African Christian Theology:

A— S-hndy—of“Contrasting Processes of

Theological Reflection in Zaire.

K. Gordon Molyneux

Thesis presented for the degree of

Doctor of Philosophy
at the
School of Oriental and African Studies,

University of London

1988
 ProQuest Number: 10672613

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 ABSTRACT

'African Christian Theology' represents attempts on the part of African

Christians to 'own' their theological reflection, rather than borrow it from
others. This in turn means taking seriously their African heritage or
'identity'.

Chapter 1 of the thesis examines the theological quest in the broader

context of political, educational, literary, and religious factors in sub-
Saharan Africa, All of these fields display a parallel search for 'personhood',
a determination to move from being object to being subject. Considerable
attention is paid to the causes and dynamics of religious independency.
'African Theology' has not emerged from the independent churches, but it is
sympathetic to their cause and has taken up theologically some of their
concerns.

The remaining three chapters of the thesis are devoted to the one country of
Zai're, and more specifically, to three contrastive 'styles' of theological
reflection. It is the argument of the thesis that 'theologizing* is done in a
wide range of sectors of society. Chapter 2 examines the most prominent and
(to the West) most familiar of these processes of theologizing, - the
academic and literary one. Selected to illustrate this process is Kinshasa's
Faculty of Catholic Theology. Reflecting the Faculty's historical links with
the rigorous academic standards of its mother-university Louvain (Belgium),
it has achieved international recognition as one of Black Africa's foremost
centres of research and was at the centre of the debate on 'African
Theology' in the 1960s. The Faculty's emphasis on publication has contributed
significantly to the influence of the institution.

Academic research and publication might constitute the most prestigious

sector of the theological process, and the most 'exportable' in the
international literary world, but it represents only a small part of the
total scene of African Christians expressing and communicating their beliefs.
Chapter 3 looks to the other end of the spectrum as it explores the area of
'oral theology' illustrated by the 'inspired' hymns of the Kimbanguist Church.
The distinct characteristics of orality as opposed to literacy are considered.
The oral sphere does not lend itself to neat, logical analysis as does the
academic sector, yet it lies closer to the heart of spirituality, and to
overlook it is to neglect a major aspect of African Christianity.

Finally, Chapter 4- explores an experiment in Protestant contextual

theologizing in North-East ZaVre; seminars designed to effect an interaction
between the gospel and contextual issues. Involvingparticipants who combined
some theological background with close acquaintance with the 'grassroots'
scene, these 'Gospel and Culture Seminars' might be placed somewhere between
the oral and literary spheres.

From this 'broad-spectrum* understanding of the total theological picture, the

Conclusion seeks to draw out implications for theology itself, for
theological education, and for theological educators in Africa today.

- 2 -
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface 7

Introduction 9

Chapter 1 African Christian Theology; the quest for self-hood 16

The wider context: 16

The colonial experience 16
Education, literature,'negritude' 20
Towards independence 23
African solidarity 27
The case of Zaire 29

The religious scene; Independency 31

Typology 32
Causes 33
Distinctives 40

The theological dimension: 44

Early developments 44
Vatican II 49
Writings and writers 52

Sources: 53
1. Culturo-religiousheritage 53
2. African IndependentChurches 57
3. Nationalism 58
4. Bible 60

Conclusion 64

References 66

- 3 -
Chapter 2 Faith seeking (published) understanding: the contri­
bution of the 'Faculty de Th6ologie Cathollque de Kinshasa1. 78

Early history of the Faculty 78

The Debate; the 1960s 81
African Theology and 'authenticltd' 87
The 'Centre d'Etudes des Religions Africaines' and its 'Cahiers' 90
The 'Revue Africaine de Thdologie' 95
Biblical Studies 95
Philosophy and Ethics 98
Sacraments 101

Theses 104-

Conferences 106

Conclusion 107

References 110

Appendix I; Publications of FTCK 120

Appendix II: CRA subscriptions analysis 121
Appendix III: RAT subscriptions analysis 122

Chapter 3 The Oral Dimension: the place and function of hymns In

the Kimbanguist Church (EJCSK). 123

Introduction 123

The Prophet and his Church 125

Hymns in the EJCSK 130

Nsambu and Fwasi 130
From 'revelation' to 'canonization' 132
Into the life of the Church 136
Selection and interpretation 139

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 'Patterns of concern'; 144
1. Jesus, the Holy Spirit,and Kimbangu 144
2. Ecstasy and Pain 158
3. Hope realised anddeferred 164

Conclusion 168

References 170

Appendix I: Two hymns from 1921 187

Appendix II: Tonic sol-fa transposition 188
Appendix III: Proposed hymnbook contents 189
Appendix IV: Analysis of inspired hymns, 1986 190
Appendix V: Type hymns 191

Chapter 4 In search of a theology to live by; 'Gospel and Culture

Seminars' - an experiment in contextual theologizing in
North-East ZaYre. 197

Background 197

•Loci' of theological reflection in CECA 200

1. Bible Schools 201
2. Pastors' retreats 207
3. 'Women of the Good News' 211
4. Theological Education by Extension 216

Inadequac ies 221

'Gospel and Culture Seminars' 223

The documents: 234

1. The Gospel and African Beliefs 234
2. Fetishism and Healing 238
3. Tribalism 241

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 Participants' appraisal: 245
1. The Seminars 245
2, Gration's role 246

Follow-on 247
1. Replication of theSeminars 247
2. Preaching 250
3. Teaching 253
4. Hymns 256
5. Seminars 257
6. Writing andpublishing 260
7. Other 264

Conclusion 266

References 270

Appendix I: Map of Centraland Eastern Africa 297

Appendix II: Distribution andstatusof AIM personnel 298
Appendix III; QuestionnaireforSeminarparticipants 299

Conclusion 301

Theology in Africa 302

Theological education in Africa 307
Theological educators in Africa 313

References 318

Bibliograph ies 321

Sources 336

- 6 -
 <o*=«-

Errata (African Christian Theology)

p.43, para 5, line 10, to read: macro-cosmology (instead of: macro-

eosmolgy)

p.45, para 1, line 4, to read: consensus (instead of: concensus)

p.47, para 3, line 9, to read: 'Christianisme et negritude' (M.Hebga)

(instead of: 'Christianisme et negritude' (A.Kagame))

p.56, para 2, line 13, to read: (see above, p.47)

p.67, n.21, line 1, to read: II n'est pas question de ressusciter le

passe...

p.94, para 3, line 8, to read: Mulago's 'Elements fondamentaux

(instead of: Malula's 'Elements fondamentaux ...')

p.95, para 4, line 12, to read: sacraments (instead of: sacrements)

also p.102, para 2, line 6, to read: sacramental.

