India-Pakistan Relations Overview
India-Pakistan Relations Overview
PAKISTAN-INDIA RELATIONS
CONTENTS
1- Country comparison
INTRODUCTION
2- Seeds of conflict during independence
o 2.1 Junagadh issue
o 2.2 Sir Creek
o 2.3 Kashmir conflict
Line of Control
Siachen
Wullar Barrage
Baglihar Dam
3- Wars, conflicts and disputes
o 3.1War of 1965
o 3.2War of 1971
o 3.3Kargil War
o 3.4Other territorial claims
o 3.5Water disputes
o 3.6Bengal refugee crisis (1949)
4- Weapons of mass destruction
Missile Race
Non Proliferation
5- Talks and other confidence building measures
o 5.11990s
o 5.22000s
o 5.32010s
6- Response to natural calamities
o 6.12001 Gujarat earthquake in India
o 6.22005 earthquake in Pakistan
7- Fugitives
8- Social relations
o 8.1Cultural links
o 8.2Geographic links
o 8.3Linguistic ties
o 8.4Matrimonial ties
o 8.5Sporting ties
o 8.6Diasporic relations
o 8.7Trade links
2
Flag
Federal Parliamentary Islamic
Government Federal Parliamentary Republic
republic
Relations between India and Pakistan have been complex and largely hostile due to a number of historical
and political events. Relations between the two states have been defined by the violent partition of British
India in 1947, the Kashmir conflict, and the numerous military conflicts fought between the two nations.
Consequently, their relationship has been plagued by hostility and suspicion. Northern India and Pakistan
somewhat overlap in areas of certain demographics and shared lingua
francas (mainly Punjabi and Hindustani).
After the dissolution of the British Raj in 1947, two new sovereign nations were formed—the Dominion of
India and the Dominion of Pakistan. The subsequent partition of the former British India displaced up to 12.5
million people, with estimates of loss of life varying from several hundred thousand to 1 million. [1] India emerged
as a secular nation with a Hindu majority population and a large Muslim minority, while Pakistan with a Muslim
majority population and a large Hindu minority later became an Islamic Republic[2] although its constitution
guaranteed freedom of religion to people of all faiths.[3] It later lost most of its Hindu minority due to migration
and after East Pakistan was separated in the Bangladesh Liberation War.
Soon after their independence, India and Pakistan established diplomatic relations but the violent partition and
numerous territorial claims would overshadow their relationship. Since their Independence, the two countries
have fought three major wars, one undeclared war and have been involved in numerous armed skirmishes and
military standoffs. The Kashmir conflict is the main centre-point of all of these conflicts with the exception of
the Indo-Pakistan War of 1971 and Bangladesh Liberation War, which resulted in the secession of East
Pakistan (now Bangladesh).
There have been numerous attempts to improve the relationship—notably, the Shimla summit, the Agra
summit and the Lahore summit. Since the early 1980s, relations between the two nations soured particularly
after the Siachen conflict, the intensification of Kashmir insurgency in 1989, Indian and Pakistani nuclear tests
in 1998 and the 1999 Kargil war. Certain confidence-building measures — such as the 2003 ceasefire
agreement and the Delhi–Lahore Bus service – were successful in de-escalating tensions. However, these
efforts have been impeded by periodic terrorist attacks. The 2001 Indian Parliament attack almost brought the
two nations to the brink of a nuclear war. The 2007 Samjhauta Express bombings, which killed 68 civilians
(most of whom were Pakistani), was also a crucial point in relations. Additionally, the 2008 Mumbai
attacks carried out by Pakistani militants[4] resulted in a severe blow to the ongoing India-Pakistan peace talks.
After a brief thaw following the election of new governments in both nations, bilateral discussions again stalled
after the 2016 Pathankot attack.[5] In September 2016, a terrorist attack on an Indian military base in Indian-
administered Kashmir, the deadliest such attack in years, killed 19 Indian Army soldiers. India's claim that the
4
attack had been orchestrated by a Pakistan-supported jihadist group was denied by Pakistan, which claimed
the attack had been a local reaction to unrest in the region due to excessive force by Indian security personnel.
The attack sparked a military confrontation across the Line of Control, with an escalation in ceasefire violations
and further militant attacks on Indian security forces. Since 2016, the ongoing confrontation, continued terrorist
attacks and an increase in nationalist rhetoric on both sides has resulted in the collapse of bilateral relations,
with little expectation they will recover.[6][7] Notably, following the 2019 Pulwama attack, the Indian government
revoked Pakistan's most favoured nation trade status, which it had granted to Pakistan in 1996. [8] India also
increased the custom duty to 200% which majorly affected the trade of Pakistani apparel and cement. [citation needed]
Since the election of new governments in both India and Pakistan in the early 2010s, some attempts have been
made to improve relations, in particular developing a consensus on the agreement of Non-Discriminatory
Market Access on Reciprocal Basis (NDMARB) status for each other, which will liberalize trade. [9] Both India
and Pakistan are members of the South Asian Association for Regional Cooperation and its South Asian Free
Trade Area. Pakistan used to host a pavilion at the annual India International Trade Fair which drew huge
crowds.[10] Deteriorating relations between the two nations resulted in boycott of Pakistani traders at the trade
fair.
In November 2015, the new Indian Prime Minister, Narendra Modi and Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz
Sharif agreed to the resumption of bilateral talks; the following month, Prime Minister Modi made a brief,
unscheduled visit to Pakistan while en route to India, becoming the first Indian Prime Minister to visit Pakistan
since 2004.[11] Despite those efforts, relations between the countries have remained frigid, following repeated
acts of cross-border terrorism. According to a 2017 BBC World Service poll, only 5% of Indians view Pakistan's
influence positively, with 85% expressing a negative view, while 11% of Pakistanis view India's influence
positively, with 62% expressing a negative view. [12]
In August 2019, following the approval of the Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Bill in the Indian Parliament,
which revoked the special status of Jammu and Kashmir,[13][14] further tension was brought between the two
countries, with Pakistan downgrading their diplomatic ties, closing its airspace and suspending bilateral trade
with India.[15]
Junagadh issue
Junagadh was a state on the south-western end of Gujarat, with the principalities
of Manavadar, Mangrol and Babriawad. It was not contiguous to Pakistan and other states physically separated
it from Pakistan. The state had an overwhelming Hindu population which constituted more than 80% of its
citizens, while its ruler, Nawab Mahabat Khan, was a Muslim. Mahabat Khan acceded to Pakistan on 15
August 1947. Pakistan confirmed the acceptance of the accession on 15 September 1947.
India did not accept the accession as legitimate. The Indian point of view was that Junagadh was not
contiguous to Pakistan, that the Hindu majority of Junagadh wanted it to be a part of India, and that the state
was surrounded by Indian territory on three sides.
The Pakistani point of view was that since Junagadh had a ruler and governing body who chose to accede to
Pakistan, it should be allowed to do so. Also, because Junagadh had a coastline, it could have maintained
maritime links with Pakistan even as an enclave within India.
Neither of the states was able to resolve this issue amicably and it only added fuel to an already charged
environment. Sardar Patel, India's Home Minister, felt that if Junagadh was permitted to go to Pakistan, it would
create communal unrest across Gujarat. The government of India gave Pakistan time to void the accession and
5
India claims that the channel is fully navigable so should be demarcated along the middle of the
Creek.
Pakistan says channel is not navigable so could not be bisected.
Economic reasons of dispute [edit]
Though the creek has little military value, it holds immense economic gain. Much of the region is rich in oil and
gas below the sea bed, and control over the creek would have a huge bearing on the energy potential of each
nation. Also once the boundaries are defined, it would help in the determination of the maritime boundaries
which are drawn as an extension of onshore reference points. Maritime boundaries also help in determining the
limits of Exclusive Economic Zones (EEZs) and continental shelves. EEZs extend to 200 nautical miles
(370 km) and can be subjected to commercial exploitation. [6]
The demarcation would also prevent the inadvertent crossing over of fishermen of both nations into each
other's territories. In contrary to economic reasons described by India and Pakistan, common fishermen of both
countries get trapped in conflict and their economic rights of earning get affected. It has seen that government
of India and Pakistan regularly arrest fishermen of each other for crossing the boundary, however for a
common fisherman, it is always a wonder to know where the boundary starts and ends in sea. This
unawareness are added with wind flow, waves and turbulence that push the boat in sea. While UN law
advocates for minimum penalty for this offence and release of boats, but government of India and Pakistan
catch these prisoners and keep them in prisons for long time. It is more unfortunate that their release happens
through land boundary of India and Pakistan (Wagha border) and these poor fishermen come to their home
country without their boats.[16]
Pakistan built LBOD canal between 1987 and 1997 to collect agriculture saline water and industrial effluents
generated in the area located on the left side of the Indus main river. LBOD canal discharges the saline and
contaminated water into the Sir Creek for disposal to the sea. LBOD is the better way to send the unwanted
saline water without contaminating the fresh water available in the Indus River. LBOD construction is in
violation of the Indus Waters Treaty (Article IV) causing material damage (i.e. inundating the creek area
exposed during the low tide) to India. Thus Pakistan has economic interest in keeping the dispute alive and not
settled as per international conventions. If India is physically holding (partially or fully) the water area of the
creek, India can settle the LBOD dispute as per the arbitration procedure available in Indus Waters treaty. [7]
6
Kashmir conflict
Timeline
Early 1947
January 1947: Elections were held for the State's legislative assembly. The National Conference boycotted
the elections, and the Muslim Conference won 16 of the 21 Muslim seats. [17]
2 March 1947: Khizar Hayat Khan Tiwana resigned as the premier of Punjab. Within a week, communal
fires were set ablaze in Multan, Rawalpindi, Amritsar and Lahore, spreading
to Campbellpur, Murree, Taxila and Attock.[19]
March 1947: Reuters reported that Kashmir had reinforced its troops along the Kashmir–Punjab border to
ensure that the communal violence of Punjab did not spill into Kashmir. The border was virtually sealed. [20]
March 1947: The British Resident reported that the Pir of Manki Sharif, a Muslim League leader in
the North-West Frontier Province, had sent agents to Kashmir to prepare the people for a "holy crusade". [20]
March 1947: Lord Mountbatten arrived in India as the last Viceroy of India, amidst country-wide communal
riots. The Unionist government of Punjab collapsed.
