, if this is not done, that if the horse is not
treated well, it will run away to another village. The people of San Miguel
near Cuetzalan, we were told, are firmly convinced that they lost their
horse to another village in 1937 owing to this neglect. During the time
the horse is in the dancer’s house, it is kept either on the household altar
or in a small stable or box especially for the purpose.
(Cordry and Cordry r940, pp. 12-13).

A more direct Pre-Hispanic survival is to be found in the use of the Dwarf

masks of La Parota, Guerrero. These large masks may exceed one metre in
height and depict a bearded Zeus-like character (see Fig. 188). They are worn by
children to imitate dwarves in a rain-petitioning ceremony that is often per¬
formed in caves.* The Aztec rain gods, the Tlaloques, were thought to be
dwarves and to live under mountains; caves were entrances to their underworld

* A copy of the original 1902 description of the "Pedro Bahena"

Dance of the Dwarves from Campo Morado, ("Campo Morado, Guerrero, June 4, 1902.
Guerrero, and its translation are as follows: Dance of the Dwarves. This dance was born in
"Campo Morado Gro 4 de Junio 1902 1804 and is composed of 12 dancers. The
Danza Los Enanos esta Danza fue nacida en masks which they use are made up of snakes.
1804 y Esta compuesta por 12 Danzantes Las This Dance was used to adore the God of water
Mascaras que Ocupaban esta compuesta con when it was time for the rains and it did not
culebras Esta Danza La utilisaban para adorar rain—principally on the 3rd of May they go to
al Dios del agua cuando era tiempo de lluvias visit the cave of Tizhuehue—they go dancing
y no llovia principalmente el 3 de mayo van a and they carry the "huntlef?)." This Dance
visitarlo a la cueva del tizhuehue Van a dan- was the property of the family Bahena and of
zante y le llevavan el huntle Esta danza fue late has remained in the hands of Sr. Pedro
propiedad de la familia Bahena y ultimamente Bahena. Until this date he has conserved it
quedo En Manos del Sr. Pedro Bahena y hasta as mayordomo of the Church of San Sebastian.
Esta fecha La conserbo como Mayordomo de "Attentively
la Iglesia de San Sebastian "Pedro Bahena")
"Atentamente
 Shamanism 153

abodes. Thus, the masked children are transformed into the image of the Tla-
loques as a method of attempting to control nature, a transformational process
which is the heart of the shamanistic use of masks.
In passing, it should be noted that the masks from La Parota do not appear
indigenous, with their long wavy beards and blue eyes. However, as will be dis¬
cussed in Chapter 9, such beards were known in Pre-Hispanic times and were
used as water symbols.
An example of the coexistence of European and Indian traditions (like that
of San Miguel Tzinacapan) in mask use appears among the Yaqui and the Mayo
Indians today. When Indian musical instruments, such as the flute and the
drum, are being played, dancers wear their masks fully over their faces. When
European musical instruments (the violin and the harp) are being used, the
mask is worn on the side or back of the head. While neither group gives any
explanation for this practice, it may well be that this custom began from the
recognition that the transformation produced by being fully masked did not fit
within the European/Christian framework. Thus, when European instmments
are used, the mask is moved to one side to function only as a decoration. There
is also a Pre-Hispanic precedent for the wearing of masks on the back of the
head, however: Fig. 198, from the Codex Borgia, shows a mask that may repre¬
198. Cuaxolotl, the goddess of duality. Cua-
sent Xolotl worn on the back of the head of Cuaxolotl. This plate in the Borgia
xolotl, the female counterpart of Xolotl, gave
birth to twins, shown at the bottom of the signifies duality, certain directions, and astronomy.
drawing. She wears a mask on the back of her Whereas the examples discussed above demonstrate survivals of specific
head, probably of Xolotl or Quetzalcoatl. After
Pre-Hispanic religious practices, there is a second, more pervasive reason for
the Codex Borgia, plate 60.
concluding that many contemporary uses of masks continue to incorporate
shamanistic elements, as can readily be seen through the analysis of some of the
masked dances and their corresponding fiestas. While dances will be explored in
further detail later, it should be noted that there still are a large number of
masked dances whose function can only be described as an appeal to super¬
natural forces in an attempt to control nature.
These "nature" dances abound with masks representing animal figures. Not
only are such animal representations one of the main concerns of shamanism,
but the animal motifs utilized have a highly developed symbolism that dates
directly back to ancient Indian Mexico. Further, the presence of these animals
does not seem to be just a continuance of traditional motifs that have lost their
original meanings, as the action within these dances closely parallels and rein¬
forces the traditional symbolic meanings that have been associated with these
motifs.
Although the individual meanings of these mask symbols are dealt with in
Chapter 9, one example of this phenomenon is to be found in the Caiman Dance
performed until fairly recently in the Balsas River area in Guerrero. The central
figure of this dance is the Caiman (see Figs. 187, 199, 213, 247, 303c), who, like
the shamanistic hunting gods, is both the destroyer and the giver of life. His role
as menace derives, at least in part, from real life, in that he eats the fish that
these people depend upon. He is transformed into a symbol of abundance
154 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

through the Caiman Dance, in which he is "caught" by the village fishermen

and thus assures good fishing for the year to come (see Chapter 9).
A second dance and fiesta characteristic that in my opinion indicates a per¬
vasive survival of Pre-Hispanic religious elements is the large number of fiestas
in which the participants get ceremonially "blind drunk" and in which blood is
shed as a matter of course. Many people are inclined to believe that this
bloodshed is due to the alcohol and the violence that it produces. Having ob¬

served these fiestas for years, I believe that this question must be answered by
considering other elements that we know existed in Pre-Conquest times and the
meaning of bloodshed at that time. Human blood was the most sacred thing that
was offered to the gods in ancient Mexico. In the Codex Vaticano-Rios we read,
199. Caiman mask. Caiman Dance. A Caiman
". . . and therefore he clutches the precious thorn: chalchihuiztli, instrument
mask featuring an unusually large, notched
for extracting blood from the ear lobes, from the tongue and from the male triple nose and pochote spines. Like the masks
member, necessary penance . . ." (Kingsborough 1964, 3:54). in Fig. 247, this probably is a representation of a
Alfonso Caso further explains the significance of the offering of human Pre-Columbian figure. It was used in a dance to
insure good fishing. Property of the University
blood in ancient times: ''Since man was created by the sacrifice of the gods, he
of Arizona. Area of Ostotitlan, Guerrero (Na-
must reciprocate by offering them his blood in sacrifice. Human sacrifice was hua); 41 cm.; wood, paint, pochote spines,
essential in Aztec religion, for if a man could not exist except through the crea¬ leather, iii.b.c.
tive force of the gods, the latter in turn needed man to sustain them with human
sacrifice. Man must nourish the gods with the magic sustenance of life itself,
found in human blood and in the human heart" (Caso 1958, p. 12).
The Guerrero village of Zitlala comes to mind in this respect. During the
fiesta held there in early May, there is a battle between two types of Tigres,
green ones and yellow ones, which I believe have some reference to green and
yellow corn. The entire fiesta is a petition for rain. There is great competition
and resentment between the three districts of the village. Whether this resent¬
ment is artificially produced in order to cause bloodshed I do not know. How¬
ever, even at the present time, it is necessary to bring policemen from the larger
 Shamanism 155

200. Devil masks, various dances. These ears so often seen in Devil masks. The upper
masks may derive from Pre-Cortesian human right mask (c) is a horsehair-trimmed Devil
sacrifice, as each Devil holds a child in its with teeth made from the claws of a hawk. It
mouth. The black mask at upper left [a] is comes from Tlalchapa, Guerrero. The lower
from Comala, Guerrero, and was used in the mask (d) is a Bat Devil mask from Totozintla,
Dance of the Tres Potencias. The child in its Guerrero. Mask c property of the University
mouth is shown being pierced with the sharp of Arizona. Guerrero (Nahua); 21.5-56 cm.;
fangs and bleeding. The large mask in the cen¬ wood, paint, animal claws, horsehair, (a, h, d)
ter [b] has the very prominent animal-type ii.a.d. (c) I.A.D.
 Shamanism 157

village of Chilapa to see that people are not badly hurt. The Tigres carry long
ropes containing huge knots, and with these they beat each other over the head
and body. The head is protected by extremely heavy, painted leather Tigre
masks (Fig. 5 5). In former times people were killed during the fiesta, and blood is
still shed each year. Whether or not this bloodshed is intentional is a matter for
conjecture.
At this same fiesta, people walk miles up a very difficult, rocky path to a
shrine at the top of the mountain. Near the shrine is a cave where animals such
as goats, turkeys, and chickens are sacrificed. The path, which could be cleared
out during the year, is left rocky, thereby causing the feet to bleed.
In the fiestas that I have attended in Mecapalapa, a Totonac town in the
state of Puebla, the Indians were bloody and very drunk. They have a saying,
"The fiesta is not a good one unless there are seven dead." I was told by Maria
Teresa Pomar that a man cut his finger badly during a fiesta in Chicontepec,
Veracruz. An outsider wanted to wrap it up, but all the people came around and
said, "No, let it bleed.'
There are many masks that are extremely large and heavy, and people are
inclined to doubt their use because they are so uncomfortable to wear, but in my
opinion this is a part of the ancient heritage of the Indians. They still remember
that discomfort in their fiestas and bloodshed were the most important offerings
to the gods. Now they offer fruit, vegetables, animals, flowers, and incense, but I
do not think that they have forgotten that the most important sacrifice was
human blood.
As was mentioned in Chapter 3, the eye openings of some masks are ex¬
tremely inadequate, so much so that one would think the dancers could not see
at all, especially when one considers that drunkenness is part of the ritual aspect
of the ceremony. Lommel speaks of a similar situation with the masks of the
Altai peoples, the Lapps, and the Samayeds (who were shamanistic hunting peo¬
ples): "The eye holes, if there are any at all, greatly restrict the mask-wearer's
field of vision. He is entirely concentrated upon his inner world of images, so he
waits passively for the coming of the spirits—as is well known, one can best
prepare oneself for an inner experience with one's eyes closed" (Lommel 1967, p.
1091-
Masks from the region of Ostotitlan previously had very, very narrow eye
201. Devil mask, Devil Dance. Now termed a
slits (Fig. 32). Today, as ritual drunkenness or being "blind drunk" has largely
Devil, this engaging mask shows a frog with supplanted the blind mask, there are more ample provisions for seeing out
two very lifelike, supple tigres clinging to the through the masks, as shown by the Caiman masks with pochote adornment
top. The animal interaction here is an equa¬ (Figs. 199, 247).
tion: the bat and the frog are associated; the
bat and the tigre are associated; therefore, due
Today, as "progress" reaches more and more of the remote Indian villages,
to fertility beliefs and the oneness of all things, belief in this type of shamanistic use of masks is rapidly fading. Yet, as has been
the frog and the tigre should also be associ¬ pointed out, there still are a number of villages where the need to identify with
ated. Unfortunately, these old meanings and
and to control supernatural forces forms part of the system of religious beliefs. It
interrelationships hardly hold even in oral tra¬
ditions today. El Palmar, Guerrero (Nahua); should come as no surprise that these are the villages where the most masks are
29 cm.; wood, paint, iv.a.d. made and used in dances.
158

202. Tigre masks and costumes with small

Tigres. These splendid Tigre costumes display
a feature seldom seen today. Besides the large
facial masks, each costume has smaller Tigre
masks sewn on. Costume a has two small
masks applied at the lower chest level. On cos¬
tume b, small Tigres are applied on the chest,
the elbows, and the knees. The addition of the
small Tigres on the costume is a custom also
found in very early Chinese art (see Fig. 224).
Tenanquillo, Guerrero; (a) head mask: 37 cm.;
small chest masks: 14 cm.; (b) head mask: 40
cm.; small masks on costume: 6.5 cm.; wood,
paint, leather, cotton cloth, v.a.c.
9. Symbolism

THE FOLLOWING ANALYSIS of the major symbols in contemporary Mexican

masks is, of necessity, a general one. Its purpose is to identify the designs,
treatments, and other variables commonly found in modern masks and to dis¬
cuss their general meanings, so that the reader can gain insight into the sym¬
bolism. It must be stressed that these values are not absolute and cannot be
extended to all of the various mask:mal<ing groups throughout Mexico today
any more than they could have been during Pre-Hispanic times. Although I have
tried to use examples that I feel to be representative, the reader is cautioned
against arbitrarily applying my conclusions to other Indian groups.
In large part, the generalness of this analysis stems from the fact that there
are simply too many indigenous groups in Mexico to permit a detailed analysis
of the symbols of each group. Nor does the problem stop here, since the meaning
of a particular motif can change from one village to another within the same
ethnic group. Also, there are many motifs whose meanings have been lost in
recent years. When I arrived in Mexico in the early 1930's, there were many old
mask-makers who still knew the meanings of the symbols of their masks but
kept them secret. Before you could get any information from them, they had to
know and trust you, a process that often required many years. Unfortunately the
young men of the villages were often not interested in learning this informa¬
tion; so, as the old mask-makers died, much of their knowledge died with them.
Consequently, there are a large number of villages that still continue to produce
or use traditional masks without understanding their symbolic meanings.
Further, the process of determining such values is an imprecise one because
of the nature of symbolism. A symbol is not necessarily a direct representation
that can be readily recognized and identified even by the people for whom it has
significance. From an anthropological point of view, symbols do not have to be
consciously understood to have meaning or value,- in fact, most symbols are not
so understood. Much of their basic power springs directly from emotional, non-
rational meanings of which people are not even aware.
160 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

203. Life/Death clay mask. Middle Pre-Classic

culture, ca. 900-300 b.c. Courtesy of the
Museo Nacional de Antropologia, I.N.A.H.,
S.E.P., Archivo Fotografico. i.b.d.

The interpretation of the meaning of a particular mask or symbol involves

determining the implicit meanings defined by how it is used, correlating the
folklore about the various animals and figures with the masks, and referring to
other materials where applicable. In addition, many design features have an in¬
trinsic psychological value because they mimic body parts, as in the case of the
phallic, long-nosed masks, but even these must be viewed in relationship to
their culture if they are to have any real meaning. As a result, any symbolic
analysis is subject to varying interpretations. The following analysis should
serve as a beginning, not as the final word.

DUALITY

The concept of duality is central to the indigenous cultures of Mexico. It per¬

vades the remnants of the various Indian religions, as it was a major element in
Pre-Hispanic religious beliefs. Duality is manifested both directly in the design
of masks and indirectly in their basic function. Because of the importance of
this concept, it is vital to define duality before proceeding with an exploration
of its representation in masks.
 Symbolism 161

Duality can be most simply defined as the condition or state of having two
parts which represent two aspects of a whole. No matter how dissimilar or how
opposed the two parts seem, they combine to make a single entity, a single con¬
cept, or a single god. All cultures are full of examples: male and female (human),
mind and matter (reality), good and evil (morality), day and night (twenty-four
hours), life and death (the process of life), etc. Thus, a mask can be said to be
dualistic if there is an underlying unity of two aspects, as in the Life/Death mask
shown in Fig. 203. Without that unity, a mask is not dualistic even if it has two
faces or two separate representations of forces, animals, gods, etc.
Almost all of the gods and supernatural forces of Mexican Indian religions
were and are dualistic. Generally, this duality is manifested in two basic forms:
sexual duality, in that most gods are both male and female at the same time, and
attribute duality, in that they are both good and evil, representing both the de¬
stroyer and the bringer of fertility. As pointed out in Chapter 8, this duality
sprang directly from the perceptions of nature by a hunting society and re¬
mained one of the basic characteristics of the religions of the agrarian civiliza¬
tions of ancient Mexico.
One modern example of this type of religious duality is to be found in the
First Fruits rite of the Huichol Indians. Performed after the first rain of the rainy
season, this ceremony uses the mask of Tate Nakawe (Grandmother Growth). In
a procession around a ceremonial fire, the person representing Tate Nakawe fol¬
lows behind the person playing the part of Tatewari (Grandfather Fire). When
the ceremonial fire is dowsed, the Tate Nakawe mask is removed, and the sex of
both gods is reversed as part of the symbolic plea for crop fertility. The smoke
from the fire acts as a prayer to the sky for rain, along with the birds that are
released at the same time. Fig. 78 shows the Tate Nakawe mask and some of the
participants of this ceremony when I witnessed it in 1937.
In addition to the basic duality of Indian gods, there is also an implicit dual¬
ity in the use of masks, particularly when they serve as an instrument allowing
man to identify with and to "become" a supernatural force. In this case, the
wearer becomes both the god and the man at the same time. This unification
creates a single dualistic entity which permits man some control over the forces
of the spirit world. This intrinsic duality is also present in nonshamanistic mask
use: by simply wearing a mask, the wearer is assuming another role, taking on a
different personality or persona than his normal one. In reality, of course, this
different persona is only another aspect of the individual himself, an aspect
created through the use of the mask.

Representations of Duality in Masks

The most common method of representing a dualistic entity is through dual¬
faced masks, similar to representations of the Roman god Janus or the set of
Greek theatrical persona masks depicting comedy and tragedy. As noted by
Miguel Leon-Portilla, the ancient Indian cultures felt that, "Beyond doubt, 'face'
referred to that which most intimately characterized the intrinsic nature of each
162 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

individual" (1963, p. 114). It is logical, therefore, that these people developed

this type of configuration as a graphic statement of the two sides of an entity.
This "two-faced" configuration can be manifested in several ways: the in¬
clusion of two separate faces as parts of the main or predominant face, the use of
two half-faces to form a split face that appears almost schizophrenic, or the
more subtle incorporation of negative and positive symbols on opposing sides of
a single-faced mask. Such symbols may vary from the blatantly obvious to a
single accepted convention like the "twisted mouth" of Eskimo and other
American Indian masks. The use of these types of conventions to represent du¬
ality has a long history in Mexico and other parts of the world, as can be seen in
the twin figurines from Guerrero and the Marquesas Islands shown in Fig. 204. 204. Twin figurines, [a] Twin figurine of
metadiorite and green granite from Guerrero
See also Fig. 205.
(Collection Miguel Covarrubias); [b] Double
As mentioned previously, not all multiple-faced masks are necessarily tiki figurine of black basalt from the Marquesas
dualistic. In the extraordinary double-face mask from Jaleaca, Guerrero, shown Islands (Collection of Georges Salles). After
in Fig. 206c, the two faces are not symbolically differentiated from one another Covarrubias 1954, p. 64.

and, therefore, must be considered to represent a single theme. In what is

perhaps the most spectacular of all the Jaleaca masks, shown in Figs. 1 and
206b, the paired faces do have different symbols. On the left face, the frog, ser¬
pent, beard, and moustache are traditional rain-petitioning symbols. The pro¬
truding tongue of the right face of this mask is usually associated with other
meanings (such as wisdom, defiance, etc.); however, in this case, the flowing
rendition of the tongue suggests that it too is a water symbol, representing
thirst. This interpretation is further reinforced by the inclusion of the serpent
and the fact that this face also has blue eyes, yet another water symbol. Con¬
sequently, it must be concluded that this mask is a representation of a single
idea and is not a dualistic mask. It is possible that the double-faced masks
shown in Figs. 206b and c were carved with two faces simply to mean greater
power, especially if, as suspected, they were used in prayers for rain and good
crops. Similarly, it is likely that more significant magic forces are represented by
double-faced Devils than by single-faced ones.
In regard to duality, I note here thoughts by Wiltraud Zehnder, who believes (//iv//.

that the two-headed and two-faced figures of Pre-Classic Tlatilco represent dou¬
ble rareties found in nature, such as "the double leaves of the mageplant
[maguey plant], the double stalk of maize, twins, etc., as well as curious
phenomena such as the image which appears while contemplating the surface of
205. Pre-Hispanic double mask figure. This
water or the intimate relation between one's body and shadow, or the strange figure, as seen in the Codex Laud, plate 43(28),
case of echo" (1973, p. 87). is described as follows: "we see a sinner seated
Striking examples of contemporary dualistic masks are the extremely rare in the place of the two faces, which, without
doubt, represents Omeyocan: the place of dual¬
masks from the Atenxoxola-Xiloxuchican area of Guerrero pictured in Fig. 207. ity, or sky, where the creator gods reside"
Fig. 208 shows one of these masks, in which two smaller faces have been carved (Kingsborough 1964, 3: 402). There is another
into the cheeks of the overall mask face. While this type of mask must be con¬ reference to what appears to be a double or
helmet type of mask in the Florentine Codex:
sidered an example of the "two-faced" method of signifying duality, it can be
"And they put upon him a mask looking in two
termed a "three-faced mask" to aid identification and discussion. I believe that directions. It had huge lips and large eyes"
the mask in question (Fig. 208) represents Xolotl, the god of duality and mon- (Sahagun 1951, p. 144).
 Symbolism 163

206. Possible Devil masks. The upper center Undoubtedly, Rodriguez lacked access to such
and right masks (b and c), with their possible sophisticated tools as were used on the earlier
dual implications, are the finest of the rare old carvings, and he generally used thinly applied
Jaleaca, Guerrero, masks, other examples of earth pigments, reserving the expensive com¬
which are shown in Figs. 38 and 242. (Mask b is mercial paints for embellishments on his
shown in color in Fig. 1.) Their devils, snakes, masks. Although the exact relationship of Rod¬
bats, protruding tongues, and frog are both riguez and this earlier carver may never be
symbols of evil and a supplication for water. Jose Rodriguez and are also made of very hard known, it appears that Rodriguez's art was nur¬
They represent the epitome of academic know¬ wood. Although during his adult life he worked tured by a fine tradition, to which he brought
how and perfection of craftsmanship, as well as a great distance away, it is possible that Rod¬ his own freedom of expression and exaggerated
an earlier carving style. Both the detailed carv¬ riguez may have been a grandson or great- sense of design. Photo by Ferruccio Asta. (a, d)
ing and the rich paints used are reminiscent of grandson of the earlier carver, as there are area of Tlapa, Guerrero; (b, c) faleaca, Guerrero
the work of early church carvers, who had ac¬ marked similarities of style, craftsmanship, (Nahua); (a) 38 cm.; (b) 42 cm.; (c) 46 cm.; (d) 35
cess to the best of tools and materials. Masks a symbolism, and facial features between the cm.; wood, earth paints, commercial paints,
and d are early-twentieth-century masks by masks seen here and those in Figs. 17 and 37. (a, d) ii.b.c. (b, c) ii.b.d.
 Symbolism 165

sters. The two smaller faces on the cheeks are, I believe, the twins born to
Xolotl's female counterpart, Cuaxolotl (see Fig. 198). These twins represent du¬
ality. It is unclear whether this meaning was consciously intended by the In¬
dians or whether it was an unconscious belief handed down without being un¬
derstood.
A characteristic of such "three-faced" masks is that the main face retains its
own chin, mouth, nose, and forehead, but its eyes are replaced by the two sets of
eyes from the smaller masks, creating an almost Picasso-like image. The duality
is heightened by the use of color symbolism, as these masks frequently have a
line dividing the face into two parts, with each side painted a different color.
Usually the two smaller, cheek faces have contrasting features, showing such
oppositions as smiling/frowning, male/female, and sleeping (night)/awake (day).
It is also important to note the prevalence in these masks of notched noses,
which will be discussed below. Another type of dual-faced masks can be found
in the Twins (Gemelos) masks of San Juan Colorado, Oaxaca (Fig. 209).
A second method of portraying duality can also be found in the Atenxo-
xola-Xiloxuchican-area masks: the use of "split-faces" in which two half-faces
combine to form a whole (Fig. 207). In many of the "split-faced" masks, each
half-face retains its own nose, mouth, chin, etc., and at least one eye. Again,
both the features and the painting of these masks emphasize contrasting ele¬
ments of pain/joy, male/female, night/day, etc.
According to an Indian informant, both the "three-faced" and the "split¬
faced" masks were used in the Quilinique Dance, which to my knowledge was
207. Double- and triple-face masks, Quili-
nique Dance. Unfortunately little is known
performed only in the small, remote ranchos in the Atenxoxola-Xiloxuchican
about these rare masks, although their dualis- area. Some years ago, the priest of this area decided that this dance was too
tic nature is certainly of ancient origin. They pagan and ordered the villagers to get rid of all of these masks; so today the
were last used in a dance pertaining to the sale
dance is no longer practiced, nor are these masks being made. The curious part
of a mule (perhaps to underscore the "two-
faced" nature of bargaining), but their use was about the actions of the priest is that the written text (the "Relaciones") for the
eventually banned as pagan by the local priest. dance contains no obvious or even discernible pagan references or action, nor
Although all bear the style of unskilled carv¬ were there any in the description of the performance. In fact, the dance is sus¬
ers, their mystery and fascination is beyond
piciously bland, as it involves the selling of a mule. The only direct reference to
question and is actually accented by their
crude execution. Several of these faces have the two-faced masks worn by the participants is the mention of someone's
the notched Xolotl nose (as seen in mask e, "two-faced" dealings. There seems to be nothing in the dance itself to justify the
second row from the top, far left), which rein¬ priest's accusation of paganism; yet, at the same time, there does not seem to be
forces their dualistic nature, as Xolotl was the
god of dualism and monsters. In the second
anything that justifies the multitude of split-faced and three-faced masks.
row from the top on the right [h] is a mask This led me to wonder if there was something behind both the dance and
with dog faces on each cheek, another Xolotl the designs of the masks, some pagan survival. Traditionally, another method of
characteristic. The double beards (top row) are
depicting duality is by using a characterizing aspect or sign of a god who is spe¬
reminiscent of Quetzalcoatl, the double of
Xolotl. Masks a, c, and p property of the Uni¬ cifically linked to duality. Now let us return to the notched noses that are so
versity of Arizona; mask e from the collection prevalent in these Quilinique masks. Unlike the other traits in these masks,
of Larry Walsh; mask / from Collections of the whose probable meanings can be discerned by direct observation, the meaning
International Folk Art Foundation in the Mu¬
of the notched nose is not readily apparent, even though its repeated usage
seum of International Folk Art, Santa Fe, New
Mexico. Atenxoxola or Xiloxuchican, Guerre¬ strongly suggests that it has a symbolic function. The most probable conclusion
ro (Nahua); 23 cm. (approx.); wood, paint, i.b.d. is that the notched nose is a Pre-Flispanic survival.
166 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

208. Triple-face mask, Quilinique Dance. This

detail from Fig. 207 shows the crude yet force¬
ful execution of the rare multiple-face masks.
The merging, yet distinct faces of these masks
create an interesting optical effect for the
viewer. Property of the University of Arizona.
Atenxoxola or Xiloxuchican, Guerrero (Na-
hua); 23 cm.; wood, paint, i.b.d.

209. Twins masks, Dance of the Twins. These

interesting masks were carved by Miguel Cruz
Lopez of Pinotepa de Don Luis in the Mixteca
Baja of Oaxaca for use in San Juan Colorado.
(See also Fig. 186.) Masks a and b property of
the University of Arizona. San Juan Colorado,
Oaxaca (Mixtec); 13 cm. (approx.); wood,
paint, i.a.d.

\
 Symbolism 167

210. Itzcuintli, "dog." Symbol of Xolotl, the

god of twins and of the deformed. As seen in the
Codex Vaticanus 3773, ph 29 [left) and pi. 93
[right). After Comentarios al Codice Borgia
(Seler 1963), vol. 1, Figs. 368-369.

According to the Codex Vaticano-Rios (Kingsborough 1964, Plate 73, pp.

168-169), the Aztecs associated the notched nose with the dog, which is called
xolotl in Nahuatl. Xolotl was also an Aztec god, who, as the twin brother of
Quetzalcoatl, was more closely associated with the concept of duality than the
other gods of the Aztec pantheon (although many of these gods had dualistic
characteristics). The god was commonly represented and can be identified by his
deformed (very often, notched) nose or by his familiar disguise as a dog with a
deformed nose (see Fig. 210). Quetzalcoatl as his twin is also shown with a de¬
formed nose (Duran 1971, plate 1). While this shared characteristic makes iden¬
tification somewhat more difficult, it does not invalidate the recognition of a
characteristic trait of Xolotl or Quetzalcoatl as an indication of duality.
In my opinion, the notched noses of Quilinique masks are Xolotl noses and
are specifically used as a convention to indicate duality. I believe that the
notched-nose convention has a wider distribution in contemporary Mexican
masks than just the small area of Atenxoxola or Xiloxuchican, Guerrero. In Fig.
247 b, for instance, we see a long-faced mask of a man who has such a deformed
nose and whose cheeks, beard, eyebrows, and top of the head are covered with
wooden spines from the pochote tree (those spines are also connected with
Xolotl, as discussed later in this chapter). In all likelihood, this deformed nose is
that of Xolotl, and this mask must be classified as a Pre-Hispanic survival. A
deformed nose suggesting an elephant trunk (Fig. 247a) and a nose consisting of
three downward-sweeping, curved elements reminiscent of plant forms, one
atop the next (Fig. 199) may be other Pre-Hispanic survivals in the same dance.
Another possible notched-nose survival of Xolotl is seen in Fig. loje.
There is a valid question, of course, as to whether the mask-makers used
the deformed nose consciously to indicate duality and Xolotl, or whether the
deformed nose was simply a traditional form used without meaning or under¬
standing. Because of the secrecy of the old mask-makers who carved these
masks and the fact that most of them died without passing on their vast stores
168 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

of knowledge, we will probably never have a definitive answer to this question.

However, it is noteworthy that the two smaller cheek faces in the Quilinique
mask in Fig. 207h have dog ears, another trait specifically associated with
Xolotl. These ears are the only zoomorphic forms incorporated in the Quilin¬
ique masks. I feel that the dualistic nature of these masks, the prevalent use of
the notched nose, and the inclusion of the dog ears are strong indications that at
least the makers of these masks consciously used these Pre-Hispanic conven¬
tions to depict duality.
Another method of indicating duality is through the use of the twisted
mouth, a convention that is found throughout the mask-making cultures of
North America, particularly among the Seneca and Eskimo, and in some tribes
in Africa. As seen in Fig. 211, one side of the mouth is pulled up in what could
be classified as a smile, and the other side is pulled down in a frown or a growl. If
one remembers the smiling/frowning opposition of the two-faced masks, the
twisted mouth can be seen as a synthesis or refinement of that symbolic con¬
vention. Among the Eskimo, for example, the twisted mouth represents a 211. Viejo mask, Carnival dances. This very
well carved mask seems to be a depiction of
dualistic man-spirit or man-animal relationship (Ray 1967, p. 44). Nevertheless,
pain and paralysis. The twisted-mouth feature,
there are other plausible interpretations for the twisted mouth, including the which appears with many meanings in various
possibility that it was sometimes used to depict facial paralysis, a fairly com¬ cultures, is nicely balanced against the large
mon illness. In the Florentine Codex Sahagun reports an Aztec belief as to the eye (at right). The balance is repeated in the
planes of the cheeks. (For other twisted-mouth
origins of this type of facial paralysis: "And of him who secretly tasted it [the
masks, see Figs. 212, 2i6d, and 300.) San
sacred wine], who in secret drank some, even tasting only a little, it was said Martin Pachivia, Guerrero, i.b.c.
that his mouth would become twisted, it would stretch to one side; to one side
his mouth would shift; it would be drawn over" (Sahagun 1950, pp. 21-23).
The interpretation of the twisted-mouth motif in modern Mexican masks is
particularly difficult, since there is no direct evidence about its significance. We
do know that the twisted mouth has been an important motif for well over two
thousand years in Mexico, as a twisted-mouth jaguar mask was found at an
Olmec site. Peter T. Furst, in commenting about the Olmec were-jaguar motif,
notes that "shamans and jaguars are not merely equivalent, but each is at the
same time the other" (1968, pp. 148-149). While Furst does not reach any
specific conclusions about the meaning of the twisted-mouth jaguar repre¬
sentations, he does note that hunters who killed this dualistic deity had to
undergo ritual purification. In relationship to contemporary Mexican masks,
this becomes significant in that the twisted-mouth motif is most commonly
found in the masks for the Tlacololero and Tecuani Dances (Figs. 212, 300). The
central action of these dances, which are described in more detail in Chapter 10,
involves tracking down and finally killing a masked character representing a
Tigre (jaguar). Possibly, the twisted-mouth Rastrero character depicts both the
hunter and the hunted as a continuance of the Olmec half-man, half-jaguar
theme, as the Tigre in these dances also has a dualistic nature. However, it must
be admitted that the use of the twisted-mouth convention to indicate duality is
only a possibility, and no definitive meaning can yet be assigned to this conven¬
tion.
 Symbolism 169

Still another method used to symbolize duality is the transformation of one

figure to another within the same mask (Fig. 213). These "transformational
masks" often show the face of a human being turning into that of an animal.
Such masks may represent a man with his animal nagual (spiritual alter ego);
for further information on naguales, see the section on "Form Symbolism" be¬
low. Some of the best examples of this type of mask are those made for the Fish
Dance and Caiman Dance of Guerrero. They vary from the traditional Mermaid,
a woman with the tail of a fish (Fig. 214), to a Caiman step-in figure with the
heads of an old man and a woman carved on its body (Fig. 303c). The Mermaid
motif may have originated from Spanish influences, but it was readily adapted
to fit the needs of the Nahua people. Since the Caiman is a dualistic deity of
good and evil like the Tigre, the half-human, half-animal form of the one in Fig.
303 c suggests a dualistic force or being that aided people in controlling the
environment upon which their lives depended. Quite possibly, the male head on
the Caiman figure represents the Lord of the Fish, another shamanistic survival
212. Rastrero mask, Tlacololero Dance. This which will be discussed later.
is one of the few extant fine wood masks from
Not all transformational masks symbolize duality. In cases of bats turned
the state of Morelos. Although the carving is
not very well conceived, the twisted mouth into jaguars (Fig. 23), I feel that the masks are portraying the shared characteris¬
(typical of the Rastrero character) and the gross tics of two entities, rather than showing dual aspects of a single force or being.
features are comic and strong. In Guerrero, Then, too, many of these masks may be the result of artistic invention by the
Tlacololero Dance masks characteristically
have circles cut into the cheeks for eye open¬
mask-maker in an effort to demonstrate his skill and imagination, or they may
ings, but in this Morelos version there are slits simply demonstrate the closeness of man and the animals as in Figs. 105 and
under the eyes. (See p. 241 for discussion of the 190.
Tlacololero Dance.) From the Raul Lozano
Martini collection. Region of Jojutla, Morelos
(Nahua); 25 cm.; wood, paint, i.a.c. COLOR SYMBOLISM

Mexico is a land of colors, ranging from the tropical green and brilliant colors of
its flowers during the rainy season to the muted colors and dry browns of its
deserts and its dry season. To a large degree, Mexican masks reflect the vivid
colors of the environment, particularly as modern commercial paints replace
the duller earth tones of traditionally prepared paints. This switch from
"natural" paints to commercial ones, by the way, is not always considered a loss
by the people who use these masks. I am reminded of a friend who collects
Ffuichol yarn paintings and who was complaining to a Huichol craftsman about
a similar conversion from naturally dyed yarn to the extremely bright commer¬
cial yarns that are now being used. The Ffuichol patiently explained that not
only were the brighter-colored yarns preferable, they were what the Indians had
been searching for all along, since they were much closer to the colors of the
peyote visions on which the yarn paintings were based.
Yet, despite the intensity and importance of colors in Mexico, there is no
overall system of color symbolism in contemporary masks. There are simply too
many diverse groups living in different environments, each with its own unique
color setting, for any general system to have developed. Nor is there any inflexi¬
ble use of a color symbol even in cultures that have associated a meaning with a
170 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

color. A red that has a specific significance in one mask may have a completely
different meaning or no meaning whatsoever in another mask, even if both are
made by the same craftsman. Consequently, color symbolism, where it exists,
must be evaluated within the specific context of the mask on which it is used.
The following discussion, therefore, is restricted to some of the more generally
accepted color symbols in relationship to the masks on which they are used.
Red. Red is used as the basic face color on some of the Malinche masks
(Fig. 44), while others have red-tipped deer antlers instead of a red countenance
(Figs. 215, 278). In the Tenochtli Dance, this color usage probably stems from
the red of blood, symbolizing the violence and bloodshed that Malinche brought
upon her own people with the Conquest and the fall of Tenochtitlan. The red¬
faced Malinche mask may also be seen in a number of nonhistorical dances as a
figure of lust, as Malinche is also the archetypal "wicked woman" of Mexico.
Here, the red signifies sexuality and the lasciviousness that led her to become
Cortes's mistress, according to various Indian informants. (Prostitutes in Pre-
Hispanic times painted their faces red, according to Doris Heyden, personal
communication.) In addition, the symbolism of evil in the use of the color red
for European Devils may have fused into the red representations of Malinche,
providing an example of syncretism.
Blue. Blue is generally considered a water symbol, as it is found in a large
number of rain-petitioning masks, such as the ones from La Parota, Guerrero,
shown in Fig. r88. A close examination of these very old masks reveals that both
the eyes and the beards were originally painted blue. Despite these seemingly
Caucasian features, which appear to be somewhat out of place, these masks
were used by children to imitate dwarves who were Aztec rain gods in an almost
direct Pre-Hispanic survival. Mermaid masks (Fig. 263) and Mermaid figures
worn about the waist (Fig. 303b) also have blue eyes. Another rain-petitioning
mask with blue eyes can be seen in Fig. 1.
Blue eyes are often given to the Christian religious figures carved by san-
teros (Fig. 270). These masks generally have fair skin tones, light brown or even
blond hair, and European features. This is in direct contrast to the possible
213. Caiman mask, Fish Dance and Caiman
pagan character of Fig. 146 (also made by a santero), who is swarthy and brown¬
Dance. Symbolic of the unity of man and ani¬
eyed. Reflecting prevailing Mexican prejudice, a fair complexion usually indi¬ mal, this fine, very old mask combines a fisher¬
cates a good character, such as a Christian, a Saint, or Christ, whereas a dark man or river deity with his spiritual brother,
complexion is often used for Moors, pagan Alchileos, and other villains. Blue the Caiman. Both figures are blue-eyed to sym¬
bolize water, and the rippling beard carries the
is also the costume color of the Virgin Mary and the Virgin of Guadalupe.
same symbolism. Alahuistldn, Guerrero (Na-
White. Most masks representing Death are of the white-slcull variety hua); 54 cm.; wood, paint, ii.a.c.
shown in Fig. 47; by association white has come to signify death and the spirit
world to some degree. However, black, a more traditional symbol for death, is
also used (Fig. 92).
Green. Green is often used to represent crops and by extension is a fertil¬
ity symbol, as can be seen in the mask depicting the Corn Spirit pictured in Fig.
313. The mask was made by Jose Rodriguez of the Tlapanec-Nahua-Popoluca
area of Guerrero. Green is sometimes used as a water symbol as well: many of
 Symbolism 171

214. Mermaid masks, Fish Dance. These two

old folk art masks represent mother [b] and
daughter [a] Mermaids, with the daughter calm
and the mother full of comic energy, as ex¬
pressed in her open, see-through mouth, ex¬
tended tongue, and cheeks with laugh lines.
The daughter does not appear to be a mask at
all, until one notices the eyeholes at either side
of the neck. Mask a property of the Smithso¬
nian Institution. Ayutla, Guerrero (Nahua); (a)
4j cm.; (b) 46 cm.; wood, paint, ii.a.c.
172 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

215. Malinche Devil mask, Azteca Dance.

This eagle-helmeted Malinche has dyed ixtle
hair and horns made of red-tipped deer antlers
attached to a base formed by the crown of a
native straw hat. See text for discussion of the
symbolic meaning of the color red. Property of
the University of Arizona. Tlacozotitlan, Gue¬
rrero (Nahua); 39 cm., including horns; wood,
paint, deer antlers, ixtle fiber, straw, ii.a.c.

the rain symbols are painted green, and the eyes of a few of the rain-petitioning
masks are also green. The green Frog Devil mask in Fig. 248 also demonstrates
this type of rain-petitioning symbolism.
Symbolic Patterns. Many of the Tlacololero masks are painted in quad¬
rants or sections of varying colors. While there is no direct evidence as to why
this pattern is used, Tlacololeros are the men who clean the fields, and I believe
that these painted sections might well be a representation of the fields as seen
from a distance (Fig. 216).
Another symbolic pattern that has already been mentioned is the painting
of the Quilinique and Twins masks (Figs. 207-208 and 209, respectively). These
are two-faced masks, with each face normally painted a different color to em¬
phasize their basic duality.

v
 Symbolism 173

216. Tlacololero masks, Tlacololero Dance.

This set of six Tlacololeros shows far more
interesting execution than the masks produced
in the same village today. As the pueblo and
the dancers tire of using the same masks time
and time again, new ones are made, perhaps
every ten years, but each time with less skill,
thought, and craftsmanship. These intense
faces are richly carved and painted in sections,
.most probably to denote the look of the fields
and crops during various stages of the slash-
and-burn agricultural cycle. Mask d (lower left)
has a twisted face and represents the Rastrero,
who hunts down the Tigre with the help of his
dog. Mask e (lower center) is a female character
with large dimples and no moustache. Mask b
from Collections of the International Folk Art
Foundation in the Museum of International
Folk Art, Santa Fe, New Mexico,- masks c and /
property of the University of Arizona. Al-
molonga, Guerrero (Nahua); 35-38 cm. (ap¬
prox.); wood, paint, (d) i.b.c. (others) i.a.c.

In addition to these patterns, many groups, including the Huichols, the

Mayos, and the Yaquis, have incorporated old face-painting symbols into their
masks. As these symbols are extremely complex and their meaning varies with
each individual group, it is not practical to explore them within the scope of this
book, other than to acknowledge their existence and their source. Some exam¬
ples of these masks are included in Figs. 72 and 74.