p.96, para 2, line 10, to read: Old Testament (instead of: Old testament)

p.98, para 1, line 2, to read: ' '

p.102, para 4, line 1, to read: only celibate priests (instead of: only
ordained priests)

p.104, para 2, line 3, to read: in CRA (instead of: CRA)

p.Ill, n.24, to read: On the 'Semaines', see also below, p.106.

p.114, n.59, line 5, to read: (see pp.98ff.)

p.119, n.112, no.15, to read: Charisme de la vie consacree

(instead of: Charisme et la vie consacree).

p.139, para 3, line 6, to read: assistance (instead of assitance)

p.165, para 2, line 11, to read: 'locus terrestris' (instead of 'locus

terrestri')

p.182, n.141, line 3, to read: akiti likolo ... (instead of: akiti lokolo)

p.251, section iii. Fetishism, para a), line 2, to read: iia (above) ...
(instead of: iii (above) ...)

p.285, n.187, line 2, to read: see Ch.3 above, p.156.

p.311, para 3, line 15, to read: a place where any African sense ...
(instead of: a place where any African ense ...)
 PREFACE

It would be impossible to name all those in Africa and in England who have
helped to bring to fruition this piece of research. The following paragraphs
name but some whose contribution has been particularly appreciated.
Responsibility for any shortcomings in the thesis, however, is mine alone.

First, I would like to acknowledge the encouragement and guidance of my

supervisor at the School of Oriental and African Studies, Professor Richard
Gray; his combination of personal friendliness and academic rigour has helped
to make this period of research both enjoyable and rewarding.

I have been indebted to several for their willingness (despite very full
time-tables) to read and comment on early drafts of various chapters; among
such I particularly thank Dr, John Mbiti, Bishop Kalilombe, Dr. Paul Bowers,
Dr. W.J.Hollenweger, and Dr. Humphrey Fisher. Others have put their time and
their resouces at my disposal in other ways: Dr. Harold Turner facilitated my
use of the rich collection of articles in the Study Centre for New Religious
Movements, in Birmingham; Fr, Francois Bontinck in Kinshasa allowed me
unhurried use of his personal library which must be oneof the richest
resource centres of historical material in Zaire, if not in Africa; Dr. Marie-
Louise Martin arranged a profitable and informative visit to the Kimbanguist
Theology Faculty in Kinshasa; Pastor Heintze-Flad in Switzerland generously
provided material on Kimbanguist hymns. I thank Miss Kathleen Brain <MBE) for
her help in translating some Kimbanguist hymns from Kikongo into English. Dr.
John Oration (USA) kindly sent photocopied material, including copies of his
field-notes of the 'Gospel and Culture Seminars'.

That my period of field research in Zaire was as profitable as it turned out

to be was largely due to the active assistance of people in each of the
three areas of research. Rev. David Langford who had been involved with the
'Gospel and Culture Seminars' in the North-East of Zaire, helped me to
establish contact quickly with nearly all of the Swahili-speaking
participants in the Rethy area. His personal reminiscences of the seminars,

- 7 -
and our stimulating exchanges of ideas, both in conversation and by letter,
have been a valued contribution. The French-speaking participants, all
personal friends from my several years of service with the CECA Church, each
unhesitatingly spared time for unhurried conversations. For my time with
the Faculty of Catholic Theology in Kinshasa, Cannon Alfred Vanneste arranged
accommodation at the nearby Scheutist Guest Centre, and made the necessary
introductions to the Faculty personnel. Almost daily during my three weeks
with the Kimbanguists, Pastor Nsambu (the Director of Department of Hymns)
put himself at my disposal, answering my questions and accompanying me to
the different choir activities in Kinshasa that he had drawn up, The
translation of many dozens of hymns from Kikongo to French would never have
been accomplished without the loyal and untiring help of Cit. Nziama. He
became a true friend, and my debt to him is indeed great. To my generous
Kimbanguist hosts, and to His Eminence Diangienda Kuntima, the 'Chef
Spiritual' (without whose official approval little of my Kimbanguist research
would have been possible) I offer grateful thanks.

I am also indebted to the Theology Project Fund of the Universities and

Colleges Christian Fellowship and to the Research Fund of the School of
Oriental and African Studies for their contributions towards university fees
and field research expenses respectively.

Finally, I must thank ray wife Christine, Her help with library searches,
photocopying, and proof-reading, as well as her constant encouragement and
interest in the subject, have all contributed significantly towards the
completion of the thesis. This work is dedicated to the African Church which
we are privileged to serve together.
 INTRODUCTION

Thirty five years ago the expression 'African Theology' was still unknown.
Although many of the factors that have since promoted its emergence were
already at work then, and had been, some of them, for many years, it was
only in the later years of the 1950s that there emerged, hesitatingly at
first, then with increasing insistence, the theological process or processes
which came to be known by the name. It is a measure of 'African Theology's'
recognition that the Revue Afrlcalne de Thdologie has undertaken to publish
in instalments a bibliography of works (books and articles) relating to the
subject. By its April 1986 issue, the RAT catalogue was still listing works
published before 1980, but already the inventory numbered well over 6,000
items. The mushrooming literature, divided into several different categories,
testifies not only to its mounting importance, but also to its rich diversity.

The theology under examination is 'African' in the twin senses of authorship

and context; it is done primarily by Africans and with Africa in mind,
However, this statement needs qualification in two directions. First, closer
inspection reveals that there have been and are a considerable number of
non-African names involved in the theological process in Africa, - names such
as Edwin Smith, Bengt Sundkler and Aylward Shorter come to mind. Their
writings rightly figure among the corpus of 'African Theology' because they
have deliberately sought to address the African context and its bearing upon
theology. The on-going debate of the subject will assess to what extent
their contribution has been significant, but the fact that they have
contributed cannot reasonably be denied. Thus in deciding what constitutes
'African Theology', the concerns of the theological reflection in question are
more important than the colour or race of the theologian. For the same
reason, not all theology done by Africans warrants the epithet 'African'; its
'African-ness' will depend rather on its discernible relevance to questions of
African existence and perception.

- 9 -
Secondly, the term does not usually encompass all of the African continent.
The areas to the north of the Sahara desert which are dominated by Islamic
religion and culture and where the Christian presence is a very small
minority, are not normally included. Nor has it traditionally included South
Africa where in the past black Christians have articulated their voice only
with difficulty under the 'apartheid' regime. The increasingly clamant
theological utterances by Church leaders in that part of the Continent have
usually been categorized separately as forming part of the 'Black Theology'
corpus, a theology with a distinctly urgent political flavour to it. It is,
however, becoming increasingly difficult to keep the two 'theologies' apart as
if they had nothing to do with one another, and many theological works from
Africa and many conferences of theologians in Africa have deliberately
sought to include the South African voice, as one element of the whole
complex picture. 'Black Theology' is no less contextual ized than 'African
Theology', but because political factors dominate that context its emphases
are political rather than cultural. For this reason, Tutu has argued that
'Black Theology' and 'African Theology' might be regarded as concentric
circles, with 'Black Theology' forming the smaller, inner circle.1 The All
Africa Conference of Churches has repeatedly included the South Africa
situation within its parameters, and has frequently used language reminiscent
of Latin American 'Liberation Theology'. Although the present thesis has
chosen to concentrate on 'African Theology', the increasing interpenetration
of 'Black Theology', 'Liberation Theology' and 'African Theology' is noted.