April 1947
April 1947: Hindus and Sikhs of Sialkot fled to Jammu in the face of increasing tensions.[21] The exodus
increased in June and continued until August.
21 April 1947: The Maharaja was met by a gathering of 40,000 demobilised soldiers in Rawalakot. He was
"specially impressed and alarmed", according to Azad Kashmir sources.[22]
May 1947
1 May 1947: The Maharani of Jammu and Kashmir along with Yuvraj Karan Singh initiated discussions
with Justice Mehr Chand Mahajan, a judge of the Punjab High Court with connections to the Indian
National Congress, to come in as the Prime Minister of Kashmir. Mahajan showed reluctance. [23][24][25]
8
June 1947
July 1947
July 1947: The Maharaja forced the disarming of demobilised soldiers in Poonch and Mirpur. Muslims
complained that the arms they deposited with the police were distributed to Hindus and Sikhs for self-
defence.[22]
3 July 1947: Vallabhbhai Patel wrote to the Maharaja to allay his fears of ill-will from the Indian National
Congress. Patel encouraged him to visit Delhi for discussions. The receipt of the letter was followed by
detailed discussions between the Maharaja and Gopal Das. By 14 July, the Maharaja is reported to have
decided on declaring general amnesty to all political prisoners and dismissing the Prime Minister Ram
Chandra Kak.[31][32][33][30]
11 July 1947: Muhammad Ali Jinnah declared that if Kashmir opted for independence, Pakistan would
have friendly relations with it. Liaquat Ali Khan endorsed this position. [34]
19 July 1947: At a convention of the Muslim Conference in Srinagar, followers of Acting President
Choudhry Hamidullah supported independence for the state, and those of Mirwaiz Yousuf Shah supported
accession to Pakistan. The eventual compromise resolution requested the Maharaja to declare the
"internal autonomy" of the state and accede to Pakistan for defence, foreign affairs and communications.
Jinnah's personal secretary K. H. Khurshid assured the Maharaja that Pakistan would not "take away an
iota of his power".[34][35][36]
23 July 1947: State's Prime Minister Ram Chandra Kak visited Delhi for 5 days, meeting Mountbatten and
the political leaders of Congress and Muslim League. He explained that the State had decided not to
accede to either Dominion.[27]
August 1947
1 August 1947: Mahatma Gandhi visited the Maharaja and impressed upon him the need to be prompt in
deciding on the State's accession based on the people's wishes. In discussions with Ram Chandra Kak,
Gandhi pointed out Kak's lack of popularity among the people and Kak offered to resign. [37][38]
1 August 1947: The Gilgit Agency was transferred by the British to the Maharaja. British Political Agent
Colonel Roger Bacon handed over power to Major Ghansara Singh, the appointed Governor of Gilgit.
Major William Brown was appointed the commander of Gilgit Scouts.[39]
11 August 1947: The Maharaja dismissed Prime Minister Ram Chandra Kak and replaced him with retired
Major Janak Singh. A second invitation was made to Justice Mahajan to become Prime Minister. Due to
floods and partition violence, the message reached him on 25 August.[40]
11 August 1947 – 13 August 1947: Partition violence erupted in Sialkot, and drove the surviving Hindus
and Sikhs to Jammu.[41]
14 August 1947 – 15 August 1947: Independence and Partition of British India into India and Pakistan.
Kashmir signed the Standstill Agreement with Pakistan. India requested further discussions for a standstill
agreement.
18 August 1947: In one of the worst train massacres of the Partition, Lohars and 'Kashmiris'
of Nizamabad killed all the Hindu and Sikh passengers of a Wazirabad–Jammu train. [42]
20 August 1947: Pakistan Army formulated Operation Gulmarg to organise a tribal invasion of Kashmir.[43]
9
23 August 1947: Rebels under the command of Sardar Abdul Qayyum fired on the State Forces at Bagh.
[44]
According to Major General Henry Lawrence Scott, the Chief of Staff of State Forces, they had been
incited by 30 Muslims from West Punjab that entered the State a few days earlier. [45]
25 August 1947: The Maharani's emissary delivered an invitation to Justice Mahajan, with a repeated
request on 7 September.[40]
25 August 1947: The Muslim Conference wrote to Pakistani Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan and claimed
that the state's government and the National Conference were intriguing. "If, God forbid, the Pakistan
Government or the Muslim League do not act, Kashmir might be lost to them and the responsibility would
be theirs," warned the communication.[46]
September 1947
October 1947
3 October 1947: Khwaja Ghulam Nabi Gilkar, under the assumed name "Mr. Anwar", issued the
proclamation of a provisional 'Azad Kashmir' government in Muzaffarabad. This government fails with the
arrest of Gilkar in Srinagar.[70][71]
5 October 1947: Nehru is informed by Dwarakanath Kachru that the Maharaja had lost control of the
western districts of the state.[72]
6 October 1947: An armed rebellion began in Poonch.[73][74]
6 October 1947: The Maharaja replaced Chief of State Forces Banbury and Police Chief Powell with Hindu
officers.[75]
7 October 1947: The Maharaja imposed rigorous precensorship of the press, especially of all views
regarding the State's accession.[76]
8 October 1947 – 9 October 1947: The Owen Pattan post on Jhelum river was captured by
rebels. Sehnsa and Throchi were abandoned by State Forces after attack.[44]
8 October 1947 – 9 October 1947: Pakistani raids on the borders of Jammu and Kathua districts began.[77]
[78]
10 October 1947: Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel expedited Justice Mahajan's leave from Punjab High Court,
which enabled him to accept the Prime Ministership. Mahajan visited Indian leaders and Lord Mountbatten
in Delhi before he proceeded to Srinagar.[79]
12 October 1947: K. H. Khurshid, Jinnah's private secretary, was sent to Kashmir to mobilise support for
Pakistan, and reported: "Muslim Conference is now practically a dead organisation." He advocated
Pakistan to use force, and "supply arms and foodstuff to the tribes within and without the state." [80]
14 October 1947: The activists of the Rashtriya Swayamsevak Sangh and the Akalis mounted attacks on
villages of the Jammu district, which killed Muslims and set houses on fire,[81] stated to be the beginning of
the 1947 Jammu violence.[82]
15 October 1947: Mehr Chand Mahajan took charge as Prime Minister of the state. Concentration of
tribesmen reported at Abbottabad-Mansehra.[44]
17 October 1947: Brigadier N.S. Rawat given the charge of the Jammu Brigade of the State Forces, and
Brigadier Khuda Baksh made Chief of Staff, second in command.[83][84][85]
17 October 1947 – 18 October 1947: A battalion of Patiala State Forces arrives in Jammu and a mountain
battery (artillery regiment) is stationed in Srinagar.[86][87]
18 October 1947: Sheikh Abdullah attended the meeting of the Standing Committee of All India States
Peoples Conference in Delhi.[88]
19 October 1947 – 22 October 1947: The Maharaja and the new prime minister travelled to Jammu
province and investigated the Pakistani border raids,
visiting Jammu (19 October), Bhimber (20 October), Kathua (21 October) and returning to Srinagar on
23 October.[89]
20 October 1947: Lorries carrying 900 Mahsud tribesmen departed the Frontier tribal region heading to
Kashmir. Governor George Cunningham sent a letter to Indian Army Chief Gen. Rob Lockhart warning him
about the invasion; the letter was received on 23 or 24 October.[90]
21 October 1947: The Maharaja appointed Bakshi Tek Chand, a retired judge of the Punjab High Court, to
frame a constitution for the state.[34] This stalled due to the impending invasion.
21 October 1947: Dak Bungalow at Bhimber was attacked by rebels. There were accusations that this was
an effort to kill or abduct the Maharaja, who had been scheduled to visit that day. [44]
21 October 1947: Journalist G. K. Reddy, working for Associated Press of India (API) in Lahore, received a
telephone call from the Pakistan Army Headquarters in Rawalpindi, stating that the Ramkot post was being
attacked that night, and the news should be published as coming from Palandri.[91]
21 October 1947 – 22 October 1947: Pakistan precipitated the first Indo-Pakistani War when it launched a
tribal lashkar (levy) from Waziristan to overthrow the Maharaja's government.[92] Thousands of Pashtuns
11
from Pakistan's North West Frontier Province, recruited covertly by the Pakistani Army,
invaded Kashmir along with the Poonch rebels, allegedly incensed by atrocities against fellow Muslims in
Poonch and Jammu. The tribesmen engaged in looting and killing along the way. [93] Pro-Pakistan members
of the Maharaja's army rebelled at Domel (Muzaffarabad) and took control of the Jhelum river bridge. [70]
22 October 1947: All the Muslim members of the State Police in Jammu City were disarmed and ordered
to go to Pakistan.[94]
24 October 1947: New Delhi received the news of tribal invasion via two channels, from General Gracey of
Pakistan Army communicated to General Lockhart and from R.L. Batra, the Deputy Prime Minister of
Jammu and Kashmir, to Nehru.[95] Batra carried a message from the Maharaja which requested military
assistance and proposed accession to India.[96]
24 October 1947: A second provisional government of Azad Kashmir was established at Palandri under
the leadership of Sardar Ibrahim.[97]
24 October 1947: Bhimber fell to rebels after an attack by armoured vehicles of the Pakistan Army.[44][98][99]
25 October 1947: A Defence Committee meeting in Delhi, headed by Lord Mountbatten, considered the
Maharaja's request. Ministers were unanimous in sending military assistance, but disagreed on whether to
accept Kashmir's accession. The secretary of the States Department, V. P. Menon, was sent to Kashmir to
assess the situation.[100]
26 October 1947: V. P. Menon brought news that the situation in Kashmir was critical and that the
Maharaja was ready to agree to "any terms". The accession was accepted on the condition of a future
ratification by the people and the appointment Sheikh Abdullah to the government. The Maharaja moved
from Srinagar to Jammu, his winter capital.[100]
26 October 1947 – 27 October 1947: The Maharaja signed the Instrument of Accession (IOA), acceding
the state to the Indian Union. India accepted the accession, regarding it provisional [101] until such time as
the will of the people could be ascertained.