FORM SYMBOLISM

Devil Symbolism
Horned Devil masks are among the most popular masks throughout Mexico,
The origins of this type of mask are clearly Christian, for when the Spanish fri-
174 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

ars came to Mexico, they brought the Devil with them. As I have mentioned in
the discussion of duality, Pre-Hispanic deities were thought of as being both
good and evil, bringing life and death. Hence, the Indians had no reason or need
to concentrate all evil into a single entity, as did the Christians. In terms of
monographic motifs, a review of the surviving codices and masks shows us that
there were no two-horned masks in Pre-Hispanic times, although one-horned
masks are recognized as a Pre-Hispanic type (Furst 1965, p. 34). When we exam¬
ine modern Mexican Devil masks, we can readily see that they are divided into
two major groups: European Devils and "Devils" with obvious Indian origins.
As we have noted, there were a great number of masks in Mexico when the
Spanish arrived. Many of these masks are commonly termed "monster masks."
As noted by Esther Pasztory in Early Chinese Art and the Pacific Basin, ". . . the
monster mask is thought to represent the nagual of a man or god. A nagual is
the guardian spirit of a man and is acquired either by seeking an encounter with
an animal or a thing, or more commonly, by consulting the Tonalpohualli, or
ritual calendar. In the latter method, a child usually gets as his nagual the spirit 217. Devil mask. This is a very old Devil once
used for the annual Devil celebration on Sep¬
on whose day he happened to be born. Besides having a close spiritual relation¬
tember 16 in Teloloapan, Guerrero (see Fig.
ship with the animal, the human is often thought to be able to assume the form 141), in the days when Devil masks were less
of the animal" (Fraser, ed., 1968, pp. 89-90). Another way of identifying and ac¬ elaborate than they are today. This mask has
quiring a nagual is by finding the animal's tracks in a ring of ashes or sand put cow horns and the remains of a sheepskin beard
and was used long and well; it was abandoned
around the house when the child is born.
for a newer mask some forty years ago. A hole
In their attempts to convert the Indians to Christianity, the Spanish friars over the right eye is stuffed with cloth, and
found an easy way to denigrate the Indian deities and the individuals' naguales. a heavy clamp of wire holds pieces together
As the Indians often used nagual masks in dances in or in front of the churches, above the nose. This inexpensively produced
mask has thin yellow and red water-base paint
the friars simply added two horns to them and renamed them Devils. This adap¬
and ears of heavy leather. Teloloapan, Guerre¬
tation fitted well within the existing Church framework, as the prevailing ro; 31 cm., not including beard; wood, sheep¬
Christian idea was that it was evil to have animal characteristics or a dual skin, cow horns, cloth, wire clamp, leather,
nature. Also, these false gods were obviously the work of the Devil and must paint, ii.b.c.

have been Devils themselves. Whenever I look at such Indian Devil masks (Figs.
37b, 218), I always wonder whether the face is in fact a much older one.
Interestingly enough, the belief that each person has a nagual has not to¬
tally disappeared. In remote villages, many Indians still believe that a vital as¬
pect of each individual's soul is that person's tonal, which is another name for
nagual. While I know of no cases where the tonal is still represented in a mask,
these villagers believe that a person's tonal can be stolen by a supernatural
being, an event that will cause sustc, or magical fright, resulting in listlessness,
inability to sleep, sickness, and death; susto can be cured only when the tonal is
found by a curandero and the soul restored to a harmonious balance.
Both types of Devil masks appear in numerous dances throughout Mexico.
They are especially associated with Carnival, when a masked Devil often rides
down the streets of the town on horseback. Normally, this character is accom¬
panied by a masked man representing Death, another popular and frequently
occurring personage in Mexico. Another dance that uses Devil masks is the
dance of the Tres Potencias (Three Powers), described in Chapter 10.
 Symbolism 175

218. Devil mask. This mask was probably made around 1920. It repre¬ 219. Mask probably for Lord of the Animals Dance. This twenty-to-
sents an exceptionally carved cow or bull head with snakes, a lizard thirty-year-old Rodriguez mask combines double images that are trans¬
nose, and long wooden tusks, some of which have been broken. The formed into one another. It is carved in a slower tempo than this artist's
interior of the mask is lined with patches of paper to ease the discomfort usual bold masks. The owl on the upper part is a bird of ill omen, as
of its heavy weight and rough surface on the dancer's face. Zacuapdn, opposed to the rather comical animal below that may be a pig. An
Michoacan (Tarascan); 43 cm., including horns; wood, paint, paper unrecognizable animal forms the nose, while the crown is carved into
(lining only), iv.b.d. monkeys, a snake, and a deer. Chapalapa, Guerrero (Tlapanec or Popo-
loca); 35 cm.; wood, paint (oil), iv.b.d.
176 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

Animal Symbolism

. . . the Tarahumares assert that the dances have been taught them by
animals. Like all primitive people, they are close observers of nature. To
them the animals are by no means inferior creatures; they understand
magic and are possessed of much knowledge, and may assist the Tara¬
humares in making rain. In spring, the singing of the frog, the chirping of
the cricket, all the sounds uttered by the denizens of the greensward, are
to the Indian appeals to the deities for rain. For what other reason should
they sing or call1 For the strange behavior of many animals in the early
spring the Tarahumares can find no other explanation but that these
creatures, too, are interested in rain. And as the gods grant the prayers of
the deer expressed in its antics and dances, and of the turkey in its curi¬
ous playing, by sending the rain, they easily infer that to please the gods
they, too, must dance as the deer and play as the turkey.
(Lumholtz 1902, pp. 330-331)

As noted in Chapter 8, the relationship between man and the animals is one
of the most profound and basic elements of Mexican Indian cultures. It is
natural and inevitable that masks, as the instrument of unifying man with these
forces, utilize animal motifs as their primary source of symbolism. Because of
the importance and centrality of the human-animal relationship, an exploration
of the symbolic values associated with some of the more important animal
motifs is necessary for a complete understanding of contemporary masks.

Lord of the Animals.

. . . he calls “O Mountain dweller dweller on the tops of mountains”

shaman calls the Lords of Animals . . . one like a jaguar. . . tied with iron
chains . . . the iron chains are rattling

the entrails make a noise . . . the entrails roar ... an animal comes
somewhere . . . now the animal comes up . . . it lifts its neck and comes
with flashing eyes &) lifts its iron throat with terrifying eyes

(“Muu’s Way or Pictures from the Uterine World” [Cuna];

Rothenberg, ed, 1972, p. 313)

A common belief throughout the shamanistic Indian cultures of Mexico

and the rest of the Americas is the belief in a spirit or a number of spirits who
take care of the animals and see to their fertility, sustenance, etc. As noted by
Andreas Lommel, . . the hunters' efforts to animate and dominate nature
220. Jaguar as Lord of the Animals. As seen in
through the magic of spiritual forces evolves towards two culminating points,
the Codex Telleriano-Remensis (Kingsborough
two poles. One is the concentration of the spiritual forces in the so-called Lord 1964, p. 184). After Comentaiios al Codice
of the Animals, the other the genesis of the shaman . . . The whole of nature, Borgia, vol. 2, Fig. 212.
 Symbolism 177

including the animals, belongs to the Lord of the Animals; the welfare of men
depends upon him. He disposes of his property, he can at will give it away or
barter it, or else gamble or drink it away. But since he is very niggardly, he gives
it to men only when he receives offerings from them" (Lommel 1967, p. 27).
In Mexico, the Lord of the Animals is called El Sehor de los Animales or El
Pastor [Shepherd] de los Animales if there is only one such spirit. Where there
are a number of protective spirits for various groups of animals, these spirits are
normally named after those animals—the Lord of the Deer, the Lord of the Fish,
etc. These spirits are particularly anxious to increase the number of the animals
and not let the animal population dwindle.
Gerardo Reichel-Dolmatoff reports a similar set of beliefs among the De-
sana Indians of South America: "All animals are thought to be subject to an
'owner' (kege), chief (dorege, from doreri—to give orders), who is their protector
and master. This 'Master of Animals' is Vai-mahse, perhaps the most important
divine personification for the Desana hunter. . . . The figure of Vai-mahse is the
personification of the sexual life of the game animals" (Reichel-Dolmatoff 1971,
pp. 80-84).
In Mexico, it is believed that the Lord of the Animals lives in wild places
and can be somewhat dangerous and malicious to human beings, especially to
221. Helmet mask, said to have been for Coy¬
ote Dance. Here we see a helmet mask with a women. If they walk alone in remote places, he may do them bodily harm or
rather humorous human countenance, which make them pregnant. Even some male informants from Guerrero say that they
is flanked by an owl and a coyote. Often there don't like to walk distances at night for fear of these duendes (spirits).
was no space in houses for large ceremonial
While the belief in a Lord or Lords of the Animals is fairly uniform through¬
masks such as this one and they were left out
in the heavy rains of the season, thus causing out the indigenous cultures of Mexico, this figure is manifested in diverse
all paint but traces of Spanish whiting to wash forms. In Central and Southern Mexico, he usually is associated with and ap¬
off. This mask and that of Figs. 30—31 were pears as a jaguar or tigre, but he also appears as a bat, a caiman, or a human. His
probably used originally for the Lord of the
manifestation as a caiman seems to represent the Lord of the Fish more than the
Animals Dance. Tuliman, Guerrero (Nahua);
56 cm.; wood, possibly water paints (now Lord of all the Animals. The emphasis on the jaguar as the Lord of the Animals
washed away), ii.b.c. seems to be a direct Pre-Hispanic survival, as is shown in the Codex
Telleriano-Remensis, where we read, in reference to a jaguar (Fig. 220): "This
Tepolotlie (Tepyolotl) means Lord of the Animals" (Kingsborough 1964, p. 184,
pi. 4). The interpreter of this codex says that the jaguar also represents the night:
his skin symbolizes the night sky and his spots are the stars. The jaguar is also
an echo that reverberates from one mountain to another.
The Huichols of Nayarit have many Lords of the Animals in their religious
pantheon. According to Fernando Benitez (1968), Parikuta is the Lord of the
Scorpions, and Tatei Uteanaka is the mistress of the river fish. Tatei Uteanaka
lives in the wild places of the rivers Chapalangana and Lerma and is considered
by the Indians to be a great fish with wings. Through a helper, a fish with a light
in his head named Shurakame, she takes care that the fish do not get caught in
the nets or on fishhooks. According to Benitez, "There is also a Lord of the Wild
Boars, of the Wolves, of the Serpents and possibly all the animals have a lord,
which also can be due to the necessity that the Indians felt of relying upon a
guide or leader endowed with power apart from the ordinary" (1968, p. 267).
178 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

We find hundreds and hundreds of very good Mexican masks that represent
the Lord of the Animals. Some of these are great wooden cascos (helmet masks)
which have not been used for many years. Many of the cascos have an animal,
usually a bat or tigie, on one side and, on the other, a bearded human face with a
long nose as a representation of the Lord of the Animals (Figs. 30—31, 221). As
will be discussed later, the long nose is a phallic symbol and is associated with
fertility. In regard to the possible survival of Pre-Conquest motifs in these con¬
temporary masks, the long-nosed helmet masks seem to represent Tezcatlipoca
as the Lord of the Animals rather than the jaguar.
Fig. 222 contains examples of masks of both animal figures and human
faces, the latter representing the Lord of the Animals. The human faces are usu¬
ally painted white and often have protmding tongues (as in Fig. 222b). In some
cases, they also have a small tigie on the forehead (Fig. 222c). All these masks
now tend to be called Devils, since every mask that has an animal on it is
thought to be a Devil. Of course, these are not Devils but were used in the Ani¬
mal Dance, as were the helmet masks mentioned above. This dance has not
been performed for many years and may no longer be given except possibly in
very remote villages. Several of my informants have mentioned the Lord of the
Animals in recent years but only very slightly. I believe it is something too close
to the people's hearts to be made public now, but there are probably still cere¬
monies and beliefs that are kept secret and should be investigated. This is one of
the important matters that must be worked upon by young investigators before
all traces of it are gone.

Tigie (JaguailTigei).
IO tigie, animal el mas noble y agil de la antigua Mesoameiica, deificado
poi los olmecas, zapotecas, teotihuacanos, toltecas y aztecas desde mil
anos antes del nacimiento de Ciisto, no te acobaides en tu lucha biave,
sigue muiiendo como has mueito miles de veces en los milenaiias fiestas 222. Animal masks and four Lord of the Ani¬
puebleiinas! mals masks, Animal Dance. The style and fine
workmanship of the superb masks leads me to
(O tigre, the most noble and agile animal of ancient Mesoameiica, dei¬ believe that they were made by Jose Rodriguez.
In the top row we see four anthropomorphic
fied by the Olmecs, Zapotecs, Teotihuacanos, Toltecs, and Aztecs since
Pastores (Shepherds) who represent the Lord of
a thousand yeais befoie the biith of Chiist, don’t become flightened the Animals. This fearsome creature was be¬
in youi biave stiuggle, continue to die as you have died thousands of lieved to watch over the animals, providing for
times in the millenaiy small-town fiestas.) their food and safety. The animals in the second
and third rows include [e] a Mule, (/) a Rabbit,
(Hoicasitas ig~/i,p. 583) (g) a Rooster, [h] an Owl, (i) a Donkey, (7) a
Monkey, [k) a Rabbit, and (1) a Dog. Many of
these animals suddenly came on the market in
Undoubtedly, the jaguar (generally called tigie in Spanish) was and is the 1976, then disappeared entirely, indicating
single most important animal to the Indians of Central and Southern Mexico. In that this Animal Dance is no longer in fashion.
the ancient Indian civilizations in these areas, the jaguar was the symbol of war, Mask d property of the University of Arizona;
mask g property of Beth Burstein. Area and
as was the eagle. These wars were more than just wars of conquest; they were
group unknown; 23 -44 cm.; wood, paint, (a, c)
the sacred "flower wars" that were waged to obtain captives to be sacrificed to ii.b.c. (h, d) i.a.c. (e, f, i, k, 1) iv.a.c. (g, h, j)
the gods. In this respect, the symbol of the jaguar was more than a representa- IV.B.C.
Symbolism 179
180 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

223. Detail of painted cloth Tigre costume,

Fiesta of San Sebastian. This detail shows a
crude Tigre painted onto the costume so that it
appears over the dancer's heart when worn.
The painted dot markings are the only other
motifs on this long-sleeved shirt. In Chiapas
Indigena by Gertrude Duby (1961), a Zina-
canteco is pictured on horseback wearing this
very costume. His head is topped by a yellow
cloth hat, and he holds a small grey animal in
one raised hand and a knife in the other. Cos¬
tume from the collection of Maria Teresa
Pomar. Zinacantan, Chiapas (Tzotzil).

tion of the courage and violence implicit in the animal itself; the jaguar was a
god in its own right and a model for the Indian way of life.
As we have seen in our previous discussions, the jaguar was one of the Lords
of the Animals, if not the principal one. It was associated with the Aztec god
Tezcatlipoca and with caves, water, fertility, etc. Because of its fierce nature, it
is easy to see how the jaguar was associated with the hostile, destructive forces
of nature. The reason for its dualistic association with fertility is not as readily
apparent, however, until one remembers the basic function of masks and
masked dances: the transformation of a threatening world into a beneficial one.
In essence, the jaguar becomes a fertility symbol by being "'tamed" by the proper
rituals.
As noted in Early Chinese Art and the Pacific Basin (Fraser, ed., 1968, p. 47),
the jaguar was also believed to be a nagual (spiritual alter ego) in the Oaxaca
valley during Epoch I. This identification with the jaguar is yet another example
of the transformational process mentioned above. Clearly, we can agree with
Miguel Covarrubias that "to the ancient Indians the jaguar was a symbol of
supernatural forces—not a simple animal but an ancestor and a god" (1957, p.
50).
The Jaguar remains one of the most popular modern mask types. Its vast
popularity may seem surprising when one considers that the animal is almost
extinct in Mexico today. Most, if not all, modern mask-makers have never seen
a real jaguar. All they have is their traditions of what a jaguar should look like.
Further complicating the issue, the word tigre (meaning "tiger" in Spanish) is
used to denote the jaguar in Mexico. Over the centuries, the distinction between
tigers and jaguars has become blurred. I have used the term tigre to refer to the
imaginary animal depicted in contemporary masks, which is the fanciful com¬
posite of the two real animals. This means that the tigre is as many creatures as
there are mask-makers' fantasies. From village to village and from one area to
 Symbolism 181

another, there are endless tigre interpretations. A certain style may become
sufficiently distinctive so that its provenance of manufacture can be recognized.
One example of this is the famous Tigre masks from the renowned lacquer vil¬
lage of Olinala, Guerrero (Fig. 79). In Acatlan and Zitlala, Guerrero, to the
southwest of Olinala, the green and yellow heavy leather Tigres are unique and
as barbaric as the art of primitive peoples anywhere (Fig. 55).
The use of the Tigre masks and costumes (Fig. 202) in dances probably has
Pre-Hispanic origins, as a Dance of the Tigre was prohibited in 1631 by man¬
date of the Holy Inquisition because of its "offenses against our Religion"
(Navarrete 1971, p. 374).* In the contemporary Azteca and Tenochtli dances, the
Tigre mask is used along with Eagle masks to re-enact the warfare in a some¬
what garbled version of the Fall of Tenochtitlan, a historical dance-play about
the Conquest of Mexico. The most popular of the tigre dances are the Tecuani
(Wild Beast), the Tigre, and the Tlacololero dances, all of which are variations of
the same basic dance. In these dances, the principal player is costumed as a
224. Chinese bronze mask. Han dynasty (200 Tigre, that is, he wears a wood, cloth, or leather Tigre mask and a matching cot¬
b.c.-a.d. 220). Height: 5.7 cm. Museum fur ton coverall suit. As described in Chapter 10, the purpose is to protect the crops,
Volkerkunde, Munich. Miniature decorative
domestic animals, and field workers threatened by the Tigre, so as to ensure
masks like this were attached to clothing or
accouterments to signify a tiger-spirit's protec¬
crop fertility and abundance. Consequently, the Tigre is chased, caught, and
tion for the wearer. After Lommel 1966, p. 51, killed time and time again. A similar protective use of miniature tiger masks is
plate 24. found in early Chinese art (see Fig. 224).

* The text of the prohibition of the Dance of as a warrior, whom they bind and pretend to
the Tigre (Navarrete 1971, pp. 374-376) pro¬ sacrifice in a cave that they call Cantepec,
vides a good description of the way this dance where they make music and shout and drink
was performed in 1631 and of the efforts of ferments which leave them in a pitiful state
the Church to suppress native religious prac¬ even as far as falling down exhausted; and as it
tices. The following was translated by Marilyn is known from good information that instead
Olen. of the Indian they sacrifice hens, which is the
"prohibition of the dance of the tigre in same, since it is wrongly fixed in the old pagan
TAMULTE, TABASCO, IN 1631 customs of their ancestors, without it being
important that innocent children and women
"In the town of Tamulte of this Province of have such a cruel rite in view; and that since
Tabasco, during seven days of the month of in spite of the continuous sermons and coun¬
June of sixteen hundred and thirty-one, I the
sel that they receive from their ministers in
Priest in charge of the religion in this town, the Faith of Christ they persist in their idola¬
notified the natives and two authorities of the tries and sacrifices, it has been necessary to ar¬
town of Sabana, which also lies within my
range that it be made known to all the towns
charge and care, the decree received. . .
of the Province, of which this aforesaid [town]
[crossed-out and illegible paragraph] . . . which
of Tamulte is one, that it not be danced nor
said: that being prepared to obey and carry out
that it be permitted to be danced because of
the mandates of the Holy Inquisition; that being pernicious, under penalty of 100 lash¬
under these [mandates] all dance is prohibited
ings and banishment from their towns and
that has and conceals idolatries and all kinds
excommunication. Mandate that. . . [crossed-
of offenses against our Religion and that vigi¬ out and illegible] . . . notify the principal na¬
lance be made of them [the mandates]; in view
tives, that they apologized and begged that
of the reports that have arrived about the way said dance continue to be permitted them
in which the dance that they call of the tigre
without drunkenness and sacrifices to which I
is performed, where they disguise themselves
responded with vigor to obstruct their inten¬
as the said animal and while dancing do all tion to continue such a sacrilegious custom.
kinds of acts against our Faith; received re¬ And thus I notified and Fray Sebastian Villela
ports that in said representation the tigres signed it."
pretend to fight against an Indian who dresses
182 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

225. Bat mask. A small Bat whose death con¬ 226. Bat mask, Bat Dance or Lord of the Ani¬ ble or the chin of a human face carved below
notation is plainly evident from the carved mals Dance. As far as I know, the Bat Dance has the bat, as here. This may be a holdover of a
skull on its body. Atliaca, Gueneio; 32 cm.; not been seen in twenty years or more. Once Pre-Conquest mask concept, as seen in Fig.
wood, paint, v.a.c. some of the finest Guerrero masks were created 135a. Bats from other areas of Guerrero usu¬
for this dance. This example is a typical mask ally cover the entire face. Another characteris¬
from the triangle formed by the towns of Osto- tic of masks from the Ostotitlan-Apaxtla-
titlan, Apaxtla, and Cuetzala. One is very con¬ Cuetzala area is the straight horizontal line
scious here of a human face behind the bat, which forms the lower edge of the mask. Osto-
particularly in the chin, mouth, and domed titlan, Guerrero (Nahua); 23 cm.; wood, paint,
head at the rear. Bat masks from this region animal teeth, v.a.c.
often appear with either the wearer's chin visi¬
 Symbolism 183

227. Bat mask, Bat Dance or Lord of the Animals Dance. As in Fig. 226,
we see a human face peering out from behind the bat. The mask is
intricately carved and painted, with the human brow and jaw supporting
the bat. Human eyes appear on the wings. Collections of the Interna¬
tional Folk Art Foundation in the Museum of International Folk Art,
Santa Fe, New Mexico. Comala, Guerrero (Nahua); 28 cm. (approx.);
wood, paint, v.a.c.

228. Bat mask, Bat Dance or Lord of the Animals Dance. This is the only
Bat mask I have seen showing the bat in its natural resting position, with
its head pointed down. The chin indentation on the reverse side shows
that the mask is meant to be worn in this manner. Property of the
University of Arizona. Las Sauces, Guerrero (Nahua); 28 cm.; wood,
paint, v.a.c.

229. Bat mask, Bat Dance or Lord of the Animals Dance. This composite
of human and bat features includes a third element, the jaguar or tigre, as
the bat's head closely resembles that of a feline. The bat and the tigre are
closely associated in the Indian mind (see also Fig. 23). San Miguel
Oapan, Guerrero (Nahua); 31 cm., including ears; wood, paint, animal
teeth, v.b.c.
184 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

230. Bat Devil mask, Bat Dance or Lord of the Animals Dance. The 231. Bat mask, Bat Dance or Lord of the Animals Dance. The propor¬
remote, historically important town of Tlacozotitlan, Guerrero, may tions of this small, charming mask are exaggerated, yet blend well with
well have been the birthplace of the Bat Dance, as it is the source of the the simplicity and movement of the carving. In the Bat Dance, there
widest variety of artistically exciting old Bat masks. This mask, termed a were many other animals, such as Butterflies, Coyotes, Owls, etc. All
Bat Devil, is entirely original in conception. Tlacozotitlan, Guerrero gathered in dance with the Bats to give homage to the Christ Child on
(Nahua); height: 33 cm.; width: 36 cm.; wood, paint, iv.b.c. December 23 each year. Tlacozotitlan, Guerrero (Nahua); 23 cm.; wood,
paint, animal teeth (possibly from a bat), iv.b.c.

Bat (Murcielago, Tzinacan).

. . . There came Killer Bats

And snatched off their heads
There came Lurking Jaguar
And ate their flesh.
(The Popol Vuh [Maya]; English version by Munro Edmonson;
Rothenberg, ed., 1972, p. 79)
 Symbolism 185

The bat is a powerful image within the Indian psyche. It has fired the plastic
imagination of mask carvers more than any other subject except the jaguar, with
which it is closely associated. Even masks whose principal subjects are other
animals or people are often associated with bats through the smooth flow of the
mask-makers' artistry and are thus linked to the dark symbolism of the bat (Fig.
x7 g).
The symbolic meanings of the bat and the reasons for its ascendancy as a
design motif are relatively easy to understand, particularly if one remembers
that even in European cultures the bat has always represented witchcraft and
darkness. It is a creature of the night and of caves. To the Indian, night is the
time of the underworld, the time when supernatural beings emerge onto the
earth, a time of danger.
Because bats often dwell in caves, most cultures have associated the two;
however, this association takes on special meaning to Mexican Indian groups.
Traditionally, caves have been and still are thought of as entrances to the un¬
derworld. Supernatural beings are thought to live in these caves and use them
for their own purposes. Caves are also associated with water, not only because
they are usually wet and damp, but also because it was believed that springs
originated in caves and that, therefore, the rain gods either lived in these caves
or used them as exits from their underworld homes. Thus, the bat also came to
be associated with water, rain, and crop fertility. As noted by Doris Heyden
(1976, pp. 1-2), the cave was thought of as the earth's vagina, a concept which
further reinforces the fertility aspect of the bat, the jaguar, and the snake.
232. Helmet mask. Bat Dance. This very old
There is another, perhaps even more compelling, reason for the bat's prom¬
helmet mask was used in the Bat Dance held on
December 23 in Tlacozotitlan, Guerrero, and inence: Mexico is the home of the vampire bat. These bats, which helped create
shows many of the dance's characters: the the legends of Europe, are a reality in the tropical areas of the Americas. Belong¬
Christ Child (with movable arms), the Three ing to the family Desmodontidae, vampire bats live solely on the blood of ver¬
Kings, an Angel, a Dove, a Squirrel, a Fish, a
tebrate animals (including humans) and often transmit fatal diseases such as
Coyote, a Bat, and other animals. Because of its
weight and height (which in part can be judged rabies. Blood has a great religious significance in shamanistic societies, as it is
by the placement of the eyeholes near the bot¬ directly equated with life and the life force. As noted earlier, blood sacrifice was
tom, just above the figure of the Bat), this mask
one of the major elements of Pre-Hispanic religions, and even today the Huichol
was worn only at the beginning of the dance
and then placed on the ground and danced
Indians sacrifice a bull and offer a cup of its blood to the sun to renew its force
around. It is obvious that it was made with before they set off on their annual peyote pilgrimage. Thus, in addition to its
great care and love. Property of the University other connotations, the bat came to symbolize death and blood sacrifice as well
of Arizona. Tlacozotitlan, Guerrero (Nahua);
90 cm. (approx.); wood, traces of Spanish whit¬
as fertility.
ing. II.A.D.
The symbolism of the bat derives from Pre-Hispanic traditions, as is
suggested in the quotation from the Popol Vuh at the beginning of this section.
Throughout almost all of the surviving codices, the bat is depicted as a deity
connected with death and sacrifice. The death bat in the Popol Vuh cuts off peo¬
ple's heads, including the head of the story's hero, Hunahpu. As Eric Thompson
notes, "In modern folklore, the same story exists, but now the victim is Christ,
who, like Hunahpu, is in prison awaiting his fate" (1962, pp. 348-349).
Thompson also mentions that the bat is still regarded as a sorcerer and is as¬
sociated with sorcery by the Mayans in present-day Guatemala. In the Codex
186 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

Magliabecchiano we read, "They say that this demon that is painted here (Quet-
zalcoatl) committed a horrible, despicable, ugly act, that when Quetzalcoatl was
washing himself, he touched his male member with his hands and caused to
come forth. He cast it onto a rock, and there was born the bat" (Nuttall 1903, p.
62).
Like most other animals, the bat has a dualistic nature and is also a fertility
symbol—in part because of the already mentioned association with water, and
in part through a transformation similar to that of the jaguar. The bat, like the
jaguar, is viewed as a destroyer of life; the masked dances using the bat motif,
then, are an attempt to control and reverse this characteristic, so that in the end,
the bat becomes a positive symbol as well. We must also remember that the sac¬
rificial aspect of the bat was considered positive and life-giving within Indian
cultures.
The dualistic nature of the bat can be seen by examining some of the Bat
masks. Very often, the bat is carved in such a manner that its short tail between
its hind legs can be taken for a penis (Fig. 227), which is one method of indicat¬
ing a fertility symbol. In addition, a great many of the dances in which Bat
masks were used were rain-petitioning dances. Many of the rain-petitioning
masks by Jose Rodriguez are surmounted by bats (Figs. 17a, d, g).
Another positive account of the bat is found in a Cora legend recorded by
Carl Lumholtz:

In the beginning the earth was flat and full of water, and therefore the
corn rotted. The ancient people had to think and work and fast much to
get the world in shape. The birds came together to see what they could do
to bring about order in the world, so that it would be possible to plant
corn. First they asked the red-headed vulture, the principal of all the
birds, to set things right, but he said he could not. They sent for all the
birds in the world, one after another, to induce them to perform the deed,
but none would undertake it. At last came the bat, very old and much
wrinkled. His hair and his beard were white with age, and there was
plenty of dirt on his face, as he never bathes. He was supporting himself
with a stick, because he was so old he could hardly walk. He also said
that he was no equal to the task, but at last he agreed to try what he
could do. That same night he darted violently through the air, cutting
outlets for the waters; but he made the valleys so deep that it was im¬
possible to walk about, and the principal men reproached him for this.
“Then I will put everything back as it was before,” he said.
“No, no!” they all said. “What we want is to make the slopes of a
lower incline, and to leave some level land, and do not make all the
country mountains.”
This the bat did, and the principal men thanked him for it. Thus the
world has remained up to this day.
(Lumholtz 1902, 1: 513-514)
 Symbolism 187

The bat has always been closely associated with dance. This, I believe,
stems from mimicry of the see-saw motion of the bat's flight, but for whatever
reason, this association is quite ancient, as is demonstrated by a quote from the
Florentine Codex: "And one [in the likeness of a] bat was there, [also] doing a
dance; indeed [in an array] like a bat was he adorned. He had two gourd rattles
which, one in each hand, he went rattling" (Sahagun 1951, p. 120).
To my knowledge, the Bat Dance (Danza de los Murcielagos) is no longer
being performed. In the villages of San Miguel Oapan (Fig. 229), Totozintla (Figs.
23 — 25, 30—31), San Francisco (Figs. 116 — 117), and Tlacozotitlan (Figs. 120—121,
230, 231, 232) in the state of Guerrero, this dance used to be performed, and, as a
result, these villages produced some of the finest Bat masks ever seen. All of
these villages are within thirty-five air-kilometers of one another. The other
major area that produced Bat masks is some fifty kilometers from Totozintla in
the triangle made by the towns of Apaxtla, Cuetzala, and Ostotitlan.
The Bat Dance was performed on December 23 in Tlacozotitlan, which is
said to be its birthplace. This dance involved all of the animals, except the Devil
Bat, paying homage to the Christ Child. The amazing, very old helmet mask in
Fig. 232 shows many of the characters in the Bat Dance: the Christ Child, the
Three Kings, an Angel, and the various animals who pay homage to the infant
Jesus. Note that the Bat, as opposed to the Devil Bat, is also included in the
group of worshipping animals. Some Devil Bat masks show a bat with a baby in
its mouth (Fig. 200d).
Armadillo (Ayo-tochtli). The armadillo is identified with the earth by
most of the Indian groups in Mexico. This stems from the fact that it is a bur¬
rowing animal and has the ability to disappear rapidly into the earth. Seler, for
instance, notes that the Huichol Indians associate the armadillo with the earth,
which is ruled by Tate Nakawe (Grandmother Growth), thus making the animal
a fertility symbol (Seler n.d., 2, part 3: 20). While there is very little information
on the armadillo from ancient sources, its name in Nahuatl, ayo-tochtli, liter¬
ally means "tortoise-rabbit" (Robelo 1904, p. 65), implying that the Aztecs may
have held similar beliefs, as the rabbit was closely associated with the moon and
thereby the gods of vegetation and harvest, and the tortoise was a water symbol.
The use of the armadillo as a fertility symbol continued in some parts of
Mexico until very recent times. Old helmet masks such as the one pictured in
Figs. 236-237 were used in the Armadillo Dance, which took place in small
ranchos near El Limon, Guerrero, in the early spring. The Armadillo figures in
these old helmet masks were covered with real armadillo skin, and the men who
took part in the dance also wore masks with patches of armadillo skin on their
cheeks and foreheads (Fig. 233). The dance began on May 6 and continued every
Sunday in May, the month in which corn was planted. In this case, the ar¬
madillo was believed to represent the earth or earth deity and its presence in the
dance was designed to guarantee the fertility of the just-planted corn. Other
Armadillo masks, for use in the Rabbit Dance, can be seen in Figs. 83 and 84.
188 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

233. Armadillo masks, Armadillo Dance. The

armadillo, with its ability to disappear by bur¬
rowing, was closely identified with the earth
by most of the Indians of Mexico. The Aztecs
called it ayo-tochtli, "tortoise-rabbit." The
rabbit is closely associated with the moon and
is thus a fertility symbol, while the tortoise is
a water symbol. The Armadillo Dance, per¬
formed in El Limon, Guerrero, on May 6 and
each Sunday in May thereafter, was a plea for
good crops and the needed rain. These masks
are from a set of six used in the dance; also used
were a Pig mask, a Coyote mask, and a large
Armadillo figure to be worn about the waist of
a man or boy (Figs. 234, 235). At the end of the
dance the Coyote eats the Pig. Also made for
this dance was the helmet mask shown in Figs.
236-237. The delightful small, squatting ar¬
madillos from Northwestern Guerrero shown
in Figs. 83 and 84 were used not in the Arma¬
dillo Dance but rather in the Rabbit Dance.
Masks b and d property of the Smithsonian
Institution. El Limon (near Ayutla), Guerrero
(Nahua); 30 cm. (approx.); wood, paint, arma¬
dillo hide. I.A.C.

\
 Symbolism 189

235
234. Armadillo figure, Armadillo Dance. This
carefully carved old Armadillo is made to be
worn about the dancer's waist. Made of un¬
painted wood, it may easily be over thirty years
While it is obvious that the armadillo is not as important as the symbols
old. El Limon, Guerrero (Nahua); 1942. iv.a.c.
previously discussed, one indication of its power (and by implication, the power
235. Armadillo figure, Armadillo Dance. A of all the animal symbols) is given by Carl Lumholtz: "In Cocucho, Michoacan
more recent Armadillo, made in the same vil¬ (cocucho—earthenware jar), another robbers' nest about fifteen miles west of
lage and for the same dance as the one in Fig.
Cheran, the people until recently adored the Devil. He was represented by an
234, this one does not have the step-in feature
seen there but is carved from two pieces of armadillo decked out with horns and claws, and his worshippers sacrificed part
wood that are tied to the dancer's waist in front of their booty to the 'Cocucho Saint,' El Santo Cocucho, as the image was called.
and back. The two Armadillos contrast sharply
So strong was the belief in its potency that once during a revolution, the Mexi¬
in style and show the individuality allowed the
Mexican mask-makers and the lack of rigid cans abducted it in order to use it against their enemies. It was kept in a secret
traditional styles. It is not known how much place, and once a year carried around at night in a torch-light procession, until it
time elapsed between the carving of the first finally fell into the hands of a priest, who burned it and thus ended its worship"
Armadillo and that of the second. Property of
(Lumholtz 1902, 2:411). Once again, it should be noted that this type of "Devil"
the University of Arizona. El Limon, Guerrero
(Nahua). iv.a.c.
was not really a Devil at all but an animal deity with horns added to satisfy the
requirement of the Church. The robbers probably worshipped the armadillo be¬
cause they buried their treasure in the earth and the armadillo was noted for
taking care of earth things.
The Dog (Itzcuintli). Of all the animal figures, the dog is clearly the
friendliest and most beneficial to the Indians. Today, the use of the Dog mask
(Figs. 238-239) is predominantly restricted to the various Tigre dances (Tlacolo-
lero, Tecuani, and Tigre), in which the Dog plays a central role in helping to cap¬
ture the Tigre and thus, on the symbolic level, transforming it from the de¬
stroyer to the bringer of fertility.
In these dances (described in further detail in Chapter 10), one of the central
heroes is a comic Dog character by the name of Maravilla (Marvel). After much
fruitless searching for the Tigre, the human characters form a column behind
Maravilla, who then flushes it out so that it can be captured and killed. Despite
190 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

236-237. Helmet mask, Armadillo Dance. two finely crafted, long-tailed armadillos on
These two views of a beautifully executed the brow and armadillo hide applied down the
helmet mask depict a fertility deity or Lord of side of the face and on the chin to evoke sym¬
the Animals in close association with the ar¬ pathetic magic. Fig. 237 has two carved arma¬
madillo, an animal which has fertility and agri¬ dillos in place of a beard and armadillo hide on
cultural significance. Both sides show human top of the head and as sideburns. El Limon,
faces of similar color and expression that are Guerrero (Nahua); height: 50 cm.; circumfer¬
obviously meant to be personages of impor¬ ence: 128 cm.; wood, paint, armadillo hide,
tance. Fig. 236 shows an intent human with (Each face) ii.a.c.

v
 Symbolism 191

the wide variations in the dances, the Dog is always assigned the crucial role of
leading the humans to the Tigre. The Dog, then, can be seen as an important
agent by which the Tigre is transformed into a symbol of fertility.
In part, the function of the Dog in these dances obviously derives from the
actual use of dogs within a hunting society. The domestication of these animals
238-239. Maravilla (Dog) mask, Tecuani
Dance. This ingeniously cut and folded Dog provided hunting societies a superior method of controlling their hostile envi¬
mask is fashioned from a single piece of leather ronments. However, just as the Tigre is more than a simple animal menace to
and used in the Tecuani Dance. As Maravilla, the Indian, the Dog also has great symbolic significance. I believe that this sym¬
or Marvel, the Dog leads the men in hunting
bolic meaning is partly due to the survival of elements of Pre-Hispanic religions.
and capturing the Tigre, who has been men¬
acing the village. Note the skill which went A review of the Aztec and the Mayan codices shows that both of these peo¬
into folding and forming the ears, seen in the ples believed that the dog guided the dead to the underworld. Tozzer and Allen
photograph of the inner side of the mask (Fig.
say of the Mayans, "At the time when the Spaniards made their acquaintance, it
239). Property of the University of Arizona.
Region of Ayutla, Guerrero (Nahua); leather.
was the constant practice of the Mexicans to commit to the grave with the dead
IV.A.C. a dog. . . . The Mexicans believed that four years after death, when the soul had
already passed through many dangers on its way to the underworld, it came at
last to the bank of a great river, the Chicunauhapan, which encircled the under¬
world proper. The souls could get across this river only when they were awaited
by their little dog, who, recognizing his master on the opposite side, rushed into
the water to bring him over" (Tozzer and Allen 1910, p. 360). The Aztecs spe¬
cifically associated the dog with Xolotl, the god of twins, deformity, monsters,
and duality. As noted by Laurette Sejourne, "It is, in effect, Xolotl appearing as a
dog who is in charge of guiding the souls of the dead through the bends of the
underworld that only he knows; since nobody, except him, has ever returned"
(1962, pp. 90-108).
Seler states that the Mayans also associated the dog with lightning: "The
lightning, however, which cleaves the earth, seems to have been considered by
these old tribes as the opener of roads in the underworld, and therefore the idea
192 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

existed that one could travel safely in the underworld only with the help of a
dog" (n.d., 3, part 4:8). It may be through this identification with lightning that
the dog came to be used in connection with a prayer for rain, as pointed out by
Tozzer and Allen (1910, p. 363).
There is yet one more important aspect of the dog in Pre-Conquest Mexico.
The dog and the turkey were the only domesticated animals in Central America,
where both served the same purpose: to be eaten (Seler n.d., 3, part 4:8), al¬
though the eating of dogs was primarily restricted to ceremonial and religious
occasions. Therefore, the dog was not only the protector and the aid to hunting
but food itself.
On a symbolic level, there was clearly a dualistic aspect to the dog in Pre-
Hispanic religions, particularly that of the Aztecs, whose god of duality, Xolotl,
was normally represented in the guise of a dog. But the duality involved was not
the normal "evil-good" duality of most of the ancient gods. The dog served as a
bridge between such negative and positive aspects, a helpful spirit that allowed
man protection by turning threatening forces into beneficial ones.
The question now must be to what degree (if any) contemporary mask de¬
signs and usages are influenced by these ancient religious values. As late as
1907, Alfred M. Tozzer (1907, p. 47) noted that the Lacandones still made a
small figure of a dog to place on the grave, a direct survival of the Pre-Conquest
religious practices. But, what is more important, I feel that the implicit sym¬
bolism of the dog as it is revealed in the Tigre dances directly parallels the be¬
liefs held by Pre-Hispanic Indians. Undoubtedly, not all of the beliefs about dogs
have survived, but I believe the central symbolic role of the dog—that of a be¬
neficial agent transforming negative values to positive ones—is such a survival.
Lizard (Chintete, Cuetzpalin). To the Indians of Central and Southern
Mexico, the lizard represents sexuality, lust, and hence abundance. Probably
this association stems from its size and shape, since the Indians equate the
lizard with the penis, an equation that has existed from Pre-Conquest times, as
is recorded in the Codex Borgia (Seler 1963, Comentarios, 1:77). Most Mexican
Indians, of course, do not have a puritanical heritage and generally regard this
figure as a source of fun and amusement. Both the lizard's meaning and the In¬
dians' attitude toward it are illustrated by a toy (used in the Tecuani Dance) that
I collected in the state of Morelos. It consists of a pole with three lizards climb¬
ing it; at the top of this pole is the figure of a nude woman sitting with her legs
spread apart, obviously ready for intercourse. Just below the woman, there is a
bed made of pieces of bamboo in a sort of hammock arrangement. When a string
is pulled, the lizards thrust their bodies up towards the woman, and at the same
time the bamboo bed springs out to hit the viewer in the eye. The spectators
think this is extremely humorous and a great source of excitement.
The most common use of the lizard or chintete on masks is on the Ma-
linche masks. As noted above, Malinche masks are often painted red to signify
sexual passion and lust. They sometimes have a small lizard on each cheek,
with a similar connotation (Fig. 44).
 Symbolism 193

240. Mask for Coyote Dance [a); Dog mask for

Tlacololero Dance (b). These two masks exhib¬
it a similar symbolism, the exact meaning of
which is now lost. One suspects that the mul¬
tiple canine heads may represent a family or
pack of animals, but the actual meaning was
probably far more complicated and significant.
In the Tlacololero Dance there is usually a sin¬
gle dog, Mara villa, who hunts the Tigre. This
Maravilla has four extra eyes to help in the
search. Mask b property of the University of
Arizona, (a) Michoacan; (b) Apango, Guerrero;
(a) 28 cm.; (b) height: 29 cm.; width: 29 cm.;
wood, paint, iv.a.d.