The theology under discussion in the thesis is deliberately qualified as

'Christian' because in the broad and complex subject of theology in Africa,
some have argued that a true African Theology will be a careful
systematization of traditional African concepts of God and religion.
According to J.K.Agbeti (Ghana): ''When we talk about 'African Theology', we
should talk about the pre-Christian, pre-Muslim African people's experience
of their God",2 There have been many distinguished works on the African
religious heritage, and there is no doubt about the correctness of Mbiti's
assertion: "African peoples are not religiously illiterate"3 However, while
the 'African Theology' which is the subject of this thesis cannot be
understood apart from this heritage of traditional religion, it seeks rather

- 10 -
to examine theological reflection in Africa which relates to an understanding
of the Christian Gospel in relation to life and existence in Africa.

As for theology itself, it will become clear from the thesis that what is
envisioned by the term is reflection about God, salvation through Christ, and
human existence; "faith seeking understanding", to quote Aquinas' definition
of theology, The breadth of this definition is important for the
investigations and conclusions of the thesis, for it follows that theology as
an academic study, performed by an elite in the classroom or lecture-room, is
only part of a greater whole. While the 'specialists' in the University
Departments of Theology and in theological and Bible schools with their
technical terminology occupy a privileged place within theology, it is not
the only place, nor is it necessarily the greater place. At all levels and in
all places, African Christians of differing cultural and educational
backgrounds are reflecting upon and expressing Cin various ways) their
beliefs about God and Christ and the meaning of life. The thesis seeks to
explore some of these dimensions of theological reflection, their different
dynamics, and their importance to the life and thought of the Church in
Africa, To an extent, these 'lieux thdologiques* correspond to educational
levels. It is difficult to avoid conveying unintended value judgments when
speaking of 'higher' and 'lower* levels, and for this reason I have preferred
to use terminology such as "the academic dimension of theological reflection"
or "theology in the oral sector".

Some scholars, in recognition of the rich diversity of the African socio­

religious context and the lack of theological consensus, have argued that it
is more accurate to speak of 'African Theologies' in the plural. Tienou
states: "Those who choose the singular seem to do so on the assumption of a
unified Christian theology (and an) essential uniformity of traditional
religion in Africa"*, and he quotes Fashole-Luke in support of the plural
form:

The way forward seems to be the recognition that 'African Theology' will
never be a unified movement, but will take on different colours or
emphases depending upon the local situations where attempts are being
made to express Christianity in meaningful African terms.s

- 11 -
I have deliberately chosen to retain the singular form, however. My emphasis
in the thesis is not upon the products but upon the process. The process of
faith in Christ seeking understanding is a complex one, capable of being done
in a bewildering variety of different languages, at different levels,
reflecting different contexts with their particular emphases, and with
different results. Yet all relate to the same quest. In the same way as 'art*
can encompass an extraordinary variety of imaginative human skills (painting,
scuplture, pottery, tapestry, etc., - whether done by the Great Masters or by
school chidren), so 'theology' can legitimately embrace the many and varied
attempts to articulate belief.

'African Christian Theology* is above all contextual; that is, it arises from
and in turn addresses the African context. Almost by definition, therefore, it
is not an isolated phenomenon; it jostles with other discernible factors, like
one in a crowd. The aim of the first chapter of the thesis is to set the
quest for theology done by Africans and for Africans in its continent-wide
setting. Other currents, distinct from theology yet running broadly in the
same direction, are examined, and the sometimes controversial relations
between the religio-theological and (for example) historical or political
influences are studied. Within the complexity, a recurring 'leit-motif' can be
discerned,

In the remaining chapters, the thesis turns from the general scene in Africa
to the specific situation in the one Central African country of Zaire.
The 'case studies' chosen for consideration have been selected from three
different confessions. Chapter Two is devoted to one example of theological
reflection of an academic nature, Kinshasa's Faculty of Catholic Theology
(FTCK). The Faculty played no small role in the debate about the legitimacy
of the notion of 'African Christian Theology', and it continues to maintain a
voice in the continuing articulation of it. The historical background to the
FTCK's rigorous academic standards is examined. Particular attention is drawn
to the Faculty's emphasis upon theological publication, which, the thesis
argues, has helped in establishing the 'influence' of the Faculty in Africa
and beyond.

- 12 -
Chapter Three examines an example from the other end of the theological
spectrum, the area of 'oral theology'. The characteristics which differentiate
orality from literacy are considered. Whereas literary theology both uses and
can be assessed by accepted scholarly standards of verbal directness and
logical argument, oral expression of beliefs is at the same time more
concrete yet more allusive and symbolic, In examining one example of 'oral
theology', the hymns of the 'Eglise de J6sus-Christ sur la Terre par le
Proph^te Simon Kimbangu* (the Kimbanguist Church), the importance of
respecting the oral genre and not forcing it into rigid, speculative moulds
is stressed. Nevertheless, the hymns afford access to the Kimbanguist world
of popular beliefs that are sometimes not disclosed by the more measured
statements of the official, literary sector, and yet which arguably echo more
nearly the beliefs of the majority. Although hymns have been selected for
examination in the chapter, they constitute but one of the avenues of oral
theological expression; others include drama, sermons, prayers, liturgy, and
dance. The chapter reveals the important role that language plays in
expressing certain beliefs.