27 October 1947: The Indian army entered the state to repel the invaders. Sheikh Abdullah endorsed the
accession but termed it ad hoc and to be ultimately decided by the people of Jammu and Kashmir. He was
appointed head of the emergency administration.[102]
27 October 1947: Mohammad Ali Jinnah ordered General Douglas Gracey to send Pakistani troops into
Kashmir. Gracey declined, pointing out the fact of Kashmir's accession to India. Gracey had a 'stand down
order' from Supreme Commander Claude Auchinleck to the effect that, in the event of an inter-Dominion
war, all the British officers in both the armies must stand down.
27 October 1947: The Kashmir Liberation Committee was formed to manage Pakistan's conduct of the
war. It was headed by Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan, with Colonel Akbar Khan as the military
member, Ghulam Muhammad, the finance minister, and Sardar Ibrahim, the president of the provisional
Azad Kashmir government.[103][104]
28 October 1947: Field Marshal Auchinleck flew to Lahore to explain the stand down order to Jinnah. Upon
his suggestion, Jinnah invited the Indian leaders for a conference in Lahore but the Indian Cabinet
declined the invitation.
29 October 1947: Jinnah and Liaquat Ali Khan entered the war officially by deciding to maintain a force of
at least 5,000 tribesmen in Kashmir.[105] Tribesmen again poured into Kashmir.[106]
31 October 1947: Sheikh Abdullah was appointed as the head of the Emergency Administration in
Kashmir.[107]
31 October 1947: Major William Brown, the commander of the Gilgit Scouts, led a coup against the
governor of Gilgit and imprisoned him. A provisional government was declared by the rebels. [108][109]
November 1947
army to be reinforced; two more battalions were air-lifted, and a squadron of armoured cars and field
artillery were dispatched from Pathankot.[112]
3 November 1947: Mendhar, in the eastern part of the Poonch district fell to
rebels; Bagh and Rawalakot followed in quick succession. Hindu and Sikh refugees from these areas took
shelter in Nowshera, Mirpur, Kotli and Poonch, which were all surrounded by rebels.[113]
5 November 1947: Most of the tribesmen withdrew to Uri in the face of the Indian assault. Many returned
home, sensing that the fight was lost.[114]
5 November 1947 – 6 November 1947: Convoys of Muslim refugees from Jammu going to West Punjab
were attacked by armed bands supported by State troops; very few survived. [115] 6 November became a
remembrance day in Pakistan and Azad Kashmir.[116]
7 November 1947: Reinforced Indian troops in the Kashmir Valley engaged the tribesmen
at Shalateng and inflicted heavy casualties. The defeated tribal forces were pursued
and Baramulla and Uri were recaptured.[112]
7 November 1947: Rajouri was captured by Azad rebels. 30,000 Hindus and Sikhs gathered there were
killed before it was relieved, with the exception of 1,500 who escaped to the hills. [117]
9 November 1947: An attack on a convoy of Muslim refugees from Jammu was repelled by Indian troops,
killing 150 of the attackers. No further attacks on convoys were reported after this incident. [115]
13 November 1947: Major General Kalwant Singh issued an order to the 50 Para Brigade to
relieve Nowshera, Jhangar, Mirpur, Kotli and Poonch in seven days. The ambitious plan was criticised by
General Roy Bucher.[117]
16 November 1947: Pakistan's Political Agent, Khan Mohammad Alam Khan, arrived in Gilgit and took
over the administration. The provisional government was dismissed. [109]
18 November 1947: 50 Para Brigade relieved Nowshera.[118]
25 November 1947: Mirpur fell to rebels. 20,000 Hindus and Sikhs taking shelter at the town were killed
during the rebel occupation.[119] The day is remembered as the "Mirpur day" in Indian-administered Jammu.
[120]
26 November 1947: 50 Para Brigade relieved Kotli, but evacuated it the next day due to the difficulty of
defending it against the surrounding rebels. [121]
26 November 1947 – 27 November 1947: During Liaquat Ali Khan's visit to Delhi for a Joint Defence
Council meeting, the two countries reached an agreement on the sharing of sterling balances. A tentative
agreement on Kashmir was reached; Pakistan agreed to use its influence on the raiders to withdraw, India
to scale back its troops, and the UN to be approached for holding a plebiscite. [122][123] However, the
agreement was vetoed by Jinnah: "No commitments should be made without my approval of terms of
settlement. Mr. Liaquat has agreed and promised to abide by this understanding," read his note to the
ministers.[124] The next day, India's Defence Committee was informed that Pakistan was reinforcing the
tribesmen.[125]
28 November 1947: Horace Alexander estimated that 200,000 Muslims had been affected by the anti-
Muslim violence in Jammu. Mahatma Gandhi spoke about it in his prayer meeting, and reproached Sheikh
Abdullah for not curtailing the Maharaja's powers.[126]
30 November 1947: Large concentrations of insurgents were reported at Sialkot, Gujrat and Jhelum.[124]
December 1947
December 1947: Liaquat Ali Khan visited the Azad staging areas in the Sialkot District and was enraged by
the reports of atrocities narrated by the Azad rebels. He issued a renewed call to arms. [127][128]
4 December 1947: The British Commander-in-Chief of the Pakistan Army sanctioned military involvement
in the Kashmir War. One million rounds of ammunition and twelve volunteer officers were provided. [129]
8 December 1947: A meeting between Nehru and Liaquat Ali Khan, along with ministers and Lord
Mountbatten, was deadlocked. Mountbatten proposed that the UN be invited to break the deadlock. [130]
15 December 1947 – 20 December 1947: Indian forces lost ground and Nehru contemplated escalating
the war across the international border to strike against the raider's bases, but decides against it. [131]
20 December 1947: Mountbatten recommended India take the matter to the UN, where he says it would
have a "cast-iron case". He believed the UN would promptly direct Pakistan to withdraw. The proposal was
discussed in the Indian Cabinet.[132]
13
22 December 1947: Nehru handed Liaquat Ali Khan a formal letter demanding that Pakistan deny
assistance to the raiders.[133]
24 December 1947: Indian forces were evicted from Jhangar by rebels. However, they repelled the attack
on Nowshera by 27 December. India reinforced Kashmir by an additional brigade. [134]
27 December 1947: British Commonwealth Minister Philip Noel-Baker considered it a "political
miscalculation" by India that the UN Security Council would condemn Pakistan as an aggressor. The
events before Kashmir's accession would also come into play. He predicted that the question of plebiscite
would be the focus of the Security Council. [135][136]
28 December 1947 – 30 December 1947: Mountbatten urged Nehru "to stop the fighting and to stop it as
soon as possible". Exchanges between Mountbatten and Nehru were passed on to the British government,
which was advised that any Indian defeat in the Kashmir valley would immediately lead to a broader war.
Prime Minister Attlee warned Nehru that opening a broader war would jeopardise India's case in the UN.
Britain alerted the US, which requested clarifications from the Indian government. [134][137]
31 December 1947: India referred the Kashmir problem to the UN Security Council.
31 December 1947: The British Commonwealth Relations Office (CRO) asked its permanent
representative at the UN, Alexander Cadogan, about the validity of Indian claims. Cadogan responded that
India was entitled to charge Pakistan as an aggressor under Article 35 and to take measures for self-
defence under Article 51, including "pursuing invaders into Pakistan". [138]
2 January 1948: The British Cabinet decided to send a special delegation to handle the Kashmir issue in
the Security Council, sidestepping Alexander Cadogan. Commonwealth Relations Minister Philip Noel-
Baker[clarification needed][138]
10 January 1948: Noel-Baker put forward the British proposals to the US State Department: Kashmir to be
put under an "impartial administration" headed by a UN-appointed chairman; India–Pakistan joint military
forces, along with UN troops, to operate under a UN-appointed commander-in-chief. He failed to win US
support for these proposals.[140][141]
15 January 1948: India and Pakistan made presentations to the UN Security Council. While India
reiterated its demands in the original referral, Pakistan made wide-ranging allegations against India
including 'genocide' against Muslims in various places in India, unlawful occupation of Junagadh and other
issues. Pakistan demanded the withdrawal of both the raiders and the Indians from Kashmir.[142][143]
17 January 1948: UN Security Council passed Resolution 38 which called upon India and Pakistan to
refrain from aggravating the situation and requested they inform the Council of any "material changes" in
the situation.
20 January 1948: UN Security Council passed Resolution 39 which announced a 3-member commission
to investigate the Kashmir dispute. However the Commission did not come into fruition until May 1948.