In commenting on the lizard's significance in Pre-Conquest Mexico, Seler

states, . . the sign cuetzpalin (lizard) corresponds to the penis" (1963, Comen-
tarios, 1:77). He adds, "There is no doubt that we must suppose the original
meaning of the sign cuetzpalin to be lust or the stimulus of lust, the sexual in¬
stinct and that from this original meaning was derived the other meaning, the
idea of the fecundating force attributed to this sign" (ibid., p. 78). The small
lizard called the chintete (tzinteti in Nahuatl) has the same erotic significance
as the cuetzpalin, according to the Nahuatl scholar Fernando Horcasitas. While
the lizard is predominantly a sexual symbol, there is yet another meaning: di-
vinatory. One Guerreran informant told me that the lizards whisper secrets to
the wearer of the masks. A similar meaning has also been reported among the
Yaquis. In the Yaqui mask in Fig. 74b, the painted lizards are probably used in
this divinatory sense. In other masks with lizards, from Guerrero, Michoacan,
and Puebla, the carved lizards on each cheek or side of the face could be sexual,
divinatory, or both, a situation that probably would have made Freud very happy
(see Figs. i7e, 189).
The lizard is often confused with the cipactli, the earth monster that the
Aztecs believed to hold the earth on its back. The cipactli was a huge caiman
differentiated from the regular caiman (acuetzpalin in Nahuatl) in that it was
depicted with spines growing from its back. The similarity in form of these
194 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

241. Horned Serpent mask and step-in figure,

rain-petitioning dance. These extraordinary,
well-preserved carvings were executed during
the first few years of the twentieth century and
have not been used for twenty years or more.
La Parota, Guerrero, iv.b.c.
 Symbolism 195

242. Devil masks with rain-petitioning impli¬

cations. Two more extraordinary old masks
from Jaleaca, Guerrero (see also Figs. 1, 38, and
206). At left [a] is a mask which was carved for a
child. Including the beard and animal figure on
the head, it is 34 cm. high. The amazing adult
mask at right (b), painted in tones of red and
gold, is more massive but has the same height
as the child's mask. Mask a property of the
University of Arizona. Photograph by Ferruccio
Asta. Jaleaca, Guerrero; (a) 34 cm.; (b) 34 cm.-,
hardwood, paint, ii.a.c.

three reptiles makes it difficult to differentiate them. The relationship of the

cipactli to modern masks will be explored in the Caiman section of this chapter.
Serpent (Coatl [Nahuatl]; Kan [Yucatecan Mayan]). The serpent has a
long, convoluted history in Mexico. Serpent motifs pervade both ancient and
modern architecture, statuary, legends, religions, and masks, as well as forming
part of the national symbol of Mexico. It is impossible to provide the lengthy
discussion that this subject merits within the scope of this book; indeed, many
books have already been written on the serpent in Mexico without exhausting
the topic. Yet, because of the importance of the snake in modern masks, I feel it
necessary to provide a brief overview of its historical values before exploring its
contemporary symbolism.
Although Mexican Indians recognized and used many different species of
snakes in their art and mythology, there is one underlying aspect of the serpent
which dominates all others: the serpent as an agricultural symbol. As Lommel
points out in Prehistoric and Primitive Man, "Agriculture requires a completely
different relationship between man and his environment. His interest in game
and the procreation of animals gradually lessens and he becomes more and more
preoccupied with the fertility of the soil on which he depends for his livelihood.
An entirely new kind of symbolism in art develops from this new relationship.
The snake is the symbol of the soil, and it is snake motifs, with their phallic
associations, which frequently predominate in art all the way from Mesopo¬
tamia, where they originate, to India, China and Central America" (Lommel
1966, p. 65).
 196 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

It is important to note that the animal symbols that we have discussed so

far originated within the context of a hunting society, the wellspring of
shamanism. While the use of these animal deities was transmuted to serve the
needs of the predominantly agrarian Mexican Indian cultures, these animals
must be regarded as ''older gods." The advent of the serpent as an expression of
an agricultural society with its differing system of values sets the scene for a
struggle for supremacy between the two religious concepts.
This conflict was still in progress when the Spaniards arrived and was man¬
ifest in the struggle between Quetzalcoatl (the plumed serpent) and Tezcat-
lipoca, one of whose common guises was that of the jaguar. Quetzalcoatl was a
legendary figure who arose during the Toltec period and who came to represent
fertility, art, technology, agriculture, religious science, and wizardry. Tezcat-
lipoca was the wizard god of the night and shadows who was associated with
war and sacrifice through his guise as a jaguar. Mythologically, the fall of Tollan
(Tula) and the flight of Quetzalcoatl, which is the source of most of the Quetzal-
coatl legends, was the direct result of Tezcatlipoca's jealousy. This myth mirrors
the historical reality of Tollan being overwhelmed by barbarian tribes who still
held their beliefs in older, hunting-related gods like Tezcatlipoca.
As John Bierhorst points out in his commentary on the Quetzalcoatl
poem/songs, this struggle can be viewed as the result of "the entrenched
dualism of what might be styled, on one hand, a cult of the serpent, emphasizing
fertility, wisdom, and the peaceful pursuit of the arts; on the other, a 'jaguar'
cult, marked by militarism and morbidity. By Aztec times the former had come
to be represented essentially, though not wholly, by the spirit of Quetzalcoatl;
the latter by Tezcatlipoca, the particular deity of the Nahuatl-speaking peoples
and, specifically, a god of darkness and shadows. It was during the rule of the
Aztecs that human sacrifice began to be practiced on a grand scale,- but the 'ser¬
pent' and 'jaguar' alternatives had always coexisted in the Mexican mind and
undoubtedly continued to do so even if the 'jaguar' had temporarily gained the
ascendancy" (Bierhorst, ed., 1974, p. 79). It is interesting to note that the symbol
of the Aztecs, which became the national symbol of Mexico, is that of an eagle
conquering a serpent. As the eagle is closely allied with the jaguar, this symbol
is a graphic statement of the Aztec value system: the ascendancy of warlike val¬
ues over more peaceful agrarian ones.
The myth of Quetzalcoatl and of his conflict with the more militaristic
deities was by no means confined to the Nahuas. Quetzalcoatl corresponds di¬
rectly to the Mayan god Kukulcan, whose name also translates as "plumed ser¬
pent." Similar myths can be found throughout the Indian tribes of Mexico,
reflecting their transition from hunting to agriculture.
Modern symbolic values of the snake, then, are an outgrowth of this tra¬
dition and must be viewed within this basic framework if they are to be fully
understood. Today, there are three major "meanings" of the snake that can be
identified: sexuality, water, and wizardry. These are separate, yet related, mani¬
festations of the Quetzalcoatl and allied myths.
 Symbolism 197

As a sexual symbol, the snake functions in much the same way as the
lizard. Without doubt, this meaning stems in large part from its phallic shape.
However, one should remember that sexuality is equated with fertility in the
Indian mind and thus has more positive connotations than in the more com¬
partmentalized European view. Naturally, sexuality has its negative connota¬
tions as well, as is manifested in the Malinche masks; but whether this is due to
the mores of the Indians or to European influences, it is impossible to say. Gen¬
erally, though, the snake is viewed as a sexual fertility symbol.
One good example of the sexual-fertility connotations of the snake can be
found in the Dance of the Negritos (Little Negroes) as it is normally performed
in the states of Veracruz and Puebla. (For a more complete description of this
dance, see Chapter io.) As noted by Frances Toor (1947, PP- 354-355)/ the cen¬
tral characters of this dance include Field Workers, Clowns, and a white
''Woman" named Maringuilla, who holds either a live but harmless Snake or a
wooden one. The principal action of the dance involves the Workers and Clowns
receiving mock bites from the Snake, only to be cured magically by a Sorcerer
who invokes the four winds. The dance ends with the Snake temporarily escap¬
ing and all of the dancers killing it.
The Dance of the Negritos is a mixture of both Christian and Indian ele¬
ments. In many areas of Veracruz and Puebla, there are large numbers of poison¬
ous snakes which endanger the field workers. Thus, as with the Tigre, the sym¬
bolic death of the Snake insures safety and abundance. However, the sexual
comments and Maringuilla's role in the dance add an extra dimension of
fertility-sexuality to the symbolism of the serpent. Toor adds that in many vil¬
lages, the figure of Maringuilla is also likened to that of Malinche, and the dance
is said to kill "evil" sexual instincts in women. There is, as well, a Christian
overlay of the serpent in the garden of Eden.
Another example of the serpent's connection to sexuality is also given by
Toor: "In Yucatan the wicked woman is the x-tabai, a demon of the woods. She
appears at times young, beautiful, finely clad, with loose flowing hair, to lure a
man into the bush. If he cannot get away from her after she has revealed her true
self, she chokes him to death. . . . She may also become a green and yellow
snake with markings on its back, and stop up a man's nostrils with the tip of her
tail. There is no use trying to shoot the snake because it cannot be killed and
will only return to do harm" (Toor 1947, p. 531).
The serpent is also widely accepted as a water sign throughout Mexico. It is
in this aspect that snakes are more often used in contemporary masks. The
masks created by Jose Rodriguez for the rain-petitioning Diablo Macho and Di¬
ablo Sapo dances (Figs. 15, 17, and 248) consist of human faces adorned with
snakes and other water signs, such as bats and frogs. In many masks, the con¬
nection between serpents and water is made not directly but through a symbolic
representation of the snake. As noted below in "The Symbolism of the Human
Face," the most common equation is that of the snake with the hair. In part, the
use of snakes to represent hair derives from the shared physical characteristics
198 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

of the snake, hair, and water, as all three have the same flowing, twisting qual¬
ities. The use of this design convention can be seen in the La Parota mask in Fig.
188b and in the Jaleaca mask in Fig. 242b. Snakes are also represented by whips
by many different Indian groups. One example of the snake-whip convention
and its connection to water is given in the description of the Tlaxcala Carnival
dances in Chapter 4.
The Yaquis and Mayos of Sonora also think of the snake as a water sign.
They "believe horned serpents live in mountain springs, for which reason they
never go dry. When the serpents leave them, they go to the sea, causing floods
which are necessary to their crops" (Toor 1947, p. 508). There are also similar
beliefs among almost all of the Oaxacan groups. "The Mixe around Zempaltepec
also believe in a horned water serpent that lives in the springs and is associated
with heavy rains and floods. . . . [They] make offerings, at the serpent springs, of
tamales and tepache; also of the blood of turkeys and hens when they gather the
first ears of corn" (ibid.). For a unique example of a large Horned Serpent mask
and a step-in Horned Serpent figure from La Parota, Guerrero, see Fig. 241. 243. Caiman figure, Fish Dance. Made in the
In our own field work with the Zoque Indians in Tuxtla Gutierrez, Chiapas, poorer Indian fashion with simple carving,
pochote spines, and a thin wash of paint, this
we collected a tale that again illustrates the serpent's connection with water: Caiman (half of which is pictured here) was
The Tsahuatsan is a huge serpent with seven heads that lives in the made to be worn about the dancer's waist. (For
a more elaborate Caiman from Tula, Guerrero,
mountain tops. It does not have a fixed abode, but is driven from place to on the Balsas River, see Fig. 303.) Totozintla,
place by the Moyo or thunderbolts with their serpent whips. When it is in Guerrero (Nahua); length: 60 cm. (approx.);
the air, it travels with big clouds and makes a whishing sound. Wherever wood, paint, pochote spines, animal teeth.
IV.A.C.
it falls down, a lake is formed. It usually travels back and forth from
Mactumatsa to the Sumidero. When the Moyo drive the Tsahuatsan, a
big storm arises.
(Cordry and Cordry 1941, pp. 16-17)

The third major aspect of the serpent today is the association with wizardry
(a continuation of the myth of Quetzalcoatl). Another Zoque serpent tale which
has already been quoted in Chapter 8 illustrates the Zoque belief that serpents
are directly connected with sorcery and magical powers. While the snake as a
sign for witchcraft is not normally isolated from its other connotations in
masks, it forms a magical undercurrent that is always present when serpents are
incorporated in mask designs. Indeed, it is correct to say that the serpent still
represents a magical fertility symbol whose power is equaled only by that of the
menacing tigre.
Caimanes, Fish, and Mermaids. While the caiman (a term used for cai¬
mans, alligators, and crocodiles) was once found in many rivers in Mexico,
Caiman masks and the Caiman Dance are found almost exclusively in the
Nahua villages along the Balsas River and the other rivers in the state of Guer¬
rero. To my knowledge, the only other place that uses the Caiman mask and
costume is a small, isolated Nahuatl-speaking village called Tempoal in the
Huastec region in the state of Veracruz. The river people of Guerrero view the
caiman as a threat to their survival, as it eats fish, one of the main sources of
 Symbolism 199

food of these villages. A certain amount of the awe accorded to this reptile may
also be attributed to its potential direct menace to human life. However, it
should be stressed that caimanes are now quite rare and do not constitute any
real danger to the populace or their food supply. In fact, caimanes have not been
seen for many years in the great Balsas River, except for a single report three
years ago when the river was very high and villagers from the important mask¬
making village of Tlacozotitlan claimed they saw two caimanes eating a burro
that had drowned in the river.
Therefore, like the tigre, the caiman represents a destructive force of
nature. Similarly, this force is transformed into one of abundance through the
masked dance. The Caiman Dance, described in Chapter 10, involves the sym¬
bolic ''netting" of the Caiman figure by Fishermen, so that the menace not only
is neutralized but turns into a power that assures good fishing. Again, this
closely parallels the central plot of the Tigre dances. The Caiman Dance (along
with the Fish Dance) uses long Caiman or Fish figures which the dancers step
244. Dog mask. This wooden Dog mask is in into and wear about the waist (Fig. 243). Malinche and the head of an Old Man of
the best tradition of paper-thin, delicately the River occur on some of the large Caiman and Fish figures used in these
carved Puebla masks from before 1900. The
dances (Fig. 303c).
painting is detailed and skillfully executed.
The god Xolotl in his guise of a dog was believed
Yet the caiman motif is also used in masks outside of these river areas
to lead the dead across the river to the under¬ where its function and meaning have an obvious correlation to daily life. One
world, an idea that has persisted for centuries. good example of this phenomenon can be seen in a fine old Dog mask from Pue¬
This Dog has caiman ears which associated
bla that has caiman heads for ears (Fig. 244). This suggests to me that another,
it with rivers and water. I have seen another
crudely fashioned Dog with caiman ears from older meaning of the caiman motif has survived.
the state of Guerrero, which leads me to believe In attempting to identify this other meaning of the caiman, we note, "On
that the symbolism here is traditional and may the Mexican plateau, the belief was widely held that the earth rested on the back
cover a wide area. State of Puebla; 20 cm.;
of a crocodile which, in turn, floated in a huge lake or sea. Representations of
wood, paint, iv.a.d.
these saurian earth monsters are common in Mexican art. In the Codex Borgia,
page 27, maize plants complete with ears of corn—almost a field of them—grow
from the creature's back. Sometimes a human skull rests in the monster's open
jaws (Codex Borgia: 3) and at times the nostrils of the beast are stopped with
tubular plugs" (Thompson 1970, pp. 216-217).
The belief in a crocodile-earth monster was not confined to the Mexican
plateau, but, like so many other beliefs, spread to Yucatan and Oaxaca as well as
other areas. According to Seler (n.d., 3, part 4:63), the earth monster was called
cipactli ("the spiny one") in Nahuatl to differentiate it from the regular caiman,
which was called acuetzpalin ("water lizard"). Yet, even today, the Zapotec In¬
dians call the caiman the pichijlla, which also means "the spiny one." The In¬
dian names for the earth monster assume great importance in relationship to
modern Caiman masks when one notices that the Caiman step-in figures in the
Caiman Dance in Guerrero have spines from the pochote tree on their backs
245. Cipactli/‘caiman." As seen in the Codex
that are remarkably similar to the representation of the spines growing from the
Borgia. After Comentarios al Codice Borgia
(Seler 1963), vol. 1, Fig. 1.
back of the cipactli, and Caiman masks also have pochote spines. From certain
drawings in the codices, one wonders whether effigies in Pre-Hispanic times
were made using pochote spines as now. (See Fig. 245.)
200 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

246. Pochote tree. The pochote tree is widely

distributed in Mexico, and the spines on its
bark have been used and depicted symbolically
from Pre-Conquest clay pots to the present.
Representations of the Aztec earth monster
cipactli (Fig. 245) are often adorned with
pochote spines. The pochote tree has more than
symbolic significance, as the fruit gives a cot¬
tonlike fiber used by country people and the
seeds yield oil. Region of Mayanalan, Gue¬
rrero.

247. Caiman masks, Caiman Dance. The to forty years ago, these masks demonstrate a
Caiman Dance was performed in Ostotitlan, El remarkable word-of-mouth survival from Pre-
Mirador, Zimatil, and Cuajitlotla, Guerrero. Conquest times. Mask a has reptile skin be¬
Mask b here has a notched nose which probably hind the pochote spines. In this area, imitation
represents Xolotl, the god of duality and mon¬ reptile skins were often used. Mask a property
sters (see pp. 167-168). The nose of mask a of the Smithsonian Institution, (a) El Mirador,
probably derives from another Pre-Columbian Guerrero (Nahua); (b) Ostotitlan, Guerrero
tradition about which we do not know. Al¬ (Nahua); (a) 40 cm.; (b) 46 cm.; wood, paint,
though their meaning may not have been clear pochote spines, reptile skin, iii.b.c.
to those who made and used them some fifteen
 Symbolism 201

Yet another facet of the caiman symbol is brought out by this line of rea¬
soning. The spines of the pochote tree (also known as the “silk-cotton" or ceiba
tree; see Fig. 246) had an important religious significance in Pre-Hispanic times
and were copied on clay vessels and figures in Pre-Conquest sculpture. Given
the importance of these pochote spines, it seems significant that they also occur
on the masks that we have previously identified as Xolotl masks in discussing
the symbolism of the dog motif. Therefore, the question must arise as to the
connection between Xolotl and the caiman.
Xolotl, in addition to being associated with duality, was also the god of
monsters and deformity. Then too, in his guise as a dog, Xolotl took the dead
across the river to the underworld, an underworld that must in part be as¬
sociated with the earth monster if for no other reason than their proximity. As
can be seen in Fig. 210, Xolotl was often represented as a dog with tufts of hair
that look remarkably like the pochote spines on the Caiman masks and figures.
Further, since Xolotl was also associated with a small salamander called the
axolotl,* and since in Pre-Conquest Mexico there was often much confusion be¬
tween caimanes and lizards, Xolotl may have become associated with the
caiman by extension.
Returning to the Puebla Dog mask with caiman ears, I believe that this is a
direct, contemporary manifestation of the relationship between the caiman—
earth monster and Xolotl. Xolotl is represented by the dog, which is his normal
guise; the caiman heads symbolize the earth monster cipactli. Thus, I am led to
believe that the caiman as used in many modern masks (Fig. 247b) is associated
with and symbolizes Xolotl to some degree. (This belief is reinforced by the
notched nose of the Caiman in Fig. 247b—another common symbol for Xolotl.)
In regard to the significance of the fish motif, when used in masks for
dances like the Fish Dance, it clearly functions as a prayer for good fishing.
When used in masks for other types of dances, it signifies water, as is shown in
the rain-petitioning masks from the Diablo Macho Dance in Fig. 17. The mer¬
maid motif also has the same dual function of being a prayer for good fishing and
a water sign. This interpretation of the mermaid is also supported by my experi-

* Xolotl's connection to the axolotl, a small from him,- once more he quickly entered a
salamander, illustrates both his dualistic na¬ maguey field. There also he quickly changed
ture and his linkage to the caiman and to the himself into a maguey plant [consisting of]
cipactli, or earth monster: two [parts] called mexolotl. Once more he was
"In this myth concerning the creation of seen, and once more he quickly entered into
the sun and the moon, the gods were going to the water and went to take the shape of [an
sacrifice themselves to give strength to the amphibious animal called] axolotl. There they
sun and Xolotl wished not to die. could go to seize him, that they might slay
"And when he felt death was to overtake him" (Sahagiin 1953, p. 8).
him, he fled from his presence; he ran; he The small water creature axolotl exists to¬
quickly entered a field of green maize, and day and carries the name inherited from the
took the form of, and quickly turned into, two god Xolotl. The axolotl can live on land or
young maize stalks [growing] from a single water and is noted for its monstrous looks.
root, which the workers in the field have Hence, Xolotl is connected to water, mon¬
named Xolotl. But there, in the field of green strosity, and, through the common cosmolog¬
maize, he was seen. Then once again he fled ical shifts, to the caiman and cipactli.
202 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

248. Diablo Sapo (Frog Devil) masks, Diablo Sapo Dance (a rain-peti¬ 250. Devil mask. The area of Copanatoyac,
tioning dance). Three masks by Jose Rodriguez featuring the water Guerrero, produced very fine masks some
symbol of frogs. They give equal importance to human and animal twenty to fifty years ago, and this Devil is in its
features, with each face and frog being highly individualistic in both best tradition. The monsterlike human face has
carving and painting. In such earth monster masks, the emerging face bat ears and a frog in the mouth (possibly re¬
may be that of the animal spirit, an earth god, or the spirit of the earth lated to the ritual eating of frogs and snakes;
itself. (See Fig. 249 for a similar conception from the Codex Borgia.) see Fig. 133). Ample openings for sight are pro¬
Mask c property of the University of Arizona. Guerrero (Tlapanec or vided under the eyes, while the dancer could
Popoloca); 28-33 cm-; wood, paint (oil). 11.a.c. breathe through holes in the mouth on either
side of the frog. Property of the University
of Arizona. Copanatoyac, Guerrero (Nahua);
height: 25 cm.; depth: 16 cm.; wood, paint,
animal teeth, ii.b.c.

249. Head of Tlaltecuhtli, goddess of earth, looking out of the open

mouth oiacipactli. As seen in the Codex Borgia. After Comentarios al
Codice Borgia (Seler 1963), vol. 2, Fig. 1.
 Symbolism 203

ences among the Huichol Indians of Nayarit in 1938. I was shown a lake in the
mountains where dwelt a water deity described as being part fish and part
woman—similar to a mermaid. On a high ledge above the lake, there were many
small sculptures of clay, which were offered to this deity as prayers for rain.
Mermaids are supposedly Post-Hispanic in origin, but I am of the opinion
that, inasmuch as the codices are so filled with pictures of fish with heads of
birds and animals, some student may someday discover a drawing or a photo¬
graph of a fish with a human head, proving that there were Pre-Hispanic mer¬
maids. Eric Thompson says that, according to the Chorti Maya of Guatemala,
the water goddess Chicchan was a mermaid, the upper part being a woman and
the lower part a fish (1970, pp. 262-264). There is no conclusive proof of a Pre-
Conquest mermaid motif, however.
Frogs and Toads. Frogs and toads are water animals and are commonly
used in rain-petitioning masks. These animals were identified with water and
rain by both the Mayans and the Aztecs. The Mayans, according to Thompson
(1970, pp. 239, 265), believed that the croaking of frogs was a rain charm. Frogs
and toads are quite common in all of the extant pictorial codices and are often
shown swimming or spouting water. In Fig. 248, we see a fine set of Frog Devil
masks, each consisting of a frog body surrounding a human head, perhaps refer¬
ring to a deity long ago forgotten. In Fig. 249 we see the head of the goddess Tlal-
tecuhtli looking out from the jaws of a cipactli. The Frog Devil masks may have
251. Devil mask. Termed a Devil mask today, had a similar meaning originally: an earth or water deity looking out from the
this snub-nosed creature once probably had
back of a frog.
another, deeper significance. The tongue has a
frog sitting on it, perhaps a holdover from the
By extension of the water symbolism, frogs also have a crop-fertility conno¬
ritual eating of snakes and frogs. Tlanixpatlan, tation. An extremely large Frog mask (Fig. 256) was used in a harvest dance in
Guerrero (Nahua); 22 cm.; wood, paint, iv.b.d. the area of Campo Morado, Guerrero, along with an Iguana mask (Fig. 252) and a
number of other animal masks, including several insects and other inverte¬
brates.
In Fig. 15, we see a mask made by Jose Rodriguez with a particular type of
frog motif: two frogs in the mouth of a human figure. This may relate to the
Aztec ceremonies in which live frogs and serpents were swallowed during the
feasts of Atamalqualiztli (Sahagun 1951, pp. 163-164, 188; see also Fig. 133 of
this volume). It might also relate to the fact that mouths were associated with
caves and water, which are the natural habitats of frogs and/or toads. Other
masks with frogs in their mouths are shown in Figs. 250 and 251.
Frogs also have an association with the bat. According to The World of Bats
by Alvin Novick and Nina keen, vampire bats "'can jump like frogs—the only
bats able to do it" (1969, p. 165). As the Mexican Indians were such close observ¬
ers of nature, I am sure that they were aware of this and it was one of the reasons
that these animals were linked together (see Fig. 24).
Birds. Although bird motifs formed an important element of Pre-
Conquest art and mythology, birds are not a common or major design in modern
masks. The most important bird currently used in masks is the eagle. As men¬
tioned in the section dealing with the jaguar, the Aztecs used the eagle as a sym-
204 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

252-256. Harvest celebration masks. These

five animal masks with joyous human faces are
from a set of extraordinary masks made around
1900 and worn by dancers who went into
the fields to celebrate after the crops were har¬
vested in October. They were probably carved
by members of the Bahena family (see Fig. 188).
A number of invertebrate masks are included.
Masks of this subject and size have not been
seen previously, to my knowledge. The masks
shown here are an Iguana (Fig. 252), an uniden¬
tified Insect (Fig. 253), a Scorpion (Fig. 254), a
Crab (Fig. 255), and a Frog (Fig. 256). Other
masks from the same set, not shown, include a
Grasshopper, a Beetle, a Tarantula, an Arma¬
dillo, a Dog, and a Spider. Photographs of Figs.
252-253 by Ferruccio Asta; photographs of
Figs. 254-256 by Carlos Lopez Campos. Fig.
252 property of Beth Burstein; Fig. 253 property
of Mr. and Mrs. Robert Lauter. Area of Campo
Morado-La Parota, Guerrero (Nahua); (Fig.
252) 64 cm.; (Fig. 253) socm.; (Fig. 254) 79 cm.;
(Fig. 2ss) 8s cm.; (Fig. 2s6) 67 cm.; wood,
paint, v.a.c.

253

v
 Symbolism 205

255

254
206 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

bol for and as a god of war. Today, the eagle is not an active symbol but is re¬
stricted to a historical re-enactment of the warfare of the Conquest in the
Azteca and Tenochtli dances performed in Central and Southern Mexico. These
Eagle Knight masks depict Pre-Conquest Indian knights with great headdresses
carved of wood (Fig. 131). Other birds depicted in contemporary masks include
the Owl, which was greatly feared as a bringer of bad luck (see Fig. 150), the Vul¬
ture (zopilote) (Fig. 193b), and the Crow (Fig. 193a).

Invertebrates.
Thus, it was named the dance of the gods.
And all came forth [as] humming birds, butterflies, honeybees, flies,
birds, giant horned beetles, black beetles—those forms men took; in
these guises they came dancing.
(Sahagun 1951, p. 163)

257. Pig Devil mask. This sympathetic Pig

Devil is simply carved, with a few gouges and
incised scorpions on either cheek. The scorpi¬
ons function as signs reinforcing the "dirty"
aspect of the pig. The eyeholes are open and
expressive. Crude teeth fill the mouth opening.
Xalpatlahuac, Guerrero; height: 23 cm.; depth
at snout: ij cm.; wood, paint (water base),
animal teeth, iv.a.c.

258. Butterfly mask, Bat Dance. The butterfly

has not been a common mask subject in the re¬
cent past but is frequently seen in Pre-Hispanic
recordings of all kinds. This beautiful Butterfly
mask from the Balsas River area was used in
the Guerrero Bat Dance. It combines the free¬
dom and the originality displayed in the very
best masks by carvers who created their images
entirely free from outside influences. This But¬
terfly has a spirit in the form of a small head at
the base of the tail. The butterfly, symbol of the
planet Venus and of the dead warrior, is also a
symbol of fire and the fire god. Eulalia Guzman
writes, "The quivering of a bright flame re¬
minded them of the agitation of a butterfly's
wings" (cited in Westheim 1965, p. 74). San
Francisco, Guerrero (Nahua); height: 29 cm.;
width: 37 cm.; wood, paint, v.a.c.

v
 Symbolism 207

259. Malinche mask, Pastorela Dance. This

rare old mask is a representation of Malinche.
The antennae and the outward-splayed semi-
triangular sections seen about the chin, cheeks,
and head are an ancient Pre-Hispanic symbol
for the butterfly as shown in Fig. 260c, e, f). The
goddess Xochiquetzal is seen wearing this but¬
terfly symbol as a nose ornament in Fig. 260b.
Among other meanings, the butterfly symbol¬
ized the soul of the warrior. Area of Axoxuca,
Guerrero; height: 42 cm.; width: 42 cm.; wood,
paint, ribbons, ii.a.c.

260. Butterfly symbols, [a] Flower with butter¬

fly, from the Codex Magliabecchiano. [b] Face
of the god Xochipilli, from the Codex Borgia, (c)
Butterfly from the cloak of Macuilxochitl, from
the Codex Magliabecchiano. [d] Head of the
goddess Xochiquetzal, from the Codex Borgia,
(e) Gold nose pendant, from the National Mu¬
seum of Mexico. (/) Butterfly ornament for a
quechquemitl, from a private collection. After
El Mexico Antiguo, 10 (1965): 46°-
208 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

Like birds, insects and other invertebrates do not have a major role in modern
masks. Nevertheless, as this book was being prepared for publication, several ex¬
traordinary masks came to me from Campo Morado, Guerrero, an area which
has produced many divergent types of masks. As shown in Figs. 252-256, these
are large wooden masks of invertebrates and other animals with human faces
carved into their backs in much the same manner as the Frog Devil masks of
Jose Rodriguez (Fig. 248). In addition to the Insect, Scorpion, and Crab shown in
Figs. 253-255, this group of masks includes a Grasshopper, a Beetle, and a
Tarantula, all creatures very rarely seen in Mexican masks.
There are only four invertebrates that have any widespread usage on masks,
the bee, the butterfly, the grasshopper, and the scorpion. Generally, the use of
bee and grasshopper motifs is restricted to Malinche masks (see Fig. 44b).
Within this context, both of these insects take on negative connotations. I be¬
lieve that the bee must be interpreted as a manifestation of the stinging aspect of
the Malinche character, both in terms of hostility toward the figure and the fact
that she "stung" Mexico. It is interesting to note that Pre-Conquest Indians kept
bees for honey and wax and generally viewed them in a positive sense. Con¬
sequently, I feel that the bee's negative associations are of recent origin.
In the case of the grasshopper, I can only surmise that its negative connota¬
tion in the Malinche masks derives from the locust and its devastation of crops,
similar to the Spanish devastation of Mexico. The grasshopper was and still is
important as a food source.
The scorpion appears in a carved form on the faces of many masks (Fig. 68c)
and as a painted decoration as well (Figs. 70, 257). It usually carries the poison¬
ous, stinging connotation and the meaning of evil. Among the wooden masks
from Campo Morado, Guerrero, mentioned above, however, is a large Scorpion
(Fig. 254) which does not have these negative connotations.
The Butterfly as a basic mask form was used twenty or more years ago in
Bat Dances (Fig. 258). Some Malinche masks also have Pre-Hispanic butterfly
symbols (Figs. 259, 278).

Plant Symbolism
Of the enormous number of masks I have seen and recorded since I first came to
Mexico in 1931, I have discovered very few that contain representations of
plants, other than those with pochote spines. There are, however, two masks by
Jose Rodriguez that depict the Corn Spirit; one of these is shown in Fig. 313.
Looking closely at what appear to be horns on these masks, one can see that
they are actually cornstalks with the characteristic corn leaves at the base of
each plant. As these stalks rise, they are transformed into serpents, which are
water and fertility symbols. The Corn Spirit itself is the small figure above the
main face of the mask. In the mask shown in Fig. 313, the breasts of the Corn
Spirit are comprised of lizards, forming a double image and another fertility
symbol. At the bottom of both of these masks, serpents are once again intro¬
duced in the marvelous plastic and imaginative transformations wrought by this
 Symbolism 209

261. Characters and dance unknown. These

highly unusual masks from the area of Tlaco-
tepec, Guerrero, are the only ones I have seen
with carved figures of snails on the face and
forehead, as well as some type of kernels or
small fruits carved into the cheeks. One of
Quetzalcoatl's symbols was the snail; Quet-
zalcoatl was also the bringer of corn and of
agriculture. El Coral, Guerrero; (a) 23 cm.; (b)
24 cm.; wood, paint, vii.a.c.

master craftsman. In Fig. 261 we see two masks with corn or some other type of
kernels or fruits on their cheeks; this is an extremely rare example of a plant
motif on masks.
The plant most commonly associated with masks is the pochote or ceiba
tree, whose spines are often used on Caiman figures and masks and Xolotl
masks, as noted earlier in this chapter, as well as on the Chameleon masks
shown in Fig. 9. The pochote tree was commonly regarded throughout Mexico
as the Tree of Life. In one myth, Quetzalcoatl is vanquished by Tezcatlipoca and
flees west, where "the hero passes through the ceiba [pochote] tree . . ., which
becomes a portal to the realm of the dead (with the implication of rebirth . . .)"
(Bierhorst, ed., 1974, p. 72). This is, of course, another link of the pochote tree
with Xolotl as the double of Quetzalcoatl. It would seem that pochote spines
were used in order to incorporate the magic properties of the tree into the
masks.
210 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

The relative absence of plant motifs in modern masks is extremely sig¬

nificant. It is not that the Mexican Indians are unconcerned with agriculture.
Indeed, the vast majority of animal masks are specifically designed and used to
ensure crop fertility. Nor does this lack stem from a shortage of vegetation
myths or deities, for there are a large number of such myths and gods, since ag¬
riculture has played a central role in creating and maintaining classical Indian
civilizations for thousands of years. These civilizations first cultivated corn,
changing it from a weed to a major source of food (another achievement ascribed
to Quetzalcoatl, by the way).
No, the answer to the apparent neglect of plants in masks lies in the very
function of the mask itself. Masks were and are designed to transform the
wearer, to allow him to identify with and control the forces of nature that
threaten him. Plants, crops, and agriculture are not threats, but other forces (the
lack of rain, wild beasts, spirits of the night) are. Masks are an integral part of a
shamanistic tradition that grew out of the needs of a hunting society and was
adapted to fit the emerging needs of an agrarian society. Even though such
masks were used to ensure the fertility of both animals and plants, the most
important figures remained animals.
Plants were important, however, in the process of making masks. Mask-
makers commonly took hallucinogenic drugs as a part of the mask-making pro¬
cess to allow their imaginations freer range and to initiate a personal, mystical
contact with the supernatural forces. One Indian informant recently described
the preparations that mask-makers underwent before starting to work: "When
they would begin making masks, they would fast. Yes, they would fast because
they would take advantage of the morning freshness to begin their wooden
masks. And since they were also influenced by or drugged with [hallucinogenic]
mushrooms, so it [mask design] can be better understood. Those mushrooms
were cut from some tree or the land on the twenty-fourth of June, the day of San
Juan Bautista. This was done at sunrise, and they were stored in clay jars which
they made,- some substances were extracted from plants they knew and were
added to the mushrooms. The mushroom, I repeat, helped in many forms. They
would use the liquid only when they had to make many masks." The use of hal¬
lucinogens seems to have been a fairly standard practice, although this custom
now seems to be dying due to the Mexican government's crackdown on drugs.
The wood that was used in masks was also thought to have special sig¬
nificance, as it was commonly believed that powerful spirits resided in or pro¬
tected various types of trees. Consequently, rituals were devised so that these
spirits would not be offended and/or would be harnessed within the mask itself.
Finally, many different plant fibers are used in masks for hair and beards.
(See Chapter 7 for a more detailed discussion of mask-making materials.)

Symbolism of the Human Face

Mexico abounds with a great number of masks representing human characters:
Cortes, Santiago (St. James), Pre-Hispanic Indians, Viejitos, Moors, assorted
 Symbolism 211

Christian saints, and many, many more. Most of these human masks, however,
cannot be said to be symbolic in and of themselves. Rather, they are repre¬
sentational in that they seek to depict individuals, even though the depiction
may be stylized. In many cases, facial distortion does constitute symbolism, as
it has intrinsic meanings that are not readily apparent on the surface; this type
of symbolism will be discussed below. But, although figures like Cortes and
Santiago have symbolic values as a result of their historical roles, these values
are not manifested in the masks themselves. Consequently these human figures
will not be discussed here.
In my opinion, one human mask that does evidence symbolism is the
Malinche mask. As mentioned on pp. 34 and 170, the Malinche figure has come
to mean far more than the actual individual and her historic deeds. Combining
with other Mexican myths such as the x-tabai and the Llorona (with its paral¬
lels to the Greek Medea legend), Malinche masks are used in many nonhistori-
cal dances to represent the threat of female sexuality, although to some degree
they have a comic implication as well. The symbolic values attributed to
Malinche form an interesting comment on the Mexican mind and the effects of
the machismo concept.

As discussed on p. 3, most Mexican Indian groups equated the human face

with the personality and the identity of an individual (Leon-Portilla 1963, p.
114). At least some of these Indian groups, however, went one step further,- they
believed that the face (and the head) was the physical location of one of each
person's two souls (Ichon 1973, pp. 175-177). The use of a mask then hides (i.e.,
temporarily removes) an individual's personality and soul from the world and
replaces them with desired attributes, characteristics, and soul. On a shamanis-
tic level, it is believed that the individual is transformed into another being or
god. But since "one becomes what one displays" (Eliade 1964, p. 179), the mask
offers the wearer the opportunity to select and to control his new face, his new
personality, his new soul. It is logical, therefore, that mask-makers have de¬
veloped a symbolism of the different parts of the human face, a symbolism that
is both a language and a method of control. The remainder of this section is an
exploration of that language.
Although this discussion centers on facial symbolism in modern masks, I
have in the course of my studies discovered a section of the Codex Vaticano-
Rios which I believe sheds some light on the iconology of the human face (Fig.
262). Although this codex is Post-Hispanic, it shows the parts of the body in re¬
lationship to their Pre-Conquest day signs, which were determined through
complicated astrological computations. The fact that the great centers of learn¬
ing which produced those calculations have disappeared does not eliminate the
possibility that this Pre-Flispanic symbolism of the face may have survived to
influence modern masks. Even before the Conquest, the common people were
removed from the culture of the great cities and probably established their own
correlations of these beliefs to their everyday environment, and in the more re-
212 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

mote areas where most masks were made, the relationship of Indians to their
environment has remained far more constant than is generally believed.
It has also been recognized that ethnic art forms and symbols change far
more slowly than other aspects of a culture (Fraser, ed., 1966, pp. 264-265).
Further, many of these symbols are "natural" symbols, that is, the very shapes of
some facial parts suggest a meaning, a meaning that has been discovered and
used by mask-makers throughout the world. Flowever, far too much time has
elapsed since the writing of this codex for me to state that there is any exact
correlation between the traits these day signs embody and contemporary mask
symbolism. I am including the body parts and day signs given by the Codex
Vaticano-Rios so that the reader can decide their relevance.

Hair: Lluvia (Rain, Water).