The tendency of the two sectors, oral and literary, to diverge is one of the
concerns of the thesis. The Gospel and Culture Seminars which took place in
North-East Zai're and which form the subject of the fourth and final chapter
were a theological experiment situated part way between orality and literacy.
Participants at the seminars had had some theological training either to
diploma-level at the local Bunia Theological Seminary, or elsewhere to degree
level or beyond, but almost all of them were pastors with considerable
experience at the 'grassroots'. Their concern was to direct their attention to
the real-life situation in their own geographical region and to effect an
interrelation between traditional beliefs and practices on the one hand and
the Christian Gospel on the other. The methodology at the seminars led the
delegates to identify areas of recurring weakness in the Church where the
Gospel seemed powerless. These were areas of traditional custom and belief
which had met a response of unsympathetic denial or rejection by the
missionary bearers of Christianity and by their African associates.
Consequently, these attitudes and practices were submerged yet nevertheless
continue to persist, not only in traditional society but also to some extent
within the Church, The agenda for theological instruction and reflection in

-13-
the many Bible schools and theological establishments of the church-body in
question, the 'Communaut6 Evang61ique au Centre de l'Afrique' (CECA), is to a
considerable extent the legacy of Western patterns, covering a spectrum of
subjects reminiscent of Western equivalents. The Seminars deliberately sought
to explore by discussion crucial areas of belief and behaviour not usually
included in those curricula, The ZaYrian participants of the seminars thus
shared with the oral sector a concern for real-life issues and problems. On
the other hand, their educational background had equipped them with the
necessary ability to conceptualize the practices and beliefs, and, having done
so, to see if the Bible addressed these same issues directly or indirectly.
The entire exercise was done, not for purposes of an academic debate, but
for pastoral reasons, to permit an integrated Christianity where no cultural
or social issues are left for the ZaYrian Christian 'outside' of the reach of
the will of God as he understands it to be revealed in the Christian
Scriptures. Further, the experiment was designed to self-reproduce in other
places under the guidance of the delegates. The purpose of the research was
not only to examine the methodology of the Seminars, but to explore to what
extent they achieved their objectives.

It needs to be emphasised that the three 'case studies' selected for analysis
in the thesis are in no way considered to characterize their respective
confessions. The Roman Catholic Church in ZaYre has loci of theological
reflection other than the 'Faculty1. It has its seminaries, its 'communaut^s
de base' (local Christian communities); and its liturgy, hymns, sermons, etc.
could have been explored for what they reveal about Catholic 'oral theology'
in ZaYre. In the same way, the Kimbanguists have a Theology Faculty and a
growing theological literature emerging from it. So do the Protestants, with
their Protestant Faculty of Theology in Kinshasa and almost ten diploma-level
theological seminaries in different corners of the country. In other words,
the full spectrum of the different 'types' of theology is to be found in each
of the three confessions, A thesis could have been written on a comparative
basis, comparing and contrasting, for instance, literary theology in each of
the three confessions, or oral theology in each. The present thesis does not
attempt to present a comparative study between confessions. It rather seeks
to explore contrastive ways of doing theology, with selected case studies to
illustrate the different sectors in which theologizing is going on.

-14-
The thesis concludes by considering the implications of the research. The
broad-spectrum definition of theology as 'faith seeking understanding'
necessarily has repercussions upon three areas of the theological scene in
ZaYre and Africa. Firstly, it affects perception of what th e o lo g y is, and
therefore of who may do it. Secondly, and consequently, th e o lo g ic a l e d u c a tio n
in Africa needs to recognise the place and importance of the different
sectors in which faith-reflection is done, and encourage the process not only
at the academic end of the spectrum, but also at every level. It must be
particularly concerned to relate its theological reflection to the African
context. Finally, there are necessarily implications for th e o lo g ic a l
e d u c a to rs at whatever level they may be working. If theological education is
more than mere content-transmission and is rather facilitating faith-
reflection (with its effects on praxis), it follows that the educator should
be skilled at bringing about a dynamic encounter between context and Gospel.
This will go at least part-way towards a Christian theology in Africa which
is not mediated or imposed but truly 'owned'.

References

1. D.Tutu, 'Th<k>logie africaine et th£ologie noire; la qudte de l'authenticit6

et la lutte pour la liberation', in Flambeau. Vol.49, 1976, p.21

2. J.K.Agbeti, 'African Theology; what is it?', Presence. No.5, 1972, pp6ff, I

owe this reference to B. Kato, 'Theological Issues in Africa, Biblical
Christianity in Africa, p. 42.

3. J.Mbiti, Concepts of God in Africa. S.P.C.K., London, 1970, p. xiii.

4. T.Tienou., 'The problem of methodology in African Christian Theologies',

unpublished PhD Thesis, Fuller Theological Seminary, School of World Mission,
1984, pp. 19-20. Permission to quote applied for,

5. E.W. Fashole-Luke, 'Footpaths and signposts to African Christian

Theologies', in Bulletin de Th6ologie Africaine. Vol.3, No.5, 1981. Quoted by
Tienou, op cit, p,20.

- 15 -
 Chapter 1

African Christian Theology: the quest for self-hood

The wider context

The process which we have chosen to call ’African Christian Theology' is but
one expression of a much wider, more complex development that has taken
place in the continent during the 20th Century. The transition from colonial
status to independent nationhood received impetus from internal and external
factors and promoted the quest for the discovery or re-discovery of an
'African identity'. It is against this background that our subject should be
viewed.

The Colonial Experience

The meeting of the two worlds in the colonial era was a very unequal one, in
which the European world was the actor and the African world the stage. The
partition of Africa between the European powers of France, Britain, Portugal,
Germany, and Belgium, (decided at the Berlin Conference of 1884-85), was
essentially a projection into Africa of the internal politics of Europe,1 and
it neither consulted nor had regard for the people of the continent
concerned. Decisions which were to affect the destinies of future generations
of Africans were made by European statesmen poring over inaccurate maps in
the comfort of country residences in France or Britain. Some of the frontiers
could claim no rationale other than the convenience of lines of longitude and
latitude, Ethnic and linguistic entities in Africa were thereby often severed
in two. The lines drawn by European politicians across maps of Africa
unwittingly dramatized the crossing out or cancelling of tribal and cultural
identity.

- 16 -
The two principal colonial powers, Britain and France, developed divergent
policies towards their fledgling African territories. Broadly speaking, the
British approach was that of 'indirect rule' which envisaged the internal
progress of the country, building on traditional foundations, and providing
local political institutions in which the Africans were represented. France,
on the other hand, understood the development of its territories (boldly
called 'France Outremer') in terms of itself, as a political, cultural and
linguistic extension of France; it opened its governmental doors in Paris to
African participation, and Africans were elected to the prestigious
'Assemble Nationale'r2 Either way, however, deliberate planning towards
increased responsibility and eventual independence was slow. While there were
notable exceptions, there is much documented evidence of colonial paternalism
and racial discrimination based on concepts of the evolutionary biological
and mental inferiority of the Negro as compared with the Caucasian races,
with Britain making perhaps a poorer show in these attitudes than France.
And in the Belgian, Portuguese, and Spanish territories provision for
eventual independence was even scantier.