28 January 1948: Sheikh Abdullah, as a member of the Indian delegation to the Security Council, met US
delegate Warren Austin and raised the possibility of independence for Kashmir. At this stage, the US
showed no interest in further fragmentation of India.[144]
January 1948: Noel-Baker won the support of the Western powers in the Security Council—the US,
Canada and France—for the Pakistani position that the raiders cannot be withdrawn without a change of
government in Kashmir. Draft resolutions were formulated along the lines of the 10 January proposals.[145]
February–April 1948
3 February 1948: India requested an adjournment of the Security Council discussions. The Indian Cabinet
was said to be in favour of withdrawing the UN referral unless greater consideration was shown to India's
complaints.[146]
14
May 1948
July 1948
5 July 1948: UNCIP arrived in the subcontinent. In Karachi, it was told by Pakistan that three brigades of
regular Pakistan Army were operating in Kashmir, a "bombshell" of news according to Josef Korbel. In
Delhi, the Commission was told that it needed to recognize the aggression by Pakistan. The Commission
broached the possibility of partition, considered favourably by India but rejected by Pakistan. [155]
6 July 1948: In response to an appeal by the UNCIP, India limited its operations to clearing the land route
to Leh and relieving Poonch.[156]
August–December 1948
13 August 1948: UNCIP adopted its first resolution on Kashmir, fine-tuning the April resolution of the
Security Council to take into account objections by both India and Pakistan. Pakistan's aggression was
indirectly acknowledged by asking for its withdrawal as the first step. The resolution was accepted by
India, but effectively rejected by Pakistan.[157]
14 August 1948: State forces at Skardu fell after eight months of siege.[158]
21 September 1948: After sustained negotiations with India and Pakistan, UNCIP left for Zurich to write an
interim report to the UN Security Council.[159]
1 November 1948: Zoji La pass was recaptured by India.[156]
15 November 1948: Dras was recaptured.[156]
20 November 1948: Two Indian columns linked at Poonch, relieving the pressure on the garrison.[156]
15
23 November 1948: Kargil was recaptured.[156]
14 December 1948: A major attack was made by the regular Pakistan army on the Indian line of
communications at Beripattan-Nowshera.[156]
1 January 1949: A ceasefire between Indian and Pakistani forces left India in control of the Kashmir Valley,
most of the Jammu province and Ladakh, while Pakistan gained control of the western districts comprising
the present day Azad Kashmir, the Gilgit Agency and Baltistan.
5 January 1949: UNCIP stated that the question of the accession of the State of Jammu and Kashmir to
India or Pakistan would be decided through a free and impartial plebiscite. [160] As per the 1948[161] and 1949
UNCIP Resolutions, both countries accepted the principle that Pakistan would secure the withdrawal of
Pakistani intruders followed by withdrawal of Pakistani and Indian forces, as a basis for the formulation of
a truce agreement, the details of which were to be determined, followed by a plebiscite. However, the
countries failed to arrive at a truce agreement due to differences in interpretation of the procedure for and
extent of demilitarisation, one of them being whether the Azad Kashmiri army was to be disbanded during
the truce stage or the plebiscite stage.[162][better source needed]
1949: Jammu Praja Parishad launched an agitation. 294 members of the party were arrested. [163]
28 April 1949: Azad Kashmir signed the Karachi Agreement with Pakistan, which ceded control over
defence and foreign affairs and complete control over Gilgit-Baltistan. The agreement was kept secret until
1990.[164]
16 June 1949: Nominated by the Maharaja, Sheikh Abdullah and his colleagues joined the Constituent
Assembly of India[165]
20 June 1949: Maharaja Hari Singh announced his decision to abdicate and appointed his son Karan
Singh as the Prince Regent.[166]
17 October 1949: The Indian Constituent Assembly adopted Article 370 of the Constitution, ensuring a
special status and internal autonomy for Jammu and Kashmir, with Indian jurisdiction in Kashmir limited to
the three areas agreed in the Instrument of Accession: defence, foreign affairs and communications.
1950
1951
June 1951: India moved troops to the India–Pakistan border in response to the rhetoric from Pakistan. A
military stand-off ensued. Pakistan regarded India's behaviour as "aggressive". [168] Liaquat Ali Khan
displayed a clenched fist in defiance.[169]
September 1951 – October 1951: Elections were held for the Constituent Assembly of Jammu and
Kashmir, with 75 seats allocated to the Indian-administered part of Kashmir and 25 seats reserved for the
Pakistan-administered part. Sheikh Abdullah's National Conference won all 75 seats in a rigged election.
[170]
The UN Security Council passed Resolution 91 to the effect that such elections did not substitute a
plebiscite.[162][non-primary source needed]
16
1952
October 1951: Jammu Praja Parishad became an affiliate of the newly founded Bharatiya Jana Sangh, the
precursor of the Bharatiya Janata Party.[171]
November 1951: The Constituent Assembly passed legislation stripping the Maharaja of all powers and
making the government answerable to the Assembly.[172]
January 1952 – June 1952: Jammu Praja Parishad renewed agitation and called for the full integration of
the state with India. The army was called to impose order and several hundred activists were imprisoned.
Jana Sangh and other Hindu nationalist parties staged a demonstration outside the Indian Parliament in
support of the Praja Parishad.[173]
January 1952 – June 1952: Sheikh Abdullah veers around to the position of demanding self-determination
for Kashmiris, having previously endorsed accession to India (c.1947). In his Ranbirsinghpura speech in
April, he questioned the state's continued accession to India.[173][174][175][176]
June 1952: State Constituent Assembly considered a proposal for abolishing the hereditary monarchy. [177]
July 1952: Sheikh Abdullah signed the Delhi Agreement with the Indian government on Centre-State
relationship,[178] which provided for the autonomy of the State within India and the autonomy for regions
within the State.[174]
November 1952: The Constituent Assembly adopted a resolution which abolished the monarchy and
replaced it with an elected Sadar-i-Riyasat (Head of State). The Prince Regent Karan Singh was elected to
the position.[179]
November 1952: Jammu Praja Parishad relaunched its agitation campaign for a third time. The Jana
Sangh and other Hindu nationalist parties launched a parallel agitation in Delhi, which supported the Praja
Parishad.[180][181]
1953
May 1953: Jana Sangh leader Syama Prasad Mukherjee made a bid to enter Jammu and Kashmir, citing
his rights as an Indian citizen. He was promptly arrested at the Jammu border. In a widespread agitation in
Jammu, Punjab and Delhi, 10,000 activists were imprisoned. [180][181]
May 1953: Abdullah headed a subcommittee of the National Conference which recommended four options
for the state's future, all involving a plebiscite or independence. Abdullah remained firm in negotiations with
the central government.[182][183]
23 June 1953: Syama Prasad Mukherjee died in prison. Large protests were held in Delhi and other parts
of the country.[184]
August 1953: The working committee recommendations were opposed by three of Abdullah's five-member
cabinet, including Deputy Prime Minister Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad. They were further strengthened by
the communist faction led by G. M. Sadiq. They informed Sadr-i-Riyasat Karan Singh that Abdullah had
lost the majority within the cabinet.[185][184]
August 1953: Sheikh Abdullah was dismissed by Sadr-i-Riyasat and later arrested. Bakshi Ghulam
Mohammed was appointed as the new prime minister.[186]
August 1953: Nehru pushed for a plebiscite in talks with Pakistan, and the two countries agreed to appoint
a Plebiscite Administrator within six months. A plebiscite would be held in all regions and the state
partitioned on the basis of the results.[187][188]
September 1953: Following reports of a US-Pakistan alliance, Nehru warned Pakistan that it had to
choose between winning Kashmir through plebiscite and forming a military alliance with the United States.
[189][190]
1954
1955–1957
August 1955: Sheikh Abdullah's lieutenant Mirza Afzal Beg formed the Plebiscite Front to fight for the
plebiscite demand and the unconditional release of Sheikh Abdullah who was arrested after his dismissal.
[193]
17 November 1956: The state Constituent Assembly adopted a constitution for the state which declared it
an integral part of the Indian Union.
24 January 1957: The UN Security Council passed Resolution 122 which stated that the state constitution
was not a final legal disposition of the State.[194] India's Home Minister, Pandit Govind Ballabh Pant, during
his visit to Srinagar, declared that the State of Jammu and Kashmir was an integral part of India and there
can be no question of a plebiscite to determine its status afresh. India continued to resist plebiscite efforts.
[195]
1957: Elections were held for the first Legislative Assembly. National Conference won 69 of the 75 seats,
where 47 seats were unopposed. Bakshi Ghulam Mohammad continued as prime minister. [196]
8 August 1958: Sheikh Abdullah was arrested in the Kashmir Conspiracy Case.[197]
1959–1962
1959: China annexed Tibet. Tensions rose between China and India on the issue of the boundary between
Tibet and India, especially in Aksai Chin.
1962: Elections were held for the second Legislative Assembly. The National Conference won 68 of the 74
seats.[198]
March 1963: The Chinese government signed an agreement with Pakistan on the boundary between
the Northern Areas and the Xinjiang province, ceding the Trans-Karakoram Tract.[199]
27 December 1963 – 4 January 1964: A mass uprising occurred in the Kashmir Valley when the holy relic
was found missing from the Hazratbal Shrine; the lost relic was recovered after a few days.
8 April 1964: The government dropped all charges in the Kashmir Conspiracy Case. Sheikh Abdullah was
released after 11 years.[200]
21 November 1964 – 24 November 1964: Articles 356 and 357 of the Indian Constitution were extended to
the State, by virtue of which the Central Government can assume the government of the State and
exercise its legislative powers. The State Assembly then amended the State Constitution, changing the
posts of Sadr-i-Riyasat and "prime minister" to Governor and "chief minister", consistent with the Indian
Constitution. Scholar Sumantra Bose regarded it the "end of the road" for Article 370 and the constitutional
autonomy guaranteed by it.[201][202]
3 January 1965: The Jammu and Kashmir National Conference dissolved itself and merged into the Indian
National Congress, a centralising strategy.[203]
August 1965 – 23 September 1965: Indo-Pakistani War of 1965: Pakistan took advantage of the
discontent in the Kashmir Valley and sent a few thousand armed Pakistani infiltrators across the cease-fire
line in Operation Gibraltar. Incidents of violence increased in Kashmir Valley, and a full Indo-Pakistani war
broke out until a ceasefire was made.