Hair has magical properties connected with the life force and with
weather, crops, and fertility. The Huichols see serpents in their own flow¬
ing hair, in one organ of the body. . .
(Lumholtz 1902, 2:23s)

To the Huichols and most other Mexican Indian groups, hair is a powerful, mul¬
tifaceted symbol. The various meanings of this symbol, however, spring from
one central core: the identification of hair with water. The ancient day sign for
hair is "rain" or "water"; this symbolic equation probably originated from
shared physical characteristics of hair and water, as both are fluid and flowing.
Hair is most often used as a water symbol in modern masks.
This can be readily seen in the large Dwarf masks from La Parota, Guerrero,
pictured in Fig. 188. As noted in Chapter 8, these masks were worn by children
to imitate dwarves in a rain-petitioning ceremony. They have long sectional
beards which are painted blue and brown to reinforce their identification with
the muddy river water of Guerrero. Some have long serpents (another water sign)
carved along the sides of their heads. At first glance, these Zeus-like masks ap¬
pear to be of European origin, as beards are not normally associated with In¬
dians. Indeed, beards are one feature of the face not accounted for in the Codex
Vaticano-Rios. However, the ceremony appears to be a direct Pre-Hispanic sur¬
vival, with the masked children representing the Aztec rain gods, the Tlaloques,
who were thought to be dwarves. Further, as noted by Bernal (1969, p. 78), beards
which appear to be false are often seen in Olmec sculpture. In Plate 60 of the
Codex Borgia, we can see a mask or double face, probably of Xolotl or Quetzal-
coatl, wearing a large, heavy beard (see Fig. 198). Whether the use of beards in
modern masks (Fig. 10) is a continuance of this tradition or a European influence
is a moot point, since modern mask-makers often use the beard as a water sym¬
bol in the same manner as other human hair.
The La Parota masks also underscore the common equation of hair with
serpents, also probably due to similar characteristics. As discussed earlier in this
chapter, serpents are also a water symbol. Consequently, the hair-serpent iden-
 Symbolism 213

262. Body symbolism. After the Codex Vati-

cano-Rios. Each of the twenty "characters"
governed one part of the body, as follows: (a)
deer [venado or ciervo), left foot; (b) lizard
(bufeo, identified by Kingsborough as cipactli),
liver,- (c) rose (rosa), nipples; [d] tremor
(temblor, identified by Kingsborough as ollin,
earthquake), tongue,- [e] eagle (aguila), right
arm; (/) buzzard or vulture [aura), right ear; (g)
water (agua), hair; [h] house (casa), brain; (i)
death (muerte), head; (/') rain (lluvia), eyes,
tears; [k] dog [peno], nose; (1) rabbit (cone/o),
left ear; (m) flint knife (pedernal), teeth; (n)
wind (ayre), breath; (o) little doll-like figure
[mono], left arm; (p) cane (cana), heart; [q] herb
or grass (malinalli), intestine; (r) lizard (lagar-
tija), womb; (s) 'tigre, left foot; (t) snake (cu-
lebra), penis. (See Kingsborough 1964, 3: 167,
pl- 73-)

tity reinforces the basic meaning of hair as water and also expands its connota¬
tions to include those of fertility.
The hair-serpent association has a major ramification in the symbolism of
mask design. Lumholtz notes that "Girdles and ribbons, inasmuch as they are
considered as rain-serpents, are in themselves prayers for rain and the results of
rain, namely, good crops, health and life; and the designs on those objects are
made in imitation of the markings on the backs of the real reptiles" (1902,
2:214). The use of ribbons and related materials to represent serpents is not re¬
stricted to the Huichols but is widespread throughout Mexico.
Hair also is a crop fertility symbol, in that it sometimes represents cornsilk.
In the state of Morelos, women still dye their hair yellow or green in imitation of
cornsilk (Cordry and Cordry 1968, p. 128). This custom seems to be a Pre-
Hispanic survival, as Torquemada (1943, 2:269-270) noted that in ancient
214 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

263. Mermaid mask, Fish Dance. A very fine

old Mermaid mask designed to show the mer¬
maid face and tail, with the tail forming the
headdress. From the Balsas River area, it has
cerulean blue eyes that represent water or rain.
Totozintla, Guerrero (Nahua); 3 8.5 cm.; wood,
paint. 11.a.c.

\
 Symbolism 215

Mexico a festival was held in honor of Xilonen, the goddess of the green corn.
During the festival, the women wore their hair unbound, shaking and tossing it
in the dances which were the chief feature in the ceremony, in order that the
corn might grow in profusion. Duran also notes, "To the hair on the crown of
this woman's head was tied a vertical green feather which represented the tas¬
sels of the stalks of corn. It was tied with a red ribbon, indicating that at the
time of this feast the maize was almost ripe but still green" (1971, p. 223).
Because of the obvious importance of the values associated with hair (water
and crop fertility) to these agricultural peoples, it is not surprising that many
Indian groups also equated hair with the life force of people. In referring to the
Lacandon Indians of Chiapas, Donald Leonard stated, "Immediately upon death
a lock of hair from each side of his head was cut and placed in his hands along
with the bone of a monkey (which had been saved for this purpose)" (195 5, p. 5).
In Aztec sacrificial ceremonies, the victim's hair was cut, signifying death itself.
This seems to imply that hair is a positive element directly related to the life
force.
Eyes: Lluvia (Rain, Water). The eyes can also signify rain, water, and sky.
It may seem odd to assign two aspects of the face to symbolize the same thing,
but, if one considers the importance of water for these agricultural peoples,
whose crops often depend solely upon the scanty rainfall, the dual symboliza¬
tion is quite logical. The association of eyes with rain could stem from the fact
that tears mimic the rain, as well as that the eyes are immersed in liquid. The
Aztecs considered tears an augury for rain. In commenting about the sacrifices
of women and children, Sahagun states, "And if children went crying, their tears
coursing down and bathing their faces, it was said and understood that indeed it
would rain. [For] their tears signified rain. Therefore [men] were joyful; thus
were their hearts at rest. Hence they said: 'Verily, soon rain will set in; yea, now
soon we shall have rain' " (1951, p. 44).
In Fig. 263, we see a Mermaid mask for the Fish Dance from Totozintla,
Guerrero. This beautiful example of the imaginative versatility of the Mexican
264. Tigre mask. This Tigre with mirror eyes artist represents a prayer for good fishing and is a water sign, as has been noted
is adorned with wild boar bristles and animal earlier. She has wonderful cerulean blue eyes to emphasize her connection to
tusks and teeth. Acatlan, Guerrero, iv.a.c.
the water. The large rain-petitioning La Parota masks that were mentioned
above also have blue eyes, as do a large number of other rain- or water-related
masks.
Another aspect of the eye that merits exploration can be seen in Fig. 264.
This modern Tigre mask has mirror eyes. Since the jaguar or tigre is associated
with water and underground rivers, it might be that the mirror represents the
shimmering of a pool of water or of a river. Yet, it is strange that such mirror
eyes are only found in Tigre masks. One clue to this problem was given by Diaz
del Castillo (1939a, pp. 302-304) when he described the Spaniards visiting the
temples of the City of Mexico and seeing the shrine of Huitzilopochtli. There
they saw a statue of Tezcatlipoca with a face like a jaguar and bright shining
eyes made of obsidian mirror. It may well be that the modern Tigre masks are a
216 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

survival of Tezcatlipoca in his jaguar disguise. Still, the exact meaning of the
mirror eyes eluded me until one day when an informant was describing a set of
masks to me. He got quite excited about one mask in particular, saying that it
was alive. When I asked him how he could tell it was alive, he told me that it
was because the eyes shone very brightly and followed him around the room.
This mask was one of the mirror-eyed Tigre masks. This led me to conclude that
the mirrors are inserted in an effort to incorporate the feeling of life in the mask
itself. The mask then becomes the living god himself, not just an imitation.
A third kind of eye symbolism is found in the use of the color blue in many
masks of religious characters (see discussion in the section on colors above).
Nose: Perro (Dog). One symbolic aspect of the nose already dealt with in
the sections on duality and the dog is the probable connection of the deformed
nose with Xolotl, the god associated with duality, deformity, and monsters, who
was characterized both by a deformed nose and by his guise as a dog, which he
assumed to take the dead across the river to the underworld (see Fig. 210). Masks
with such deformed noses are, I believe, meant as representations of this god. 265. Yacatecuhtli, god of travelers. As seen in
A second nose design shows what I think is another Pre-Hispanic survival. the Codex Fejervary-Mayer. After Comentari-
os al Codice Borgia (Seler 1963), vol.2,Fig. 135.
The mask shown in Fig. 106 has a very distinctive twisted-snake nose, which
looks remarkably like the twisted nose of the type of Tlaloc represented in
Fig. 107.
A third type of nose which I believe to be a survival from the Pre-Hispanic
is the long, turned-up nose. The nose was characteristic of the Aztec god Yacate-
cuhtli (Lord of the Nose), who was pictured as the god of travelers, merchants,
and commerce (Fig. 265). A modern example of this distinctive nose can be seen
in the lacquer mask from Michoacan shown in Fig. 268.
Another aspect of the nose in modern masks (and perhaps a more universal
one) is its use as a phallic symbol. Fig. 267 shows a humorous mask from Cula-
pan, Oaxaca, with a very long nose which is ridged to make a noise when a stick
is scraped across it. This long nose has a definite sexual connotation that is quite
comic to the Indians.
Mouth—Tongue: Ollin (Earthquake); Teeth: Pedernal (Stone Knife);
Breath: Viento (Wind). Perhaps the most significant aspect of the mouth is the
symbolism of the twisted mouth, which has been mentioned earlier (see Figs.
211, 212). While there are many differing interpretations of the twisted mouth,
it may well represent duality in modern Mexican masks, as it does in other
American Indian masks. Today, the twisted mouth is used most commonly on
the Rastrero (Tracker) figure of the Tlacololero and other Tigre dances.
As the instmment of speech, the tongue is of great importance. In The Lost
Language of Symbolism, we read: "In Mexico the tongue protruding from the
mouth was the symbol of Wisdom. It is often thus found in the portraits of
priests, kings, and other exalted personages supposed to be endowed with Great
Wisdom" (Bayley 1952, 2:127-130). The protruding tongue (Fig. 266) signified
power, defiance, and evil, as can be seen in the Devil masks in Figs. 34 and 269.
266. Protruding-tongue visage. After the Co¬
Another meaning for the protruding tongue is death. "Transition" urns pertain- dex Nuttall. After Nuttall, ed., 1974, p. 33.
 Symbolism 217

267. Raspador mask. This comic old wooden

mask has a long, phallic nose, which serves as a
musical instrument called a raspador. Noise is
produced by scraping the nose with a stick.
Cuilapan, Oaxaca, i.b.c.

268. Yacatecuhtli mask. The workmanship of

this fine lacquer mask is superb, with its strong
use of color and movement. Yacatecuhtli, the
god of travelers, was depicted in Pre-Conquest
times with a prominent upturned nose (see Fig.
265), and this mask is definitely a survival of
this god. Michoacan (Tarascan); height: 20
cm.; width at nose: 19 cm.; wood, lacquer.
I.B.C.

ing to ancient Oaxacan water gods (Paddock 1966, figures 93, 97, 114) show
greatly exaggerated protruding tongues. When the Tigre is "killed" in the dance,
the performer, in some areas, dons a second mask that represents a dead Tigre
with its tongue hanging out.
Other Facial Symbols. Female masks are very often characterized by
small, delicate ears, like those in Fig. 270, and by carved or painted dimples.
Dimples are used particularly in Malinche masks, where the inner part of the
dimples is often painted silver or gold (Fig. 44). The use of the delicate ears and
the dimples as conventions to represent woman may stem from an effort to
suggest coquettishness and female attractiveness. On female masks, it is neces¬
sary to have ears on which to hang earrings, one of the principal adornments of
women in ancient times as today.
218 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

4 M^T

269

\
 Symbolism 219

269. Devil mask. Here is an intricate and su¬

perb example of the best in Guerrero master
carving. Although based on human facial ele¬
ments, this large Devil almost enters the mon¬
ster class, with its leather-tongued, coiling ser¬
pents, upturned bat nose, and wooden tusks
and teeth. The horns curve in a great sweep and
have miraculously remained unbroken, despite
the obviously heavy use the mask has had. The
surface on both sides is chipped and worn, but
the paint is still the original. Tlapexco, Gue¬
rrero (Nahua); height: 53 cm.; width: 65 cm.;
wood, paint, leather, ii.b.c.

270. Angel mask. This Angel is carved with

great delicacy of expression. Noteworthy are
the small pink ears, which were carefully at¬
tached to the mask and which have holes
pierced through for earrings. Such delicate ears 270
are a female characteristic in Mexican masks.
The long, shapely nose and the delicately
carved teeth show exceptional workmanship.
We recognize this as an Angel because of its
blue eyes and pale skin tones. The eyes are not
drawn as well as one would expect from a mask
of this overall quality. The mask is quite thin,
ranging from 6 to 7 mm. in thickness. It is an
example of the style used in seventeenth- and
eighteenth-century santero carving. State of
Puebla; 19 cm.; wood, paint (with gesso under¬
coat). I.A.C.
220 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

\
 io. Social Uses of Masks

CHAPTER 8 discussed some major aspects of the underlying shamanistic basis

that gave rise to the development of masks in Mexico and that still exerts a de¬
gree of influence in contemporary masks, although its importance is rapidly di¬
minishing. Yet such an emphasis on the religious significance of Mexican
masks, no matter how crucial a step in understanding, is of necessity a distor¬
tion of the actual role of the mask within the various indigenous cultures, for
neither religion nor art can be arbitrarily isolated from the social context. In par¬
ticular, "the traditional art of the New World . . . has remained a whole ait"
(Bierhorst, ed., 1974, p. xvii), an art that combines all elements of society and
that has a definite function in respect to those elements.
If masks are to be understood, they must be viewed as social instruments, as
is pointed out by Douglas Fraser in The Many Faces of Primitive Art: ". . . partly
on analogy with older Western forms, primitive art has often come to be re¬
garded as a sort of congealed religious imagery. Frequently scholars too have
supported the religious interpretation of this art, and many of them find in it
evidence of 'deeper' spiritual values and 'underlying' metaphysical convictions.
What this view of primitive artifacts as fixed religious symbols ignores, how¬
ever, is the vast social domain of the arts, particularly present in primitive
societies" (Fraser, ed., n.d., p. 255).
The religious values and processes embodied in masks are not in opposition
271. Tenochtli Dance. A village street is to or separate from the social domain; they are an integral part of a culture and
the scene of this enactment of the Tenochtli operate to maintain cultural cohesion. In fact, one of the major roles of a reli¬
Dance. The dance concerns the battle between gious system is to act as a method of social control, as Timothy Knab found in
the Spanish and the Indian populations of Mex¬
ico City at the time of the Conquest and ends
his study of a Nahua Indian village in the Sierra de Puebla: "The phenomena
with the fall of the great city. The characters specific supernaturals /alpishke/, /kwawtenchane/, /tepeyolome/ only appear to
include Malinche, Huiquixtle (with snakes), and castigate those who transgress their particular domains. A man must not
Viejo Bailon or Cortes, Abuela Teresa (Malin-
cut too much firewood, kill too many fish, slash the hills too brutally if he is to
che's mother and Cortes's suegra [mother-in-
law]), and several soldiers. Acatlan, Guerrero, continue life in San Miguel. . . . These and other supernaturals must be satisfied
January 1974. with the way a man lives and propitiates them or they can cause his ruin" (Knab
1976, p. n).
222 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

272-273. Lenten Fiesta. The special Lenten

Fiesta of Las Sauces, Guerrero, takes place each
year on the fourth Friday of Lent. When we at¬
tended in 1972 (March 10) a group of Tecuani
This is not to say that religious systems can be reduced just to forces of so¬
dancers had come to perform from the larger
cial control. Both in parts of Mexico where elements of shamanism still exist, town of Apaxtla. They were led by a maestro
with masks as one of the methods of its expression, and in more acculturated (leader) named Leobar de Roman, who played a
areas, masks are intimately connected with the entire social life of the com¬ bamboo flute and small drum. Fig. 272 shows a
group of Tigre Hunters wearing leather masks
munities that made them. The mask and the dance are direct manifestations of trimmed with horsehair. An unusual feature of
traditions and culture. The dances and often the masks themselves are handed this performance is seen in Fig. 273, which
down from generation to generation and are a matter of pride to the village, the shows a rope stretched high above the plaza by
participants and their families. Maintenance of these customs indicates a well- the Tecuani group. The Tigre attempts to es¬
cape by climbing along the rope but is pursued
ordered community with respect for traditions and heritage. The mask and the by Hunters and Dog alike, despite the danger¬
dance signify unity, a plan, a scheme of things. Unfortunately, many of these ous height. In the end the Tigre is captured.
customs are now being lost. The intrepid Apaxtla Tecuanis perform at only
This correspondence between the mask and social values is more clearly
shown through an examination of the symbolic process in and of the mask it¬
self. "In a broad sense, symbolism may be said to exist when some components
of the mind's experience elicit activity and values ordinarily associated with
other components of experience. ... A symbol ... is an object or action that
represents another entity in virtue of some arbitrarily assigned conceptual rela¬
tionship between them," according to Raymond Firth (n.d., p. 28). Since symbols
are by their very nature arbitrary (as opposed to being universal), their meaning

\
 Social Uses of Masks 223

must be culturally defined and agreed upon if they are to be more than just per¬
sonally significant. As symbols correlate to other components of experience to
have meaning, the symbols must be said to reflect and represent the social and
cultural values of a society. Therefore, as stated by Firth, “. . . the system of rep¬
resentations conveyed by objects of art, in particular the system of symbols, cor¬
responds to some system of social relationships" (ibid., p. 18).
The relevance of this type of social agreement and the assignment of values
in relationship to the mask has been pointed out in Jung's remarks on masks as
a means of changing personality (see p. 147). Not only are the symbols within
the masks dependent on social agreement, but the entire transformation process
of the mask is as well. As the transformation requires collective agreement, the
result must also conform to the needs of the society, that is, its social values.
However, the social functions of the mask in Mexico are not as sharply de¬
lineated, prevalent, or crucial as those in other mask-making cultures. In over
450 years of contact, European influences and the hostility of the Church to¬
ward indigenous religious practices have eliminated many of the common social
uses. Masks are not used in initiation rites, death rites, or curing as they are in
other, less acculturated mask-making societies. Nor are they used to buttress
the authority of tribal leaders and the cultural mores and laws as is common in
Africa. Indeed, the social uses of the mask in Mexico today are loosely defined
and overlap into several functional categories at the same time. Nonetheless,
they still have a place and definite function within the social system of the in¬

one other time each year, on February 2 at the

digenous groups of Mexico.
big Apaxtla Fair. Diego de Duran writes of a
feast of ancient times: "All these games and
festivities were carried out in an [artificial] MAYORDOMOS: THE SOCIAL SYSTEM OF MASK USE
forest set up in the courtyard of the temple in
front of the image of the god Tlaloc. In the Many people have a surprisingly naive view of masked dances and fiestas, feel¬
middle of this forest was placed a very large ing that they are spontaneous events in which villagers take out their masks
tree. . . . This tree was called Tota, which and their costumes and get together to perform traditional dances their parents
means Our Father, because around it were
taught them. In fact, most of these dances require large expenditures of time
placed four smaller [trees], [the main one] seem¬
ing to be the father of the others. . . . from each and money. Dancers must be recruited, trained, masked, costumed, rehearsed,
of the small trees emerged a twisted straw rope, and often fed. Since a village usually holds only one major fiesta a year, the fiesta
attached to the large one in the center" (Duran and the dance are often a main source of village pride and status; nothing can be
1971, pp. t6o—162). The arrangement of ropes
stretched between four equidistant points as
left to chance.
seen in Fig. 273 may be a remnant of this an¬ In Mexico, the responsibility for these celebrations is normally given to the
cient fiesta. Las Sauces, Guerrero, 1972. mayordomo of the village. "The system of mayordomia is the basic Spanish sys¬
tem for sponsoring sacred images and buildings and for maintaining a yearly
cycle of feast-day celebrations. It is a system of hierarchic nature whereby reli¬
gious and civil activities are integrated" (Foster 1967, p. 195).
The position of mayordomo is one of the four voluntary civil-religious po¬
sitions in the Mexican village social structure; the holders of these four po¬
sitions perform the basic duties of the community. While the names may vary
from community to community, they are generally called the alguacil (consta¬
ble), mayordomo (city steward), regidor (alderman), and alcalde (mayor, or jus-
224 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

274. Boys wearing cardboard masks for the

Zoque Indian Fiesta of San Roque. Tuxtla
Gutierrez, Chiapas, 1940.

tice of the peace), according to the Handbook of Middle American Indians

(Wauchope, gen. ed., 1967, 6:285-289).
Thus, the masked dances and the feast-day fiestas are not simple enter¬
tainment, nor are they separate from the social structure of the community.
Their organization, performance, and sponsorship by the mayordomo directly
affect the social status of both the individual and the community. As George M.
Foster notes, this system is a way for each citizen to achieve respectability
within the community. A man, despite his origins, can achieve status and
prestige by serving at each level of the system. Also the system is a source of
entertainment and allows the person to feel a part of the community. It also
serves as a means of redistribution of wealth and power by continually main¬
taining social and economic equality. It is a check against any one individual's
obtaining too much personal wealth (Foster 1967, pp. 194-211).
While other officials often provide the necessary funds, in most villages it is
the mayordomo who is responsible for the masked dances. The mayordomo is
charged with storing and maintaining the masks to be used, although the masks
are usually stored in a church or municipal building because of problems of
space. He is also responsible for the training and recruiting of the dancers. This
is a major task. The number of the dancers and the quality of the dance itself are

\
 Social Uses of Masks 225

directly dependent on the mayordomo's personality and financial situation. One

informant, Santos Tesillo, an ex-mayordomo and teacher of the Dance of the
Negritos in Capulhuac, state of Mexico (Fig. 99), told me that the number of
dancers can vary from 50 to 125, depending on the mayordomo. He also said that
the length of the dance is related to how well the mayordomo provides food and
drink for the participants.
In Pinotepa de Don Luis, Oaxaca, the judge of the barrio (equivalent to the
mayordomo) keeps the twenty-four to twenty-five masks for one year in the
church or the municipal building. He feeds the topiles (the constables or al-
guaciles) and gives them alms pay for the meals they provide during fiestas. He
also orders them to repair the roads and clean up the barrio for the fiestas. How¬
ever, the Mestizos keep their own masks, and, in this village, the musician of
each dance manages the Indian dancers.
These positions are not free from the social conflicts that beset many vil¬
lages in their transition from an Indian culture to the more national Mestizo
one. As reported in Costumes and Weaving of the Zoque Indians of Chiapas,
Mexico (Cordry and Cordry 1941, pp. 50-53), Tuxtla Gutierrez, Chiapas, was in
the midst of such a transition in 1940, having both a large Zoque Indian popula¬
tion and a large Mestizo one. During the time we spent in Tuxtla, there were
loud complaints and much criticism of the Mestiza piesidenta (equivalent to
the mayor or alcalde) by the Zoques. She was supposed to sponsor the Zoque
dancers and musicians but instead spent the money on a brass band from Chiapa
de Corzo and on marimba music. Further, she had failed to provide for the kill¬
ing of a bull, as was formerly the custom, to furnish meat for the dancers, musi¬
cians, and other church officials, using the money instead for a bullfight and
dance with marimba music that was principally attended by Mestizos, although
the occasion was the Fiesta of San Roque, an important Zoque festival. In fact,
the only way that we were able to see the dance was to offer to pay part of the
expenses.
This incident typifies the sort of social conflict that has led to the general
decline in the use of masks in dances in twentieth-century Mexico. When
masks and masked dances no longer have a social value within the community,
they are discontinued. Unfortunately, too many Mexicans no longer wish to be
reminded of their Indian traditions, customs, and past as they rush to become
"modern"; therefore, the masks and the dances that formally symbolized that
past and provided continuity are being rapidly left behind.

MASKED DANCES AND THEIR FUNCTION

As mentioned earlier in this chapter, the mask and, by implication, the masked
dance in Mexico cannot be said to have the specific social functions (initiation,
death rites, curing, etc.) that they have in many other mask-making cultures.
We can, however, identify five major themes of these dances: historical, Chris¬
tian, occupational, nature-related, and entertainment-oriented. The first four
226 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

themes have a definite social function: they embody and teach community val¬
ues, history, and religion. Nor should the social value of entertainment be over¬
looked, as it provides an outlet for the release of tensions and allows people to
participate in their community and identify with it.
Of course, most masked dances do not fit neatly into one or the other of the
above categories but overlap into several at the same time. Also, many of the
dances that must now be categorized as entertainment may have had some
other function in the past, a function that has either been forgotten or sup¬
pressed by the Church. On the other hand, no dance can really be said to be
without entertainment value.
Usually, masked dances are performed on the village's or barrio's saint's
day, on general religious holidays (Carnival, Christmas, etc.), on national holi¬
days, or for change of office in some Indian communities. These occasions for
the dances should not be confused with the purpose of the dance for the com¬
munity, as the content of the dance does not usually correlate with the official
occasion. The principal exceptions to this situation are the nature dances which 275. Chilolo mask (Mixtec combat mask),
are keyed to the ecological calendar and some of the historical dances which are Chilolo Dance. This distinctively styled com¬
bat mask is characteristic only of Juxtlahuaca,
keyed to specific dates.
Oaxaca, where twelve personages all masked
The following section contains brief descriptions of a few typical masked alike dance in the Chilolo Dance, a derivative
dances within each of the five categories. These descriptions are only general in of the Moors and Christians theme. Unusual
nature and should not be considered in any way definitive, as the dances vary features are the protruding eyes and the rather
clumsy wooden moustaches. Formerly in the
widely depending on when and where they are performed. Cayuqui Estage collection. Juxtlahuaca,
Oaxaca (Mixtec); 17 cm.; wood, paint, i.b.c.
Historical Dances
The Conquest. The most popular and most important of the historical
dances are a group of related dances dealing with the theme of the Spanish Con¬
quest of Mexico. Known by many different names (Azteca Dance, Tenochtli
Dance, Chichimec Dance, Plume Dance, Dance of the Concheros, Dance of the
Cuerudos), these are variants on a basic theme, not just different names for the
same dance; but they are sufficiently similar to warrant a single discussion.
Dances from the Conquest group are performed in villages from Nayarit to
Chiapas, usually on the village's saint's day, with the most spectacular perform¬
ances held in Jalisco and Oaxaca.
The general theme of these dances and the characters are drawn from a his¬
torical account of the Conquest, from the Indian point of view. That is to say,
the Conquest is presented as a tragedy of the destruction of the Indian civiliza¬
tion by the Spaniards, a tragedy that has its redemption and happy ending
through the advent of Christianity. The characters may include: Moctezuma,
the king of the Aztecs at the time of the Conquest; Malinche, the Indian woman
who became the interpreter and mistress of Cortes; Hernan Cortes, the Spanish
conqueror of Mexico; "typical" Indian warriors; and Spanish soldiers.
Depending on where the dance is performed and what version is used, the
characters who are masked can range from everyone to no one; Malinche is al¬
most always masked. Fig. 131 shows an Indian personage from the Azteca
 Social Uses of Masks 227

276-277. Malinche and Cortes helmet mask, Tenochtli Dance. The depiction of
both Cortes and Malinche on this large helmet mask signifies power. One of the
faces has an extended tongue (Fig. 277, left), and both faces are bearded. The reason
for putting a beard on Malinche can only be surmised. Both faces have a number of
large lizards crawling about; lizards symbolize lust and wantonness, as does the
intense pink color. Atlapecuanapa, Guerrero (Nahua); height: 50 cm.; circumfer¬
ence: 128 cm.; wood, paint. (Each face) ii.a.c.
228 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

Dance. Another mask from the Azteca Dance shows Malinche wearing an eagle
helmet (Fig. 215). Malinche is one of the most popular mask motifs throughout
the country and is subject to wide divergencies in her portrayal, as noted in
Chapter 2 (see also Figs. 44, 97, 259).
While the masks and the costumes of the Conquest dances strive to give a
somewhat accurate picture of Pre-Flispanic Indian dress, these representations
are by no means absolutely authentic, nor do they derive directly from the in¬
digenous culture. As pointed out by Irene and Arturo Warman in El efimero y
eterno del arte popular mexicano (1971, 2:743), the Conquest dances probably
derived from the Dance of the Moors and Christians during the eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries.
Despite the lack of authenticity, these dances do provide Mexicans an op¬
portunity to develop a positive image of their Indian past by showing it as a
"golden age." Further, they serve as an expression of the hostility that was and is
felt toward the Spanish conquerors and rulers, a hostility that can be easily seen
by comparing the masks and the costumes of the Indian warriors to those of the
Spaniards. Almost invariably, the Indian costumes are beautiful and dignified,
while those of the Spaniards are ugly, ill fitting, and without taste. In fact, the
only positive aspect of the Spanish that is presented in most of these dances is
that they brought Christianity to the New World.
Battle of the Fifth of May. A second important historical "dance" (in this
case, actually a re-enactment rather than a dance) is La Batalla del Cinco de
Mayo (The Battle of the Fifth of May). May 5 is the anniversary of the Mexican
army's victory over the French at Puebla in 1862. The Battle of the Fifth of May
is performed in the city of Puebla on this date by the Mexican Ministry of War
and in the villages around Puebla by the villagers themselves on various dates.
Since 1920, it has also been presented in Penon, an old Aztec village that is now
part of Mexico City, because these villagers saw the performance, liked it, and
decided to enact it.
While May 5 is a national holiday, its celebration is especially emphasized
in the Puebla area, with the more interesting enactments taking place in the 278. Malinche mask, probably Malinche
smaller villages, such as Huejotzingo. All of the Battles of the Fifth of May in¬ Dance. This is a particularly lifelike Malinche,
especially considering the difficult medium of
volve semihistoric costumes and masks of the French soldiers (Soldados Zuaves
copper in which it is worked. (See Fig. r57 for
or Franceses), the Mexican Indian forces (Zacapoaxtlas), the regular Mexican another treatment of copper.) The projections
army troops (Chinacos), the armed citizens, and numerous historical generals. with circles in the center below the chin and
Particularly in the smaller towns, the participants who represent the Zuaves and above the forehead are Pre-Columbian butter¬
fly symbols (see Figs. 259-260). Region of
the Zacapoaxtlas are masked and have beautiful, imaginative costumes. The
Altamirano, Guerrero (Nahua); $i cm., from
performance of the battle itself is a fairly accurate recreation of this famous and tip of horns to bottom of chin ornaments; cop¬
well-documented conflict. Masks for this dance are shown in Figs. 64 and 91. per, human hair, deer antlers, ribbons, ii.a.c.

Christian Dances
When the first Spanish friars arrived in Mexico with Cortes, they were con¬
fronted with a vast pagan world with its own complex religious system rooted in
shamanism and human sacrifice. Theirs was a holy crusade to convert the In-
 Social Uses of Masks 229

280. Moor mask, Dance of the Moors and

Christians. This sad-faced Moor dates from
1915-1940 and is in a simple, expressive style
no longer seen today. The face is boldly carved,
with a movable jaw that contains a stationary
tongue attached to the lower lip. Distinctive of
the style are the bloody slash wounds and the
shape of the eyes and brows. The mask shows
great wear, especially in the holes used to at¬
tach it to the dancer's head, where the string
has worn away the wood. The interior shows
some termite damage. At times the Dance of
the Moors and Christians is still seen before
the great churches of Taxco, the dancers travel¬
ing many miles from their settlements to per¬
form and do homage in this way. Region of
Taxco, Guerrero (Nahua); height with jaw
open: 43 cm.; depth, from earlobe to tip of nose:
29.2 cm.; wood (zompantle), paint, i.a.c.

279. Possibly Moor mask, Dance of the Moors

and Christians. This mask of very hard wood
may be more than two hundred years old. The
cord used for securing the mask is of carefully
twisted handwoven cloth that was identified
by Dr. Junius Bird as work from the eighteenth
or nineteenth century. The paint, which was
applied without undercoat, is now very thin.
Chiepetepec, Guerrero (Tlapanec); 24.2 cm.;
wood, paint, i.a.c.
230 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

281. Dance of the Moors and Christians. The

dance pictured here was performed in honor of
the Virgin of Guadalupe. The dancer on the
left wears a strongly carved Moor mask and
a crescent of paper and ribbons. Beside him
stands another "pagan" character with a large
hat and mask. The Church of Guadalupe,
where this scene took place, stands on a high
hill overlooking the town of Iguala. Iguala,
Guerrero, December 12, 1970. (Left mask)
i.b.c. (Right mask) i.a.c.

282. Moor masks, Dance of the Moors and

Christians. The style of these sensitive faces,
with their narrow heads, long noses and upper
lips, and prominent cheekbones, comprised an
entire school of fine Guerrero masks around
the turn of this century. The Barbones masks
in Fig. 32 also fall into this school. Unusual
are the tall leather caps with their leather
streamers and the combination of blue eyes
and dark complexion seen in mask b. Mask b
from Collections of the International Folk Art
Foundation in the Museum of International
Folk Art, Santa Fe, New Mexico. Region of
Alahuistlan, Guerrero; 57 cm. (approx.), in¬
cluding cap; wood, paint, leather, i.a.c.

\
 Social Uses of Masks 231

dians to Christianity and to eliminate "Devil worship." One of the ways that
they accomplished this was through the introduction of dances and plays with a
Christian theme used as a teaching device. This was already a standard teaching
method in Europe for illiterate peasants, but it also had extra advantages in
Mexico. As mentioned in the section on Devil masks (Chapter 9), this allowed
the friars an opportunity to denigrate the Indian gods by transforming their
masks into Devil masks simply by adding two horns. Further, the Indians al¬
ready had a deep-rooted dance festival tradition; by continuing this tradition
with Christian themes rather than trying to suppress it, the Church was more
easily able to become the center of community life and to maintain a positive
image (Leonard 1959, p. 118).
Dance of the Moors and Christians. Probably, the first Christian dance in¬
troduced into Mexico was the Dance of the Moors and Christians. The first rec¬
ord of the dance was in 1524, when it was presented to Cortes in Coatzacoalcos.
References to this dance are scattered throughout the early Spanish records. The
dance was performed at most of the important civil and religious ceremonies in
the first two centuries of the Colonial era (Warman Gryj and Warman T97T, 2:
7471-

Part of the reason for the obvious popularity of this dance, both then and
now, lies in its central theme: the dramatic confrontation between good, repre¬
sented by the Christians, and evil, embodied in the heathen Moors. It was
through the struggle of good and evil that this dance was raised from just
another Church pageant to an involving drama for Spaniards and Indians alike.
One must also remember that the Moors had been expelled from Spain a scant
thirty years before the Conquest of Mexico after seven centuries of war. The
theme was fresh and historically important in the minds of the Spanish priests;
283. Morismo mask, Dance of the Moors and
Christians (variant). This freely conceived
moreover, it was duplicated by the situation that they found in Mexico, with
Moor mask has great charm in its very human only the names of the pagan idolators changed. The Church, particularly the
and humorous expression. Unpliable wood has Spanish branch, was once again engaged in a holy crusade that was epitomized
been worked with great talent into repeating
by this dance.
and reversing half-moons to form flesh and
muscle forms that are very much alive and Today, the Dance of the Moors and Christians is more than just one dance;
indicative of the diversity of expression that it is an entire group of dances that are performed throughout Mexico, Central
the talented Mexican mask-makers achieve. America, many countries in South America, New Mexico in the United States,
Property of the University of Arizona. Te-
and even the Philippines. In Mexico, its variants include the Dances of El Mar¬
ponzontepec, state of Mexico; 25.4 cm.; wood,
paint, i.a.c. quez, Los Santiagos, Las Moritas, Los Alchileos, Los Matachines, Los Tastoanes,
Los Doce Pares de Francia, and many others. (Many variants are described in
Warman Gryj 1972, pp. 138-165.) Its pageantry and dramatic conflict have also
influenced a great number of other dances. And, what is most important within
the context of this book, the splendor of this dance, with its representations of
kings, sultans, nobility, and exotic foreigners, has provided an environment in
which the tremendous plastic talent of Mexican craftsmen and artists could
blossom into a profusion of beautiful masks and costumes.
There is also a Dance of the Female Moors (Las Moritas) in Axochiapan,
Morelos, which we witnessed in January 1974. The Female Moors were dressed
232 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

in red satin capes and did not wear masks. Only the King of the Moors and the
King of the Christians wore masks.
Another radical variation in the Moor masks is in those made for the Dance
of Los Alchileos (the archers). These are large, very impressive helmet masks
with high, usually elaborate headdresses carved from wood. The style of these
masks seems to vary according to the individual mask-maker more than the
styles of other types of Moor masks. Fig. 286 shows two Alchileo masks from
San Martin Pachivia, Guerrero. There is an enormous difference between these
masks and the one from Cacalotepec, Guerrero (Fig. 287), which seems sur¬
realistic by comparison.
The dance normally begins with the encounter between the Moors' army
and that of the Christians. Ambassadors from these two armies meet and hold a
long discussion about the superiority of the Virgin versus Mohammed. This
theological discussion soon results in individual combat with swords or ma¬
chetes between the ambassadors, ending with one being conquered and seized.
The other side sends knights to get back its ambassador, with a general fight 254. Moro Chino mask, Dance of the Moors
between the two armies soon resulting. After these armies have confronted each and Christians. This classic red Moro Chino
has the brow and cheek projections seen in all
other once or a number of times, the Christians are victorious, thanks to the Moro Chino masks (Fig. 42). The face is fierce,
intervention of an angel or a saint in the midst of the battle. After this, either as a combat mask should be, with large blue
the Moors are convinced of their idolatry and convert to Christianity or they are eyes and a mouth over-full of carved white
teeth. Property of the University of Arizona.
killed by the Christians. Often the grand finale is the burning of the fort of the
Mochitlan, Guerrero (Nahua); ij.8 cm.; wood
Moors in a brilliant "fire" made of crepe paper, red paint, etc. In the past, the (zompantle), paint, i.b.c.
entire dance was done on horseback, but it is most often done on foot today.
The Santiago or Santiaguero Dance is a variant of the dance of the Moors
and Christians that is also closely related to the dances of the Conquest. San¬
tiago (St. James) was the patron saint of Cortes's army, and several visions of
him were seen in the sky before decisive battles between the Spanish and the
Indians, so that his name became a battle cry that led the Spaniards to victory.
One of the most distinctive features of this dance is that Santiago wears a small
wooden horse which is attached in front (and sometimes also in the rear) of the
dancer's waist, as can be seen in Fig. 197. Santiago carries a lance and is better
dressed than the other Christian soldiers. In some cases, Santiago fights the
Moors, sometimes the Turks; at other times, he seems to fight all the famous
heathens of history, including Cain, Pontius Pilate, etc. The ambassadors play
the same role described above. The resulting fight is won by the Christians, and
the heathen mler is made to accept Christianity.
Pastorela Dance. After the Dance of the Moors and Christians with all of
its variations, the second important Christian dance is the Pastorela Dance, or
Nativity pastoral. This is one of the few dances in Mexico which is predomi¬
nantly for girls or women. The Pastorela or Las Pastoras originally came from
the popular theater and its concern with the Nativity story. One of the parts of
this theatrical presentation was the adoration of the baby Jesus, which was
danced. The present Pastorela is either a direct re-enactment of this theatrical
scene, or a slight modification of it with different music.
 Social Uses of Masks 233

285. Moro Pasion (Suffering Moor) mask,

Dance of the Moors and Christians (variant).
In many cases I have seen masks of clearly
traditional form whose original meaning has
been lost. This mask has two such elements,
the most prominent being the coiled nose. I
feel that this type of nose at one time repre¬
sented the maxillae or proboscis of a butterfly,
a form often used in sixteenth- to eighteenth-
century Mexico. The butterfly was a common
symbol for Xochiquetzal, the goddess of flow¬
ers and beauty (see Fig. 260d). The gold pro¬
trusions seen above the brows and on either
cheek remain a mystery, although they con¬
tinue to appear on the red Moro Chino masks
of Guerrero. This mask is old and well exe¬
cuted, with thin eye slits above the painted
eyes. Characteristic of Puebla masks are the
thin carving and the deep indentation for the
dancer's face. State of Puebla; height: 30 cm.;
depth: 25 cm.; wood, paint, ii.a.c.

286. Alchileo (or Archareo) masks. Dance of

the Moors and Christians. Although simpler
and more primitive in design, these two hel¬
met masks come from the same area that pro¬
duced the masks in Fig. 138. The Alchileo
character represents a pagan soldier who fights
on the side of the Moors against the Christians
in this ancient dance of Spanish origin (San-
tamaria 1959, p. 53). Mask a property of the
Smithsonian Institution. San Martin Pachivia,
Guerrero (Nahua); (a) 57 cm.; (b) 50 cm.;
wood, paint, gold leaf, i.a.c.
234 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

287. Alchileo mask. Dance of the Moors and

Christians (variant). This interesting Alchileo
and a companion mask, not seen here, may be
simplified survival versions of the Tigre and
the Eagle, two other foes of the Christians in
other dances. In this variation of the Dance of
the Moors and Christians, the Alchileo charac¬
ters fight with Pilate and the Moors against the
eventually victorious Santiago. This small
mask is topped by a headdress with what may
be an eagle, while the headdress of the mask 288. Santiago mask, Santiago Dance (Dance of many years. Christians were commonly con¬
not pictured here is surmounted by a tigre. the Moors and Christians variant). An unusu¬ ceived as blond and blue-eyed, as is this mask,
This is a very different interpretation from that ally fine old Santiago with a movable jaw at¬ to contrast well with the black-bearded Moors
of the older Alchileo masks from a different tached with wooden pegs. It was made in Gue¬ also depicted in these combat dances. Caca-
area of Guerrero shown in Fig. 286. Cacalo- rrero near the border of the state of Mexico, huamanche, Guerrero (Nahua); 29 cm.; wood,
tepec, Guerrero (Nahua); 14-15 cm., not in¬ and the distinctive style was copied there for paint (oil), i.a.c.
cluding headdress; 45 cm., including head¬
dress. II.B.C.
 Social Uses of Masks 235

289. Hermit mask, Pastorela Dance. This crude Hermit relates in style 290. Hermit mask, Pastorela Dance. This charming Hermit shows great
and materials to the more sophisticated Hermit seen in Fig. 15 5 Z?. The individuality of style, with its small, cut-out eyes and open-mouthed
use of crude materials such as undyed fiber and the woeful expression smile. The long, pointed nose contrasts with the characteristically low
create a similar effect, although the masks were made in different areas. Indian forehead. Designs carved into the beard and facial planes give the
State of Durango; 27 cm., not including beard; wood, ixtle fiber, i.a.c. mask both movement and character. Michoacan (Tarascan); 37 cm.;
wood, paint, i.b.c.
236 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

292. Devil mask, Dance of the Tres Potencias.

Used in an allegorical dance imported from
Europe depicting the struggle between the soul
and sin, this Devil has a mouth that suggests
the idea of a bloodsucking bat. The bat nose and
the circular treatment of the mouth and chin
are unique to this region, in contrast to the
fusion of bat spirit styles found elsewhere. The
thin dark red color is accented by the black of
the horns and goatee, while yellow is used for
291. Angel mask, Pastorela Dance. This rather has the traditionally small ears and dimples
the tusks and in small touches on the nose.
saccharine winged Angel is typical of the nine¬ usually found on the few masks of female char¬
Region of Canon de Gavilan, Guerrero
teenth-century church figures and reminiscent acters made in Mexico. The state of Puebla,
(Nahua); 39 cm.; wood, paint, ii.b.c.
of a popular art imitation of the seventeenth- with its magnificent capital city, Puebla de los
century Spanish artist Murillo. Such delicate, Angeles, is a traditionally strong center for the
small features are rarely seen today. This mask, Catholic Church in Mexico. Property of the
from the state of Puebla, probably comes from a University of Arizona. State of Puebla; height:
rural area, as it is not finely finished or painted 26.7 cm.; width: 26.7 cm.; wood (zompantle),
and the inside was left quite rough. The Angel paint (oil base with gesso undercoat), ii.a.c.
 Social Uses of Masks 237

In this dance, the girls or women playing the parts of the Shepherds are
dressed very simply and generally do not wear masks. Masks are used in some
versions but are usually restricted to Devil and Hermit figures, who are gener¬
ally played by men. Examples of Hermit masks can be found in Figs. 7, 60, 139,
155b, 173, 289, and 290. An Angel mask used in the Pastorela in the state of
Puebla can be seen in Fig. 291. In Figs. 56 and 57 we see two very rare female
Pastorela masks. Devil masks used in this dance are shown in Figs. 307 and 312.
Dance of the Tres Potencias. While the Pastorela is a loose, flowing adap¬
tation of a dance-play, the last major Christian dance to be discussed, that of the
Tres Potencias (Three Powers), is far more formal and fixed. This dance has a
written text for the spoken passages, as the Dances of the Moors and Christians
do in many cases. The Dance of the Tres Potencias is performed predominantly
in Guerrero, and the written text, which is called the relaciones, is still in
Nahuatl in some of the remote mountain villages, since Nahuatl is still the
basic language of at least the elders of the community. The dance-play is based
on a morality play imported from Europe but has grown to include typical Mexi¬
can touches.
The theme of the Tres Potencias is the struggle for supremacy between good
and evil. An elaborate version may have many masked participants, such as
Christ, the Virgin, the Soul, the Flesh, the World, the Devil, Sin, Eucifer, Death,
and one or more comic characters. Lucifer and Sin dance with Death. The
speeches are long, and the dance-play ends with a great physical struggle. The
Soul is finally victorious and is symbolically lifted toward heaven, as Sin,
Lucifer, and the Devil meet defeat and are burned. Fig. 34 shows a Devil mask
that was used in this dance in Acapetlahuaya, Guerrero. It should be compared
to the Devil mask from the region of Canon de Gavilan, Guerrero, in Fig. 292.
Other masks used in the dance are shown in Figs. 200a and 293.