After initial and often bloody resistance by African peoples to European

intervention at the beginning of the colonial era, it appears that many later
African leaders did not resent or see any alternative to the pattern
established of development within the circle of their colonial patrons. Some
were positively enthusiastic. Casely Hayford, prominent leader of the Gold
Coast insisted to the Legislative Council in 1923 that "loyalty and
cooperation with His Majesty's Government is no mere matter of sentiment;
for we feel and realise that our interests as a people are identical with
those of the Empire, and we mean, as in the past, in the present and the
future, to stand by the Empire through thick and thin in every
circumstance,"3 On the French side, Blaise Diagne, Senegalese deputyinthe
French National Assembly sharply rejected the overtures of Marcus Garvey,
leader of a 'Back to Africa' movement, stating: "We French natives wish to
remain French since France has given us every liberty and since she has
unreservedly accepted us upon the same basis as her own European children.
None of us desires to see French Africa delivered exclusively to the
Africans...",* and in this he was echoed as late as 1957 by Felix Houphouet
Boigny of the Ivory Coast when he appealed: "I am only asking you to be fair

- 17 -
and consider the facts. Is there a single country in the world which would
offer to an African of my colour, race, and stage of civilization the liberty
equality and fraternity we can find within the French community?"*5

The warmth of such remarks was understandable as the manifest benefits of

the international links within the colonial framework were becoming visible,
especially after the First World War. The newly constituted League of Nations
described the territories as a "sacred trust of civilization" to be governed
until such time as they were able "to stand on their own feet". The
internationally sanctioned philosophy of the colonial role, therefore, even if
it was not always practised, became one of tutelage and development. The
outward symbols of educational, economic, and political development were
increasingly evident as schools, hospitals, offices, factories, and
communication facilities multiplied.

Less conspicuously, and less happily, a pattern was asserting itself in which
the metropolitan powers were casting themselves in the active role while the
territories were being cast in the passive. Society was experiencing rapid
and profound changes, and these were not the consequence of internal
evolution but imposition from without. In Western societies, too, there exist
both traditional and progressive sectors typified by rural and urban groups
respectively, but these are the results of dynamic evolution within the
country and are largely complementary to one another; having a common
origin, they are not mutually incompatible. The widely divergent traditional
and modern sectors in Africa, however, are due to quite distinct forces which
not only have little in common with each other but are even Incompatible.^
The social and cultural dislocation experienced by Africans as a result of
the bewilderingly rapid changes brought about by the colonial experience is
expressed by M. Assimeng:

If the social collectivity is generally stable, with a very piecemeal

and predictable rate of change, the individual's connection with such a
collectivity which is a fundamental pillar of his identity, is assured
of stability, continuity, and meaning. But if the collectivity begins to
experience rapid and sudden change, then the question of meaning and
structure becomes a major one... In brief, African social structures
came to embrace, at various levels of congruence and disharmony, the
modernizing features of monetized economy and its implications;
individualism and economic and status competition; urbanization and the

- 18 -
 1

relatively permanent physical and psychological movement of people from

their places of birth and nurturing to new centres of population
aggregation; secondary relationships becoming dominant as an imperative
of bureaucracy, new patterns of social stratification,..7.

The writer goes on to quote Ruch to show that the up-rooting was so
profound as to do violence even to concepts of being and time;

The cyclical time of myth gives way to lineal time of conscious and
planned progress. The stability and perennity of mythical life, in which
the individual was perfectly and harmoniously integrated with his
physical and social surroundings disappears. Man is now torn between
his own rapid individual becoming and the slow growth of society; two
lineal times running at different speeds.®

Imperial western values and concepts, themselves profoundly influenced by

Judaeo-Christian thinking, were at one and the same time opening to African
societies the intellectual and economic means of nationhood, and also
creating a universe where their traditional world-view found no place.
Education obviously played a major role in spreading the new ways of
thinking. In this the Christian missionaries were the first and most
important agents. Everywhere they went they opened schools as an effective
means of evangelism, and the education thus acquired, however rudimentary,
granted the schoo 1-goers with "at least some sense of mastery over thenew
conditions created by the colonial system."3 Literacy was often Bible
orientated, and this in itself, introduced a historical view of life that was
different from the traditional one which was "essentially static, looking
along the lines of lineage and genealogy into the mythical past and finding
there in common origins whatever unity there might be for present sections
of society,"10 The Biblical notion of progress towards a future which could
be different from the past contrasted with the traditional conservative and
repetitive society, and permitted the notion of national development and
improvement. As Mbiti explains,

To the African peoples, history moves backwards and cannot therefore

head towards a goal, a climax, or termination... But a future dimension
of Time is being born in (African) thinking and life as a result of the
impact of Christianity with its eschatology and of Western type
education with its emphasis on individualism and planning for and
thinking about the future.11

The overall effect of these forces and changes was that extrinsic factors
(in the form of colonial ideas, personnel, and values) acted the part of

- 19 -
'subject', while the African continent and its peoples were 'object'. There
were, of course, administrative and missionary personnel who were culturally
sensitive and who were anxious not to ignore or disdain African values and
insights, but viewing the entire colonial experience as a whole, the
impression was given that the African had little or nothing to contribute;
religiously, as well as culturally, what he possessed before was to be
relinquished; it was his privilege to receive, learn, accept. Thus came into
being what Kwame Nkrumah called "the central myth in the mythology
surrounding Africa" namely, "the denial that we are a historical people.
Africa, it is said, entered history only as a result of European contact. Its
history is widely felt to be an extension of European history,"12

Education, literature, and 'nigritude*

Education, the very factor which pushed traditional values and concepts into
the background, contained within itself the seeds of the new quest for a
rediscovery of African identity. The quest, at least in a deliberate, self-
concious form, was earliest expressed by a group of black French-speaking
intellectuals in Paris. Although only one of three founder members was
African, they shared a common African ancestry, and, being black, were
personally aware of the social and political disadvantages of the Negro. In
1934 a cultural and literary movement articulated through the journal
L'Etudiant noir was founded by Ldopold Sedar Senghor (Senegal), L6on Damas
(French Guiana), and Aimd Cdsaire (Martinique), It came to represent in
literary form the notion of 'negritude' which Janheinz Jahn has described as
"The successful revolt in which Caliban broke out of the prison of Prospero's
language, by converting that language to his own needs for self-
expression."13 The Negritude movement reached its apogee with the
publication of Senghor's Anthologle de la nouvelle po6sie n£gre et malagache
de la langue francaise (Black Orpheus). Its preface was written by Sartre who
recognised that this literature was struggling for emancipation, although he
still interpreted this struggle in communist terms. While the movement was
originally connected with the French Communist Party, its thrust was cultural
rather than political, as Senghor himself insisted: "Negritude is the sum

- 20 -
total of cultural values of the Black world, such as are expressed in the
life, institutions, and works of black people."1A

The decades since the 1930s have seen a prolific literary activity by African
writers. Much of what has been written has had in mind a readership outside
of Africa, not only for economic reasons, but also because it is there that
attitudes are deemed to need changing.