1966: :On 10 January, the Tashkent Declaration was signed by both countries, agreeing to revert to their
pre-1965 positions under Russian mediation. Pakistan-supported guerrilla groups in Kashmir increased
their activities after the ceasefire. Kashmiri nationalists Amanullah Khan and Maqbool Bhat formed another
Plebiscite Front with an armed wing called the Jammu and Kashmir National Liberation Front (NLF) in
Azad Kashmir, with the objective of freeing Kashmir from Indian occupation. [204]
18
1970–1979
1980–1986
1987: Farooq Abdullah won the Assembly elections. The Muslim United Front (MUF) alleged that the
elections had been rigged. The insurgency in the Kashmir Valley increased in momentum following this
event.[214] The MUF candidate, Mohammad Yousuf Shah, a victim of the rigging and state's mistreatment,
took the name Syed Salahuddin and would become chief of the militant outfit Hizb-ul-Mujahideen. His
election aides called the HAJY group - Abdul Hamid Shaikh, Ashfaq Majid Wani, Javed Ahmed Mir and
Mohammed Yasin Malik - would join the JKLF.[215][216] Amanullah Khan took refuge in Pakistan, after being
deported from England, and directed operations across the LOC. Young disaffected Kashmiris in the
Valley such as the HAJY group were recruited by JKLF. [217]
1988: Protests and anti-India demonstrations began in the Valley, followed by police firing and curfew. [citation
needed]
19
1989: The end of the Soviet occupation of Afghanistan released a great deal of militant energy and
weapons to Kashmir. Pakistan provided arms and training to both indigenous and foreign militants in
Kashmir.[218][219][220]
1989: Mass Exodus of Kashmiri Hindus started in Kashmir Valley[221]
1990–1999
2001–2009
2010–2018
2019-present
2019–20 Jammu and Kashmir lockdown refers to a security lockdown and communications blackout
imposed to prevent protests following Revocation of the special status of Jammu and Kashmir via
scrapping of the Article 370 of the Constitution of India, Article 35A of the Constitution of India and the
introduction of Jammu and Kashmir Reorganisation Act, 2019.[248][249][250]
Since 5 August 2019, thousands of people, mostly young men and children aged 14 years, have been
detained in disputed region Jammu and Kashmir, and no foreign journalists have been granted permission
from the Indian government to report in Kashmir.[251][252][253]
According to a September 6 report of the Indian government, nearly 4,000 people have been arrested and
many were tortured. Besides young men and children, old people were also arrested and more than 200
politicians, including two former chief ministers of Jammu and Kashmir (J&K), along with more than 100
leaders and activists from All Parties Hurriyat Conference were detained in the disputed region.[254][255]
Kashmir was a Muslim-majority princely state, ruled by a Hindu king, Maharaja Hari Singh. At the time of
the partition of India, Maharaja Hari Singh, the ruler of the state, preferred to remain independent and did not
want to join either the Union of India or the Dominion of Pakistan. He wanted both India and Pakistan to
recognise his princely state as an independent neutral country. [26]
Despite the standstill agreement with Pakistan, teams of Pakistani forces were dispatched into Kashmir.
Backed by Pakistani paramilitary forces, Pashtun Mehsud tribals[27] invaded Kashmir in October 1947 under the
code name "Operation Gulmarg" to seize Kashmir. They reached and captured Baramulla on 25 October.
Instead of moving on to Srinagar just 50 km away and capturing its undefended airfield, they stayed there for
several days. Kashmir's security forces turned out to be too weak and ill-equipped to fight against Pakistan.
Fearing that this invasion would bring about an accession to Pakistan, the Maharaja now turned to India and
requested India for troops to safeguard Kashmir. Indian Prime Minister Nehru was ready to send the troops, but
the acting Governor General of India, Lord Mountbatten of Burma, advised the Maharaja to accede to India
before India could send its troops. Hence, considering the emergent situation he signed the instrument of
accession to the Union of India on 26 October 1947.
Charles Chenevix Trench writes in his 'The Frontier Scouts' (1985):
In October 1947... tribal lashkars hastened in lorries - undoubtedly with official logistic support - into Kashmir...
at least one British Officer, Harvey-Kelly took part in the campaign. It seemed that nothing could stop these
hordes of tribesmen taking Srinagar with its vital airfield. Indeed nothing did, but their own greed.
The Mahsuds in particular stopped to loot, rape and murder; Indian troops were flown in and the lashkars
pushed out of the Vale of Kashmir into the mountains. The Mahsuds returned home in a savage mood, having
muffed an easy chance, lost the loot of Srinagar and made fools of themselves.
According to Pakistani General Mohammad Akbar Khan, the raiders "delayed in Baramulla for two (whole)
days for some unknown reason."[28]
While the invading Pakistanis spread across the State and looted Baramulla town just 50 km from the state
capital, Srinagar, for several days starting 25 October 1947, the Maharaja signed Instrument of Accession to
the Dominion of India on 26 October 1947. Sheikh Mohammad Abdullah had already reached Delhi a day
earlier on 25 October to persuade Nehru to send troops. He made no secret of the danger the State faced and
asked Nehru to lose no time in accepting the accession and ensuring the speedy dispatch of Indian troops to
21
the State. (Sheikh Abdullah corroborates this account in his Aatish-e-Chinaar (at pages 416 and 417) and
records (at page 417) that V.P. Menon returned to Delhi on 26 October with signed Instrument of accession.)
[29]
The Instrument was accepted by the Governor-General of India the next day, 27 October 1947. With this
signing by the Maharaja and acceptance by the Governor-General, the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir
became a part of Dominion of India as per the Indian Independence Act 1947 passed by the British parliament.
By this time the raiders were close to the capital, Srinagar Indian troops were airlifted from Delhi, landed at
Srinagar airport in Kashmir on 27 October 1947 and secured the airport before proceeding to evict the invaders
from Kashmir valley.
The Indian troops managed to evict the aggressors from parts of Kashmir but the onset of winter made much of
the state impassable. After weeks of intense fighting between Pakistan and India, Pakistani leaders and the
Indian Prime Minister Nehru declared a ceasefire and sought U.N. arbitration with the promise of a plebiscite. In
1957, north-western Kashmir was fully integrated into Pakistan, becoming Azad Kashmir (Pakistan-
administered Kashmir). In 1962, China occupied Aksai Chin, the north-eastern region bordering Ladakh. In
1984, India launched Operation Meghdoot and captured more than 80% of the Siachen Glacier.
Pakistan now maintains Kashmiris' right to self-determination through a plebiscite and the promised plebiscite
should be allowed to decide the fate of the Kashmiri people. India on the other hand asserts that with the
Maharaja's signing the instrument of accession, Kashmir has become an integral part of India.
Due to all such political differences, this territorial claim has been the subject of wars between the two countries
in 1947 and 1965, and a limited conflict in 1999. The state remains divided between the two countries by
the Line of Control (LoC), which demarcates the ceasefire line agreed upon in the 1947 conflict modified in
1972 as per Simla Agreement.
In 2002, former US President, Bill Clinton described Kashmir as "the most dangerous place in the
world."[542] He averted a nuclear war between India and Pakistan over the issue of Kashmir according to
former US Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott. Talbott reveals in his book Engaging India:
Diplomacy, Democracy and the Bomb that India and Pakistan came very close to a nuclear war in 1999.
[543]
According to Talbott, before Clinton met with Prime Minister of Pakistan Nawaz Sharif in 1999 to
discuss the issue, US national security adviser Sandy Berger told Clinton that he could be heading into
22
"the single most important meeting with a foreign leader of his entire presidency". [544] India and Pakistan
conducted nuclear tests in 1998 and the two countries each hold significant numbers of nuclear warheads.
[545]
India and Pakistan fought two wars over the issue of Kashmir in 1947 and 1965. These two neighbours
came dangerously close to a third war during the Kargil conflict in 1999.[546]
The United Nations Security Council Resolution 47 was passed by United Nations Security
Council under chapter VI of UN Charter.[547] Resolutions passed under Chapter VI of UN charter are
considered non binding and have no mandatory enforceability as opposed to the resolutions passed
under Chapter VII.[548][549][550][551]
On 24 January 1957 the UN Security Council reaffirmed the 1948 resolution.The Security Council,
reaffirming its previous resolution to the effect, "that the final disposition of the state of Jammu and
Kashmir will be made in accordance with the will of the people expressed through the democratic method
of a free and impartial plebiscite conducted under the auspices of United Nations," further declared that
any action taken by the Constituent Assembly formed in Kashmir " would not constitute disposition of the
state in accordance with the above principles."[552]
In March 2001, the then Secretary-General of the United Nations, Kofi Annan during his visit to India and
Pakistan, remarked that Kashmir resolutions are only advisory recommendations and comparing with
those on East Timor and Iraq was like comparing apples and oranges, since those resolutions were
passed under chapter VII, which make it enforceable by UNSC.[553][554][555][556][557][558] In 2003, then Pakistan
President Pervez Musharraf said Pakistan was willing to consider alternative bilateral options to resolve
the dispute other than solely UN resolutions. [559][560][561]
In 2010, United States Ambassador to India, Timothy J. Roemer said that Kashmir is an 'internal' issue of
India and not to be discussed on international level rather it should be solved by bilateral talks between
India and Pakistan.[562][563][564][565] He said, "The (US) President ( Barack Obama), I think was very articulate on
this issue of Kashmir. This is an internal issue for India." [562][563] India alleges that Pakistan failed to fulfill the
pre-conditions by withdrawing its troops from the Kashmir region as was required under the same U.N.