Occupational Dances.
The third category of dance themes is occupational. These dances fulfill a two¬
pronged social function. First, they show the duties, attitudes, and skills needed
for certain jobs, and thus function as teaching aids for the community and its
children. Second and more important, they extend social recognition to those
who work at these jobs, thereby stressing their importance to the community.
Some of the dances that use masks include the Vaquero (see below), Hortelahos
(Fig. 165), and Jardineros (Figs. 169, 170) dances. To some degree the Tlacololero
293. Time-Sin-Death mask, Dance of the Tres Dance must also be considered an occupational dance, but, since its main action
Potencias. There is a startling rhythm of form centers on the pursuit and capture of the Tigre, it is discussed with the Tigre
in this carving. The pink center face with its
twisted mouth represents Sin, who is flanked
dances (below).
on the cheeks by a skull-headed Death and the Vaquero Dance. The Vaquero (Cowboy) Dance is a good example of an oc¬
brown face of Time. Unfortunately, the name cupational dance. While it can vary from pure choreography to a semidramatic
of the artist who made this mask is no longer structure, there is one scene that is common to all versions: the capture of a
known. From the collection of Larry Walsh.
Copalillo, Guerrero (Nahua); 31 cm.-, wood,
bull. Today the bull is a counterfeit one that is carried on the shoulders of one of
paint, i.b.d. the dancers, but in the past, some versions used a real bull that was captured and
238 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

killed. The most widespread version of the dance consists of a group of sixteen
dancers who are divided into two groups, each with its own captain. These cap¬
tains establish a merry dialogue, while at the same time performing tactical
movements with their men. Finally, the bull is captured. A more complex ver¬
sion has a number of other characters, including the Mayordomo. These charac¬
ters perform a short drama in which the quality of animals in various locations
is discussed. This version shares the same climax of the capture of the bull. This
dance is principally presented in the states of Morelos, Puebla, and Guerrero.
Vaquero masks can be seen in Figs. 294 and 295.

Nature-Related Dances
As mentioned in Chapters 8 and 9, the mask and the masked dance were devices
that man in primitive conditions used in order to identify with and attempt to
control the forces of nature. It is then no surprise that a great number of masked
dances still center around the weather, crops, hunting, and fishing, particularly
in more remote locations where people still depend on old methods of farming
and hunting for their survival. These are the dances whose roots descend into
Pre-Hispanic history and in which the ancient gods still survive, however frag¬
mented and incomplete that survival may be.
Some of the more important nature dances include the Tigre dances, which
center around the capture and the death of a tigre; the Diablo Macho Dance, a
rain-petitioning dance (Figs. 15, 17); the Armadillo Dance, a crop-fertility dance
that uses masks trimmed with armadillo hide (Figs. 195, 233, 236-237) and a
large wooden Armadillo (Figs. 234, 235); the Fish and Caiman dances, both in¬
tended to ensure good fishing (see below); and literally hundreds of others.
Many of these dances have been described briefly in various places in the
text because their performances shed light on mask symbols. However, those
descriptions centered on symbolic relationships and were often incomplete. I
am therefore including here a short synopsis of a few of the more important
nature dances.
Tigre Dances. This is a set of related dances which are performed
throughout Mexico and are known under many different names. One variant is
the Tecuani Dance; tecuani means "wild beast" in Nahuatl and refers to the
Tigre. Fernando Horcasitas informs me that the Tecuani Dance is one of the few
Pre-Hispanic "farsas" (as Duran calls them) that have survived. Another im¬
portant variant is the Tlacololero Dance, in which the Tigre appears as a menace
who has been harming the field workers (Tlacololeros). Normally, these dances
are fairly complex, with a large number of characters and set speeches; con¬
sequently, they are usually mn by a "maestro" (teacher, master of the dance),
who trains the dancers, gives them cues, and possesses the written script for the
dance. The maestro is very often the musician: in the case of the Tecuani Dance,
he plays a small dmm and bamboo flute. In addition to the Tigre, the cast of
characters can include one or more of the following: a Rastrero (Tracker); a Dog,
who is named Maravilla or "Marvel" in many of these dances; a Deer,- a Medic to
 Social Uses of Masks 239

294. Vaquero mask, Vaquero Dance. The The deep carving and somber painting of this
round, "whistling" mouth is typical of many fine mask are unusual. The eyes are deepset,
Vaquero masks, indicating the Vaquero's call¬ and there is a see-out opening above the brow.
ing and whistling for the cattle. A similar round Zacatlanzillo, Guerrero; 24 cm., not including
mouth is sometimes found in Pre-Columbian hair or beard; wood, paint, horsehair, i.b.c.
clay figurines; its meaning there is unknown.
240 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

296. River Spirit mask. Fish Dance. Used in a

plea for good fishing, this old mask combines
strong carving and water symbolism in the
form of color, symbolic creatures, and facial
expression. The fish-shaped eyebrows and
beard and the human face are reminiscent of
the Greek sea-god Neptune. San Martin
Pachivia, Guerrero (Nahua); 27 cm.; wood,
paint. 11. a. c.

295. Vaquero mask, Vaquero Dance. This Va-

quero also has the typical round mouth. Lines
carved and painted about the face and the trim
of black horsehair make a simple yet forceful
statement. Property of the Smithsonian Insti¬
tution. Tlacuitlapa, Guerrero (Nahua); 24 cm.;
wood, paint, horsehair, i.b.c.
 Social Uses of Masks 241

patch up the "wounded"; men who carry spears and cords to tie up the Tigre;
and a man who dresses up as a woman and who is regarded as a comic figure.
The masks for these characters can be made out of wood, as in Figs. 299 and 300,
or leather, as in Figs. 2 and 238-239. There is tremendous freedom in the execu¬
tion of these masks, as can be seen by comparing the Rastrero of El Portrerillo,
Guerrero, in Fig. 2 to the one from Ajuchitlan, Guerrero, in Fig. 300 or to the
same figure from Chalpatlah.ua, Guerrero, in Fig. 299.
The Tlacololero Dance, whose central action (like that of all the tigre
dances) involves tracking down and finally "killing" the Tigre, has a direct con¬
nection to crop fertility that is often missing in the other dances. Here, the
masked Tlacololeros (Field Workers), along with the Rastrero, who sometimes
wears a twisted-mouth mask, the Dog Maravilla, and various other characters,
start hunting the Tigre. Normally, the Tlacololero dancers wear wide-brimmed
straw hats that are adorned with herbage, palms, and flowers. They carry whips
(which usually symbolize serpents) or sometimes even chains, and hit each
other on their padded left arms to simulate the crackling of burning brush and
tree trunks. (The term tlacololero specifically refers to a man who prepares the
land for cultivation in the slash-and-burn method.) Some of these dancers also
hold dried badgers, raccoons, and other animals that symbolize the fertility of
the soil. Characteristically, there is quite a bit of horse-play and vulgar humor in
which local scandals and peoples' weaknesses are referred to before the Tigre is
found. Toward the end of the dance, the whole column of dancers follows the
Dog character, which flushes the Tigre out of the bushes. When the Tigre comes
into sight, there are wild skirmishes, and one or two people are "wounded" be¬
fore the Tigre is killed and skinned. Masks for the Tlacololero Dance are shown
in Figs. 216 and 301.
Fish Dance, Caiman Dance. The Fish Dance is sometimes done in com¬
bination with the Caiman Dance. Both dances use sympathetic magic to ensure
good fishing and are performed along the Balsas River and other rivers in Gue¬
rrero. In one version, there are from fourteen to twenty Fishermen who carry
nets; they also attach bunches of carved wooden fish around their waists or
shoulders,- these clank together as noisemakers and provide accompaniment
(Fig. 303a). Two drums are also used: the teponaztli, a horizontal two-tone
wooden drum, and the huehuetl, a vertical drum. In some villages, a small,
primitive harp is played along with the violin.
In addition to masked characters, these dances have characters who wear
wooden figures fastened to their waists. In Tula, Guerrero, a young boy wears a
Caiman figure in this way (Fig. 303c); a Caiman figure from Totozintla appears
in Fig. 243. In Tetela del Rio the Fish Dance also contains a large Mermaid figure
(Fig. 303b). Other animals are sometimes used as well. These characters, along
with other small boys wearing fish around their waists, try to escape the
Fishermen and their nets. After a great deal of cavorting about, the fish are
caught, and good fishing is assured. Other masks for the Fish and Caiman
dances can been seen in Figs. 20a, 58, 187, 199, 213, 214, 247, 263, 296, and 302.
242 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

297. Tigre mask, Tigre Dance. This very large 298. Tigre mask, Tigre Dance. In contrast to
old mask has seen long use and has been re¬ the obvious feline in Fig. 297 is this unique
painted many times. In spite of the enormous conception of a Tigre. The use of leather for a
mouth there are slits beneath the eyes for the Tigre mask is quite rare, as they are most often
dancer to see out, as the mouth comes to chin fashioned out of wood, copper, or papier mache.
level when the mask is tipped forward to be From the collection of Raul Lozano Martini.
worn. Collections of the International Folk Art State of Mexico; 25 cm.; leather, paint, iv.b.c.
Foundation in the Museum of International
Folk Art, Santa Fe, New Mexico. San Simon
(near Acapetlahuaya), Guerrero (Nahua);
height: 30 cm.; width: 36 cm.; length: 38 cm.
(as positioned in photograph); wood, paint,
animal teeth, iv.b.c.

299. Rastrero mask, Tecuani Dance. This

mask, by a talented but untrained carver, was
probably made for his own use. The carving is
fairly realistic, but simplified and stylized. The
thick white paint is now very worn. The animal
hair is attached to the mask under pieces of
leather that are nailed to the wood. Chalpatla-
hua, Guerrero (Nahua); 16.5 cm.; wood (zom-
pantle), paint (water base), animal hair, leath¬
er, nails, i.b.c.
 Social Uses of Masks 243

301. Tlacololero mask, Tlacololero Dance.

The round eyeholes on the cheeks are typical
of masks of this dance. An unusual feature of
this mask is the smooth tongue, made from a
piece of glass that was probably found in a
river and may be the remains of a bottle.
Ayutla, Guerrero (Nahua); 29 cm.; wood,
paint, glass, i.a.c.

300. Rastrero mask, Tecuani Dance. This is tively carved rectangles that reinforce the pur¬
another Rastrero from the popular Tecuani pose of the Rastrero character—tracking and
Dance performed widely in Guerrero villages. killing the clever and illusive Tigre. Property
Made of heavy wood, this mask has a suitably of the University of Arizona. Ajuchitlan,
wild aspect. The eyes of the mask are quite Guerrero (Nahua); 26 cm.; wood, paint, ani¬
inconspicuous, but the eye slits are distinc¬ mal hair, animal teeth, i.b.c.
244 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

302. Caiman/Mermaid mask, Fish Dance. There is a theory 303. Accessories for Fish Dance and Caiman Dance. The Mermaid seen here (b)
that these very heavy helmet masks served as a motif or in¬ was meant to be worn by a small boy in the Fish Dance in Tetela del Rio, Gue¬
spiration for a given dance. They were placed on the ground rrero, the only community where these Mermaids are carved. Its arms are mov¬
or on some elevated area and were worn only briefly during able. The Caiman (c) was also made to be worn about the waist of a small boy. Its
the dance. This fine helmet is thoughtfully carved to fit the back is covered with pochote spines, and there are two heads projecting from it. In
dancer's shoulders. There are ample eyeholes on the Mer¬ front of the body opening is an Old Man of the River figure. The third accessory
maid side next to the fish tails. At approximately the same [a] is a string of fish which was worn about the dancer's neck and used as a
elevation the dancer could look out of the Caiman mouth on noisemaker during the dance. Fish and Mermaid property of the University of
the other side. Tetela del Rio, Guerrero; height: 48 cm.; Arizona, (a) Totozintla, Guerrero (Nahua); (b) Tetela del Rio, Guerrero (Nahua);
circumference: 175 cm.; wood, paint. (Left) iv.b.c (Right) (c) Tula, Guerrero (Nahua); (a) each fish: 27 cm.; (b) 95 cm., from tip of tail to tip
II.A.D. of nose; (c) 101 cm.; wood, paint, cloth undercoat (b). (a) iv.a.c. (b) ii.a.c. (c)
V.A.C.

V
 Social Uses of Masks 245

Deer Dance (Yaqui and Mayo). Thanks to the Ballet Folklorico of Mexico,
— c'Usted ha estado en Papantla?
— Si, durante sua Inmosas FERIAS DE C.OIlPl S?
— Pero usted tambien puede disfrutar de las delicias de esta lierra
the Deer Dance is probably the best-known of all the nature dances in Mexico.
tropical durante los dias del 31 de mayo ul 10 de junto de
1945, en los que se verilica esa alegre Feria.
An excellent description has been given by lames S. Griffith:
Feria Regional de Corpus
en Papanlla, Ver,, durante los dias del 31 de mayo In its aboriginal form as performed today, it involves a single deer imper¬
al 10 de junio de 1945
La H. Junta de Mejoras Materiales de Papantlu, Ver., ha organizado para los dias del 31 sonator and three or four singers. One of these plays the water drum and
de mayo al 10 de junio proxinios un sugestivo programa do leslejos que le bantu niuy grulu
e inolvidable su visita, y le darun la oportunidud de admirar sus lumosas danzas, sus minus
arqueologicas del Tajin y sus builes con suitor del tropico. the others play rasps. The deer is frequently bare to the waist, and wears
Programa de log pri net pales atractivos:
DANZAS REGIONALES: Negritos, Moros y Espanoles, Sanliagos. Toeolines, (iiiaguas,
a skirt made from a rebozo (a woman’s shawl). Upon his head is strapped
en el peligroso acto del volteador o sea el Salto de la Mucrlo, la tn FAMOS \ \ eonocida
MUNDIALMENTE del PALO VOLADOR. en la quo fignra .1 ' \S" decsla Dim/.a J( »SI.
GARCIA LOZANO, uuico en la region que soltre un inaslil dc 30 metros de alturu > « nva
a small deer head, complete with antlers. He has a belt of pendant deer
e«ronaci6n mide 30 centimetres de diumetrn, ejecuta su atrexido buile, torando ul mismo
ttempo un tombor y una flauta, huciendo esculofriuntes contorsioncs y peligrosos sall<>.-
hooves about his waist and cocoon rattles on his legs, and he holds a
Carreras de Caballos,
gourd rattle in each hand. His dance is highly imitative of the actions of a
TAPADAS CALLOS
y toda clase de jueg°s permi lidos |>or la Ley.
deer, grazing, drinking, pausing to sniff the air, and fleeing. The songs to
Foot ball, Basket ball y Base ball,
entre los mejores Equipos de Poza Rica, Gutierrez Zamoia,
Alamo y de esta localiaad, se lie varan a cubo en cl “C.ampo
which he dances usually contain references to flowers
Deportivo Papanteco" y eu la Cancha de la Escuelif “.Ylelrhor
Ocampo”. (Griffith 1967, p. r6).
GRANDES Y SUJSTUOSOS BAILES
diariamente en el Parque “Constitucion” y en el Salon “Recreativo Papanteco".
amenizados por Orqueslas foraneas y locales.

DL.iiamente se quemaran vistosos Fuegos Artificiales. The Deer dancers wear the same type of rattles on their legs as the Pascola dan¬
sin faltar los tipicos Toritos
EL DOMINGO 10 DE JUNIO para een ar con broclie dc ore esta Feria. se xcrilirarii cers (Fig. 123); the Pascola dancers often help to clear the area for the Deer dan¬
•■La Noche Totonaca"
a la que asistiran alaviadas con el Traje Regional Totonaco antiguo y moderno, las mas
bellas senoritas de la localidad, que se disputaran dos preuiios:
cers and keep the crowd entertained.
lo. - Para la que se presente vestida con MAYOR PROPIEDAD a la usanza ANTIGI \.
2o.- Para la que imite mejor a la INDIA TOTONACA AC.Tl AL.
Nota:-v-Un Jurado Caiificador compuesto por personas hien docun.entadas,
otorgar£ los premios a quienes lo merezean.
PAPANTLA, la tierra hospilalaria por excelencia ESPERA SU VISITA.
Entertainment-Oriented Dances.
Papantla, Ver,, mayo de 1945 LA COMIPION As I have pointed out throughout the discussion of the social entertainment
functions of masked dances, each dance has a component of entertainment no
matter how serious the basic purpose of the dance is. But there are also some
304. Announcement of Regional Fair of Cor
pus Christi. Papantla, Veracruz, 1945-
dances whose predominant theme is entertainment. These vary from comedies
to dramatic presentations similar to soap operas, as in the case of "Los Manue-
les" (Fig. 305). Some of these, such as the Viejitos Dance of Michoacan, prob¬
ably had a serious purpose at one time, but that purpose has been lost, sup¬
pressed, or forgotten. Other dances, like that of the Negritos, are comic in one
region and very serious in another. Further, as the rapid acculturation of Mexi¬
can Indian groups occurs, I fully expect that many of the serious dances of today
will be reduced to mere entertainment in the near future, if they survive at all.
Consequently, because of the wide range of dances that can be considered to be
in this category and because the purpose of this section is only to provide a basic
understanding of the context in which masks are used, I will only describe the
major and the more famous of these dances: those of the Devils, Muertos,
Viejitos, and Negritos.
Devil Dances. The Dance of the Devils (los Diablos) is both a dance in its
own right and, at the same time, a concept, an institution that appears in almost
every other dance in Mexico. In Mexico, the Devil is more than just a symbol for
sin and evil; he is the clown who pulls pranks, tells vulgar jokes, makes obscene
gestures, and keeps everyone generally amused. The Devil shows up in dances
such as Los Concheros (one of the Conquest dances), the Pastorela Dance, the
Tigre dances, etc. He provides the counterpoint to these dances, relieving the
tensions that build up in some of the more combative dances and in the com-
246 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

305. Masks for "Los Manueles/' a village carved and carefully painted for maximum
drama. These masks were used to enact a fam¬ dramatic effect. The entire set is seen here: [a)
ily drama involving a village girl who is false¬ the Grandfather of the Novia,- [b] the Jilted
ly betrothed to a Novio (boyfriend or bride¬ Girl; (c) the Mother of the Jilted Girl,- (d) the
groom). The girl is jilted, and the rightful Father of the Novia; [e] the Mother of the
Novia (girlfriend or bride) wins the young man Novio; (/) the Novio; and (g) the Novia. Prop¬
instead. The story ends happily after much erty of the University of Arizona. Zoquiapan,
squabbling among the elders of the family. It Guerrero (Nahua); 19 cm. (approx.); wood,
is a realistic example of the power of the fam¬ paint (oil), gesso, animal hair (a), i.a.c.
ily in Mexico. All of these masks are well

\
 Social Uses of Masks 247

306. Devil mask, Dance of the Devils. This possible that this mask was made in Teloloa-
Devil is said to have traveled annually from pan, Guerrero, although used in Huetamo,
Huetamo to Corovillas, Michoacan, to per¬ Michoacan. Huetamo, Michoacan (Taiascan);
form for the festival of La Purisima (December 6o cm., including horns-, wood, paint, animal
8). It has three sets of horns, a carved devil- horns, leather, sheepskin, pieces of bone.
creature nose, and a long leather tongue. It is IV.B.D.
248 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

munity at large. He can talk about peoples7 weaknesses and local scandals with
immunity, for whatever he says will be dismissed because it comes from the
Devil.
This basic tradition is also reflected in the various Devil dances themselves.
One such dance is performed during the Carnival in Zaachila, Oaxaca, and takes
the form of a battle between the Devils and the Priests, with the Devils win¬
ning:

The costumes and masks are extraordinarily imaginative. A green devil

may be covered with brilliant bits of china paper, so that his costume is
reminiscent of the ancient warriors. The devils present a kaleidoscope of
bright solid colors which shine and alternate with the black cassocks of
the priests and their white masks, pointed black hoods, and enormous
rosaries.
The devils fight with long canes, at one end of which are standards of
perfect geometrical forms, painted in bright colors and adorned with
shells. They jump and dance about as they attack the priests, who defend
themselves with whips, sticks, and lances. The fights become heated,
the combatants hurling insults at each other in Zapotec. They continue
until after dark, affording a beautiful spectacle of bright colors dancing in
the dim torch lights and shadows of the night.
At intervals, the devils make prisoners of some of the priests, whom
they take into the presence of the head devil to be tried publicly, with the
spectators joyously applauding the sentences.
(Toor 1947, pp. 199-200)

The Devil masks are certainly some of the most skillfully made and in¬
terestingly designed of contemporary masks. They range from traditional Euro¬
pean Devils, like the one on the forehead of the mask in Fig. 1, to wild, animalis¬
tic Devils from indigenous traditions (Figs. 40, 248, 307, 308). As previously
noted, these animal-like Devils were probably once masks of Indian gods to 308. Devil mask, Devil Dance. A beautifully
which the priests added horns in order to denigrate them. carved and painted Indian-type animal Devil,
collected in 1931. Tixtla, Guerrero; height: 23
Los Muertos. Los Muertos (the Dead, or the Corpses) do not usually have a
cm.; width: 27 cm.; wood, paint, iv.a.d.
dance of their own, but, like the Devils, they can and do show up in many other
dances. In all the allegorical dances, such as the Dance of the Tres Potencias and
the Apache Dance, Death is constantly present as a reminder of the fate await¬
ing all humans. Within this context, then, it may seem somewhat paradoxical to
place the Muertos in the category of entertainment, but one must realize that
the concept of death sometimes contains a comic element in Mexico. This is
not to say that Mexicans do not respect and fear death; they simply accept it,
fraternize with it, and play with it. Mexico is one of the few countries that has
the Day of the Dead (El Dia de los Muertos) as an official national holiday. For
weeks before the Day of the Dead (November 2), toy stores are full of skeleton
presents for children and bakeries specialize in trying to outdo one another in
 Social Uses of Masks 249

309. Helmet mask, Devil Dance and Bat

Dance. The Death Head side of this helmet
mask is in the best Pre-Columbian tradition.
The features are effectively exaggerated and
reminiscent of Picasso. The ears are freely
painted on, and each has a small dot on the
lobe indicating a hole for an earring. The other
side of this helmet mask (not shown) was used
in the Bat Dance. A dark bat is superimposed
over and integrated into a human face, with
the bat tail, which is often used by the Indians
to symbolize genitalia, making up the goatee.
Property of the Smithsonian Institution.
Totozintla, Guerrero (Nahua); height: 32 cm.;
circumference: 104 cm.; wood, paint, i.b.c.

baking elaborate pastries of the dead. Almost every possible article is turned
into some type of skeleton, coffin, or corpse. Nor are these tame representations
like the stylized skeletons of Halloween in the United States; they are graphic
depictions.
Although this is not the place to explore all the interesting aspects of the
Mexicans' relationship with the Dead, it is relatively easy to see that within this
general context, they are considered somewhat comic figures and function as
clowns, much as the Devils do. Of course, the jokes of the Dead are more of the
graveyard variety. A good selection of Death masks can be seen in Fig. 47.
Viejitos Dance. The Viejitos (Little Old Men) Dance of Michoacan is one
of the best known of all the masked dances in Mexico. As noted in Chapter 5,
records suggest that this dance is Pre-Conquest in origin. The dance is peculiar
to the Tarascan Indians near Lake Patzcuaro and in the Sierra around Uruapan. It
250 The Significance and Function of the Mexican Mask

basically consists of young men donning masks and costumes of old men. At
first, these masked dancers mimic decrepit old men by leaning on their walking
sticks, shaking, and walking slowly and unsteadily; than all of a sudden they do
a series of strenuous, acrobatic steps to a quick, merry tune, which is played on
the jar an a, a small stringed instrument.
A typical Viejito costume consists of a white cotton suit with long flaring
trousers that are embroidered at the bottom, a tunic with a red sash tied at the
side, a wide-brimmed hat, and a handkerchief around the neck. Each dancer also
carries a walking stick with an animal's head carved at the handle. The masks
can be seen in Fig. 311.
Dance of the Negritos. As mentioned earlier, the Dance of the Negritos
(Little Negroes) (Fig. 86) can be either comic or serious depending on where it is
performed. When the dance is done seriously, it probably is used as a crop-
fertility dance, as I have pointed out in the section on the serpent in Chapter 9.
The comic associations of the Negritos are not restricted to this dance. Negritos
pop up in a number of other dances and function most often as clowns, in much
the same way that Devils and Muertos do; the Negritos tend to be involved
more in burlesque sexual comedy than the other two groups. One example of
this can be found in the village Carnivals in the highlands of Chiapas, where the
Negritos interject a very broad sexual comedy into the ritual, much to the de¬
light and amusement of all involved.
The following description of the Dance of the Negritos from Papautla, Vera¬
cruz, was recorded by Frances Toor and is typical of the way this dance is per¬
310. Mask for Dance of Death. This very rare
formed in the states of Puebla and Veracruz:
mask shows great age, hard use, and loving
maintenance over many years. The irregular
In 194s when I last saw this dance, there were ten men, representing field contours, cheek projections, and eye place¬
workers and a foreman similarly clad; two clowns in old torn coats and ment are all unusual factors and are note¬
worthy. Tlapa, Guerrero (Tlapanec); 24 cm.;
trousers and battered hats, their faces painted with black lines, dots and wood (zompantle), paint, i.b.c.
little snakes; a white adult Maringuilla, whose part was enacted by a
man in a woman’s dress, wearing a rose-colored mask. He carried a whip
in one hand and in the other a gourd vessel in which a small live snake
was carefully tied with handkerchiefs. The Maringuilla with the snake is
part of all the Negrito dances and others of this region.
(Toor 194-7, pp. 354-355)-

In some cases, this is a live but harmless snake; in others, it is a wooden snake.
Generally, the Negritos' roles are those of sexual jesters, making ribald remarks
and gestures. Often, they too will hold wooden snakes and/or lizards and use
them to make their gestures with.
The basic plot of this variation of the Dance of the Negritos involves the
workers and the clowns getting mock bites from Maringuilla's snake, only to be
magically cured. Some dances of this type end with the snake temporarily escap¬
ing and all of the dancers killing it; others end with the dancers weaving and
unweaving ribbons around a maypole.
 Social Uses of Masks 251

311. Masked dancers for the Viejitos Dance.

This dance has Pre-Hispanic antecedents and
continues to be the most popular Indian dance
in Michoacan. It has inspired a very lively
interpretation in the "Ballet Folklorico" by
Amalia Hernandez. Patzcuaro, Michoacan,
1935. i.b.c.
 CONCLUSION

THE MASKS OF MEXICO are an expression of the fertile artistic imagination

and skill of the Mexican people. Although these highly individualistic works are
not rigidly bound by traditional styles, they reveal the past, the religious beliefs,
the archetypes, and the culture of their makers. As such, these masks clearly
show two basic aspects of the Mexican people: the Christian face of European
tradition, and the older face of an Indian world, whose miraculous survival pro¬
vides a window to the past—a survival which can only be ascribed to the
strength of oral tradition in remote Indian villages.
Within this Indian world, masks were a means of magical transformation
where the wearer's face, personality, and even soul were replaced by those of
another. In studying the symbolism within contemporary masks, we still find
the faces of the older, animalistic gods of ancient Mexico, whose basic attributes
were rooted in the terrible dualism of Nature. This dualism is reflected in the
design of masks, in dances where there are male and female pairs of masks, and
in the basic purpose of many of the masked dances themselves, as they were
efforts to control the destructive aspects of Nature (and the gods) and transform
them into those of abundance and fertility. However, masks cannot be viewed
312. Devil mask, Pastorela Dance. This Devil only in terms of religion, for as we have found, they also functioned to maintain
was made by Benjamin Campos for use during social control within these Indian villages. Indeed, masks are an expression of
the December 25 and January r fiestas in
the whole Mexican Indian way of life.
Ocumichu, Michoacan. Like all the folk art
from this town, it has a touch of the fantastic, Today, the art of mask-making is dying, and the hidden, fragile worlds that
with its exotic red, white, and black paint. it reflected are disappearing. Better communication, new roads and schools, and
The flap of cloth that covers the dancer's head modern systems of values are destroying the isolation that allowed this art to
at the rear has horsehair sewn onto it. The
nose is made as a hook and is seen as such in
flourish. This book, then, is an effort to preserve the symbolism and the craft of
one view, whereas from another angle, one Mexican masks and to acquaint the reader with a past that has been recorded
actually sees a different face—a touch of the within these works of art.
surreal. Property of the University of Arizona.
Ocumichu, Michoacan (Taiascan); 29 cm.,
including horns and tongue; wood, paint,
leather, horsehair, cloth, iv.b.c.
254

u 'SHSt. *1 JjSffiL., ilifr.1. ISSS [Ml

If i ySBSflfrrasr*
"

* -.dtti
- % ■1 HI

313. Corn Spirit mask, dance unknown.

Compare the complex symbolism and sophis¬
ticated execution of this Jose Rodriguez mask
with a simpler one of his seen in Fig. 18. Al¬
though probably made in the general area
where Rodriguez usually tended his goats, this
mask has traveled far and may have been
painted by a santero mask-maker in a large
town. The symbolism is in the carver's dis¬
tinct style, seen often in this book, but the
bearded human face is reminiscent of the
sophisticated tastes of the carvings of the
Ostotitlan area of Guerrero (Fig. 32). As with
many Rodriguez carvings, the head is topped
by a bat or devil bat. In this double image the
creature's chest is clasped by two lizards that
form breasts. Highly unusual are the serpents
that rise above the head in the shape of corn¬
stalks; this is one of the few masks I have seen
using plant forms. Further fertility symbolism
is seen in the three large snakes at the base of
the mask. The expression of the open mouth
of the central human character strongly sug¬
gests the mouth of the Lord of the Animals as
seen, for example, in Fig. 222. Specific area
of use not known, Guerrero; 44 cm.; wood,
paint, vii.a.c.
 Map 1. Mexico. Masks from the following
states are represented in this book: Chiapas,
Durango, Federal District, Guanajuato, Gue¬
rrero, Hidalgo, Jalisco, Mexico, Michoacan,
Morelos, Nayarit, Oaxaca, Puebla, Queretaro,
San Luis Potosi, Sonora, Tlaxcala, Veracruz,
and Zacatecas.

SONORA

• Hermosillo

Chihuahua •

CHIHUAHUA
COAHUILA

Monterrey
SINALOA
Saltillo
.tacan
DURANGO NUEVO
kLEON<
Durango
Ciudad ’■
• Victor: i

'-<TAMAULIPA>
SAN LUIS V 7;
V/vPOTOSI
lYARIT v / • San Luis Potosi h Y

.Merida
GUANAJUATO 1QRCJ
YUCATAN
/HIDALGO
Gudnajuato
Guadalajara
■eretarof
>achuca_ / Campechi
QUINTAN
JALISCO Morelia ROO
ima 0 £ Ch :tumal
• Puebfa
MICHOACAN c( CAMPECHE
PUEBLA VERACRU: AJBASCOl
__ •Villajrtfrmos:

Chilpancingo
Oaxaca
GUERRERO
®Tuxtla Gutierrez
OAXACA
CHIAPAS
GUATEMALA /
256 Maps

Map 2. Mask-making area of Guerrero.

APPENDIX:
A SURVEY OF MASK-MAKERS

The following questionnaire was distrib¬ Chiapas maker. Woods: camaroncillo, aguacatillo
uted to mask-makers in the states of Antonio Lopez Hernandez, age 40, Chia- (avocado), zopilote. Paint: "oil paints that
Chiapas, Guerrero, Hidalgo, Michoacan, pa de Corzo. Language: Spanish. Wood: they prepare themselves." Vegetable glue
Oaxaca, Puebla, Queretaro, and Zacate¬ root of the poplar tree [raiz de alamo). extracted from canuela and ixcapante.
cas, with the assistance of Maria Teresa Paint: oil paint combined with mineral Tools: crude homemade tools. Dance: El
Pomar and her helpers, in 1976-1977. paints in powder (lacquer technique). Veg¬ Marquez. Used during religious festivals.
Completed questionnaires were returned etable glue not used. Tools: machete, saw, Other towns: no reply.
for forty-two mask-makers. The resulting compass, gouge (gurbia), chisel, and pol¬ Santiago Martinez, age 30, Chapa. Lan¬
information for each mask-maker is given ishers of various sizes. Also, the esopha¬ guage: Mixtec. Father-in-law also a mask-
below. See Chapters 6 and 7 for discus¬ gus of a bull is used to smooth the paint. maker. Woods: plum, aguacatillo (a kind
sion of the survey's findings. Dance: Parachicos. Used on January 15 of avocado), zumpanetet (zompantle).
(Esquipulas), 17 (San Antonio Abad), 18- Paints made from mineral powders. Glue:
QUESTIONNAIRE 20 (San Sebastian martyr), 22-23. Not an animal substance called cola. Tools:
1. Name of mask-maker sold to other towns. provisional homemade tools. Dances:
many of the dances of the region. Used
Age
Guerrero during the religious festivals of various
2. Town
Lengino Zuluaga, age 80, Acapetlahuaya. towns. Sold to various towns of the re¬
3. State
Language: Nahuatl. Father and grandfa¬ gion.
4. Languages spoken in the town
5. Was his father also a mask-maker? ther also mask-makers. Woods: clabelli- Florentino Casiano, age 67 (deceased),
[omission in entries below means no, zumpanetet (zompantle), palohedion- Ocotepec. Language: Nahuatl. Father also
do, corazon deparota (heart of conacaste), a mask-maker. Woods: siringuanillo, cla-
answer is "no"]
6. Was his grandfather also a mask- plum, copal. Paint: extracts from leaves bellino, zumpanetet (zompantle), plum,
maker? [omission means answer is and tree bark. Glue: oils extracted from corazon de parota (heart of conacaste),
the chia by fire. Tools: homemade provi¬ and others. Paint: previously vegetable
"no"]
sional tools. Dances: El Marquez, Moros paints were used, and later mixtures with
7. Woods used
Chinos, Moros Pasion, Gachupines, Dan- mermeyon chino. Glue: oil of chia and
8. Paints used
za La Gila, and others. Used on first and other mineral substances. Tools: home¬
9. Is vegetable glue used, and from
second Fridays of Lent, March 19, August made steel tools. Dances: Moors, Gachu¬
which plant is it extracted?
15, December 12, and others. Sold to vari¬ pines, El Marquez, and others. Used for
10. Tools used
ous towns in Guerrero. the religious festivals of the region. Sold
11. Dances in which masks are used
Baldomero Mendoza, age 66, Chapa. Lan¬ to a few other towns in the area.
12. When masks are used
guage: Spanish. Father not a mask-maker Anastacio Benitez, age 40, San Francisco
13. Other towns to which masks are sold
but was a different type of artisan,- not Somatlan. Language: Nahuatl. Wood:
known whether grandfather was a mask- zompantle. Paint: enamel and water.
258 Appendix

Glue: Resistol only. Tools: knife, saw. Michoacan mits, Maringuias. Used on December 24,
Dances: masks are made for sale. When Eliseo Alvarez Trinidad, age 50, Acachu- New Year. Other towns: no reply.
used: no reply. Other towns: no reply. en. Languages: Tarascan, Spanish. Woods: Ramon Guerrero, age 63, Nuevo San Juan
Filiberto Jenoncio Baltazar, age 28, San ciiimo, copal, colorin (zompantle), jabon- Parangarieutiro. Languages: Tarascan,
Francisco Somatlan. Languages: Nahuatl, cillo. Paint: oil paints. Vegetable glue Spanish. Father and grandfather also
Spanish. Father also a mask-maker. not used. Tools: handsaw, rasp, knife, mask-makers. Wood: tepamo. Paint:
Wood: zompantle. Paint: enamel. Glue: gouge. Dances: Devils, Hermits. Used on common paint, as he can no longer obtain
Resistol only. Tools: adz, sickle, knife. December 24. Occasionally sold to Urua- carnation (flesh-colored tint). Vegetable
Dances: no reply. When used: no reply. pan. glue not used. Tools: machete, gouge
Other towns: no reply. Antonio Tomas Zalpa, age 36 or 37, [gurbia), knife. Dances: Curpites, Tata-
Jose Antonio Gabriel and wife, ages 52 and Ahuiran. Languages: Tarascan, Spanish. quieri, Maringuilla. Used on September 4
45, Temalacatzingo. Languages: Nahuatl, Woods: tepamo, ciiimo, pine. Paint: oil (Festival of San Juan Nuevo), December
Spanish. Father (of one) also a mask- paints, plaster combined with oil and 25, January 8. Sold at times to Uruapan.
maker. Woods: colorin (zompantle), paio- paint. Vegetable glue not used; a prepared, Elias Ponce Sanchez, age 60, Patzcuaro.
ta. Paint: lacquer made with tecoxtle and store-bought sealer is used. Tools: hand¬ Language: Spanish. Woods: ciiimo, pine.
tolte; mineral and earth paints and oil of saw, rasp, knife, gouge [gurbia), brush Paint: oil paints and enamel. Vegetable
chia (aceite de chia). Glue: dirt, linseed (angaiito), chisel. Dances: Viejitos, Dev¬ glue not used. Tools: handsaw, knife,
oil, oil of chia. Tools: machete, gouge ils, Negritos, Hermits, Maringuilla, Fig¬ gouge, rasp. Dances: festivals of the Zona
(,gurbia), chisel, knife. Dances: Tecuani, ures. Used during Christmastime and on Lacustre. When used: no reply. Other
Carnival. Used on September 28 and 29, January 6, 7, and 8. Sold to Paracho, Urua- towns: no reply.
for Fiesta of San Miguel, and during Car¬ pan, and Morelia. This mask-maker is Ciriaco Cruz Mendoza, age 54, San Bar-
nival. Sold to the Fondo Nacional. director of the Dance of the Viejitos in tolo Cuitareo. Language: Spanish. Wood:
Nino Romero, age 83(?) (deceased), Toto- Ahuiran, in which sombreros made of poplar. Paint: black and red enamel. Vege¬
zintla. Language: Nahuatl. Father also a Xararen (encino) leaves are used. table glue not used. Tools: knife, hand¬
mask-maker. Grandfather: no reply. Hipolito Gutierrez, age 40, Aranza. Lan¬ saw, gouge, plane. Dance: Vasallos de la
Woods: zompantle, sabino. Paint: enam¬ guage: Spanish. Woods: ciiimo, tepamo, Noche Buena (Vassals of Christmas Eve).
el. Glue: cola. Tools: no reply. Dances: and rarely avocado. Paint: enamel and oil Used on December 25, January 6. Sold in
Tigre, Costerio, Negritos. When used: no paints. Vegetable glue not used. Tools: Paracho.
reply. Other towns: no reply. handsaw, gouge, knife, chisel, rasp. Victoriano Gomez Lazaro, age 25, Santo
Efrosino Romero Angeles (son), age 45, Dance: Pastorela. Used on December 24. Tomas. Languages: Tarascan, Spanish.
Totozintla. Language: Nahuatl. Father Other towns: no reply. Woods: copal, ciiimo, colorin (zompan¬
and grandfather also mask-makers. Wood: Esteban Gutierrez Equihua, age 29, Aran¬ tle), jaboncillo. Paint: oil paints and yeso
zompantle. Paint: enamel. Glue: cola. za. Language: Spanish. Woods: tepamo, (gesso). Vegetable glue not used. Tools:
Tools: knife, chisel. Dances: Costeho, ciiimo. Paint: varnish and enamel. Vege¬ handsaw, gouge, sandpaper, knife, esco-
Horos. When used: no reply. Other towns: table glue not used. Tools: handsaw, fina (rasp). Dance: Viejitos. Used on Feb¬
no reply. gouge. Dance: Pastorela. Used on Decem¬ ruary 2 (Candlemas). Sold rarely to Urua¬
ber 24 for the celebration of Christmas pan.
Hidalgo Eve and the Three Kings. Rarely sold to Clemente Valencia R., age 45, Sevina.
Gilberto Alvarado Flores, age 42, El Nan- other towns. Languages: Tarascan, Spanish. Wood: te¬
te. Language: Otomi. Grandfather also a Salvador Gaspar Pahuamba, age 32, pamo. Paint: oil paints. Vegetable glue
mask-maker. Wood: pine. Paint: oil Cheran. Languages: Tarascan, Spanish. not used. Tools: handsaw, rasp, gouge,
paints and zapolin. Glue: no reply. Tools: Woods: tepamo, ciiimo. Paint: oil paints knife. Dances: Viejitos. Negritos. Used on
gouge, chisel, knife. Carnival dances. and enamel. Vegetable glue not used. December 24, New Year. Other towns: no
Used during Carnival (March 2). Other Tools: handsaw, rasp, gouge, knife. reply.
towns: no reply. Dances: Pastorela, Negritos, Devils. Used Rogelio Valencia Valdez, age 38, Turi-
Rodrigo Santos, age 32, San Pablo. Lan¬ on December 25. Not sold to other towns. cuaro. Languages: Tarascan, Spanish.
guage: Otomi. Wood: pine. Paint: varnish Soilo Sanchez Cayetano, age 35, Huan- Wood: tepamo. Paint: oil paints. Vege¬
and zapolin. Glue: no reply. Tools: gouge, cito. Languages: Tarascan, Spanish. table glue not used. Tools: handsaw, rasp,
knife, sandpaper. Carnival dances. Used Woods: ciiimo, tepamo. Paint: oil paints. knife, gouge. Dance: Pastorela. Used on
during Carnival. Other towns: no reply. Vegetable glue not used. Tools: handsaw, December 24, January 6. Other towns: no
rasp, knife, gouge. Dances: Viejitos, Her¬ reply.