Increasingly in recent years the works of African authors and playwrights

have been studied in secondary and higher institutions within Africa, and
have undoubtedly been instrumental in shaping African ideas and values.
Especially in the earlier works, African authors emphasised the past,
insisting "we must first set the scene which is authentically African; then
what follows will be meaningful."15 In their 'retour aux sources' the African
authors present often a magnificent past which answers and replaces the
glories of Europe so long presented to them in class as the only ones worthy
of a place in history. This alternative to a borrowed history is what C6saire
meant when he said "ma ndgritude n'est ni une tour, ni une cath^drale".1s
The contemporary influential Nigerian writer, Chinua Achebe, sees the role of
the African author in terms of the dignity which the African once had, but
which he lost during the colonial period;

The writer's duty is to help regain this (dignity) byShowing them (the
African peoples) in human terms what has happened to them, what they
lost... To help my society regain belief in itself, and to put away the
complexes of years of denigration and self-abasement,., I would be quite
satisfied if my novels (especially the ones I set in the past) did no
more than teach my readers that their past, with all its imperfections
was not one long night of savagery from which thefirstEuropeans,
acting on God's behalf, delivered them.1T

Long condemned to be a people without history, the young intellectuals of

negritude recalled their glorious past or their rural traditional values.1&

Negritude, therefore, was an attempt by African writers and thinkers "to be

truly ourselves" (CSsaire), It was a major 'prise de conscience* by black
Africans; a negative reaction against the economic, cultural and political
assimilation of the colonial period, and also a positive reassertion of black
African values; "To set our own and effective revolution, we had first to put

- 21 -
off our borrowed dresses, those of assimilation, and affirm our being, that
is, our negritude.,n 3 The whole process undoubtedly received fresh impetus
and wider dissemination from the various international forums which provided
opportunities for cross-fertilization of ideas. Literary reviews enabled
philosophical ideas to penetrate political concepts and vice-versa. Both
Nyerere and Mboya were involved at one time or another with Transition, a
literary review which started in Kampala in 1961 and moved to Ghana in 1971,
Penpoint, another review based in Kampala, was started in 1956. Francophone
Africa had had, since 1947, the literary journal Prdsence Africaine,founded
and edited byAlioune Diop, and published both in Paris and Dakar. It was
Presence Africaine which organised the 'Premier Congr^s International des
Ecrivains et Artistes Noirs', held in Paris in 1956. This Congress in turn
gave birth to an anglophone equivalent of Presence Africaine. published since
1957 in Nigeria, and called Black Orpheus.

The German Janheinz Jahn, himself instrumental in bringing about Black

Orpheus, emphasises the important function of the African writer as shaper
of the new Africa and articulator on behalf of the people not only of the
distant past, but also of a vaguely hoped-for future;

He is word-magician and announcer, Africa's spokesman, sponsor,

and interpreter to the outside world, Africa's educator within,,.
Reality offers dormant subject matter which his word awakens,
turns into images and projects towards the future, The function
of this kind of writing isnot to describe things as they are
for the sake of description, but to create prototypes; visions
of what ought to be. Therefore the style is in the
'imperative'.20

This increasingly prescriptive (present and future orientated) rather than

merely descriptive (backward looking) style of writing matches Senghor's own
concern: "It is not a question of resurrecting the past, of living in some
Negro-African Museum; it is rather a question of quickening this world 'hie
et nunc* with the values of our past",21

- 22 -
Towards independence

The literary contribution undoubtedly gave impetus to the political winds

that began to blow with increasing strength towards the end of the colonial
era, especially after the Second World War. Indeed many have pointed to the
War itself as being part of the process that swept Africa to independence in
the late 1950s and 1960s. The declared aim of the Allied Forces (in which
many African soldiers served) was to save the Free World from the oppression
of Hitler's Germany and from his uninvited domination of weaker countries
like Poland. The virtues of freedom and the rights of nations to self-
government were at stake. Now it was becoming increasingly difficult to
justify the colonial over lordship which these same 'liberators' exercised in
Africa. The very reasons which justified Britain and France's opposition to
the Third Reich in Europe put into question their colonial role in Africa.
Nnamdi Azikiwe, eventual President of independent Nigeria, wrote during the
years of the Second World War;

Self-government we must have. Great Britain cannot deny us this

birthright of ours. Britain cannot be fighting a war of
liberation and yet keep millions of Nigerians in political
bondage, Nigerian soldiers are now shedding their blood. In the
deserts of the Middle East, in the jungles of Burma, in the
wilds of North Africa, in the mountains of East Africa they are
sacrificing in order to make the world safe for democracy. They
fight and die so that Nigerians and the rest of the world may
enjoy political freedom... Will their sacrifice be in vain?22

On the part of the colonial powers there was a noticeable shift in policies
after the end of the War. Charles de Gaulle's provisional government convened
a conference in Brazzaville early in 1944- to elaborate the French policy
towards the African territories, and even if there was no thought then of
eventual self-government, the first steps were taken towards a more just and
equitable association. Britain, as has been noted, had encouraged allalong
the internal development of their African territories along their own lines,
but the process of development was accelerated as Britain accepted a large
measure of responsibility for welfare and education. African participation in
local government was encouraged, and when this participation constituted an

- 23 -
African majority it became almost impossible to check the growing demand for
full self-government and independence.

The post-1945 world scene saw a shift in the centre of gravity of

international politics away from the European powers now exhausted from two •
World Wars, and towards the new assertive influence of the United States and
the Soviet Union, Both of these emerging super-powers were opposed to
European colonization, Russia, increasingly antagonistic to the 'Free World'
(including the colonial powers) and with its own history of the 1917
Bolshevik revolution, became ever more vociferous in its declamation of the
imperialistic and colonial policies of the West, and thereby encouraged,
directly or indirectly, the African pursuit of independence.