resolution of 13 August 1948 which discussed the plebiscite. [566][567][568]
Separatist Hurriyat leader Syed Ali Shah Geelani said: "First of all when they say Kashmir is an internal
issue, it is against the reality. The issue of Jammu and Kashmir is an international issue and it should be
solved. As long as promises made to us are not fulfilled, this issue will remain unsolved." [569][570]
Instrument of Accession
The Instrument of Accession of the State of Jammu and Kashmir to the Union of India was signed by
Maharaja Hari Singh, erstwhile ruler, on 25 October 1947 and executed on 27 October 1947 between the
ruler of Kashmir and the Governor-General of India. This was a legal act and completely valid in terms of
the Government of India Act 1935, Indian Independence Act 1947 and under international law. Hence the
accession of the Jammu and Kashmir state was total and irrevocable.[571]
The Constituent Assembly of Jammu and Kashmir had unanimously ratified the Instrument of
Accession to India duly adopting a constitution for the state endorsing perpetual merger of Jammu and
Kashmir with the Union of India. The Constituent assembly lawfully represented wish of Kashmiri people at
that time.[571] Indian authorities claim that the 65% voter turnout in Kashmir elections is an endorsement of
the "Instrument of Accession" and Indian democracy.[572]
Alastair Lamb writes that there is no dispute on the fact that the Instrument of Accession was presented to
the world as provisional and conditional on the wishes of the people of the state. Therefore, if the people of
Kashmir were to vote for not staying with India then any document relating to accession signed by the
Maharajah would become null and void.[336]
Indian commentators have endeavored to argue that the plebiscite proposal was personal to Mountbatten
(the plebiscite proposal was not personal to Mountbatten since he was explicitly acting on behalf of his
Government), that it was ex gratia and not binding on the subsequent Indian administrations. The actual
fact was that the plebiscite policy had long been established before the crisis in Kashmir and was an
23
inherent part of the process by which British India had been partitioned into the Dominions of India and
Pakistan.[336]
A.G. Noorani also writes that the accession of Kashmir to India was strictly conditional. He says that
Kashmiri rights for self-determination are not derived from the UN Resolutions but their right is actually
engrafted as a condition on the Instrument of Accession. He writes that state elections do not fulfill this
condition since Mountbatten mentioned a reference to the people of the state and not 'elections to the
Assembly'.[573]
According to a 1994 report by the International Commission of Jurists the people of Jammu and Kashmir
still have not been able to exercise their right to self-determination which became available to them at
partition.[339]
Article 370
Article 370 of the Indian constitution was a provision that granted special autonomous status to Jammu
and Kashmir. The article is drafted in Part XXI of the Constitution, which relates to Temporary, Transitional
and Special Provisions.[574]
Article 370 was the only link that connected Jammu and Kashmir to India.[575]
To implement a plebiscite in Jammu and Kashmir, the Government of India abolished the article 370,
which was very complex procedure. The leaders of Kashmir opposed such measures. [576][577] Chief Minister
of Jammu and Kashmir Mufti Muhammad Sayeed said, "Even Indian Parliament does not have power to
scrap Article 370, which grants special status to Jammu and Kashmir under Indian constitution." [578]
The High Court of Jammu and Kashmir has ruled that the Article 370 cannot be "abrogated, repealed or
even amended." It explained that the clause (3) of the Article conferred power to the State's Constituent
Assembly to recommend to the President on the matter of the repeal of the Article. Since the Constituent
Assembly did not make such a recommendation before its dissolution in 1957, the Article 370 has taken on
the features of a "permanent provision" despite being titled a temporary provision in the Constitution. [579][580]
Article 370 has emerged as the biggest obstacle in front of plebiscite because of its complex procedure of
amendment and opposition from the leaders of Jammu and Kashmir.[575]
Article 370 allows its own death by permitting plebiscite. Article 370 was drafted while negotiations with
Pakistan were still on. When Pakistan objected to Article 370 at the UN Commission Girija Shankar Bajpai,
who was secretary general of Ministry of External Affairs, wrote to UNCIP in 1949 that Article 370 did not
preclude plebiscite. Krishna Menon said to the UN Security Council in 1957 that if people of Kashmir voted
to not stay with India then India's duty at that time would be to adopt those constitutional procedures which
would enable separation of Kashmir from India. That procedure is contained in clause 3 of Article 370, a
presidential order to declare that the Article 370 will cease to be operative. [581]
A. G. Noorani argues that it is perfectly acceptable for a Kashmiri to contest the elections and recognise
the Constitution while remaining committed to plebiscite and Independence and the reason for this is that
the Constitution itself leaves the disposition of Kashmir open. [581]
"Nehru's Promise"
After accession of Kashmir to India in October 1947 then Prime Minister of India Jawaharlal Nehru made
some statements in media and in various telegrams regarding plebiscite in Kashmir. In telegram No.413
dated 28 October 1947 addressed to Prime Minister of Pakistan, Nehru wrote [582]
That Government of India and Pakistan should make a joint request to U.N.O. to undertake a plebiscite in
Kashmir at the earliest possible date.
Nehru's statement in the Indian Parliament, 26 June 1952:[582]
I want to stress that it is only the people of Kashmir who can decide the future of Kashmir. It is not that we have
merely said that to the United Nations and to the people of Kashmir; it is our conviction and one that is borne
out by the policy that we have pursued, not only in Kashmir but every where. I started with the presumption that
it is for the people of Kashmir to decide their own future. We will not compel them. In that sense, the people of
Kashmir are sovereign.
In his statement in the Lok Sabha on 31 March 1955 as published in Hindustan Times on 1 April 1955, Pandit
Nehru said, "Kashmir is perhaps the most difficult of all these problems between India and Pakistan. We should
24
also remember that Kashmir is not a thing to be bandied between India and Pakistan but it has a soul of its own
and an individuality of its own. Nothing can be done without the goodwill and consent of the people of
Kashmir."[583] There was also a White Paper on Kashmir published by the Indian government regarding
plebiscite in Jammu and Kashmir in 1948.
There are many such instances where Nehru made such remarks regarding plebiscite in Jammu and
Kashmir.[583] Pakistan and separatist Hurriyat leaders repeatedly demanded that the Indian Government
should fulfill "Nehru's Promise".[582][584][585]
Position of the Indian authorities on "Nehru's Promise": the Indian government takes the position that
Nehru himself backed off from his promise in the late 1950s. Although he was Prime Minister for 17 years,
he made no serious attempt for a plebiscite. His promises have been taken as a 'good political move'. [586]
The reason for not holding plebiscite was given by India's Defense Minister, Krishnan Menon, who said:
"Kashmir would vote to join Pakistan and no Indian Government responsible for agreeing to plebiscite
would survive.[316]
Indian authorities also say that, Nehru is not current Prime Minister of India, and policies are made on the
basis of views of current Prime Minister and his cabinet which must get nod by both houses of Parliament
of India.[587]
Any Prime Minister of India cannot make the decision of plebiscite unilaterally, a bill of plebiscite must be
passed in both houses of Parliament of India with a massive 2/3rd majority, then it requires assent
by President of India, and if that decision is against Basic structure of Indian Constitution then Supreme
Court of India can outlaw or abolish that decision.[587][588] Preamble and article 3 of part 2 of Constitution of
Jammu and Kashmir says 'Jammu and Kashmir is and shall be an integral part of the Union of India'. This
constitution has been adopted by elected Jammu and Kashmir Constituent Assembly in 1956 when Nehru
was Prime Minister of India.[589]
The daughter of Nehru, Indira Gandhi, and his grandson Rajiv Gandhi were Prime Ministers of India but
they themselves never did any attempt to implement their forefather's 'Promise'. Instead Indira Gandhi
made the 1975 Indira–Sheikh accord with Sheikh Abdullah which wiped out all possibilities of plebiscite. [590]
having solemnly resolved, in pursuance of the accession of this State to India which took place on the twenty sixth day of
October, 1947, to further define the existing relationship of the State with the Union of India as an integral part thereof,
and to secure to ourselves-
JUSTICE, social, economic and political;
LIBERTY of thought, expression, belief, faith and worship;
EQUALITY of status and of opportunity; and to promote among us all;
FRATERNITY assuring the dignity of the individual and the unity of the nation;
IN OUR CONSTITUENT ASSEMBLY this seventeenth day of November, 1956, do HEREBY ADOPT, ENACT AND GIVE
TO OURSELVES THIS CONSTITUTION."
Article 3 of part 2 of Constitution of Jammu and Kashmir also says that 'Jammu and Kashmir is and shall
be an integral part of the Union of India'.[591]
Ram Jethmalani, prominent lawyer, former union minister and chairman of Kashmir Committee said in Nov
2014: "The constitution of this state(Jammu and Kashmir) was not formulated by the Constituent Assembly
of India, but by its Constituent Assembly of Jammu and Kashmir. That was a plebiscite. It is the
Constituent Assembly of Jammu and Kashmir which incorporated some provisions of the Indian
Constitution. You(Kashmiris) are not living under the constitution of India but under the constitution which
was framed by the Constituent Assembly(of Jammu and Kashmir) which has willingly accepted a part of
25
Outlook survey
In 1995 the first ever opinion poll was conducted in the Kashmir Valley by MODE which had been
commissioned by the magazine Outlook. Altogether 504 adults (337 men, 176 women) were interviewed in
Srinagar, Sopore, Baramulla, Bandipora, and Anantnag areas. [597]
Of respondents 72% favoured independence, 19% favoured Pakistan and only 7% favoured a solution
within Indian sovereignty.[597]
Of respondents 80% said that a free and fair election would definitely not help solve the Kashmir problem
while only 4% said that a free and fair election could help resolve the Kashmir conflict. [597]
Kashmir Issue
The Kathwari paper proposed new entity carved out of the Indian-
held Muslim-majority valley after including the Muslim-majority
tehsils of Ladakh and Jammu in it after referendums. The new entity
would thus include all the districts of the Kashmir valley, the
districts of Kargil and Doda, three northern tehsils of Rajauri and
one Tehsil of Udhampur.
Line of Control:
Cease-fire Line established on the basis of the Karachi Agreement of July 27, 1949 which was re-
established after the war of 1965.
The Cease-fire Line resulting from the war of 1971 was therefore called the LOC, making minor
adjustment taking into account the ground positions, and was confirmed by the Simla Agreement
of July 02, 1972.
The LOC has been delineated on maps but has not been demarcated on the ground. It does not
and cannot have the status of an international boundary.
It extends from Thaku Chak/Munawar in the south of Kashmir to map reference NJ 9842 in the
north, a distance of 750 kilometers. In the south, from Thaku Chak/Munawar to Abhiul Gujran is
the working boundary between Pakistan and disputed territory of Jammu and Kashmir. Beyond NJ
9842 the area was left undelineated as in 1972, as, there were no troops of either side present in
this area.