v
 A Survey of Mask-Makers 259

Alejandro Sanchez Mercado, age 32, Za- Holy Week. Used during Carnival (in Feb¬ father also mask-makers. Material used:
can. Language: Spanish: Woods: cirimillo, ruary) and Holy Week. Sold to other bull hide. Paint: Vinilica (vinyl). Vegeta¬
copal. Paint: varnish and enamel. Vege¬ towns in Oaxaca. ble glue not used. Tools: hammer, knife,
table glue not used. Tools: handsaw, rasp, Margarito Melchor Fuentes, age 26, San wooden mallet, mold. Dances: Franceses,
gouge, knife, sandpaper. Dance: Pastorela. Martin Tilcajete. Language: Zapotec. Indios Apaches Cristianos. Used on Tues¬
Used on December 25, February 2 (Can¬ Woods: copal, pine, zompantle, pochote. day of Carnival. Sold to Tlanicontla and
dlemas). Not sold to other towns. Paint: anilines. Vegetable glue extracted Tlaltenango.
from mesquite. Tools: ax, chisel, gouge,
Oaxaca knife, machete, handsaw, plane [suela). Queretaro
Elustesio Calvo Martinez, age 52, San Carnival dances, Plume Dance. Used dur¬ Francisco Licea, age 75, San Bartolome del
Martin Tilcajete. Language: Zapotec. ing Carnival. Not sold to other towns. Pino. Language: Otomi. Father also a
Woods: copal, zompantle, pochote, pine. Augustin Buey Simon, age 24, San Martin mask-maker. Grandfather: no reply.
Paint: anilines. Vegetable glue extracted Tilcajete. Language: Zapotec. Woods: co¬ Wood: ash. Paint: aniline. Glue: no reply.
from mesquite. Tools: chisel, gouge, ma¬ pal, pochote, sompan, huamuchil. Paint: Tool: gouge. Carnival dances. Used in
chete, knife, handsaw. Carnival dances. aniline. Vegetable glue not used; Resistol February, during Carnival. Other towns:
Used in the religious festivals during Car¬ is used. Tools: chisel, knife, gouge. Carni¬ no reply.
nival. Not sold to any other towns. val dances. Used in February (during Car¬ Alcadio Chavez, age 65, San Bartolome
Zenen Fuentes Mendez, age 50, San Mar¬ nival). Not sold to any other towns. del Pino, municipality of Ambalco. Lan¬
tin Tilcajete. Language: Zapotec. Father Justo Huana Luis, age 22, San Martin Til¬ guage: Otomi. Father and grandfather: no
and grandfather also mask-makers. cajete. Language: Spanish. Woods: copal, reply. Wood: ash. Paint: oil paints. Glue:
Woods: copal, pine. Paint: anilines. Vege¬ zompantle, willow, pochote. Paint: ani¬ no reply. Tool: gouge. Carnival dances.
table glue extracted from mesquite. line. Vegetable glue not used; Resistol is Used in February and March, during Car¬
Tools: chisel, knife, blacksmith's plane used. Tools: machete, gouge, chisel, knife. nival. Other towns: no reply.
[suela de herrero). Dances: Negritos, Carnival dances. Used during Carnival.
Plume, Carnival dances. Used during Car¬ Sold to other states. Zacatecas
nival. Not sold to other towns. Jose Luna Lopez, age 38, Santa Maria Hua- Jo. Jesus Cuevaz, age 36, Villa Garcia.
Fabian Santiago Ortega, age 44, San Mar¬ zolotitlan. Language: Mixtec. Woods: pa- Language: Spanish. Wood: willow. Paint:
tin Tilcajete. Languages: Zapotec, Span¬ rota (conacaste), tutucunyi (white wood). none. Vegetable glue not used. Tools: adz,
ish. Woods: ash, copal, zompantle. Paint: Paint: enamel. Vegetable glue not used. gouge [gurbia), chisel, knife. Dance: Indi¬
puchino. Vegetable glue extracted from Tools: chisel, three types of sandpaper, os. Used on May 3 and subida de tejas.
mesquite. Tools: ax, chisel, knife, gouge, barbequi [seiote, or saw). Dances: Tejo- Sold to the Fondo del Fomento.
machete, plane [suela). Carnival dances. rones, Tigre, Dog, Bull, Old Lady, Old J. Jesus Cuevas Candelas, age 35, Villa
Used during Carnival. Not sold to other Man, Goat, Burro. Used on Ash Wednes¬ Garcia. Language: Spanish. Wood: wil¬
towns. day. Sold to Huaspaltepec, Mechoacan, Ja- low. Paint: local paints (vinyl), oil paints.
Isidoro Cruz Hernandez, age 41, San Mar¬ miltepec (for these towns a more com¬ Vegetable glue not used. Tools: knife and
tin Tilcajete. Language: Zapotec. Woods: mercial paint called Marlux is used). other improvised tools. Dance: Mata-
copal, zompantle, pochote, willow, palo Rosalino Sanchez Simon, age 30, Santa chines. Used on December 12. Not sold to
mulato. Paint: anilines. Vegetable glue Maria Huazolotitlan. Languages: Mixtec, any other town.
extracted from mesquite. Tools: plane Spanish. Father also a mask-maker. Pedro Morales Gonzalez, age 32, Villa
[suela], chisel, knife, gouge. Dances: Car- Woods: parota (conacaste), tutucunyi. Garcia. Language: Spanish. Wood: wil¬
nistolenda, Plume. Used during Carnival Paint: enamel. Vegetable glue not used. low. Paint: Vinilica (vinyl). Vegetable glue
and Holy Week. Not sold to other towns. Tools: chisel, three types of sandpaper, not used. Tool: knife. Dance: Matachines.
Marciano Ramirez Cruz, age 34, San Mar¬ barbequi, knife. Dances for Ash Wednes¬ Used for the Fiesta of the Santa Cruz Fair
tin Tilcajete. Language: Zapotec. Father day, Carnival dances, Dance of the Tejo- in Villa Garcia in December and during
also a mask-maker, "150 masks (before)." rones. Used on Ash Wednesday and the Quincenario to the Virgin of the As¬
Grandfather also a mask-maker. Woods: during Carnival. Sold to Huaspaltepec, sumption of Aguascalientes in August.
huamuchil, huaje, sapote, copal, willow, Mechoacan, Jamiltepec. Not sold to any other towns.
cremilm. Paint: aniline. Vegetable glue
extracted from mesquite. Tools: chisel, Puebla
plane [suela], gouge [gurbia], knife, moso Carlos Saloma Lozano, age 39, Huejotzin-
de media. Carnival dances, dances during go. Language: Spanish. Father and grand¬
WORKS CONSULTED

Acosta, El P. Joseph de. 1940. Historia Bandi, Flans-Georg, Henri Breuil, Lilo -. 1969. The Olmec World. Trans¬
natural y moral de las Indias. Mex¬ Berger-kirchner, Henri Lhote, Erik lated by Doris Heyden and Fernando
ico City and Buenos Aires: Fondo de Holm, and Andreas Lommel. 1961. Horcasitas. Berkeley and Los Angeles:
Cultura Economica. The Art of the Stone Age. Art of the University of California Press.
Alvarado Tezozomoc, Fernando. 1944. World, vol. 5. London: Methuen. Bernal, Ignacio, and Fernando Horcasitas,
Cronica mexicana. Notes by Manuel Bayley, Harold. 1952. The Lost Language eds. 1965. Tlalocan 5, no. 1. Mexico
Orozco y Berra. Mexico City: Edi¬ of Symbolism. 2 vols. New York: City: Casa de Tlaloc.
torial Leyenda. Barnes and Noble. Bierhorst, John, ed. 1974. Four Master-
Amoss, Pamela. 1967. Anales del Insti¬ Beals, Ralph L. 1943. The Aboriginal Cul¬ works of American Indian Literature.
tute Nacional de Antropologia e His¬ ture of the Cahita Indians. Berkeley New York: Farrar, Strauss and Gi¬
toria, vol. r8, 1965. Mexico City: and Los Angeles: University of Cali¬ roux.
Secretaria de Education Publica. fornia Press. Blaffer, Sarah C. 1972. The Black-man of
-. 1970. "An Art in Its Own Right." -. 1945. The Contemporary Culture Zinacantan. Austin: University of
In Americas 22, no. 8 (August 1970). of the Cahita Indians. Smithsonian Texas Press.
Book review of Art of the Americas, Institution Bureau of American Eth¬ Boas, Franz. 1955. Primitive Art. New
Ancient and Hispanic, by Pal Kele- nology Bulletin 142. Washington, York: Dover Publications, Inc.
men. Washington, D.C.: Organiza¬ D.C.: United States Government Bonfil Batalla, Guillermo, ed. 1972. INAH
tion of American States. Printing Office. Boletin, no. 1 (April-June); no. 2
-. 1975. "The Power of the Wolf." -. 1946. Cheran: A Sierra Tarascan (July-September); no. 3 (October-
In Pacific Search (April 1975). Village. Smithsonian Institution In¬ December). Mexico City: Instituto
Anders, F., ed. 1967. Codex Tro-Cortesi- stitute of Social Anthropology Pub¬ Nacional de Antropologia e Historia.
anus (Codex Madrid). Codices Se- lication No. 2. Washington, D.C.: -. 1975. INAH Boletin 14. Epoca II
lecti, edited by Francisco Sauer and United States Government Printing (July-September). Mexico City: In¬
Josepho Stumvoll, vol. 8. Graz, Aus¬ Office. stituto Nacional de Antropologia e
tria: Akademische Druck-u. Verlags- Benitez, Fernando. 1968. En la tierra ma- Historia.
anstalt. gica del peyote. Mexico City: Edici- Breuil, Henri, and Raymond Lantier. 1965.
Anton, Ferdinand, and Frederick Dock- ones Era. The Men of the Old Stone Age. Trans¬
stader. 1968. Pre-Columbian Art and Benitez, Wendell C., and Robert M. Zingg. lated by B. B. Rafter. London: George
Later Indian Tribal Arts. New York: 1935. The Tarahumara: An Indian G. Harrap and Co.
Harry N. Abrams. Tribe of Northern Mexico. Chicago: Bunker, Emma C., C. Bruce Chatwin, and
Bandi, Flans-Georg. 1969. Eskimo Pre¬ University of Chicago Press. Ann R. Farkas. 1970. "Animal Style."
history. Translated by Ann E. Keep. Bernal, Ignacio. 1968. 3,000 Years of Art In Art from East to West. New York:
College, Alaska: University of Alaska and Life in Mexico.Translated by Asia Society.
Press. Carolyn B. Czitrom. New York: Har¬ Burgoa, Fray Francisco de. 1934. Geografi-
ry N. Abrams.
 Works Consulted 261

ca descripcion. 2 vols. Mexico City: -. Laud. See Kingsborough, Lord, teca: Su cultura e historia prehispani-
Talleres Graficos de la Nacion. 1964. cas. Mexico City: Imprenta Univer-
Burland, C. A. 1967. The Gods of Mexico. -. Magliabecchiano. See Nuttall, sitaria.
London: Eyre and Spottiswoode. Zelia, ed., 1903. Diaz del Castillo, Bernal. 1939a. The
Campos, Ruben M. 1929. El folklore lite- -. Nuttall. See Nuttall, Zelia, ed., Discovery and Conquest of Mexico,
rario de Mexico. Mexico City: Ta¬ 1903; 1974. 1517-1521. Edited by Genaro Garcia.
lleres Graficos de la Nacion. -. Telleriano-Remensis. See Kings¬ Translated by Percival Maudslay.
Caso, Alfonso. 1958. The Aztecs: People borough, Lord, 1964. London: George Routledge and Sons.
of the Sun. Norman: University of -. Tro-Cortesianus (Madrid). See -. 1939b- Historia verdadera de la
Oklahoma Press. Anders, F., ed., 1967 Conquista de la Nueva Espaha, vol. 2.
-. 1970. "Xolotl, no jaguar." In INAH -. Vaticano-Rios. See Kingsborough, Mexico City: Editorial Pedro Robre-
Boletin, no. 39 (March): 31-33. Mexi¬ Lord, 1964. do.
co City: Instituto Nacional de Antro- -. Vindobonensis. See Kingsbor¬ Duby, Gertrude. 1961. Chiapas Indigena.
pologia e Historia. ough, Lord, 1967. Mexico City: Universidad Nacional
Castaneda, Carlos. 1968. The Teachings of Coe, Michael D. 1965. The faguar’s Chil¬ Autonoma de Mexico.
Don fuan: A Yaqui Way of Knowl¬ dren: Pre-Classic Central Mexico. Duran, Fray Diego de. 1964. The Aztecs:
edge. Berkeley and Los Angeles: Uni¬ New York: Museum of Primitive Art. The History of the Indies of New
versity of California Press. Cordry, Donald B. 1973. Mexican Masks. Spain. Translated by Doris Heyden
Cervantes de Salazar, Francisco. 1914. Amon Carter Museum Catalogue. and Fernando Horcasitas. New York:
Cronica de la Nueva Espaha. In Pa- Fort Worth, Texas: Amon Carter Mu¬ Orion Press.
peles de Nueva Espaha, compiled seum. -. 1971. Book of the Gods and Rites
and published by Francisco del Paso y Cordry, Donald B., and Dorothy M. and the Ancient Calendar. Translated
Troncoso, 3d ser., 1. Madrid: Est. Fot. Cordry. 1940. Costumes and Textiles by Doris Heyden and Fernando Hor¬
de Hauser y Menet. of the Aztec Indians of the Cuetzalan casitas. Norman: University of Okla¬
-. 1936. Cronica de la Nueva Espaha. Region, Puebla, Mexico. Southwest homa Press.
Papeles de Nueva Espaha, compiled Museum Papers 14. Los Angeles: Easby, Elizabeth Kennedy, and John F.
and published by Francisco del Paso y Southwest Museum. Scott. 1970. Before Cortes: Sculpture
Troncoso, 3d ser., 2, 3. Mexico City: -. 1941. Costumes and Weavings of of Middle America. Catalogue. New
Talleres Graficos del Museo Nacional the Zoque Indians of Chiapas, Mexi¬ York: Metropolitan Museum of Art.
de Arqueologia, Historia y Etnografia. co. Southwest Museum Papers 15. Los Eliade, Mircea. 1964. Shamanism: Archa¬
Cirlot, J. E. 1962. A Dictionary of Sym¬ Angeles: Southwest Museum. ic Techniques of Ecstasy. Translated
bols. Translated by Jack Sage. London: -. Mexican Indian Costumes. Aus¬ by Willard R. Trask. Bollingen Series,
Routledge and Kegan Paul. tin: University of Texas Press. 76. New York: Bollingen Foundation.
Clavigero, Abbe D. Francisco. 1807. The Coss, Julio Antonio, n.d. Fiestas tradici- Enciso, Jorge. 1945. Mascaras mexicanas.
History of Mexico: Collected from onales del Istmo de Tehuantepec, Second Exposition of the Sociedad de
Spanish and Mexican Historians, Oaxaca. Mexico City: FONADAN. Arte Moderno, January 1945. Mexico
Manuscripts and Ancient Paintings Covarrubias, Miguel. 1954. The Eagle, the City: Sociedad de Arte Moderno.
of the Indians. Translated from the faguar and the Serpent: Indian Art of Fabila, Alfonso. 1940. Las tribus yaquis de
original Italian by Charles Cullen. 2d the Americas. New York: Alfred A. Sonora. Primer Congreso Indigenista
ed. in 2 vols. London: Printed for J. Knopf. Interamericano. Mexico City: De-
Johnson, St. Paul's Churchyard, by -. 1957. Indian Art of Mexico and partamento de Asuntos Indigenas.
Joyce Gold, Shoe Lane. Central America. New York: Alfred -. 1949. Sierra norte de Puebla. Mex¬
Codices: A. Knopf. ico City.
-. Borbonicus. See Paso y Troncoso, Cruz, Martin de la. 1964. Libellus de Fennell, T. A., Jr. 1956. Orchids for Home
Don Francisco del, 1952. Medicinalibus Indorum Herbis. Ac¬ and Garden. New York and Toronto:
-. Borgia. See Seler, Eduard, 1963. cording to the Latin translation by Rinehard and Company.
-. Cospi. See Kingsborough, Lord, Juan Badiano; Spanish version with Firth, Raymond. 1966. "The Social Frame¬
1967. commentary by various authors. work of Primitive Art." In The Many
-. Fejervary-Mayer. See Kingsbor¬ Mexico City: Instituto Mexicano del Faces of Primitive Art, edited by
ough, Lord, 1967. Seguro Social. Douglas Fraser. Englewood Cliffs,
-. Florentine. See Sahagun, Fray Dahlgren de Jordan, Barbro. 1954. La Mix- N.J.: Prentice-Hall.
Bernardino de, 1950; I951-
262 Works Consulted

FONADAN (Fondo Nacional para el Desa- Gadow, Hans. 1908. Through Southern Guiteras-Holmes, C. 1961. Perils of the
rrollo de la Danza Popular Mexicana,- Mexico. London: Witherby and Co. Soul: The World View of a Tzotzil
dir. Josefina Lavalle). n.d. Ceremonial Gage, Thomas. 1946. The English-Ameri¬ Indian. New York: Free Press of Glen¬
de Pascua entre los indigenas mayos. can, a New Survey of the West Indies, coe.
Mexico City. 1648. Edited by A. P. Newton. Lon¬ Harley, George W. 1950. Masks as Agents
Fontana, Bernard L., Edmond J. B. Faubert, don: George Routledge and Sons. of Social Control in Northeast Li¬
and Barney T. Burn. 1977. The Other Gamboa, Fernando. 1963. Masterworks of beria. Papers of the Peabody Museum
Southwest: Indian Arts and Crafts of Mexican Art. Catalogue of Exhibition of American Archaeology and Ethnol¬
Northwestern Mexico. Phoenix, at Los Angeles County Museum of ogy, Harvard University, vol. 32, no.
Ariz.: Heard Museum. Art. Copenhagen, Denmark: S. L. 2. Cambridge, Mass.
Foster, George M. i960. Culture and Con¬ Moller's Bogtrykkeri. Harner, Michael J., ed. 1973. Hallucino¬
quest: America’s Spanish Heritage. Garcia Icazbalceta, Joaquin. 1971. Colleci- gens and Shamanism. New York: Ox¬
Viking Fund Publications in Anthro¬ on de documentos para la historia de ford University Press.
pology, No. 27. New York: Wenner- Mexico, vol. 2. Biblioteca Porrua 48. Harvey, H. R., and Isabel Kelly. 1965. "The
Gren Foundation for Anthropological Primera edicion facsimilar. Mexico Totonacs." In Handbook of Middle
Research. City: Editorial Porrua. American Indians, edited by Robert
-. 1967. Tzintzuntzan: Mexican Gerhard, Peter. 1972. A Guide to the His¬ Wauchope, vol. 8, Ethnology, Part
Peasants in a Changing World. Bos¬ torical Geography of New Spain. Two, edited by Evon Z. Vogt, pp. 638 —
ton: Little, Brown and Co. Cambridge: Cambridge University 681. Austin: University of Texas
Fraser, Douglas, ed. 1966. The Many Press. Press.
Faces of Primitive Art: A Critical An¬ Giedion, S. 1962. The Eternal Present: The Hegner, Robert W. 1947. College Zoology.
thology. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Beginnings of Art, vol. 1. London: Ox¬ New York: Macmillan Company.
Prentice-Hall. ford University Press. Hendrichs Perez, Pedro R. 1945. Por ti-
-. 1968. Early Chinese Art and the Gil, Alfonso Rodriguez. 1907. Los indios erras ignotas: Viajes y observaciones
Pacific Basin: A Photographic Exhibi¬ ocuiltecas actuales. December 30, en la region del Rio de las Balsas, vol.
tion. New York: Intercultural Arts 1907. Mexico City. 1. Mexico City: Editorial Cultura.
Press. Gillmor, Frances. 1942. "Spanish Texts of Hernandez, Francisco. 1959, i960, 1966.
Frazer, Sir James George. 1963. The Gold¬ Three Dance Dramas from Mexican Obras completas, vol. 1 (1959); vol. 2
en Bough: A Study in Magic and Re¬ Villages." In University of Arizona (i960); vol. 3 (i960); vol 4 (1966). Mex¬
ligion, Part 1, vols. 2, 7, 8, 9, Part 6. Bulletin, Humanities Bulletin No. 4. ico City: Universidad Nacional Au¬
London and New York: Macmillan Vol. 13 (October 1, 1942). Tucson. tonoma de Mexico.
Co. -. 1943. "The Dance Dramas of Mex¬ Hessink, Karen, and Albert Hahn. 1961.
Fromm, Erich. 1951. The Forgotten Lan¬ ican Villages." In University of Ari¬ Die Tacana. Stuttgart: W. Kahlham-
guage. New York: Grove Press. zona Bulletin, Humanities Bulletin mer Verlag.
Furst, Peter T. 1965. West Mexican Tomb no. 5. Vol. 14, no. 2 (April 1, 1943). Heyden, Doris. 1976. "Caves, Gods and
Sculpture as Evidence for Shamanism Tucson. Myths: World View on Planning in
in Pre-Hispanic Mesoamerica. Los Gomara, Francisco Lopez de. 1943. His¬ Teotihuacan." Paper presented at
Angeles: Latin American Center, Uni¬ toria de la Conquista de Mexico, vol. symposium on "Meso-American Sites
versity of California. December. 1. Mexico City: Editorial Pedro Ro- and World Views." Dumbarton Oaks,
-. 1968. "The Olmec Were-Jaguar bredo. Center for Pre-Columbian Studies,
Motif in the Light of Ethnographic -. 1965-1966. Historia general de Washington, D.C., October 1976. To
Reality." In Dumbarton Oaks Con¬ las Indias. 2 vols. Barcelona: Editorial be published.
ference on the Olmecs, edited by Eliz¬ Iberia. Himmelheber, Hans. 1963. "Personality
abeth P. Benson, pp. 143-174. Wash¬ Grant, Michael. 1962. Myths of the Greeks and Technique of African Sculpture."
ington, D.C.: Dumbarton Oaks and Romans. New York: New Amer¬ In Technique and Personality. New
Library and Collection, Trustees for ican Library. York: Museum of Primitive Art.
Harvard University. Griffith, James S. 1967. Legacy of Con¬ Horcasitas, Fernando. 1971. "El noble ti-
-. 1972. Flesh of the Gods: The Ritu¬ quest: The Arts of Northwest Mexico. gre sigue muriendo." In Lo eflmero y
al Use of Hallucinogens. New York: Colorado: Taylor Museum of the eterno del arte popular mexicano, vol.
Praeger Publishers. Colorado Springs Fine Arts Center. 2. Mexico City: Fondo Editorial de la
Guerra, Francisco. 1971. The Pre-Colum¬ Plastica Mexicana.
bian Mind. New York: Seminar Press.
 Works Consulted 263

-. 1974. El teatro nahuatl: Epocas Kingsborough, Ford. 1964, 1967. Antigiie- Weightman. New York and Evanston:
novohispana y moderna. Mexico dades de Mexico, vol. 1 (1964); vol. 3 Harper and Row, Publishers.
City: Universidad Nacional Autono¬ (1964); vol. 4 (1967). Mexico City: Lhote, Henri. 1959. The Search for the
ma de Mexico. Secretaria de Hacienda y Credito Tassili Frescoes. New York: E. P. Dut¬
Ichon, Alain. 1973. La religion delos toto- Publico. ton and Co.
nacas dela Sierra. Mexico City: Insti¬ Knab, Timothy. 1976. "Talocan Talma- Lommel, Andreas. 1966. Prehistoric and
tute Nacional Indigenista, Secretaria nic: Supernatural Beings of the Sierra Primitive Man. London: Paul Ham-
de Educacion Publica. de Puebla." Unpublished paper. lyn.
_Jenkins, Katharine D. 1962, 1964. Aje or Kubler, George. 1962. The Art and Ar¬ -. 1967. Shamanism: The Begin¬
Ni-in (The Fat of a Scale Insect) Paint¬ chaeology of Ancient America. Balti¬ nings of Art. New York: McGraw-Hill
ing Medium and Unguent. Mexico more: Penguin. Book Company.
City: XXXV Congreso Internacional Fantis, Margaret. 1947. Alaskan Eskimo -. 1972. Masks: Their Meaning and
de Americanistas. Ceremonialism. Seattle and Fondon: Function. Translated by Nadia Fow¬
lung, C. G. 1953. Psychology and Al¬ University of Washington Press. ler. New York and Toronto: McGraw-
chemy. Vol. 12 of The Collected Feonard, Carmen Cook de. 1965. El Mexi¬ Hill Book Company.
Works of C. G. fung, translated by co Antiguo, vol. 10. Mexico City: Lumholtz, Carl. 1902. Unknown Mexico.
R. F. C. Hull. Bollingen Series, 20. Sociedad Alemana Mexicanista. 2 vols. New York: Charles Scribner's
New York: Pantheon Books. Feonard, Donald. 1955. "General Informa¬ Sons.
-. 1956. "The Relations between the tion about Anthropological Explora¬ -. 1912. New Trails in Mexico. New
Ego and the Unconscious." In Two Es¬ tion of the Facandon Jungle: Ethnol¬ York: Charles Scribner's Sons.
says on Analytical Psychology, trans¬ ogy." Preliminary report. Mexico Mace, Carroll Edward. 1970. Two Span-
lated by R. F. C. Hull, p. 160. New City: Centro de Investigaciones An- ish-Quiche Dance-Dramas. Tulane
York: Meridian Books. tropologicas. Mimeographed. Studies in Romance Languages and
-. 1970a. Symbols of Transforma¬ Leonard, Irving A. 1959. Baroque Times in Literature, no. 3. New Orleans: Tu¬
tion. Vol. 5 of The Collected Works of Old Mexico. Ann Arbor: University lane University.
C. G. fung, translated by R. F. C. Hull, of Michigan Press. McGee, W. J. 1898. The Seri Indians. Part
2d ed. 2d printing. Bollingen Series, Leon-Portilla, Miguel. 1958. Ritos, sacer- 1 of the Seventeenth Annual Report
20. Princeton, N.J.: Princeton Univer¬ dotes y atavios de los dioses. Mexico of the Bureau of American Ethnology
sity Press. City: Universidad Autonoma de Me¬ to the Secretary of the Smithsonian
-. 1970b. Alchemical Studies. Vol. xico. Institution, 1895-1896. Washington,
13 of The Collected Works of C. G. -. 1963. Aztec Thought and Culture. D.C.: Government Printing Office.
fung, translated by R. F. C. Hull, 2d Translated by Jack Emory Davis. Nor¬ Macgowan, Kenneth, and Herman Rosse.
ed., 2d printing. Princeton, N.J.: man: University of Oklahoma Press. 1923. Masks and Demons. New
Princeton University Press. Leon-Portilla, Miguel, and Salvador Mate¬ York: Harcourt, Brace and Co.
Kelly, Isabel T. 1939. Southern Paiute os Higuera. 1957. Catalogo de los co- Maringer, Johannes, and Hans-Georg
Shamanism. Anthropological Rec¬ dices indigenas del Mexico antiguo. Bandi. 1953. Art in the Ice Age.
ords, vol. 2, no. 4. Berkeley: Universi¬ Supplement to the Boletm Biblio- Translated by Robert Allen. London:
ty of California Press. grafico de la Secretaria de Hacienda. George Allen and Unwin.
-. 1953. "The Modern Totonac." In Ario 3, no. hi (June). Mexico City: Martinez, Maximino. 1937. Catalogo de
Huastecos, totonacas y sus vecinos. Talleres de Impresion de Estampillas nombres vulgares y cientificos de
Revista Mexicana de Estudios Antro- y Valores. plantas mexicanas. Mexico City:
pologicos 13, nos. 2 and 3. Bernal y Leopold, A. Starker. 1972. Wildlife of Mex¬ Ediciones Botas.
Hurtado. Mexico City: Sociedad Me¬ ico: The Game Birds and Mammals. -. 1959a. Les plantas medicinales
xicana de Antropologia. Berkeley, Los Angeles, and London: de Mexico. Mexico City: Andres
Kelly, Isabel T., and Angel Palerm. 1952. University of California Press. Botas.
The Tajin Totonac, Part 1. Smithso¬ Levi-Strauss, Claude. 1967. Structural An¬ -. 1959b. Las plantas utiles de la
nian Institution, Institute of Social thropology. Garden City, New York: flora mexicana. Mexico City: Andres
Anthropology, Publication 13. Wash¬ Anchor Books, Doubleday and Co. Botas.
ington D.C.: Government Printing -. 1969. The Raw and the Cooked. -. 1974. Pegamentos, gomas y resi-
Office. Translated by John and Doreen nas en el Mexico prehispanico. Mexi¬
co City: SepSetentas.
264 Works Consulted

Medina, Jesus, ed. 1970. Mexico: Leyen- gens and Shamanism, edited by Paso y Troncoso, Don Francisco del. 1952.
das—Costumbres, Trajes y Danzas. Michael J. Planter. New York: Oxford Tratado de las idolatrias, supersti-
Mexico City: Medina Hermanos. University Press. ciones, dioses, ritos, hechicerias y
Mendieta, Fray Geronimo de. 1945. His¬ Navarrete, Carlos. 1971. "Prohibition de otras costumbres gentilicas de las
toric eclesiastica indiana, vol. 1, la Danza del Tigre en Tamulte, Ta¬ razas aborlgenes de Mexico, vols. 1
Chapter 40. Mexico City: Editorial basco, en 1631." Tlalocan 6, no. 4: and 2. Mexico City: Ediciones Fuente
Salvador Chavez Hayhoe. 374-376. Mexico City: Casa de Tla- Cultural.
Mendieta y Nunez, Lucio. 1940. Los ta- loc. Paul, Anne C. 1976. "History on a Maya
rascos. Mexico City: Imprenta Uni- Neumann, Erich. 1955. The Great Moth¬ Vase?" Archaeology 29, no. 2 (April):
versitaria. er. London: Routledge and Kegan 121—126.
Mentero, Sergio Arturo. 1967. "Restaura- Paul. Paz, Octavio. 1970. Posdata. Mexico
cion de las mascaras de turquesa de Nicholson, Pienry B. 1971. "Religion in City: Siglo XXI.
Coixtlahuaca y Zaachila, Oaxaca." In Pre-PFispanic Central Mexico." In Peterson, Frederick A. 1961. Ancient
INAH 29 Boletln (September). Mexi¬ Handbook of Middle American In¬ Mexico: An Introduction to the Pre-
co City: Instituto Nacional de Antro- dians, edited by Robert Wauchope, Hispanic Cultures. New York: G. P.
pologia e Historia. vol. 10, Archaeology of Northern Putnam's Sons.
Miller, Roseann. 1966. "The Mask-Mak¬ Mesoamerica, Part 1, edited by Gor¬ Powell, T. G. E. 1966. Prehistoric Art.
ers of Tocuaro." In American Society don F. Ekholm and Ignacio Bernal, New York and Washington: Fred¬
of Mexico Bulletin (January). Mexico PP- 395-446- Austin: University of erick A. Praeger, Publishers.
City: Imprenta Moderna Pintel. Texas Press. Ray, Dorothy Jean. 1967. Eskimo Masks:
Moar Prudente, Alfonso. 1964. Danza de Novick, Alvin, and Nina Leen. 1969. The Art and Ceremony. Seattle and Lon¬
los “Tejorones.” Oaxaca de Juarez: World of Bats. Switzerland: PFolt, don: University of Washington Press.
Universidad Benito Juarez de Oaxaca. Rinehart and Winston. Rea, Vargas, ed. 1953. Datos para la his¬
Molina, Fray Alonso de. 1944. Vocabu- Nuttall, Zelia, ed. 1903. The Book of the toria de la farmada pre-Cortesiana.
lario en lengua castellana y mexi- Life of the Ancient Mexicans. Part 1, Mexico City: Vargas Rea Editor.
cana. Coleccion de Incunables Ame¬ Introduction and Facsimile. Berkeley: Recinos, Adrian, trans. 1950. Popol Vuh:
ricanos, vol. 4. Madrid: Ediciones University of California. The Sacred Book of the Ancient Qui¬
Cultura Hispanica. -. 1974. Codice Nuttall. Reproduc¬ che Maya. English version by Delia
Morley, Sylvanus G. 1956. The Ancient tion of the facsimile edited by the Goetz and Sylvanus G. Morley. Civi¬
Maya. Stanford: Stanford University Peabody Museum of the University lization of the American Indian Se¬
Press. of Harvard. Mexico City: Imprenta ries, vol. 29. Norman: University of
Motolinia, Fray Toribio de. 1950. History Madero. Oklahoma Press.
of the Indians of New Spain. Trans¬ Olivera B., Mercedes. 1974. "Las danzas y Redfield, Robert. 1930. Tepoztlan: A Mex¬
lated and edited by Elizabeth Andros fiestas de Chiapas." In Catalogo na¬ ican Village. Chicago: University of
Foster. Berkeley: Cortes Society. cional de danzas, vol. 1. Mexico Chicago Press.
Moya Rubio, Victor Jose. 1974. Mascaras City: FONADAN. Redfield, Robert, Melville J. Herskovits,
mexicanas: Exposition of the Museo Osborne, Lilly de Jong. 1935. Indian and Gordon F. Ekholm. 1959. Aspects
Nacional de Antropologia. Mexico Crafts of Guatemala. Norman: Uni¬ of Primitive Art. New York: Museum
City: Imprenta Madero. versity of Oklahoma Press. of Primitive Art.
Muensterberger, Warner. 1971. "Roots of Paddock, John, ed. 1966. Ancient Oaxaca: Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo. 1971. Ama¬
Primitive Art." In Anthropology and Discoveries in Mexican Archaeology zonian Cosmos: The Sexual and Re¬
Art: Readings in Cross-Cultural Aes¬ and History. Stanford: Stanford Uni¬ ligious Symbolism of the Tukano
thetics, edited by Charlotte M. Ot- versity Press. Indians. Chicago and London: Uni¬
ten, pp. 106-128. American Museum Park, Willard Z. 1975. Shamanism in versity of Chicago Press.
Sourcebooks in Anthropology, pub¬ Western North America: A Study in Reko, Bias Pablo. 1945. Mitobotanica za-
lished for the American Museum of Cultural Relationships. New York: poteca. Tacubaya, D.F.
Natural FFistory. Garden City, N.Y.: Cooper Square Publishers. Robelo, Cecilio A. 1904. Diccionario de
Natural FFistory Press. Parsons, Elsie Clews. 1936. Mitla: Town aztequismos. Cuernavaca: published
Naranjo, Claudio. 1973. "Psychological of the Souls. Chicago and London: by author.
Aspects of the Yage Experience in an University of Chicago Press. -. 1911. Diccionario de mitologia
Experimental Setting." In Hallucino¬ nahuatl. Mexico City: Museo Naci¬
onal de Arqueologia y Etnologia.
 Works Consulted 265

-. 1951. Diccionario de mitologia Seler, Eduard. 1963. Comentarios al Co¬ New York: Cooper Square Publish¬
nahuatl. Mexico City: Ediciones dice Borgia. 2 vols. and facsimile. ers.
Fuente Cultural. Translated by Mariana Frenk. Mexico Tapia, Andres de. 1971. "Relacion hecha
Roediger, Virginia More. 1961. Ceremoni¬ City: Fondo de Cultura Economica. por el senor Andres de Tapia, sobre
al Costumes of the Pueblo Indians. -. n.d. Collected Works of Eduard la conquista de Mexico." In Garcia
Berkeley and Los Angeles: University Seler, 4 vols. Anonymous translation. Icazbalceta 1971, 2: 554-594.
of California Press. Mimeographed. Thomas, Cyrus. 1882. A Study of the Man¬
Romero de Terreros y Vinent, Manuel. Smith, Mary Elizabeth. 1973. Picture uscript Troano. Washington, D.C.:
1923. Les artes industrials en la Writing from Ancient Southern Mex¬ Government Printing Office.
Nueva Espaha. Barcelona: J. Horta, ico. Norman: University of Okla¬ Thompson, J. Eric S. 1933. Mexico
printer. homa Press. before Cortez. New York: Charles
Rothenberg, Jerome, ed. 1972. Shaking Sorell, Walter. 1973. The Other Face: The Scribner's Sons.
the Pumpkin: Traditional Poetry of Mask in the Arts. New York: Bobbs- -. 1954. The Rise and Fall of Maya
the Indian North Americas. New Merrill Co. Civilization. Norman: University of
York: Doubleday and Company. Soustelle, Jacques. 1959. Pensamiento Oklahoma Press.
Roys, Ralph L. 1965. Ritual of the Bacabs. cosmologico de las antiguos mexica- -. 1962. A Catalog of Maya Hiero¬
Norman: University of Oklahoma nos. Puebla: Talleres de Linotipogra- glyphs. Norman: University of Okla¬
Press. fia Economica. homa Press.
-. 1967. The Book of Chilam Balam -. 1961. Daily Life of the Aztecs. -. 1970. Maya History and Religion.
of Chumayel. Norman: University of Translated by Patrick O'Brian. Lon¬ Norman: University of Oklahoma
Oklahoma Press. don: George Weidenfeld and Nicol- Press.
Runes, Dagobert D., and Harry G. son. Tibon, Carletto. n.d. Unpublished Cora
Schrickel, eds. 1946. Encyclopedia of Spence, Lewis. 1923. The Gods of Mexico. notes.
the Arts. New York: Philosophical New York: Frederick A. Stokes Co. Toor, Frances, ed. 1925-1937. Mexican
Library. -. n.d. The Magic and Mysteries of Folkways, vols. 1-9. Mexico City.
Sahagun, Fray Bernardino de. 1950, 1951, Mexico. London: Rider and Co. -. 1947. A Treasury of Mexican
1953. General History of the Things Spencer, H. 1873-1910. Descriptive So¬ Folkways. New York: Crown Pub¬
of New Spain, Book 1, Part 2 (1950); ciology. London. lishers.
Book 2, Part 3 (1951); Book 7 (1953). Spranz, Bodo. 1973. Los dioses en los Torquemada, Fray Juan de. 1943. Grijalva
Translated by Arthur J. Anderson and codices mexicanos del grupo Borgia. Expedition: Mouth of Rio Grijalva,
Charles E. Dibble. Santa Fe: School of Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Eco¬ vol. 1. From the files of Isabel Kelly.
American Research and University of nomica. -. 1969. Monarquia indiana. 2 vols.
Utah. Standley, Paul C. 1926. Trees and Shrubs Mexico City: Editorial Porrua.
Salvat, Juan, director. 1974. Historia de of Mexico. Contributions from the Tozzer, Alfred M. 1907. A Comparative
Mexico, vol. 1, fascicles 4, 6, 7, 9, and United States Herbarium, vol. 23. Study of the Mayas and the Lacan-
13. Mexico City: Salvat Editores de Washington, D.C.: Smithsonian In¬ dones. New York: Macmillan Com¬
Mexico. stitution. pany.
Santamaria, Francisco J. 1942. Dic¬ Starr, Frederick. 1901. "Notes upon the Tozzer, Alfred M., and Glover M. Allen.
cionario general de americanismos. Ethnography of Southern Mexico." In 1910. Animal Figures in the Maya
3 vols. Mexico City: Editorial Pedro Proceedings of the Davenport Acade¬ Codices. Cambridge, Mass.: Peabody
Robredo. my of Natural Sciences, vol. 8. Dav¬ Museum of American Archaeology
-. 1959. Diccionario de mejicanis- enport, Iowa: Putnam Memorial and Ethnology. Harvard University.
mos. Mexico City: Editorial Porrua. Fund. Trowell, Margaret, and Hans Nevermann.
Sejourne, Laurette. 1956. Burning Water: -. 1902. The Physical Characteris¬ n.d. African and Oceanic Art. New
Thought and Religion in Ancient tics of the Indians of Southern Mexi¬ York: Harry N. Abrams.
Mexico. London and New York: co. Decennial Publications, Univer¬ Turner, Victor. 1967. The Forest of Sym¬
Thames and Hudson. sity of Chicago. bols: Aspects of Ndembu Ritual.
-. 1962. El universo de Quetzalco- -. 1908. In Indian Mexico. Chicago: Ithaca, N.Y., and London: Cornell
atl. Mexico City: Fondo de Cultura Forbes and Company. University Press.
Economica. Steward, Julian H., ed. 1963. Handbook Vaillant, George C. 1935. Artists and
of South American Indians. 7 vols. Craftsmen in Ancient Central Amer-
266 Works Consulted

ica. Guide Leaflet Series, no. 88. New -. n.d. Fiestas de la Santa Cruz en
York: American Museum of Natural Zitlala. Mexico City: FONADAN.
History. Wingert, Paul S. 1962. Primitive Art: Its
-. 1941. Aztecs of Mexico. Garden Traditions and Styles. New York:
City, N.Y.: Doubleday, Doran and Oxford University Press.
Co. Winick, Charles. 1956. Dictionary of An¬
Vogt, Evon Z. 1976. Tortillas for the thropology. New York: Philosophical
Gods. Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard Library.
University Press. Zehnder, Wiltraud, coordinator. 1973. La
Warman Gryj, Arturo. 1972. La Danza de dualidad en el mundo prehispanico.
Moros y Cristianos. Mexico City: Artes de Mexico, no. 173, Ano 20.
Secretaria de Educacion Publica. Mexico City: Lito Ediciones Olimpia.
Warman Gryj, Arturo, and Irene Warman. Zingg, Robert Mo wry. 1938. The Hui-
1971. "Danzas." In "Notas Gener- chols: Primitive Artists. Report of
ales." In Lo efimero y eterno del arte the Mr. and Mrs. Henry Pfeiffer Ex¬
popular mexicano, 2: 742—755. Mexi¬ pedition for Huichol Ethnography.
co City: Fondo Editorial de la Plastica Printed in Germany.
Mexicana.
Wauchope, Robert, gen. ed. 1967, 1969.
Handbook of Middle American In¬
dians, vol. 6, Social Anthropology,
edited by Manning Nash (1967);
vol. 7, Ethnology, Part One, edited
by Evon Z. Vogt (1969). Austin: Uni¬
versity of Texas Press.
Weaver, Muriel Porter. 1972. The Aztecs,
Maya, and Their Predecessors. New
York and London: Seminar Press.
Weitlaner, Ing. Roberto J. 1941. "Chilaca-
chapa y Tetelcingo." In El Mexico
Antiguo 5, nos. 7-10 (June). Mexico
City: Sociedad Alemana Mexicanista.
Weitlaner, Ing. Roberto J., and Irmgard
Weitlaner de Johnson. 1943. "Acatlan
y Hueycantenango, Guerrero/' In El
Mexico Antiguo 6, nos. 4-6 (Febru¬
ary): 140-202. Mexico City: El Mexi¬
co Antiguo.
Westheim, Paul. 1965. The Art of Ancient
Mexico. Garden City, N.Y.: Double¬
day and Company.
Whiteford, Andrew Hunter. 1972. "En¬
riching Daily Life: The Artist and
Artisan." In American Indian Art:
Form and Tradition. Minneapolis:
Walker Art Center and the Minne¬
apolis Institute of Art.
Williams Garcia, Roberto, i960. Los Te-
pehuas. Xalapa: Universidad Vera-
cruzana.
 Boldface numbers refer to figures or their captions.