The position of the two major powers on this issue was to a large extent
echoed by the newly established (June 1945) United Nations Organisation,
which was far more sensitive to the colonial situation than ever its
predecessor (the League of Nations) had been. Its Universal Declaration of
Human Rights proclaimed by the General Assembly on 10th December 1946 had
to be signed by all members and affirmed faith in the human rights of all
without distinction of race, language, sex or religion. Even if the UN proved
unable always to achieve these goals, its stated and agreed objectives helped
to create a changing ideological atmosphere where the perpetuation of
colonial values was becoming increasingly difficult, And its words were
certainly taken seriously by African leaders. It was to the 73rd Article of
the UN Charter that Gabriel d'Arboussier, one of the founders of the
'Rassemblement D6mocratique Africain', an inter-territorial nationalist party
in French West and Equatorial Africa, appealed for "the fundamental principle
of the right of people to dispose of themselves as they wish, and as a
corollary, the primacy of the interests of the people of each territory".23
African leaders thus had in the UN a respected supporting authority for
their aspirations outside of themselves. By the time the first African states
had gained their independence there could be no acceptable outcome short of
full independence for all African territories. In 1960 the General Assembly
of the UN was able (despite 9 abstentions, including the US, the UK, and
France) to denounce colonialism as contrary to the Charter and to

- 24 -
fundamental human rights, and to assert the right of all peoples to self-
determination,

The shift in international political climate coincided with (and certainly

promoted) a proliferation within the African continent of institutions of
higher learning. Before the Second World War the number of Black African
universities south of the Sahara were few: only Fourah Bay College in Sierra
Leone (founded by the Church Missionary Society in 1827) and Fort Hare in
South Africa's Ciskei (founded in 1916 with a Free Church of Scotland
tradition). Up until this time, it was assumed that the best and almost only
higher education would be obtained outside of Africa, and most of Africa's
emerging intellectual and political leaders such as Jomo Kenyatta, Nnamdi
Azikiwe, Kwame Nkrumah, Hastings Banda, Leopold Senghor, and Felix Houphouet-
Boigny received their university education abroad. Suddenly, after the War,
this situation changed as each country saw the importance of high-level
academic and professional education within its own borders. Universities
became one of the symbols of national identity, Whereas before 1960 full
universities in Black Africa numbered only nine, in the 1960s 21 universities
were added, in the 1970s another 19, and in the first six years of the 1980s
15 more,2-* Joseph Ki-Zerbo of the Voltaic Republic (UNESCO consultant on
education) has underlined the importance of education as an instrument for
shaping national and racial consciousness: "For the African personality to
assert itself, it is necessary to rediscover the African cultural heritage,
and to this an important place must be allocated in education,"2®

Consistent with their divergent colonial philosophies, anglophone Africa

witnessed a more rapid development of university education than did its
francophone counterpart, Nigeria saw perhaps the most prolific establishment
of universities, with Ibadan being founded in 1948, and followed by Nsukka,
Lagos, Zaria, and Ife, Sudan had its Khartoum University (1948), Ghana
started its Legon University in Accra in 1948-9, Uganda's prestigious
Makerere University commenced in 1949. But the same trend was observable in
French-speaking Africa, too. Zaire's Lovanium was founded in 1949 at Kisantu
and the next year moved to Kinshasa, although the lack of secondary
education in the then Congo meant that it was only four years later that it

- 25 -
could officially function as a university. At about the same time (1950)
Senegal started its 'Institut des Hautes Etudes' at Dakar.2®

That most of these institutions were closely modelled on and affiliated to

various European parent universities and were initially staffed largely by
expatriate teachers, does not alter the fact that a new intellectually,
culturally, and politically aware elite began emerging from these
universities from the early 1950s.

The growth of the labour movement similarly opened up new avenues of

political Influence, through which future leaders like Tom Mboya (Kenya) and
Sekou Toure (Guinea) came to prominence. With support mounting behind them
from lesser ranks of leadership, and from the growing numbers of politically
aware employees in the modern urban sectors of mining, trade, and
agriculture, as well as in university circles, pressure was increasing across
many African territories for full self-government, An increasingly confident
African press was meanwhile articulating the rising aspirations of the
people for independence. By the late 1950s the growing African political,
cultural, and educational awareness had combined to produce an almost
irresistible tide-swell against the colonial experience.

It was inevitable that the rising waters would break through the retaining
wall, and it was in the Gold Coast that the dam-burst eventually came.
Nkrumah had been insisting that nothing short of "Self government, now"
would satisfy the people of his party, and his brief imprisonment by the
British for sedition undoubtedly rallied African support to his side. In 1957
the Gold Coast became independent Ghana, with Nkrumah as its president, and
other British West African countries followed, De Gaulle's France attempted
to defuse the situation in her territories by offering them an attractive
alternative to complete independence from France, namely autonomy as
separate republics within the French 'Communautd' (with France maintaining
certain military and econmic responsibilities). The initiative seemed poised
to succeed smoothly with almost every country opting for autonomy. However,
the one exception, Guinea, had the effect of destroying the envisaged
'Communautd', and by the close of 1960, all the former colonies of both

- 26 -
French West Africa and Equatorial Africa had become technically independent
of France.

African solidarity

Although national emancipation from colonial rule was the immediate goal
(Nkrumah's statue of himself in Accra bore the inscription "Seek ye first the
political kingdom, and all else will be added"), the quest for national and
racial identity or self-hood did not stop with the winning of independence.
When Guinea decided against continuing in the French 'Communaut6' and France
in retaliation withdrew all its administrative, financial and economic
support, the newly independent Ghana rallied to its side and a form of union
was established between the two countries. Nkrumah envisaged not only the
independence of his own country but also the solidarity of all black African
nations in concerted opposition to every last vestige of colonial influence.
The Pan-Africanist movement, whose early roots went back beyond the London
Pan-African World Conference in 1900, found its new epicentre and fresh
momentum in Nkrumah's Ghana. In 1958 Accra hosted the first ever Conference
of Independent African States, and, even more important, the first All African
People’s Conference, attended by representatives of the nationalist movements
of twenty eight African countries, many of them not yet independent. From
these meetings the organisation of pan-Africanism was elaborated at many
levels, not merely between States, but also between trade unions, political
parties and other groups. Nkrumah's vision was of eventual political union
between free African States along the pattern of the USSR and the USA.27
His dream was not shared by all or even most of the new African States who
were probably preoccupied with gaining their own national freedom. But
whatever the short and long term views of the various leaders were, a new
chapter in the history of the Continent had opened, and nothing could change
the course of national aspiration it had taken. Harold MacMillan, the British
Prime Minister, in his famous speech to South African Parliament in 1960,
admitted to having been strikingly impressed by "the strength of African
national consciousness. In different places it may take different forms, but
it is happening everywhere. The wind of change is blowing through the

- 27 -
continent,"243 The 1960s more than any other decade saw the passing away of
colonialism in Africa with 35 States achieving their independence.

If Nkrumah sought a wider solidarity than mere nationalism, he also urged a

more thorough-going autonomy than merely the possession of state
sovereignty. He warned against neo-colonial ism, "imperialism in its final and
most dangerous form", - the underlying foreign manipulation that persisted in
Africa despite independence. "The essence of neo-colonial ism is that the
state is, in theory, independent, and has all the outward trappings of
international sovereignty. In reality its economic system and thus its
political policy is directed from without."29 His book Neo-colonialism
discusses issues such as imperial finance, the American dollar, foreign
investment, multinational companies and combines, diamond consortia, monetary
zones, and foreign banks.