This included the Siachen Glacier. However, Pakistan retained administrative control over the area
and this was recognized in the maps which showed Pakistan’s control up to the Karakoram Pass.
Mountains climbing expeditions, also, sought Pakistan’s permission to climb the peaks in this area.
In 1972, shortly after signing simla, India violated the LOC and occupied the Chorbat La area,
establishing five posts on the Pakistan Controlled side of the LOC up to a depth of 3 Kilometers.
In 1984, India occupied the Siachen Glasier.
In 1989, it took over Qamar Sector, initially establishing 3 posts which have now been increased to
12 posts and covers an area of 33 sq.Kms.
Since 1996, Indian troops have used long range and heavy artillery to cut off the Neelum Valley
from the Area of Azad Kashmir. Such interdiction still continues.
India has mined the area and placed electronic devices to seal LOC, making impossible to cross the
LOC.
Now fencing with several thousands troops exposes false Indian claims of infiltration from the
Pakistan side.
Siachen:
● 77 km long and 24,300 ft above the sea level with temperature as low as -50 degree
Celsius.
Started in 1984
Struggle for settlement in 1989 and 1992 but failed as India backtracked from the accord.
28
India claimed that the areas North and East of NJ 9042 have always been under New Delhi’s
Control and Indian troops were located there since the 50s.
India kept on insisting only on the cease-fire between troops to maintain the status quo.
Pakistan was in favour of rooting out the cause of tension and disengaged troops to 1984
positions.
Pakistan rejected cease-fire and desired authentication asked by India because it would have
meant to endorse India’s claim on the territory.
Wullar Barrage:
India started construction of Wullar Barrage on Jhelum River in 1984.
Pakistan’s objection
Serious ramifications for its economy.
Amount of Silt coming to Mangla Dam might increase.
Affecting the flow of water to Jhelum River by storing it in W.B.
Country might be deprived of 39 per cent of water that legally belongs to it.
India claims that Wullar Lake is a natural storage of fresh water.
Baglihar Dam:
Indus Water Treaty provided that both countries shall have unrestricted use of the water in each
other’s rivers for four distinct purposes: agriculture use, restricted use of hydroelectric power,
domestic use and non-consumptive use. However, both countries were prohibited from
undertaking any man made obstruction to cause change in the volume of the daily flow of water.
India began to construct a dam on the Chenab river in the year 2000 and not a run of the river
project, as claimed by it
B.D. can cause acute shortage of irrigation water in Pakistan told by technical experts.
Violation of International Law too.
Islamabad claims that it has been raising its concerns about the construction of B.D., since 1992,
when it came to know of the project and after having failed to resolve the issue at the level of the
Permanent Indus Commission as well as bilaterally with India it has approached the World Bank
for the appointment of a neutral expert, as provided in the Treaty.
Bilateral meetings ended in smoke.
War of 1965
The Indo-Pakistani War of 1965 started following the culmination of skirmishes that took place between April
1965 and September 1965 and Pakistan's Operation Gibraltar, which was designed to infiltrate forces
into Jammu and Kashmir to precipitate an insurgency against rule by India.[30] India retaliated by launching a
full-scale military attack on West Pakistan. The seventeen-day war caused thousands of casualties on both
sides and witnessed the largest engagement of armored vehicles and the largest tank battle since World War
II.[31][32] Hostilities between the two countries ended after a United Nations-mandated ceasefire was declared
following diplomatic intervention by the Soviet Union and the United States, and the subsequent issuance of
the Tashkent Declaration.[33] The five-week war caused thousands of casualties on both sides. Most of the
29
battles were fought by opposing infantry and armoured units, with substantial backing from air forces, and naval
operations. Pakistan captured notable territory of India. It ended in a United Nations (UN)
mandated ceasefire and the subsequent issuance of the Tashkent Declaration.
War of 1971
Pakistan, since independence, was geo-politically divided into two major regions, West Pakistan and East
Pakistan. East Pakistan was occupied mostly by Bengali people. After a Pakistani military operation and
a genocide on Bengalis in December 1971, following a political crisis in East Pakistan, the situation soon
spiralled out of control in East Pakistan and India intervened in favour of the rebelling Bengali populace. The
conflict, a brief but bloody war, resulted in the independence of East Pakistan. In the war, the Indian
Army invaded East Pakistan from three sides, while the Indian Navy used the aircraft carrier INS Vikrant
(R11) to impose a naval blockade of East Pakistan. The war saw the first offensive operations undertaken by
the Indian Navy against an enemy port, when Karachi harbour was attacked twice during Operation Trident
(1971) and Operation Python. These attacks destroyed a significant portion of Pakistan's naval strength,
whereas no Indian ship was lost. The Indian Navy did, however, lose a single ship, when INS Khukri
(F149) was torpedoed by a Pakistani submarine. 13 days after the invasion of East Pakistan, 90,000 Pakistani
military personnel surrendered to the Indian Army and the Mukti Bahini. After the surrender of Pakistani forces,
East Pakistan became the independent nation of Bangladesh.
Kargil War
During the winter months of 1998-99, the Indian army vacated its posts at very high peaks in Kargil sector
in Kashmir as it used to do every year. Pakistani Army intruded across the line of control and occupied the
posts. Indian army discovered this in May 1999 when the snow thawed. This resulted in intense fighting
between Indian and Pakistani forces, known as the Kargil conflict. Backed by the Indian Air Force, the Indian
Army regained many of the posts that Pakistan had occupied. Pakistan later withdrew from the remaining
portion under international pressure.
Water disputes
The Indus Waters Treaty governs the rivers that flow from India into Pakistan. Water is cited as one possible
cause for a conflict between the two nations, but to date issues such as the Nimoo Bazgo Project have been
resolved through diplomacy.[34]
campaign against Pakistan. Starting preparations for a nuclear test in 1972, India finally exploded its first
nuclear bomb in Pokhran test range, codename Smiling Buddha, in 1974.[78] During the 1980s–90s, India began
development of space and nuclear rockets, which marked Pakistan's efforts to engage in the space race with
India.[79] Pakistan's own program developed space and nuclear missiles and began unmanned flight tests of its
space vehicles in the mid-1990s, which continues in the present. [79]
After the defeat in the Indo-Pakistani war of 1971, Pakistan launched its own nuclear bomb program in 1972,
and accelerated its efforts in 1974, after India exploded its first nuclear bomb in Pokhran test range,
codename Smiling Buddha.[78][80] This large-scale nuclear bomb program was directly in response to India's
nuclear program.[81] In 1983, Pakistan achieved a major milestone in its efforts after it covertly performed a
series of non-fission tests, codename Kirana-I. No official announcements of such cold tests were made
by Pakistan government.[81] Over the next several years, Pakistan expanded and modernized nuclear power
projects around the country to supply its electricity sector and to provide back-up support and benefit to its
national economy. In 1988, a mutual understanding was reached between the two countries in which each
pledged not to attack nuclear facilities. Agreements on cultural exchanges and civil aviation were also initiated,
also in 1988.[81] Finally, in 1998, India exploded its second nuclear test (see: Pokhran-II) which invited Pakistan
to follow the latter's step and performed its own atomic tests (see:Chagai-I and Chagai-II).
Missiles Race:
INDIA
Mounted on Truck
Surface-to-Air,
for low level and
Tirshul 1990 Short Range N.A. interception of
quick reaction.
Aircraft
Deployed in 1994
regiment in
Secundrabad
Tested to a range
of 1,400km.
Two stage: first Successfully
May 1989 uses SL-V- validated India’s
Agni 2500 1000
(failed) Feb1994 3,second Prithvi reentry vehicle
I technology and
basic guidance
systems
Tested to a range
Two stage both
of 2,000 km. 20
Agni II 11Apr 1999 2500-3000 1000 solid fuel, rail
missiles under
mobile
order.
Russian aid in
Sagarika Development 300 500 ?
development?
PAKISTAN
FIRST TECHNICAL
TYPE RANGE PAYLOAD COMMENTS
TESTED DETAILS
Lahore
Developed with
Single stage,
Hatf-1 April 1988 80 500 Chinese
solid fuel
assistance
Single stage,
Hatf-2 April 1988 280-300 500 Discounted
solid fuel
Based on
Single stage, China’s M-97
Hatf-3 July 1997 550 600
solid fuel failed test
flight.
Non Proliferation
to hygienic, 350 million people are living in access to safe water, 94.9 million without
absolute poverty and 69.34 million children access to sanitation. 35 million people are
under five are malnourished. living in absolute poverty and 3.5 million
children under five are malnourished.
1990s
In 1997, high-level Indo-Pakistan talks resumed after a three-year pause. The Prime Ministers of Pakistan and
India met twice and the foreign secretaries conducted three rounds of talks. In June 1997, the foreign
secretaries identified eight "outstanding issues" around which continuing talks would be focused. The conflict
over the status of Kashmir, (referred by India as Jammu and Kashmir), an issue since Independence, remains
the major stumbling block in their dialogue. India maintains that the entire former princely state is an integral
part of the Indian union, while Pakistan insists that UN resolutions calling for self-determination of the people of
the state/province must be taken into account. It however refuses to abide by the previous part of the
resolution, which calls for it to vacate all territories occupied.
In September 1997, the talks broke down over the structure of how to deal with the issues of Kashmir, and
peace and security. Pakistan advocated that the issues be treated by separate working groups. India
responded that the two issues be taken up along with six others on a simultaneous basis.
Attempts to restart dialogue between the two nations were given a major boost by the February 1999 meeting
of both Prime Ministers in Lahore and their signing of three agreements.
A subsequent military coup in Pakistan that overturned the democratically elected Nawaz Sharif government in
October of the same year also proved a setback to relations.
2000s
In 2001, a summit was called in Agra; Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf turned up to meet Indian Prime
Minister Atal Behari Vajpayee. The talks fell through.