Abrahan, Nalberto, 102, 136, 144 Alaskan mask, 113 —hair, 52, 59, 65, 299, 300, 305; goat
Abrahan, Ruperto, 103, 145 Alchileo masks, 286, 287 hair, 59, 72, 73; horsehair, 59, 61, 64,
abrasives, use of, 136 Alchileos, Los, Dance of, 231, 232 70, 71, 74, 88, 91, 104, 161, 165, 200,
Abuela Teresa (character), 271; mask for, alcohol: ritual use of, 110. See also 272, 294, 295, 312; horse tails, 126
17, 19 drunkenness, ritual; hallucinogens —horns and antlers, 129, 87, 306; cow,
Acachuen, Michoacan, 258 Allen, Glover M., 191, 192 59, 217; goat, 129, 14, 104, 179; deer,
Acapetlahuaya, Guerrero, 102n, 113, 257; Almolonga, Guerrero: masks from, 216 124, 126, 26, 27, 68, 70, 88, 177, 215,
masks from, 34; mask from region of, Altai peoples: crown of, 80, 115; masks 278
139 of, 157 animals: as Devils, 33, 41, 63, 105; as
Acatepec, Guerrero: masks from, 37 Altamirano, Guerrero: masks from re¬ iconographic motifs, 34; as Pre-
Acatlan, Guerrero, 124, 271; masks from, gion of, 20, 278 Hispanic survivals, 41; symbolism of,
44, 264 Alvaro, Adelaido: mask by, 99 in shamanistic beliefs, 153-157; wear¬
acculturation, 4-5, 8, 24, 73, 223, 225, amateur mask-makers, 31, 107; masks by, ing masks, 86
245. See also cultural diffusion 123-124, 35, 152, 172, 299; masks —and humans, close relationship of,
African influence on Mexican masks, 73. probably by, 11, 12; quality of work of, 142-144, 147, 169, 176; masks showing,
See also slavery 18 18, 189, 190, 213
African masks, 31; difficulty of dating, 9; Amaxac de Guerrero, Tlaxcala: dancers animism, 148. See also Pre-Hispanic cul¬
Mexican masks compared to, 104; from, 93 tures and religions,- shamanism
twisted mouths of, 168; uses of, 223 Amuzgo Indians, 67 Antanguisa, Sonora: masks from, 140
agrarian culture, 149; compared to hunt¬ angel: on mask, 232 antlers. See animal parts used in masks
ing-gathering culture, 141, 142, 161, Angel masks, 17, 41, 237, 270, 291 Apache Dance, 248; masks for, 180, 182
195-196, 210 Angulo, Jorge, 84 Apache masks, 68, 117, 161, 182
agricultural significance: masks with: 4, Animal Dance, 105, 178, 9. See also Lord Apango, Guerrero: mask from, 240; mask
78, 99, 165, 193, 236-237, 261, 313; and of the Animals Dance from region of, 176; mask-maker from,
symbolism of snakes, 195—196. See animal masks: importance of, 147; sym¬ 185
also corn; fertility,- rain-petitioning bolism of, 176-208. See also animals Apaxtla, Guerrero, 187; dancers from,
dances animal parts used in mask-making: bris¬ 272-273; mask from, 133
Ahuacatitlan, Guerrero: masks possibly tles, 60, 126, 55, 79, 176, 264; claws, Apetlanca, Guerrero: mask from, 179
from, 138 52, 200; fur, 117, 129, 2, 3, 11, 12, 34, 75, Aranza, Michoacan, 258
Ahuiran, Michoacan, 258 76, 77, 153, 175; as lining, 159; teeth, armadillo, 85
Ajuchitlan, Guerrero: masks from, 191, 52, 25, 39, 133, 190, 226, 229, 231, 243 Armadillo Dance, 187, 238, 195, 233,
300 (in Caiman figure), 250, 257, 264, 297, 234, 235, 236-237
Alahuistlan, Guerrero: mask from, 213; 300; tusks, 61, 79. See also leather or armadillo hide: on masks, 67, 126, 195,
mask from region of, 282 skin 233, 236-237
268 Index

Armadillo masks and figures, 83, 84, 195, beard: false, 212, 10; materials made of, Caiman Dance, 63, 129, 157, 198, 58, 187,
233, 234, 235, 236-237, 252-256; sym¬ 126; as water symbol, 153, 162, 170, 199, 213, 247, 303; significance of, 153-
bolism of, 187-189; types of, 63 212. See also hair 154, 199, 241
art: compared to craft, 15-17, 22; defini¬ Beatty, Toni, 101 Caiman masks and figures, 25, 63-64,
tions of, 15-17; mask as, 12-31 bee: on masks, 208, 44 169, 209, 58, 187, 199, 213, 243, 247,
Asiatic features: masks showing, 17, 37, Beetle mask, 208, 252-256 302, 303; symbolism of, 198-201
38 bells: on belt, 123; on masks, 117, 125, 22, Cajititlan, Jalisco: masks from, 70
Asta, Ferruccio, 38, 206, 242, 252, 253 104, 161; silver and copper, 114, 158 Calpisaco, Guerrero: masks from, 37
Atamalqualiztli, feast of, 203, 15 Benitez, Fernando, 177 Campo Morado, Guerrero, 152n, 208;
Atenxoxola, Guerrero: masks from, 47; Bernal, Ignacio, 212 masks from area of, 252-256. See also
masks possibly from, 207, 208 bicyle light: on mask, 155 La Parota, Guerrero
Atlapecuanapa, Guerrero: mask from, Bierhorst, John, 196, 209, 221 Campos, Benjamin: mask by, 312
276-277 binders in paint, 130-132 Canon de Gavilan, Guerrero: mask from
Atliaca, Guerrero: mask from, 225 bird: mask in shape of, 135; on masks, region of, 292
Atzacualoya, Guerrero: mask from, 105 203-206 Capulhuac, state of Mexico, 225; mask
Auguiano, Marina, 123 Bird, Dr. Junius, 279 from, 99
Axochiapan, Morelos, 231-232; mask bloodshed: in fiestas, 154-157; symbols Caracuaro, Michoacan, 114
possibly from, 100 for, 170, 185 cardboard masks, 59, 67, 71, 88, 172, 274
axolotl, 201 blue eyes: on Christian figures, 170, 216, Carnival: Devil masks associated with,
Axoxuca, Guerrero: masks from area of, 155, 169, 270; on Moors, 282, 284; as 174; masks and dancers associated
22, 56, 57, 259 water symbol, 153, 162, 170, 215, 188, with, 68-71, 29, 33, 53, 59, 93, 101,
Ayutla, Guerrero: masks from, 161, 195, 263 104, 152, 161, 183, 211
214, 301; mask from region of, 238-239 Boas, Franz, 15, 23 Caso, Alfonso, 41, 154
Azteca Dance, 91, 181, 206, 226-228; body painting, 79, 124, 147 Castillo, Delfino, 120
masks for, 66, 131, 191, 215 body symbolism, 262 Castillo Cerillo, Candido, 120
Azteca masks, 66, 191 bone: masks made of, 79-80, 113, 111, Celaya, Guanajuato, 117
Aztecs. See Nahua Indians,- Pre-Hispanic 112, 113, 156, as supplementary mate¬ Centurion masks, 4, 72, 98
cultures and religions rial, 306; as teeth, 194 Cervantes de Salazar, Francisco, 88
Borbonicus, Codex, 132 Chalpa, Guerrero: mask from, 191
Bahena family: masks by, 188, 252-256 Borgia, Codex, 153, 192, 199, 212, 198, Chalpatlahua, Guerrero: mask from, 299
Balinese masks, 52 245, 249, 260 Chameleon masks, 209, 9
Ballet Folklorico, 245, 311 Borrados, 124 Chapa, Guerrero, 24, 257; mask-maker
Barbones masks, 25, 32 brujos, 151 from, 28
bat: frog associated with, 203; as Lord of bull esophagus: use of, 134, 134n Chapakobam mask, 55, 59, 77
Animals, 177; tigre associated with, Bull or Cow Devil mask, 14; see also 106, Chapalapa, Guerrero: mask from, 219
229 218 Chapayeka masks, 55, 59, 71, 75, 76
—on masks with main subject other Burstein, Beth, 21, 222, 252 Chatino Indians, 67
than bat, 17, 30, 50, 116, 206, 232, 313; Buryat crown, 80 Cheran, Michoacan, 258; masks from, 7,
bat ears, 250; bat mouth, 292; bat nose, butterfly: bells in shape of, 114; coiled 86, 307
269, 292 nose may represent, 285; on masks, chia, oil of, 132, 133, 133n, 257-260
Bat Dance: no longer performed, 187 208, 30; Pre-Hispanic symbols for, 259, passim
—masks for: Bats, 23-25, 181, 226-231; 260, 278 Chiapa de Corzo, Chiapas, 105, 134, 225,
Butterfly, 258; helmet (bat/Death), Butterfly (character), 231, mask for, 258 257; masks from, 49, 62, 96
120-121, 309; helmet (bat/human), 30- Chiapanec masks, 49
31, 67, 116-117; helmet (various charac¬ Cacahuamanche, Guerrero: mask from, Chiapas: detail of costume from, 223;
ters), 232. 288 Lacandon Indians of, 215; mask-maker
Bat Devil masks, 200, 230 Cacalotepec, Guerrero: mask from, 287 from, 257; masks from, 123, 49, 62, 94-
Bat masks, 110, 23-25, 181, 225-231; caiman: bells in form of, 114, 158; 97, 134, 148, 161, 274,• Negritos in, 250;
noses on, 52; symbolism of, 184—187; cipactli as type of, 193-195, 245; ears paint used in, 134; tools used in, 135;
variety in, 22 of, on masks, 68, 199, 201, 244; as Lord types of masks in, 71; use of bull
Bayley, Harold, 216 of the Animals (or Fish), 177 esophagus in, 134n; use of plant leaves
 Index 269

for sanding in, 136; wood used in, 111; Church carving: masks reminiscent of, Cora Indians, 24, 79, 99; legend of, 186;
Zoque folktales from, 149, 198 16, 23, 206. See also santeros masks of, 41, 59, 123-124, 172
Chicchan (goddess), 203 cigarette paper: on masks, 124, 125 Corcovi masks, 3
Chichimec Dance, 226 cipactli, 193-195, 199, 203, 246; drawings corn: growing from back of cipactli, 199;
Chichimec Indians, 141 of, 245, 249; symbol for, 262 kernels of, as mask material, 52, 88,•
Chicontepec, Veracruz, 157 Cirlot, J. E., 147 kernels of, as mask motif, 209, 261;
Chiepetepec, Guerrero: masks from, 157, clay: figurines made of, 82, 117-119, 122, represented by color of mask, 117, 154
279 127, 128; masks made of, 64, 78, 86- cornsilk: represented by hair, 213-215
Chilacachapa, Guerrero: masks from, 26, 88, 114-117, 160; molds made of, 117, Corn Spirit masks, 170, 208, 313
106 123, 171,- as supplementary material, Corovillas, Michoacan: mask used in,
Chilapa, Guerrero, 124, 157, 149 163 306
children, masks for, 119, 152-153, 170, climate: effect of, on masks, 9, 82 Cortes, Hernan, 88, 129, 228, 231, 232; as
212, 156, 165, 188, 242, 274 cloth: masks lined with, 114, 117, 20, 21, character in dances, 226, 271; masks
Chilolo Dance and mask, 275 154, 160, 161, 169; masks made of, 171; for, 210, 211, 276-277
Chimalhuacan, state of Mexico, 119-120 as supplementary material, 47, 217, costumes: Caiman, 63-64, 187; Chinelo,
Chinacos, 228 312; used over wood, beneath paint, 73; Tigre, 46, 181, 202, 223; other, 45,
Chinantes Indians, 67 132, 105, 181, 303; used to tie mask to 86, 93, 101, 106, 123, 137, 170, 197, 271,
Chinelo dancer, 101; masks for, 73, 123 face, 43 274, 281, 307, 311
Chinese headdress and cap, 192 Clown (character), 114 cotton: on mask, 11
Chinese masks, 181, 202, 224 Coahuila (state), 110 Covarrubias, Miguel, 22, 41, 86, 180, 8,
Chintetes Dance, 40 Coatepec Costales, Guerrero: masks 122, 127, 204
Chocho Indians, 67 from, 16, 43 Cowboy. See Vaquero Dance and masks
Chontal Indians, 67; masks of, 86 Coatzacoalcos, Veracmz, 231 Cow mask, 71, 95. See also Bull or Cow
Christ (character), 231; on helmet mask, cocoon rattles, 86, 245, 123 Devil mask
232; masks for, 41, 237, 49, 143 Cocucho, Michoacan, 189 coyote: bells in shape of, 114, 158; on
Christian Dama del Caballero mask, 123, codices, 78, 81; drawings from, 46, 85, masks, 30, 37 (coyote-like animal), 221,
169 130, 132, 135, 136, 192, 198, 205, 210, 232; masks resembling, 79, 111, 135
Christian dances, 228-237. See also 220, 245, 249, 260, 262, 265, 266 Coyote (character), 231; mask for, 233
Moors and Christians, Dance of the; Colima, 86; sculpture from, 127 Coyote Dance, 221, 240
Pastorela Dance; Tres Potencias, Dance Colonial era, 9, 95-99, 231 Crab mask, 208, 255
of the color symbolism, 165, 169-173, 44, 276- crafts: distinguished from art, 15-17
Christian figures, masks of, 41, 55-59, 277. See also blue eyes; corn crocodile head bells, 114. See also caiman
64, 170 Colotlipa, Guerrero: masks from, 68 cross: on masks, 72, 74
Christianity: advent of, in Conquest Comala, Guerrero: masks from, 200, 227 Crow Dance, 206, 193
dances, 226, 228; coexistence of, with combat masks, 117, 157, 55, 275, 284 crowns, 80, 114, 115; masks with, 123,
pagan beliefs, 99, 253. See also Church commercial masks, 5, 31, 59, 73, 75, 90, 155, 169
Christian King mask, 123, 169 117, 125 Cruz Grande, Guerrero: mask from, 69
Chulanixtle Dance, 18 Concheros, Dance of the, 226, 245 Cuadrilla Santa Anita, Guerrero, 105;
Chultepec, Guerrero: mask from, 18 Conquest dances, 34, 91, 226-228, 232, masks from, 15, 17
Church: added horns to nagual masks to 245. See also Azteca Dance; Plume Cuajitlotla, Guerrero: mask from, 187
make Devils, 33, 174, 228, 248; failure Dance; Tenochtli Dance Cuanajo, Michoacan: mask from, 8
of, to suppress shamanism, 139, 144, contemporary mask: definition of, 9 Cuaxolotl (goddess), 153, 165, 198
148-149; influence of, on mask-mak¬ control in mask-making, 17-22 Cuerudos, Dance of the, 226
ing, 22, 24, 41, 78, 95, 99; and Copainala, Chiapas: mask from, 148 Cuetzala, Guerrero, 187; masks from, 60,
suppression of Dance of the Tigre, 181; Copalillo, state of Mexico: masks from, 133
and suppression of Pre-Hispanic tradi¬ 133, 293 Cuetzalan, Puebla, 68, 151; mask
tions, 24, 41, 91, 96, 223, 226; and Copanatoyac, Guerrero, 24; masks from, possibly from area of, 92
suppression of Quilinique Dance, 165; 68, 180, 250 Cuicatec Indians, 60
and use of dances as teaching device, copper: bells made of, 114, 158; masks Cuilapan, Oaxaca: mask from, 267
228-231. See also Christian dances made of, 18, 113, 114, 126, 20, 47, 157, cultural diffusion, 23-24, 100. See also
278 acculturation
270 Index

cultural diversity, 9 —for Devil Dance, 51, 179, 193, 201, 308 Dwarf masks, 25, 152-153, 170, 212, 188
cuianderos, 151 —for Diablo Macho Dance, 105, 197, 201, Dwarves, Dance of the, 152n, 188
curing: as function of shamanism, 148; 238, 15, 17 dyes used in paint-making, 130
masks not used in, 223 —for Diablo Sapo Dance, 197, 248
—for Hortelanos Dance, 87 eagle: in headdress of mask, 287; as
Dagach, Eduardo, 133, 99 —for Pastorela Dance, 237, 307, 312 helmet on mask, 228, 215; symbol for,
dating masks: difficulty of, 8-9, 31 —for Tecuani Dance, 193 262; as symbol of war, 178, 196, 203—
Deacoyante Dance, 54 —dance not specified, 6, 14, 37, 39, 41, 206
Dead, Day of the, 248, 48, 88, 92 68, 70, 87, 106, 133, 141, 142, 189, 200, Eagle Knight masks, 24, 91, 206, 131
death: bat associated with, 185, 225; 217, 218, 242, 250, 251, 257, 269 Eagle masks, 181
body symbol for, 262; comic element —possible, 1, 22, 38, 206 earrings and ear ornaments, 114, 217, 21,
of, 248-249; as iconographic theme, Diablo Macho Dance, 105, 197, 201, 238, 131, 154, 157; holes for, 270, 309
39; owl associated with, 150; 15, 17 ears, 59, 60, 114, 117, 123, 126; animal
protruding tongue as symbol of, 216— Diablo Sapo Dance, 197, 248 ears on Devil, 179; animal ears on
217 Diaz del Castillo, Bernal, 129, 215 humans, 98, 171; caiman ears on Dog,
Death (character), 174, 237; masks for, dimples on masks, 217, 216, 291 68, 199, 201, 244; dog ears on Quilini-
75, 170, 47, 48, 59, 121, 293, 309, 310 Doce Pares de Francia, Las (dance), 231 que mask, 168; female ears, 217, 270,
Death, Dance of, 310 Doctor Dance and mask, 159 291
deer: on mask, 219; symbol for, 262 dog: drawing of, 210; figure of, wearing earth monster masks, 248. See also
Deer (character), 238; masks for, 26, 27, mask, 86, 127; nose associated with, cipactli
177 216; in Pre-Hispanic religion, 167; Easter fiesta mask, 172. See also Holy
Deer Dance, 55, 245 symbol for, 262. See also Xolotl Week ceremonies
deerskin masks, 117, 126, 161 Dog (Maravilla), 117, 189, 238, 241, 238- Ehecatl (god), 38, 73; masks for, 24, 41,
de la Fuente, Fidel, 141 239 114, 45
Desana Indians, 177 Dog masks, 68, 199, 201, 244; for harvest eighteenth-century masks: possible, 98,
design of masks, 43-52 celebration, 252-256, for Lord of the 279
Devil(s): Church attempted to turn Animals Dance, 222; symbolism of, El Coral, Guerrero: masks from, 261
naguales into, 33, 174, 228, 248; as 189-192; for Tecuani Dance, 117, 238- El Doctor, Queretaro: masks from, 171
clown or prankster, 33, 245-248, 249; 239; for Tlacololero Dance, 240 Eliade, Mircea, 142—144, 211
costume for, 106; as Devil Bat, 187; as Donkey mask, 222 El Limon, Guerrero, 187; masks from, 50,
iconographic theme, 33; Lord of the double-faced masks, 39, 46, 1, 47, 58, 233-237
Animals often called, 178 207; meaning and types of, 161-165, El Mirador, Guerrero: mask from, 247
Devil dances, 245-248; Dance of the 172; Twins, 186, 209. See also duality,- El Nante, Hidalgo, 258; mask from, 104
Devils, 245, 306; Devil Dance, 105, 9, helmet masks El Palmar, Guerrero: mask from, 201
51, 120-121, 179, 201, 308, 309. See also dove: on mask, 232 El Potrerillo, Guerrero, 117; mask from,
Animal Dance; Diablo Macho Dance,- dragons: on mask, 37 2; mask from area of, 161
Diablo Sapo Dance drunkenness, ritual, 52, 99; and emeralds: on masks, 88
Devil masks: of Guerrero, 52; of bloodshed, 154-157. See also Enanos. See Dwarves, Dance of the
Guanajuato, 75; leather, 73, 117; of hallucinogens entertainment functions of masks, 5, 92—
Michoacan, 64; as possible survivals of duality: and bat, 186; in Codex Borgia, 95, 226
Pre-Conquest gods, 41; symbolism of, 153; definition of, 160-161; and dog, entertainment-oriented dances, 245—250.
173-174; types of, 33, 248 192; goddess of, 198; and jaguar, 180; See also Devil dances; Negritos;
—for Azteca Dance (Malinche Devil), 215 masks showing concept of, 39, 161— Viejitos Dance
—for Chintetes Dance, 40 169, 216, 1, 135, 205, 206, 207, 247; in erotic symbolism. See phallic symbolism
—for Chulanixtle Dance, 18 nature, 4, 141-142, 253; pairs of masks Eskimos: belief of, in identity of humans
—for Crow Dance, 193 as expression of, 181. See also double- and animals, 142
—for Dance of the Devils, 306 faced masks —masks of, 31, 117; compared to
—for Dance of the Moors and Christians, Duby, Gertrude, 223 Mexican masks, 104, 193, 194; twisted
61 Duran, Fray Diego de, 95, 95n, 110, 215, mouths of, 162, 168
—for Dance of the Tres Potencias, 34, 238, 272-273 Estancia Grande, Oaxaca: mask from, 88
200, 292 Durango (state): mask from, 289 esthetics. See art
 Index 271

"Estofado" painting, 72, 98 —symbolism of, 313; and green color, Goat Dance and mask, 63; Macho
ethnic art: Mexican, 12, 22; as 170; and hair, 212, 213-215; and phallic Cabrillo Dance, 104
"primitive," 15, 19, 221 nose, 178 Godinillo, Juan, 184
ethnocentrism, 15, 22 fiber used in mask-making, 59, 125, 126. gold: used in mask-making, 88; gold leaf,
European and Indian traditions, See also ixtle fiber,- maguey; organ 99, 98, 105, 286
coexistence of, 148, 153 cactus fiber; pita fiber Goliath, mask for, 94
European influences, 22, 24; on Death Fifth of May, Battle of, 228, 64, 91 Gomara, Francisco Lopez de, 79, 80-81,
masks, 39; on Devil masks, 33; "First Fruits" Fiesta, 59, 161, 78 82, 88n, 92n, 132
^Spanish, 4, 55, 95-96, 99 Firth, Raymond, 222, 223 gourd masks, 119, 129, 164, 165
evil: symbols of, 206. See also Devil(s); fish: bells in shape of, 114; eyebrows in Grandmother Growth. See Tate Nakawe
Devil masks shape of, 296; on masks, 40, 232; string Grandmother mask. See Abuela Teresa
evil spirits: masks as protection against, of, used in Fish Dance, 303; symbolism Grasshopper mask, 208, 252-256
92 of, 201 grasshoppers: on masks, 208, 50
eyebrows: fish-shaped, 296; protrusions Fish Dance, 199, 201, 241; accessories for, Griffith, James S., 55, 245
above, 126, 42, 284, 285; types of, 126 303; Caiman figure for, 243; masks for, Grijalva, Juan de, 88
eyeglasses: on masks, 117, 2 169, 215, 20, 58, 213, 214, 263, 296, 302 Guadagno, Carmelo, 164
eyeholes: masks with inadequate, 157; Fishermen (characters), 241 Guadalajara, Jalisco: masks from area of,
masks without, 79, 86. See also eyes Florentine Codex, 79, 168, 187, 133, 205. 117
eyelashes: false, 68, 71, 103, 62; straw, 94 See also Sahagun, Fray Bernardino de Guadalupe, Our Lady of, mask, 49
eyes: blue, 153, 162, 170, 215, 216; and flowers and floral designs on masks, 21, Guanajuato (city), 105
eyeholes, types of, 52, 126; marble, 70, 71, 74, 94, 154, 182 Guanajuato (state), 75, 88, 117; masks
mirror, 126, 215-216, 55, 264; "flower wars," 178 from, 155
movable, 25, 68, 103, 105, 126, 29; form symbolism, 173-217 Guaymas, Sonora: mask from, 74
symbolism of, 215—216. See also glass Foster, George M., 223, 224 Guaymitos, Sonora: mask from, 72
Fox Dance, 190 Guerrero: bells and ornaments from, 158;
face: significance of, in Pre-Hispanic Fraser, Douglas, 15, 221 crown from, 80, 114; dances in, 237,
Mexico, 3, 147, 161-162, 211; frog: bells in shape of, 114, 158; on 238, 241, 271, 281; fiesta in, 272-273;
symbolism of, in masks, 212—217 masks, 15, 24, 37, 40, 68, 102, 201, 206, figurine from, 204; fish accessories
face painting: masks influenced by, 71, 250, 251; swallowing of, 133; from, 303,- lacquer process in, 133n;
73, 173, 72, 73, 74; modern, 79, 108, symbolism of, 162, 203; as tongue, 129, mask-makers from, 257—258, 28, 141,
109; Pre-Hispanic, 78-79; as type of 251 144, 145, 149, 184, 185; masks from, 1,
"mask," 78; used by Coras before they Frog Devil masks, 172, 203, 208, 248 2, 5, 9, 10, 13-27, 30-31, 32, 34, 36-40,
used masks, 123 Frog masks, 203, 256 42-44, 47, 50, 51, 55-58, 60, 61, 63, 67-
fakes: difficulty of distinguishing from fruits or kernels on mask, 261 69, 79-84, 105, 106, 110, 112, 116-117,
genuine old masks, 31 funeral rites: masks used in, 92 120-121, 129, 131, 133, 138, 141, 142,
feathers: on mask, 169 fur. See animal parts used in mask¬ 150, 154, 156, 157, 161, 176, 179-184,
Federal District: masks from, 71-73, 119— making 187-191, 193-195, 197, 199-202, 206-
120, 166-168 Furst, Peter T., 168 208, 211, 213-217, 219, 221, 225-233,
Fejervary-Mayer, Codex, 265 236-242, 247, 248, 250-259, 261, 263,
female masks, 217, 237, 20, 21, 29, 49, 56, Gabriel, Jose Antonio, 258; mask by, 183; 264, 269, 271, 272, 276-280, 282, 284,
57, 169, 216, 270, 291. See also wife of, 258 286-288, 292-297, 299-302, 305, 308-
Malinche,- Mermaid masks and figures Garcia, Eliseo: masks by, 142 310, 313; masks possibly from, 6, 12,
fertility Garda de Medina, Maria del Refugio, 120 306; paint used in, 134; step-in figures
—animals associated with, 210; General mask, 91 from, 234, 235, 241, 243, 303; tools
armadillo, 187, 238, 84, 236-237; bat, gesso, 117, 163, 270, 291, 305 used in, 135; types of masks found in,
185, 186; frog, 203; jaguar, 180, 185, glass: eyes made of, 126, 29, 33, 49, 62, 60-63; wood harvesting rituals in, 110;
186; rabbit, 233; snake, 185, 197, 208 93, 94, 98, 147, 176; inlaid in crown, woods used in, 111
—dances associated with: "First Fruits" 169; as supplementary material, 125; Guzman, Eulalia, 258
rite, 161; Negritos, 197, 250; Tigre, 181; tongue made of, 301
Tlacololero, 241 glues, 129, 257-260 hair
—masks used to ensure, 4 —animal. See animal parts used in
mask-making
272 Index

—human: used in mask-making, 126, 70, Huehuetono, Guerrero: mask from, 182 individuality in mask-making, 9, 17, 22,
278 Huejotzingo, Puebla, 228, 259; mask 235
—on masks, 46-52, 126; snakes used to from, 161 Insect mask, 208, 253
represent, 197-198, 212-213 Huetamo, Michoacan: mask from, 306 insects: as danger to masks, 9; on masks,
—symbolism of, 212-215 Hueycantenango, Guerrero, 123; masks 208, 30, 44, 50. See also butterfly
half-masks, 92 from, 68, 81 Instituto de Antropologia, Universidad
hallucinogens, 17, 110, 111, 151, 169, 210 Huichol Indians, 203, 212, 213; associate Veracruzana, 103, 124, 125-126
Hart, Monte, 60 armadillo with earth, 187; beginning to invertebrate masks, 206—208, 253, 254,
harvest celebration masks, 252-256 undergo modern influences, 100; face 255. See also insects
hasha, 172 painting of, 79, 173, 108; "First Fruits" isinglass (mica): on masks, 161, 169
hats: of Chinelos, 73; of Tlacololeros, rite of, 59, 161, 78; isolation of, from isolation, cultural, 24; in Colonial times,
241; of Tlaxcala Carnival dancers, 71; European influences, 24; Lords of the 95; destruction of, in modern times, 4—
used with wax masks, 120; of Viejitos, Animals of, 177; masks of, 59, 78; 5, 100, 157, 253; effect of, on influence
250. See also headdresses peyote pilgrimage of, 151, 185; survival of Church, 41; effect of, on mask¬
headdresses: in codices, 82; and hats, of shamanism among, 148; yarn paint¬ making, 9, 211-212, 74; in Zinacantan,
photos showing, 33, 53, 78, 86, 93, 101, ings of, 169; yellow paint used by, 130 92
123, 137, 170, 175, 197, 271, 273, 274, Huiluco, Puebla: masks from, 162 Ixcapaneca, Guerrero: mask from, 84
281, 287, 307, 311 Huiquixtle (character), 79, 271 Ixcapuzalco, Guerrero: mask from, 58
helmet masks, 22, 30-31, 55, 67, 71, 75, Huistan, Chiapas: mask from, 161 Ixcateopan, Guerrero: masks from, 10,
76, 98, 116-117, 120-121, 221, 232, 236- Huitzapula, Guerrero: masks from, 68 129
237, 276-277, 286, 302, 309; con¬ Huitzilopochtli (god), 88, 92n, 215 Ixtlan, Oaxaca: mask from region of, 24
struction of, 129; contemporary, types Huitziltepec, Guerrero: masks from, 39, ixtle fiber: used to attach mask to head,
of, 43, 84; Pre-Hispanic, 82-84; repre¬ 142, 193; mask from area of, 131 43; used on masks, 52, 126, 44, 155,
senting Lord of the Animals, 178; human face, symbolism of, 210-217 161, 163, 171, 215, 289; used in wigs, 62,
rhythm-makers, 43, 50; semi-helmets, human hair: use of, in mask-making, 96; whips made of, 71
60, 138, 139 126, 70, 278
Hermit masks, 237, 7, 60, 139, 155, 173, human sacrifice, 81, 91, 178; bloodshed in jaguar: and fertility, 180, 185; head of, on
289, 290; variety in, 22 fiestas as reminder of, 154-157; masks Bat mask, 169, 23, 229; and human—
Hernandez, Amalia, 311 possibly related to, 200 composite face, 190; and hunting so¬
Hernandez, Francisco, 129 humans and animals, relationship of. See ciety, 196; importance of, in Meso-
Herskovits, }., 23 animals america, 178-180; as Lord of the
Heyden, Doris, 170, 185 human skin: masks made of, 81 Animals, 220; Olmecs associated with,
Hidalgo: mask-makers from, 258; masks human teeth: on masks, 52 142; in Pre-Hispanic masks, 91, 168; as
from, 66, 104; paint used in, 134; tools Humpbacks, Dance of the, 95 protector on masks, headdresses, and
used in, 135; wood used in, 111 Hunahpu (folk hero), 185 costumes, 191, 192, 202, 224. See also
historical dances, 226-228. See also hunting: mask probably used in, 177 tigre
Conquest dances; Fifth of May, Battle hunting and gathering culture: animals Jaleaca, Guerrero: masks from, 1, 38, 206,
of symbolic of, 196; and dogs, 191; influ¬ 242
Holy Week ceremonies: masks for, 71, ence of, on Pre-Hispanic religious falisco, 24, 59, 73, 151, 226; masks from,
75, 76, 77, 98, 152 systems, 141-142, 161, 176-177; masks 70, 102, 163; masks from Guadalajara
Horcasitas, Fernando, 178, 193, 238 of, 157, 210; ritual purification in, 168 area of, 117
Horned Serpent mask and figure, 198, 241 Japanese masks, 52, 126
Hortelanos Dance, 119, 87, 165 Ichon, Alain, 3 Jardineros Dance, 120-123, 169, 170
Huahuas (dance group), 4 iconographic themes and motifs, 33-41 Javanese masks, 52
Huancito, Michoacan, 258 Iguala, Guerrero: dance in, 281 jaws, movable, 129, 98, 280, 288
Huaspaltepec, Oaxaca: mask from, 53 Igualapa, Guerrero: masks from, 110 Jesus Maria, Nayarit, 123-124; mask
Huastec Indians: mask of, 152; Nahua Iguana mask, 203, 252 from, 172
mask from area of, 64, 198 iguana skin and spines: on mask, 89 Jew masks, 41, 55
Huatabampo, Sonora: mask from, 72 illness: masks as protection against, 92 Jojutla, Morelos: mask from region of,
Huave masks, 67, 89, 90, 174 Imaginary Beast mask, 123-124, 172 212 *

Huehuecoyotl (god), 30-31 Indian Soldier mask, 52, 64 Jones, Anita, 123
 Index 273

Juancito, Michoacan: mask from, 117 lizard: held by Negritos, 250; on masks, marble eyes, 70
Judas masks, 123 34, 73, 208, 17, 30, 37, 44, 68, 70, 74, Maringuilla (character), 197, 250
Judea fiesta, 99 102, 150, 163, 189, 218, 276-277, 313; Maromero masks and figure, 79, 110
Jung, C. J., 147-148, 223 symbol for, 262; symbolism of, 192- Marquesas Islands, 22, 162; figurine
Jupore, Sonora, District of: mask from, 195 from, 204
72 Lizards Dance, 40 Marquez, Dance of the, 231, 16, 32
Juxtlahuaca, Oaxaca, 105; masks from, llama vertebra: mask made of, 79, 111 Martinez, Maximino, 113
146, 275 Llorona, the, 211 Martinez Delgado, Santiago, 24, 28
Locos, Los, Dance, 36 Mascaritas Dance, 186
Kan, Michael, 68 Lommel, Andreas, 80, 141, 157, 176-177, mask-makers: almost all male, 17; effects
Kelly, Isabel, 4, 110 195 of social change on, 100-103; mostly
Knab, Timothy, 148, 221 Lopez, Miguel Cruz, 136; masks by, 209; anonymous, 5—6; mostly part-time, 6;
photo of, 186 often itinerant, 9; photos of, 28, 140,
Lacandon Indians, 192, 215 Lopez Campos, Carlos, 1, 254-256 141, 143, 144, 145, 147, 149, 151, 167,
lacquer masks, 60, 64, 49, 62, 87, 148, Lopez Hernandez, Antonio, 134, 257 184, 185, 186; survey of, 102, 257—259;
182, 183, 268; lacquers used in making, Lopez Ortiz, Filiberto, 39, 46, 67; masks three types of, 31, 103-107
133-134 by, 48, 59; photo of, 151 Matachines Dance, 231, 153
La Mesa, Nayarit: mask from, 78 Lord of the Animals, 142, 149; jaguar as, materials used in mask-making: Colo¬
La Parota, Guerrero: masks from, 21, 154, 177, 180, 220; and Lord of the Fish, 169, nial, 96, 99; Pre-Conquest, 79-92. See
188, 241; masks from area of, 252-256 177; masks of, 82, 178, 222, 236-237; also glues,- lacquer masks; paints
Lapp masks, 157 masks possibly of, 30, 116, 221, 313; —contemporary: basic materials, 59, 60,
La Purisima, festival of, 306 symbolism of, 176-177 67, 71, 86, 88, 89, 90, 91-92, 109-125,
Las Choapas, Veracruz: masks from, 124, Lord of the Animals Dance, 23-25, 30, 257-260; supplementary materials, 52,
125-126 219, 221, 222, 226-231. See also Ani¬ 59, 60, 67, 71, 125-129, 257-259
Las Sauces, Guerrero: fiesta in, 272-273; mal Dance Maximilian, Emperor, mask, 100
mask from, 228 Lozano Martini, Raul, 212, 298 (probably)
Laud, Codex, 205 Lucifer (character), 237 Mayanalan, Guerrero: tree from region
Lauter, Mr. and Mrs. Robert, 17, 253 Lumholtz, Carl, 176, 186, 189, 212, 213 of, 246
leather or skin: cord made of, to attach Mayan Indians: masks of, 75; use of tzite
mask, 43; as lining for mask, 159; as Maas, Alberto, 75, 76 by, 11 In. See also Pre-Hispanic cultures
supplementary material, 59, 60, 67, McDowell, Bart, 89 and religions
125, 126, 14, 35, 39, 41, 47, 61, 64, 66, machete: as mask-making tool, 185 Mayo Indians, 153, 198, 245; masks of,
79, 87, 89, 91, 94, 155, 165, 175, 176, Macho Cabrillo Dance, 104 41, 55-59, 79, 173, 72, 73, 77, 123, 140
178, 195, 199, 202, 217, 233, 236-237, maestro, in Tigre dances, 238 Mayordomo (character), 238
247, 269, 272, 282, 299, 306, 312 Magliabecchiano, Codex, 186, 260 mayordomos, 223-225
—masks made of: contemporary, 18, 43, maguey: use of, in mask-making, 92, 124, Mazahua Indians, 60
68, 84, 117, 2, 22, 29, 55, 70, 71, 75, 76, 126, 173 Mecalapa, Puebla, 157
77, 161, 162, 163, 184, 238-239, 298; Malinche (character), 226, 271; appears Medic (character), 238
Pre-Hispanic, 80—81 on Caiman and Fish figures, 199; as Mendieta, Fray Geronimo de, 92
Lechuga, Ruth, 119-120, 28, 33, 53, 93, iconographic theme, 34; and Marin- Mermaid masks and figures, 169, 170,
141, 166-168, 171 guilla, 197 241, 20, 214, 263, 302, 303; symbolism
Leen, Nina, 203 —masks for, 34, 71, 126, 208, 44, 97, 215, of, 201-203, 215
Lenten dances and fiestas, 97, 110, 272- 259, 276-277, 278; dimples on, 217; Mestizo culture: transition to, 225. See
273 lizards on, 192; symbolism of, 170, 192, also acculturation; social change
Leon, Guanajuato: masks from, 155 211 metal: mask made of, 4; as supplemen¬
Leonard, Donald, 215 Malinche Dance, 278 tary material, 175. See also copper;
Leonard, Irving A., 95-96 Malintsi Este Dance, 97 gold; silver
Leon-Portilla, Miguel, 3, 161-162 "Manueles, Los," 245, 305 metamorphosis. See transformation
Life/Death mask, 161, 203 Maoma (Mohammed): mask for, 94 Metropolitan Museum of Art, 5
Linton, Ralph, 22 Maravilla (character), 117, 189, 238, 241; Mexican Folk Arts, 29, 87
mask for, 238-239
274 Index