On 20 June 2004, with a new government in place in India, both countries agreed to extend a nuclear
testing ban and to set up a hotline between their foreign secretaries aimed at preventing misunderstandings
that might lead to a nuclear war.[82]
Baglihar Dam issue was a new issue raised by Pakistan in 2005.
After Dr. Manmohan Singh become prime minister of India in May 2004, the Punjab provincial
Government declared it would develop Gah, his place of birth, as a model village in his honour and name a
34
school after him.[83] There is also a village in India named Pakistan, despite occasional pressure over the years
to change its name the villagers have resisted.[84] Violent activities in the region declined in 2004. There are two
main reasons for this: warming of relations between New Delhi and Islamabad which consequently lead to
a ceasefire between the two countries in 2003 and the fencing of the LOC being carried out by the Indian Army.
Moreover, coming under intense international pressure, Islamabad was compelled to take actions against the
militants' training camps on its territory. In 2004, the two countries also agreed upon decreasing the number of
troops present in the region.
Under pressure, Kashmiri militant organizations made an offer for talks and negotiations with New Delhi, which
India welcomed.
India's Border Security Force blamed the Pakistani military for providing cover-fire for the terrorists whenever
they infiltrated into Indian territory from Pakistan. Pakistan in turn has also blamed India for providing support to
terrorist organizations operating in Pakistan such as the BLA.
In 2005, Pakistan's information minister, Sheikh Rashid, was alleged to have run a terrorist training camp in
1990 in N.W. Frontier, Pakistan. The Pakistani government dismissed the charges against its minister as an
attempt to hamper the ongoing peace process between the two neighbours.
Both India and Pakistan have launched several mutual confidence-building measures (CBMs) to ease tensions
between the two. These include more high-level talks, easing visa restrictions, and restarting of cricket matches
between the two. The new bus service between Srinagar and Muzaffarabad has also helped bring the two
sides closer. Pakistan and India have also decided to co-operate on economic fronts.
Some improvements in the relations are seen with the re-opening of a series of transportation networks near
the India–Pakistan border, with the most important being bus routes and railway lines.
A major clash between Indian security forces and militants occurred when a group of insurgents tried to
infiltrate into Kashmir from Pakistan in July 2005. The same month also saw a Kashmiri militant attack
on Ayodhya and Srinagar. However, these developments had little impact on the peace process.
An Indian man held in Pakistani prisons since 1975 as an accused spy walked across the border to freedom 3
March 2008, an unconditional release that Pakistan said was done to improve relations between the two
countries.[85]
In 2006, a "Friends Without Borders" scheme began with the help of two British tourists. The idea was that
Indian and Pakistani children would make pen pals and write friendly letters to each other. The idea was so
successful in both countries that the organization found it "impossible to keep up". The World's Largest Love
Letter was recently sent from India to Pakistan.[86]
2010s
In December 2010, several Pakistani newspapers published stories about India's leadership and relationship
with militants in Pakistan that the papers claimed were found in the United States diplomatic cables leak. A
British newspaper, The Guardian, which had the Wikileaks cables in its possession reviewed the cables and
concluded that the Pakistani claims were "not accurate" and that "WikiLeaks [was] being exploited for
propaganda purposes."[87]
On 10 February 2011, India agreed to resume talks with Pakistan which were suspended after 26/11 Mumbai
Attacks.[88] India had put on hold all the diplomatic relations saying it will only continue if Pakistan will act against
the accused of Mumbai attacks.
On 13 April 2012 following a thaw in relations whereby India gained MFN status in the country, India
announced the removal of restrictions on FDI investment from Pakistan to India.[89]
The Foreign Minister of Pakistan on 11 July 2012, stated in Pnom Penh that her country is willing to resolve
some of the disputes like, Sir Creek and Siachan on the basis of agreements reached in past. [90] On 7
September 2012, Indian External Affairs Minister would pay 3-day visit to Pakistan to review the progress of
bilateral dialogue with his Pakistani counterpart. [91]
Fugitives
India has accused some of the most wanted Indian fugitives, such as Dawood Ibrahim, of having a presence in
Pakistan. On 11 May 2011, India released a list of 50 "Most Wanted Fugitives" hiding in Pakistan. This was to
tactically pressure Pakistan after the killing of Osama bin Laden in his compound in Abbottabad.[98]
After two errors in the list received publicity, the Central Bureau of Investigation removed it from their website
pending a review.[99] After this incident the Pakistani interior ministry rejected the list of 50 Most Wanted men
forwarded by India to Islamabad, saying it should first probe if those named in the list were even living in the
country.[100]
Social relations
Cultural links
India and Pakistan, particularly Northern India and Eastern Pakistan, to some degree have similar cultures,
cuisines and languages due to common Indo-Aryan heritage which span through the two countries and
throughout much of the northern subcontinent which also underpin the historical ties between the two. Pakistani
singers, musicians, comedians and entertainers have enjoyed widespread popularity in India, with many
achieving overnight fame in the Indian film industry Bollywood. Likewise, Indian music and film are very popular
in Pakistan. Being located in the northernmost region of the South Asia, Pakistan's culture is somewhat similar
to that of North India, especially the northwest.
The Punjab region was split into Punjab, Pakistan and Punjab, India following the independence and partition
of the two countries in 1947. The Punjabi people are today the largest ethnic group in Pakistan and also an
important ethnic group of northern India. The founder of Sikhism was born in the modern-day Pakistani Punjab
province, in the city of Nankana Sahib. Each year, millions of Indian Sikh pilgrims cross over to visit holy Sikh
sites in Nankana Sahib. The Sindhi people are the native ethnic group of the Pakistani province of Sindh. Many
Hindu Sindhis migrated to India in 1947, making the country home to a sizeable Sindhi community. In addition,
the millions of Muslims who migrated from India to the newly created Pakistan during independence came to be
known as the Muhajir people; they are settled predominantly in Karachi and still maintain family links in India.
Relations between Pakistan and India have also resumed through platforms such as media and
communications. Aman ki Asha is a joint venture and campaign between The Times of India and the Jang
Group calling for mutual peace and development of diplomatic and cultural relations.
36
Geographic links
The Indo-Pakistani border is the official international boundary that demarcates the Indian states of
Punjab, Rajasthan and Gujarat from the Pakistani provinces of Punjab and Sindh. The Wagah border is the
only road crossing between India and Pakistan and lies on the famous Grand Trunk Road, connecting Lahore,
Pakistan with Amritsar, India. Each evening, the Wagah border ceremony takes place at the Wagah border in
which the flags are lowered and guards on both sides make a pompous military display and exchange
handshakes.
Linguistic ties
Hindustani is the linga franca of North India and Pakistan, as well as the official language of both countries,
under the standard registers Hindi and Urdu, respectively. Standard Urdu is mutually intelligible with standard
Hindi. Hindustani is also widely understood and used as a lingua franca amongst South Asians including Sri
Lankans, Nepalis and Bangladeshis, and is the language of Bollywood, which is enjoyed throughout much of
the subcontinent.
Apart from Hindustani, India and Pakistan also share a distribution of the Punjabi language (written in
the Gurmukhi script in Indian Punjab, and the Shahmukhi script in Pakistani Punjab), Kashmiri
language and Sindhi language, mainly due to population exchange. These languages belong to a
common Indo-Aryan family that are spoken in countries across the subcontinent.
Matrimonial ties
Some Indian and Pakistani people marry across the border at instances. Many Indians and Pakistanis in the
diaspora, especially in the United States, intermarry, as there are large cultural similarities between the two
countries respectively.[101]
In April 2010 a high-profile Pakistani cricketer, Shoaib Malik married the Indian tennis star Sania Mirza.[102] The
wedding received much media attention and was said to transfix both India and Pakistan. [103]
Sporting ties
Cricket and hockey matches between the two (as well as other sports to a lesser degree such as those of the
SAARC games) have often been political in nature. During the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan General Zia-ul
Haq travelled to India for a bout of "cricket diplomacy" to keep India from supporting the Soviets by opening
another front. Pervez Musharaff also tried to do the same more than a decade later but to no avail.
In tennis, Rohan Bopanna of India and Aisam-ul-Haq Qureshi of Pakistan have formed a successful duo and
have been dubbed as the "Indo-Pak Express." [104]
Diasporic relations
The large size of the Indian Diaspora and Pakistani Diaspora in many different countries throughout the world
has created strong diasporic relations. British Indians and British Pakistanis, the largest and second-largest
ethnic minorities living in the United Kingdom respectively, are said to have friendly relations with one another.
[105][106]
It is quite common for a "Little India" and a "Little Pakistan" to co-exist in South Asian ethnic enclaves in
overseas countries. There are various cities such as Birmingham, Blackburn and Manchester where British
Indians and British Pakistanis live alongside each other in peace and harmony. Both Indians and Pakistanis
living in the UK fit under the category of British Asian. The UK is also home to the Pakistan & India friendship
forum.[107] In the United States, Indians and Pakistanis are classified under the South Asian American category
and share many cultural traits. In the US, intermarriage between Indians and Pakistanis is common. [101]
Indian air force is equipped with state-of-the-art aircraft (fourth largest air
force).
Sixth largest navy
Surface-to-surface and surface-to-air missiles.
Developing Intermediate Rang Ballistic Missiles & Inter-continental Ballistic
Missiles.
Large arsenal of nuclear and chemical weapons and capability of manufacturing
biological weapons.
Sixth largest nuclear and missiles research establishment.
Space & Nuclear Programmes
Aggressive foreign Policy
US & Russia
(BMD) National Ballistic Missile Defence Programme
Middle East & Saudi Arabia (Fifth largest consumer of oil)
Iran & Afghanistan
African countries, Malaysia & Indonesia
Central Asian Countries
Strategic Objectives of India
Short-Term
Subdue the freedom movement in Kashmir
Achieve nuclear status
Weaken Pakistan through internal destabilization international
isolation and economic degradation long term.
Regional hegemony and domination of the Indian ocean
Emerging as a regional power rivalling China
Struggling for getting a UN Security Council Permanent Seat
Continuing endeavours for global status