Mexico (state): masks from, 98, 99, 111, Moras, Las, Dance of, 231-232, 100 250-256, 258, 263, 269, 276-277, 278,
133, 159, 283, 298; molds from, 117; Morelos, 73, 151, 213; dances in, 231- 280, 284, 286-288, 292, 293, 295-297,
types of masks in, 71-73; wax mask 232, 238; masks from, 100, 212; toy 299-301, 305, 309;
step-in figures of,
process in, 119-120 from, 192 234, 235, 241, 243,
303; survival of
Mezcala, Guerrero: mask from, 5 Morismo mask, 34, 283 shamanism among, 148; symbolism of,
mica: on masks, 161, 169 Moritas, Las, Dance of, 231 17
Michoacan, 63, 117; bells from, 114; Morley, Sylvanus G., 136 nails: on mask, 299
mask-makers from, 258-259; paint Moro Chino masks, 34, 63, 126, 42, 284 nature: duality in, 4, 141-142; human
used in, 134; tools used in, 135; Viejitos Moro Pasion masks, 34, 63, 43, 285 need to become one with, 142, 147; use
Dance of, 64, 245, 249-250; wood Moros y Cristianos (dance group), 4 of masks in attempt to control, 4, 142,
harvesting ritual in, 110; woods used Morris, Walter Chip, 134 147, 153-157, 180, 186, 199, 210, 238,
in, 111 mortuary masks, 86, 92n 253
—masks from, 3, 7, 8, 35, 41, 86, 87, 133, mosaic masks, 84, 88-89, 129 nature-related dances, 238—245. See also
160, 164, 165, 173, 218, 240, 268, 290, mother-of-pearl: on masks, 88, 89 Armadillo Dance; Caiman Dance;
306, 307, 311, 312; lacquer, 133; tin, Motolinia, Fray Toribio de, 81, 84 Deer Dance; Diable Macho Dance,-
125; types of, 64 moustaches: false, 71; as rain-petitioning Fish Dance; Tigre dances
Milpillas, Guerrero: masks from, 51 symbol, 162; striped, 73 Navajoa, Sonora: masks from region of,
mirrors: as eyes, 126, 215-216, 55, 264, mouth masks, 135 72, 77
inlaid, 72, 74, 169; other use of, 94 mouths: movable, 129; symbolism of, Navarrete, Carlos, 181n
Mixe Indians, 67, 198 216-217; twisted, 162, 168; types of, 52 Nayarit, 59, 151, 177, 203; crown from,
Mixtec Indians, 67; masks of, 52, 53, 54, movable parts: arms, 232, 303; beard and 80, 114; masks from, 78, 172; papier
59, 186, 209, 275 chin, 10; eyes, 25, 68, 103, 105, 126, 29; mache mask-making in, 123-124
Mochitlan, Guerrero: masks from, 112, jaws, 129, 98, 280, 288; mouth, 129; Negritos: in Dance of the Negritos, 34,
156, 197, 284 tongues, 129, 14, 179 38, 225, 245, 250; in dances other than
Moctezuma (character), 226 Moyo (thunderbolts), 149, 198 Dance of the Negritos, 250, 45; as
modernization. See acculturation,- social Muertos, Los, 248-249. See also Death iconographic theme, 34-38; masks for,
change Mule mask, 222 64, 125, 45, 86, 99; possible sources of,
Mohammed, mask for, 94 Munch, Guido, 123 38; sexual-fertility connotations of,
Mojiganga Procession masks, 112, 156 Museo de Cuauhnahuac, 100 197; as Totonac dance group, 4
molds: clay, 117, 123; masks shaped by, Museo Nacional de Antropologia, 4, 127, Negro mask, 59
68, 73, 86, 101, 161, 162, 166-168,171; 203 Negro-Mestizo mask, 67, 88
plaster, 120, 166-168; stone, 114; Museum of International Folk Art, 25, Negro Sordo mask, 99
wooden, 123, 124; vine and bamboo, 65, 69, 105, 110, i53, 177, 178, 187, 207, New Fire ceremony, 92, 124
123 216, 227, 282, 297 nineteenth-century masks, 25, 68, 132,
Monkey mask, 222 Museum of the American Indian (Heye 29, 105, 181, 244,- possible, 98
monkeys: bells and ornaments shaped Foundation), 164 Noalinco, Veracruz: mask from, 103
like, 114, 158,- on masks, 114, 21, 219 music: and masked dances, 153, 225, 232, noisemakers. See rhythm-makers/masks
Monte Alban, Oaxaca, 192 238, 241, 250 nonprofessional mask-makers. See ama¬
Moors: as iconographic theme, 33-34 musicians: photo of, 197 teur mask-makers
Moors and Christians, Dance of the, 33, Northwest Mexican Indians, 55
63, 91, 114, 281; Conquest dances prob¬ nagual, 33, 169; definition of, 174; jaguar Northwest Coast Indians, 31, 80; mask
ably derived from, 228; description of, as, 180; mask showing concept of, 190 made by, 113; Mexican masks com¬
232; history of, 231; Jardineros Dance Nahua Indians, 24, 60- 63, 68, 73; ac¬ pared to masks of, 104, 156. See also
as a variant of, 120; variations of, 231- cessories of, 303; crown of, 80, 114, Tlingit masks
232. See also Marquez, Dance of the; masks of, 2, 9, 14, 19, 21, 23-27, 30-32, noses: on Bat masks, 52; on Chapa-
Santiago Dance 34, 36, 40, 42, 43, 50, 55, 58, 60, 61, 63, yeka/Chapakobam masks, 59; de¬
—masks for, 34, 63; Alchileo, 286, 287; 67, 68, 79-84, 91, 100, 110, 116-117, formed, 167; formed by animals or
Devil, 61; Moors, 22, 129, 210, 279, 120-121, 129, 131, 144, 145, 154, 156, devils, 126, 1, 14, 15, 40, 67, 68, 92, 106,
280, 281, 282; Morismo, 283; Moro 157, 162, 176, 179, 180, 182, 183, 187, 133, 181, 206, 218, 219, 227, 306, 308;
Chino, 126, 42, 284,- Moro Pasion, 43, 189-191, 194, 195, 199-201, 206-208, formed by tree branch, 92; hook, 312;
285; Pilate, 43, 138; Sultan, 138 212-216, 221, 226-233, 236-239, 247, notched, 165-168, 201, 199, 207, 247;

\
 Index 275

symbolism of, 216; twisted, 75, 104, palo hediondo, 113 Placido, Don, 140
106, 107; types of, 52, 126; upturned, Papalotla, Tlaxcala: dancer from, 33 plant leaves as abrasive, 136
268. See also phallic symbolism Papantla, Veracruz: poster from, 304 plant symbolism, 208-210
Novick, Alvin, 203 Papautla, Veracmz, 250 plaster: on mask, 117; mold of, 120, 166-
Nuevo San Juan Parangarieutiro, papelillo beads: on mask, 117, 161 168
Michoacan, 258 paper: as headdress, 281; as lining, 218; plastic: on masks, 90, 129
Nuttall, Codex, 135, 192, 266 on masks, 59, 124, 125, 54, 77, 94, 161. Plume Dance, 117, 226, 45
See also cardboard masks; papier ma- pochote tree, 246; significance of, 126,
Oaxaca, 24, 63, 114, 125, 199; Conquest che masks 209
dances in, 226; mask-makers from, papier mache masks, 72, 75, 117, 123- —spines of: on Caiman costumes, fig¬
259, 151, 186; masks from, 45, 48, 52, 124, 99, 172 ures, and masks, 63, 125, 199, 187, 199,
53, 54, 59, 88, 89, 90, 137, 146, 169, 170, Parachicos Dance and masks, 52, 71, 126, 243, 247, 303; on Chameleon masks, 9;
174, 178, 186, 209, 267, 275; Pre- 134, 62, 96 description of, 125-127; on possible
Hispanic mask from, 84,• paint used in, paralysis: mask depicting, 211 Xolotl masks, 125, 167, 201; religious
134; tools used in, 135; types of masks Parikuta (god), 177 significance of, 201
in, 64-67; urns from, 216-217; woods Parotillas, Guerrero: masks from, 150 Pomar, Maria Teresa, 102, 125, 157, 71,
used in, 111 Parrot mask, 171 223
obsidian: on masks, 89 Pascola dancers, 245, 123; masks for, 55- Popoloca Indians, 60; masks of (possibly),
occupational dances, 237-238. See also 59, 79, 72, 73, 74, 139 15, 17, 18, 37, 219, 248
Hortelahos Dance; Jardineros Dance; Pastorela Dance, 232—237; Devil in, 33, Popol Vuh, 184
Tlacololero Dance,- Vaquero Dance and 245 precious materials: masks of, 88-90
masks —masks for: Angel, 291; Devils, 307, Pre-Hispanic cultures and religions:
Ocotepec, Guerrero, 257; mask from, 47 312; Hermits, 22, 7, 60, 139, 155,173, agrarian versus hunting-gathering, 141,
Ocozocoautla, Chiapas: mask from, 94 289, 290; Malinche, 259; others, 7, 56, 195-196; beekeeping in, 208; and
Ocumichu, Michoacan: mask from, 312 57, 155 cipactli, 199; and cultural diffusion,
Old Man mask, 183. See also Viejito Pastor masks, 222 23-24; duality in, 4, 160, 161, 174; and
masks,- Viejo masks Pasztory, Esther, 174 face, meaning of, 3; facial symbolism
Old Man of the River, 199, 303 Patzcuaro, Michoacan, 114, 125, 258; dan¬ of, 211; hallucinogens in, 111; and
Olinala, Guerrero, 113, 119, 133, 133n; cers from, 311 human sacrifice, 154, 185, 196, 215,
masks from, 79, 182 Paul, Anne C., 135 228,- jaguar as symbol of war in, 178;
Olmec Indians, 142, 168, 178, 212; masks Pectoral Dance, 22 and lizard, 193; and pochote tree, 126,
of, 86, 124, 126,- mask showing Olmec peyote pilgrimage, 151. See also 201,- rain gods of, 152-153; and realistic
cleft, 81 hallucinogens portrayal of human figure, 22; and
organ cactus fiber: on mask, 124, 172 phallic symbolism, 52, 67, 117, 126, 160, unity of humans and animals, 142
Ortiz, Marcos, 112 178, 216 —and masks: of Death, 39; as means of
Ostotitlan, Guerrero, 157, 187; masks Pharisees (characters), 99; masks for, 41. controlling nature, 4,- of naguales, 33.
from, 32, 226, 247; mask from area of, See also Chapakobam masks,- Chapa- See also Pre-Hispanic masks
199 yeka masks —survivals of: Aztec, 148-149; Animal
Otomi mask, 75, 104 pig: on mask (possibly), 219; Tigre masks Dance as, 105,- Dance of the Dwarves
owl: associated with death, 150; on resembling, 60, 79 as, 152-153, 170, 212; Devil masks as,
masks, 50, 219, 221 Pig Devil masks, 87, 257 41; Dog symbolism as, 191—192; due to
Owl (character), 231; masks for, 107, 132, Pig mask, 233; mold for, 171 strength of oral tradition, 253; dyeing
206, 150, 180, 222 Pig rump mask, 94 hair as, 213—215; in Guerrero, 60; Lord
Owl Dance, 43, 50. See also Tecolotillo Pilate (character), 232; masks for, 43, 138 of the Animals as, 177, 178; in modern
Dance Pinotepa de Don Luis, Oaxaca, 225; masks, 84, 105, 106; nature-related
mask-maker from, 186; masks from, dances as, 238,• Negrito masks as, 38;
"Pacific Basin" complex, 68 52, 209 in nose designs, 216; notched noses as,
paints, 130-132, 134, 257-259; "natural" Pinotepa Nacional, Oaxaca, 125; mask- 165-168,- Viejitos Dance as, 95, 249;
and commercial, 169. See also lacquer maker from, 151; masks from, 48, 52, Yacatecuhtli mask as, 268. See also
masks 59 shamanism,- Xolotl
Palerm, Angel, 110 pita fiber: on masks, 68, 123, 126, 29, 169
276 Index

Pre-Hispanic masks, 39, 75, 126, 4, 5, 111, Diablo Sapo Dance as, 248; "First Sak-Hol mask, 71, 91-92, 117, 134
124, 135, 203, 205; for clay dog, 127; for Fruits" rite as, 161; snakes as motif in, Saltillo, Coahuila, 110
clay figure, 118-119; for clay turtle, 197-198; Zitlala battle of Tigres as, Samayed masks, 157
128; types of, 78-90; uses of, 90-95 154. See also water symbolism San Bartolo Coyotepec, Oaxaca, 114;
Priests and Devils, battle of, 248 Rancho Sapote, Sonora: masks from, 75, masks from, 169, 170
"primitive art," concept of, 15, 19, 221 76 San Bartolo Cuitareo, Michoacan, 258
processions: masks used in, 25, 49, 112, raspador mask, 67, 267 San Bartolome del Pino, Queretaro, 259
156 Rastrero (character), 168, 238, 241; masks San Bernardino Contla, Tlaxcala, 105
professional mask-makers, 31, 105-107. for, 117, 216, 2, 161, 212, 216, 299, 300 San Cristobal, Oaxaca: mask from, 52
See also santeros Ray, Dorothy Jean, 168 San Dionisio del Mar, Oaxaca: mask
projections: from chin, 56, from fore¬ rayado lacquer technique, 182 from, 89
head, 56, 57 Rayon Mescalapa, Chiapas: mask from, sandpaper: types of, 136
protection: as function of masks, 92n 97 San Fernando, Chiapas, 123
Puebla (city), 228 Rea, Vargas, 92 San Francisco, Guerrero, 187, 23; masks
Puebla (state), 24, 63, 151; Dance of the realism: in masks, 15, 17, 22; versus from, 116-117, 258
Negritos in, 250; mask-maker from, idealism, 41 San Francisco, Michoacan: mask from,
259; masks from, 64, 65, 91, 161, 162, regional styles, 55-75; difficulty of deter¬ 87
244, 270, 285, 291; masks possibly mining, 23-31 San Francisco Somatlan, Guerrero, 257-
from, 11, 92; paint used in, 134; tools Reichel-Dolmatoff, Gerardo, 177 258
used in, 135; types of masks in, 68; religious function of masks, 5, 12, 55; San Francisco Tepeyanco, Tlaxcala, 105
Vaquero Dance in, 238 decline of, after Conquest, 89; Pre- San Isidro el Labrador, fiesta of, 96
Pueblo Viejo, Sonora: dancer from, 123 Hispanic, 90, 91; relation of, to social San Juan Colorado, Oaxaca: masks from,
Punta Chueca, Sonora: face painting of, functions, 221-222. See also shaman¬ 209
109 ism San Juan de las Colchas, Michoacan:
repainting of masks, 9, 103 mask from, 173
Quechultenango, Guerrero: masks from, repousse technique, 18, 113, 114, 20, 21 San Juan Guichicovi, Oaxaca: mask
42, 82 reptile skin: on mask, 126, 178, 247 from, 174
Queretaro: mask-makers from, 259; Reyes Acoltzi, Carlos, 71, 105, 147; San Juan Totolac, Tlaxcala, 105
masks from, 171; paint used in, 134; masks by, 29, 33, 147 San Luis Potosi, 125, 151; masks from,
tool used in, 135; wood used in, 111 rhythm-makers/masks, 43, 50 152, 175
Quetzalcoatl (god), 73, 86n, 91, 95n, 186, ribbons: on costumes, 86,• in Dance of San Luis San Pedro, Guerrero: mask
209, 210; with black face and fangs, 38; the Negritos, 250; on headdress, 281; from, 190
with deformed nose, 167; drawing of, on masks, 68, 120, 125, 22, 56, 94, 104, San Martin Pachivia, Guerrero: masks
46; masks related to, 207, 261; possible 259, 278; to represent serpents, 213 from, 13, 211, 286, 296; masks possibly
mask of, 212, 198; symbolism of, 196, River Spirit mask, 296 from, 138
198 Rodriguez, Jose, 17, 52, 63, 105-107, 170, San Martin Tilcajete, Oaxaca, 259
Quilinique Dance, 165-168, 172, 207, 186, 197, 203, 208; masks by, 15, 17, San Mateo del Mar, Oaxaca: masks from,
208 18, 37, 150, 206, 219, 248, 313; mask 90, 174
Quiroga, Michoacan, 64 possibly by, 222; photo of, 149 San Miguel Oapan, Guerrero, 187; masks
Rodriguez Abril, Juan, 96 from, 19, 229
rabbit: armadillo associated with, 187, Romans (characters), 99 San Miguel Totolopan, Guerrero: mask
233; as fertility symbol, 233; symbol Romero de Terreros y Vinent, Manuel, 96 from, 83
for, 262 Rooster mask, 222 San Miguel Tzinacapan, Guerrero, 148 —
Rabbit Dance, 63, 187, 83, 84 rose: symbol for, 262 149, 221
Rabbit masks, 222 rump masks, 67, 90, 94 San Pablo, Hidalgo, 258
rain-petitioning dances, 52, 21, 154, 241, Runes, Dagobert D., 15, 17, 23 San Roque, Fiesta of, 225, 274
242; Armadillo Dance as, 233; Bat San Sebastian, Fiesta of, 95, 223
masks used in, 186; Carnival dances of Sachs, Curt, 147 San Simon, Guerrero: mask from, 297
Tlaxcala as, 71, 29, 93; Dance of the Sahagun, Fray Bernardino de, 92, 168, Santa Anita, Guerrero, 105; masks from,
Dwarves as, 152, 212, 188; Diablo 20In, 206, 215. See also Florentine 15, 17
Macho Dance as, 105, 238, 15, 17; Codex Santa Cruz, Federal District, 120

\
 Index T71

Santa Cruz de las Huertas, Jalisco: mask 189, 193, 194; and Pre-Hispanic mask Sonora: face painting from, 109; mask-
from, 163 use, 86; in Pre-Hispanic Mexico, 141— maker from, 140; masks from, 24, 71,
Santamaria, Francisco }., 150 144. See also religious function of 72, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 123, 139; types of
Santa Maria, Michoacan: mask from, 8 masks masks in, 55-59
Santa Maria Astahuacan, Federal Dis¬ shark skin: as abrasive, 136 Sorell, Walter, 147, 148
trict, 119—120; masks from, 166-168 shell: on masks, 89 soul: invention of, 142; location of, 3,
Santa Maria Huazolotitlan, Oaxaca, 259 Shepherd masks, 222 211
Santa Maria Nutio, Oaxaca, 54 Shepherds (characters), 237 Soul (character), 237
Santa Maria Roala, Oaxaca: dancers Shurakame (fish), 177 soul loss, 141, 148, 151
from, 137 Siberal, Sonora: mask from, 72, 73 Spanish conquerors: hostility toward,
santeros, 31, 67, 103-105, 126; masks by, Siberia: crown from, 80, 115 228
41, 64, 170, 29, 33, 49, 146, 147, 155, silver: masks made of, 18, 89, 96, 113— Spanish influences. See European influ¬
270, 291; mask possibly painted by, 114, 21, 154; ornaments made of, 158 ences
313. See also Church carving Sin (character), 237; mask for, 293 Spanish whiting, 132, 43, 221, 232
Santiago Dance, 41, 68, 151, 232, 196, Sinaloa: masks from, 55-59 spider: on mask, 68
197, 288 size of masks, 43 Spider mask, 252-256
Santiago horse, 41, 68, 232, 196, 197; Skinner, Paul, 29 spiritual significance of masks, 3, 17. See
venerated, 151 skull, 84, 135; on Bat mask, 225. See also also religious function of masks,-
Santiago masks, 68, 210, 211, 197, 288 Death shamanism
Santiagos, Los, Dance of, 231 slavery: as influence on masks, 73, 78, split-face masks, 162, 165, 207
Santiaguero Dance, 232 95, 96; as possible source for Negritos, spontaneity in mask-making. See indi¬
Santo Tomas, Michoacan, 258 38 viduality in mask-making
Schrickel, Harry G., 15, 17, 23 Smithsonian Institution, 21, 42, 50, 62, squash: as mask earrings, 21
scorpion: on masks, 208, 6, 70, 257; 68, 70, 75, 79, 104, 156, 161, 183, 214, squirrels: on masks, 30, 232
segments of, suggested by mask, 22 233, 247, 286, 295, 309 status: and sponsorship of dances, 224
Scorpion mask, 208, 254 smoked mask, 97 Stavenhagen, Kurt, 118-119
Sejourne, Laurette, 191 snails: on masks, 261 Stilt Dance, 95
Seler, Eduard, 187, 191-192, 193, 199 snake(s): in Dance of the Negritos, 250; stilt dancers, 136, 137
semi-helmet masks, 60, 138, 139 and fertility, 185; as hair, 197-198, stone: masks made of, 78, 86, 5, 124,
Seneca masks, 168; Mexican masks com¬ 212-213; as Horned Serpent, 198, 241; 159; mold made of, 162
pared to, 104 on masks, 64, 67, 73, 208, 5, 14, 17, 21, Stone Age masks, 147
Seri Indians, 24; crown of, 80, 114; face 35, 37, 40, 41, 92, 106, 133, 163, 179, straw: as cord to attach mask, 43; on
painting of, 79, 109; lack mask tradi¬ 188, 206, 218, 219, 269, 313; as nose, masks, 94, 215
tion, 55 126, 107; as rump mask, 90, symbol style: and cultural traditions, 23-31;
serpentine masks, 89 for, 262; symbolism of, 162, 195—198; ■ definitions of, 23; not useful in dating
Serpent rump mask, 90. See also snake(s) and whips, 71, 149, 198, 241, 250 masks, 9
Serrano masks, 68 snakeskin: on masks, 126, 178 Suchiapa, Chiapas: mask from, 95
Sevina, Michoacan, 258 social change: effect of, on mask-making, Sultan mask, 34, 138
sexual duality of Indian gods, 161 4-5, 24-25, 100-103; makes dating of susto, 151, 174
sexuality: Devils and, 33; Negritos and, masks difficult, 9. See also accultura¬ swallowing snakes and frogs, ritual, 203,
197, 250 tion 15, 133, 250, 251; see also 179
—symbols of: lizard, 192—193; Malinche, social functions of masks, 5, 12, 221— symbolism, 5, 63, 105; of colors, 169-
211; red, 170; snake, 196, 197 225; Christian, 228-237; entertain¬ 173; of duality, 160-169; nature of,
shaman: definition of, 142—144 ment-oriented, 245—250; historical, 159-160, 222-223; of pochote tree,
shamanism, 169, 176, 196, 221, 222, 228; 226-228; nature-related, 238-245; oc¬ 126; relation of, to social uses, 222-
and blood, 185; and bones, 79; and cupational, 237-238 223
contemporary masks, 144, 148-157; social need served by transformation, 147 —of forms: animals, 176-208; devils,
dance related to, 71; diffusion of, 80; social structure of Mexican village, 223- 173—174; human face, 210-217;
and mask as instrument of transforma¬ 225 plants, 208—210
tion, 147-148; masks as expression of, somersault figure, 110 sympathetic magic, 195, 236-237
139, 144, 210, 211; masks related to,
278 Index

Tabasco, 18 In Tepalcingo, Morelos: mask possibly Tixtla, Guerrero: masks from, 47, 67,
Talocan, 148 from, 100 144, 145, 161, 308; mask from area of,
Tamulte, Tabasco, 18In Teponzontepec, state of Mexico: mask 131
Tancanhuitz, San Luis Potosi: mask from, 283 tizacalte, 133n
from, 152 Tepoztlan, Morelos: dancer from, 101 Tlacololero Dance, 168, 181, 216, 238—
Tanlajas, San Luis Potosi: mask from, Tequixquiac, state of Mexico: mask 241, 143, 195, 212, 216, 240, 301
175 from, 111 Tlacololero masks, 52, 103, 172, 143,
Tapia, Andres de, 88 termite damage, 9; artificial, 31 216, 301
Tarahumara Indians, 55, 79, 176 Tesillo, Santos, 225, 99 Tlacotepec, Guerrero: masks from area
Tarantula mask, 208, 252-256 Tetela del Rio, Guerrero: figure from, of, 261
tarantulas: on masks, 68, 194 303; mask from, 302 Tlacozotitlan, Guerrero, 22, 187, 199, 23;
Tarascan masks, 64, 249, 3, 7, 8, 35, 41, Texcaltitlan, state of Mexico: mask from, masks from, 120-121, 189, 215, 230,
86, 87, 160, 163, 164, 165, 173, 218, 159 231, 232
268, 290, 306, 307, 312 Tezcatlipoca (god), 38, 73, 88, 91, 92n, Tlacuitlapa, Guerrero: mask from, 295
Tastoanes Dance, 117, 231, 160, 163 209; jaguar associated with, 180, 215— Tlahuac, Federal District, 120
Tatei Uteanaka (goddess), 177 216; as Lord of the Animals, 178; Tlalchapa, Guerrero: mask from, 200
Tate Nakawe, 187; masks for, 59, 161, 78 symbolism of, 196; Xolotl as double of, Tlaloc (god), 41, 216, 106, 107, 133, 135,
Taxco, Guerrero: mask from region of, 132 272-273
280 tezontle stone, 114, 159 Tlalocan, 148
Tecolotillo Dance, 107, 150 Thompson, f. Eric S., 185, 199, 203, 130 Tlaloques, 152-153, 212, 188
tecoxtle, 133n Three Kings: on mask, 232 Tlaltecuhtli (goddess), 203, 249
Tecuani Dance, 168, 181, 238; dancers Three Stages of Man mask, 20 Tlaltenango, Federal District, 120
for, 272-273; toy used in, 192 Tianguizolco, Guerrero: mask from, 80 Tlanipatlan, Guerrero: masks from, 9,
—masks for, 117; Deer, 26, 27; Devil, Tierra Blanca, Sonora: mask from, 72 47, 193, 251
193; Maravilla, 238-239; Rastrero, 2, tigers: in Chinese art, 181, 202, 224 Tlaniquitlapa, Guerrero, 124, 36
299, 300; Tigre, 176, 183 tigre: bat associated with, 229; on fore¬ Tlapa, Guerrero, 63, 105; mask from,
Tecuitlapa, Guerrero: masks from, 37 head, 178, 222; in headdress, 287; as 310; masks from area of, 206
teeth: animal or human, 129; boar tusks, Lord of the Animals, 177; on masks, Tlapanec Indians, 60, 67; masks of, 22,
129; bone, 129; gold, 68, 103; metal, 201, 229; symbol for, 262. See also 191, 279, 310; Nahua and Tlapanec
124; symbolism of, 216; types of, 52, jaguar mask, 27; Tlapanec or Popoloca masks,
129; wooden, 124, 91 Tigre (character): costumes of, 202, 223; 15, 17, 18, 37, 219, 248
Tehuantepec, Isthmus of, 136 dualistic nature of, 168 Tlapehuala, Guerrero: mask from, 63
Tejorones, Dance of the, 43, 125, 52, 53 —masks for, 43, 52, 114, 123, 134; eyes Tlapexco, Guerrero: mask from, 269
Tejoron masks, 125, 52, 53 of, 126, 215; helmet, 84, 117, 154-157, Tlatempan, Tlaxcala, 105; masks from,
Telleriano-Remensis, Codex, 177, 220 55; miniature, 46, 181, 202; symbolism 29, 147
Teloloapan, Guerrero: mask-maker from, of, 178-181; for Tecuani Dance, 176, Tlatilco, Valley of Mexico: figurines of,
141; masks from, 141, 217; mask pos¬ 183; for Tigre Dance, 55, 80, 157, 184, 86, 162, 122
sibly from, 306 297, 298; tongues of, 217; for unspec¬ Tlaxcala (state): masks from, 126, 29, 33,
Temalacatzingo, Guerrero, 133n, 134, ified dances, 59, 79, 81, 82, 202, 264; 93, 147; types of masks in, 68—71
258; mask from, 183 variety of, in Guerrero, 60-63; vener¬ Tlingit masks, 12, 113, 113; Mexican
Tempoal, Veracmz, 64, 198 ated, 4 masks similar to, 156
Tenanquillo, Guerrero: masks and cos¬ Tigre, Dance of the, 181 toads: on masks, 203, 17. See also frog
tumes from, 202 Tigre Dance, 181, 55, 80, 157, 297, 298 tolte, 133n
Tenochtli Dance, 18In, 206, 226, 271; Tigre dances, 181, 189, 216, 238-241; Toltecs, 178
characters in, 19; color symbolism in, Devil in, 245. See also Tecuani Dance; Toluca, state of Mexico: masks from, 88,
170; masks for, 19, 44, 271, 276-277 Tigre Dance; Tlacololero Dance 98; molds from, 117
Teodora, Cruz, 143 Time-Sin-Death mask, 293 tonal, 174. See also nagual
Teotihuacanos, 178 tin: crowns made of, 123, 155, 169; tongues: animal-shaped, 129; with frog,
Teotitlan del Valle, Oaxaca: mask from, masks made of, 125 251; glass, 301; movable, 129, 14, 179;
45 tinfoil: on masks, 91, 117, 125, 134 protruding, 64, 162, 178, 216, 1, 7, 14,
28, 34, 35, 37, 39, 40, 55, 66, 70, 79, 87,

\
 Index 279

145, 176, 206, 214, 222, 248, 266, 277, twin figurines, 204 virtuosity. See control in mask-making
306, 307, 312; with serpent, 179; sym¬ Twins, Dance of the, 209 Vogt, Evon Z., 139
bolism of, 216-217; types of, 52 Twins masks, 165, 172, 186, 209 Voladores, 4; Dance of the, 110
tools used in mask-making, 103, 105, two-faced masks. See double-faced masks vulture: symbol for, 262
134-136, 257-259, 184, 185, 186 Tzotzil Indians: costume of, 223; masks Vulture masks, 206, 142, 193
Toor, Frances, 23-24, 197, 198, 248, 250 of, 71, 91, 134, 161
Topalobampo, Sonora: mask from, 74 Walsh, Larry, 30-31, 207, 293
Torquemada, Fray Juan de, 86n, 88n, 213 umbrellas, 71, 93 Warman, Irene, 91, 228
Torres de Castillo, Angela, 120, 166-168 University of Arizona, 9, 11, 17, 24, 32, Warman Gryj, Arturo, 91, 228, 231
tortoise: armadillo associated with, 187; 35, 36, 37, 40, 42, 47, 49, 52, 55, 59, 62, war: symbolism for, 178, 196, 203-206;
as water symbol, 233. See also turtle 66, 67, 68, 72, 87, 90, 91, 94, 95, 104, use of masks in, 91
Totonac Indians, 3, 4, 110, 157 105, 106, 116-117, 133, 150, 155, 159, water symbolism (and rain-petitioning
Totozintla, Guerrero, 258; Caiman figure 161, 162, 165, 168, 169, 173, 174, 183, symbolism), 162; of bats, 185, 197; of
from, 243; fish accessory from, 303; 191, 195, 199, 200, 207, 208, 215, 216, beards, 153, 162, 170, 212; of blue color,
masks from, 22, 187, 23, 24, 25, 30-31, 222, 228, 232, 235, 238-239, 240, 242, 170; of eyes, 215, 262; of fish, 201; of
200, 263, 309; mask from area of, 131 248, 250, 283, 284, 291, 300, 303, 305, frogs, 197, 203; of green color, 170-172;
Tozzer, Alfred M., 191, 192, 130 312 of hair, 212-215, 262; masks showing,
Tracker. See Rastrero Uruapan, Michoacan, 249; masks from, 1, 15, 17, 21, 24, 40, 106, 188, 206, 213,
transformation: in Corn Spirit mask, 87, 165 233, 248, 263, 296; of snakes, 196, 197—
208; dependent on social agreement, 198, 208; of tigie, 215
223; as function of masks, 3-4, 78, 91, Valdez, Leonardo, 173 wax masks: contemporary, 73, 86, 119—
139, 147-148, 153, 180, 210, 211, 253; Valle Luz, Guerrero: mask from, 27 123, 166-168, 169, 170; Pre-Hispanic,
masks showing, 169, 18, 213, 219; in Vaquero Dance and masks, 84, 237-238, 84
shamanism, 142, 153; of supernatural 10, 294, 295; possibly, 22 whips: carried by Carnival dancers, 71;
beings to animals and humans, 149 Vaticano-Rios, Codex, 154, 167, 211, 262 snakes associated with, 71, 149, 198,
transvestism in masked dances, 71, 241, Vaticanus 3773, Codex, 46, 210 241, 250; used by Priests, 248
250, 52 veneration of masks, 4 Whiteford, Andrew H., 12, 15-17
tree branch: on mask, 92 Venustiano Carranza, Chiapas: mask wigs, 117, 123, 96
Tres Potencias, Dance of the, 39, 174, from, 161 window screening: masks made of, 73,
237, 248; masks for, 34, 200, 292, 293 Veracruz (state), 64, 73, 82, 110, 198, 250; 123, 101
triple-faced masks, 46, 162—165, 20, 207, masks from, 103, 124, 125-126; poster Wingert, Paul S., 19-22
208, 293 from, 304 wire: on masks, 49, 94, 104, 157, 217
Trique Indians, 67 Viacusi, Sonora: mask from, 72 Wirikota, San Luis Potosi, 151
Triscoasa, Sonora: mask from, 72 Vicam, Sonora: mask from region of, 71 wizardry: snake as symbol of, 196, 198
Troano, Manuscrito, 85 Vicilopuchtli. See Huitzilopochtli wolf or coyote mask, 135
Tro-Cortesianus, Codex, 90, 95, 130, 136 Viejito masks, 34, 64, 88, 210, 311. See women: crafts of, 17; Pastorela Dance
Tsahuatsan (serpent), 198 also Old Man mask; Viejo masks predominantly for, 232. See also fe¬
Tula, Guerrero: Caiman figure from, 303 Viejitos Dance male masks
Tuliman, Guerrero: mask from, 221 —of Guerrero: mask for, 161 wood: accessories made from, 303; ad¬
Turicuaro, Michoacan, 258 —of Michoacan, 64, 245, 249-250; cos¬ vantages of, as mask material, 109;
Turner, Victor, 141-142 tume for, 250; dancers for, 311 design characteristics of masks made
Turok, Martha, 186 —possibly referred to by Duran, 95 of, 43-52; figures made from, 234, 235,
turquoise: on masks, 88, 89, 90, 129 Viejo Bailon (character), 271 241, 243, 303; mask-maker preparing,
turtle: figure of, wearing mask, 128; on Viejo masks, 69, 211 185; most masks made of, 9; Pre-
mask, 68. See also tortoise Viejos: as iconographic theme, 34 Hispanic masks of, 82; rituals for har¬
Turtle Dance, 119 Viejos Dance, 69 vesting, 110, 113; skill in carving, 17;
turtle shells: carried in belt, 124; masks Villa Garcia, Zacatecas, 259; mask from, spiritual properties of, 109; as supple¬
made of, 67, 174 153 mental material, 43, 22, 71, 174; types
Tuxtla Gutierrez, Chiapas, 149, 198, 225; Villaruma, Sonora: mask from, 72 of, used in mask-making, 111—113, 257-
masks from, 274 Virgin (character), 170, 237 259
tuza: on mask, 67 Virgin of Guadalupe mask, 41, 49
280 Index

Zacapoaxtlas (characters), 228

—masks made from: cedar, 16;
Zacapu, Michoacan: mask from, 87
guanacaste, 59; palo amaigo, 15, 17,
Zacatecas (state), 108; mask from, 153;
37; palo hediondo, 113; paiota, 136;
mask-makers from, 259; paint used in,
zompantle, 110, 136, 10, 30-31, 32, 34,
134; tools used in, 135; wood used in,
41, 50, 56, 57, 61, 131, 180, 188, 280,
284, 291, 299, 310; type not specified, 1, 111
Zacatlanzillo, Guerrero: mask from, 294
3, 6, 8, 9, 11-14, 18,19, 23-27, 29, 35,
Zacuapan, Michoacan: mask from, 218
36, 38-40, 42-44, 47-49, 51-54, 58, 60,
62-69, 72-74, 79-84, 86, 87, 89, 91-98, Zapotec Indians, 67, 178, 199, 248; masks
100, 102-106, 110,116-117,120-121, of, 24, 169, 170, 174
129, 133, 138-148, 150, 152, 153, 155, Zehnder, Wiltraud, 162, 118-119
175,176, 178, 179, 181-183, 187, 189- Zempaltepec, Oaxaca, 198
191, 193-195, 199-202, 206-209, 212- Zinacantan, Chiapas: masks from, 134,
219, 221, 222, 225-233, 236-237, 240- 223
242, 244, 247, 248, 250-259, 261, 263, Zitlala, Guerrero: bloodshed in fiesta in,
268-270, 275-277, 279, 283, 285-290, 154-157; mask-maker from, 184;
292-297, 300-303, 305, 306, 308, 309, masks from, 55, 184
zompantle wood, 111-113, 185. See also
312, 313
wool: on masks, 52, 125, 126, 48, 59, 61 wood
Zopilote mask. See Vulture masks
Xalpatlahuac, Guerrero: masks from, Zoque Indians, 67, 225; folktales of, 149,
198; masks of, 71, 123, 94, 97, 148, 274
194, 257
Xataltitlan, Guerrero: mask from, 181 Zoquiapan, Guerrero: mask from, 305
Xilonen (goddess), 215 Zuaves (characters), 228
Xiloxuchican, Guerrero: masks possibly
from, 207, 208
Xipe-Totec mask, 4
Xochipala, Guerrero: bells and orna¬
ments from, 158
Xochipilli (god), 260
Xochiquetzal (goddess), 260, 285
Xolotl (god), 41, 91, 209; and caiman, 201;
and dog, 86, 167, 168, 191, 192, 210,
244; as double of Tezcatlipoca, 132; as
god of duality and monsters, 162-165;
mask of, 209; notched nose represents,
167-168, 216, 207, 247; possible mask
of, 153, 212, 198
Xotoltitlan, Guerrero, 110
x-tabai, 197, 211

Yacatecuhtli (god), 265; mask of, 216, 268

Yaqui Indians, 148, 153, 173, 193, 198,
245; masks of, 24, 41, 79, 71, 74, 75, 76;
types of masks of, 55-59
yarn: on masks, 52,153
Yucatan Peninsula, 75, 136, 199
Santiago horse. Drawing by Donald Cordry,
Zaachila, Oaxaca, 84, 248 from Cordry and Cordry 1940, by permission
Zacan, Michoacan, 259 of the Southwest Museum, Los Angeles.
Zacapoaxtla, Puebla: masks from, 64, 91

v
 DATE DUE

NO 28’88
0£l8’93

““ * " w L
H10 ox -oo

CAno«a PRINTED IN U-E.A.

 MARYGROUE COLLEGE LIBRARY
Mexican masks
731.75 C81

3 1127 ODDISBIL 5

731.75
C81

i>
 Also of Interest

"The only comprehensive work on this colorful and MEXICAN INDIAN COSTUMES
intriguing expression of Mexican popular art. . . . By Donald and Dorothy Cordry
Cordry possessed the skill of a professional pho¬ 'Mexican Indian Costumes is one of the finest
tographer, and his photographs of villages, dances, books on the subject ever published. The beautiful
mask makers, and materials are as important a part and copious illustrations together with the authors7
of the record as are the field notes and the masks eloquent text make this book as appealing to the
themselves. ... It is probably not an exaggeration layman as it is to the professional.77 —AMERICAS
to say that Donald Cordry had a more profound
knowledge of Mexican masks than any other per¬ 16 color and 261 b&w photos, 18 line drawings
son before or during his time/7 —Natural History isbn 0-292-73426-3

This magnificent book preserves the crucial link to MEXICAN JEWELRY

Mexico's past represented by Indian ritual dance By Mary L. Davis and Greta Pack
masks. It contains a wealth of information about
mask-making and mask use, describing materials "If you are going to Mexico, and hope to buy some
and techniques, regional and ethnic variations, and jewelry, read this book. Or better still, take it with
shamanistic, symbolic, and social functions. Each you. If you are not going to Mexico, and care any¬
of the hundreds of full-color illustrations is accom¬ thing about design, read this book.77
panied by a detailed description. —Christian Science Monitor
The late Donald Cordry was an artist, designer, 145 b&w photos
and well-known investigator in the ethnography of isbn 0-292-75073-0, paper
Mexican Indians.
Recipient of the George Wittenborn Memorial
Award, given annually by the Art Library Society of COSTUMES OF MEXICO
North America for excellence in art publishing, By Chloe Sayer
Mexican Masks was cited for a "distinct contribu¬ Chloe Sayer writes in direct and lively style of
tion to a new area of art history.77 the development of Mexican textile arts from the
pre-Hispanic period to the present day. Her richly
illustrated text contains numerous explanatory
diagrams showing weaving techniques and embroi¬
dery stitches, as well as a wide selection of both
color and black-and-white photographs of Indians
in their everyday dress and in costume for more
formal occasions. A useful glossary of terms, sev¬
eral maps, and valuable bibliographical data round
out this fascinating and informative volume.
36 color and 100 b&w illustrations
isbn 0-292-71099-2
isbn 0-292-71 ioo-x, paper

UNIVERSITY OF TEXAS PRESS

Post Office Box 7819 Austin, Texas 78713

Printed in U.S.A. ISBN O-292-75074-9