The United Nations Organisation provided African countries with an

international forum, "a stage on which the African Personality could be
produced and developed".30 And whereas their individual and separate voices
might not have counted for much in the balance between West and East, they
found corporate strength in the emerging group of States which represented a
sort of 'third way', the so-called "non-aligned countries", committed to
neither of the world's two super-powers.31 In 1960 the General Assembly of
the United nations adopted a resolution sponsored by 4-3 Afro-Asian states,
entitled 'Declaration on the granting of independence to colonized countries
and peoples'. It condemned the "subjection of peoples to alien subjugation,
domination, and exploitation" and declared that "immediate steps should be
taken ... to transfer all powers" to the peoples in the colonies. The
Declaration was adopted by 89 votes to none (with 9 abstentions),32

Within the newly independent Africa, it was recognised that some sort of
more formal grouping was necessary if a united stand was to be made in
relation to the outside world. Even if Pan-Africanism has never resulted in
the full political union envisaged by Nkrumah, the concept of strength
through solidarity and the awareness of African selfhood did lead to the
founding of the Organisation of African Unity in Addis Ababa in 1963.
Addressing the gathered delegates at the commencement of the Summit

- 28 -
Conference of Independent African States which was to launch the new
organisation* the Emperor Halle Selassie of the host-country Ethiopia, gave
his reasons for the need for such a united approach;

What we still lack, despite the efforts of the past years, is

the mechanism which will enable us to speak with one voice when
we wish to do so and take and Implement decisions on African
problems when we are so minded. The commentators of 1963 speak,
in discussing Africa, of the Monrovia States, the Brazzaville
Group, the Casablanca Powers, of these and many more, Let us
put an end to these terms. What we require is a single African
organisation through which Africa’s single voice may be heard,
within which Africa's problems may be studied and resolved...
Let us, at this conference, create a single institution to which
we will all belong, based on principles to which we all
subscribe, confident that in its councils our voices will carry
their proper weight, secure in the knowledge that the decisions
there will be dictated by Africans and only by Africans and that
they will take full account of all vital African
cons idera tions .33

The case of ZaYre; 'authenticity*

Perhaps in no independent African country did the desire for authentic

selfhood become as strong as in the former Belgian Congo, possibly because
it was so obvious there that the mere achieving of independence did not
guarantee true emancipation. The first Premier of the newly independent
Congo, Patrice Lumumba, a radical visionary, had no choice but to rely upon
help from the Belgian Civil Service and the Belgian-led army. It was this
continuing commanding Belgian presence in the form of army officers which
led the army to mutiny, and which plunged the country into anarchy, with
Lumumba himself being murdered. In the ensuing confusion the copper-rich
Katanga, vital to the economic survival of the country and itself heavily
dependent upon Belgian expertise, tried to secede from the rest of Congo.
Tshombe's attempt there failed, but later, when President Kasavubu invited
him to become his prime minister, Tshombe was able to secure a sort of
control over the whole of the country, but again, largely due to his links

- 29 -
with the West which assured him of resources and mercenary troops from
outside the country.

The wavering Kasavubu-Tshombe attempt to establish some sort of

parliamentary government could not command the confidence of the majority of
Africans either within Zal're or outside, and in 1965 General Mobutu at last
succeeded in establishing cohesion and unity. Political independence had not
really released the ZaYrians to be themselves, and the old cultural and
economic atmosphere of the West still lingered on, The N'Sele Manifesto,
Mobutu's political charter which launched the Second Republic, stressed the
importance to ZaYrians of discovering their own personality by seeking out in
the depths of the past, the rich heritage bequeathed by their ancestors. In a
speech made in 1973, Mobutu declared:

We are now embarking on our cultural liberation, the reconquest

of our African ZaYrian soul. We men of black skin have had
imposed upon us the mentality of quite a different race. We
must become once more authentic Africans, authentic blacks,
authentic ZaYrians.34

The policy of 'authenticity' therefore, was a conscious attempt to reassert

the values and traditions that the colonial period had deliberately or
unintentionally suppressed, Along with the choice of a new name for the
country, all place-names that evoked memories of the colonial past (eg
Leopoldville, Stanleyville) were changed, Mobutu went to pains to insist that
his policy was not an indiscriminate reversion to the past but rather a
selective, meaningful quest;

We use the term 'inspiration* in this connection in order to

underline the fact that it is not a question of mere adoption
of ancient village traditions, but rather an on-going search for
certain transcendent values which belong to our people and
which, in some way, constitute their genius,33

And further:

Authenticity is a 'prise de conscience' by the ZaYrian nation to return

to its own sources, to research the values that belonged to their
ancestors, in order to be able to appreciate those which will contribute
to its harmonious and natural development. It represents the refusal by
the ZaYrian people blindly to adopt imported ideologies. It is the
affirmation of ZaYrian man, or quite simply of man, just where he is,

- 30 -
 and as he is, with his own mental and social' structures,33

New currency and dress, as well as personal names, all sought to affirm
’African-ness’.

The socio-cultural policies of ’authenticity* had their economic counterpart

in that of 'zaYrian izat ion’ which was to follow. In 1974, all the small and
medium enterprises, as well as a number of large production and distribution
units that had remained in European hands were nationalized. The State,
guaranteeing this mass nationalization, assigned the management and even the
ownership of the enterprises to its nationals. In the financial sector,
banking and insurance were also taken over by the State. Mobutu was not
overly perturbed by the resulting outrage of the European states most
directly affected, and he simply outlawed the issue of ‘Le Monde’ which
headlined the policy as "Le plus grand vol du monde".

The ZaYrian experience would seem to be but a particularly deliberate and

radical expression of what has been taking place in all black-African
countries. Only in South Africa where the powerful white minority population
has entrenched itself against the demands both of the black population and
of the international community, have the nationalistic and racial aspirations
of the Africans been thwarted. That these aspirations exist there, too, is
tragically obvious.

The religious scene

Given the traditionally holistic view of life in Africa, it would be

surprising if the Continent's drive for self-hood and identity did not have
its religious dimension.

Independency

The political and cultural trends outlined so far are paralleled by the
religious, and the 20th Century has seen not only the rapid expansion of
Christianity in Africa, but also attempts to indigenize it, to rid it of its

- 31 -
'foreignness', and to render it truly at home In Africa. African religious
independency has been called a "movement unique in the 20 centuries of
Christian history"®7 , and its most spectacular expression is the proliferation
of African Christian groups or movements, founded either by direct separation
from parent, miss ion-linked churches, or born from African initiative outside
of these historic, mainline churches, Although there had been earlier studies
of individual independent religious movements, Sundkler's book Bantu Prophets
in Southern Africa30 , drew the Western world’s attention to the importance of
the trend. While Sundkler's study was limited to Southern Africa, Barrett's
Schism and Renewal in Africa®® explored the Continent-wide scale of the
phenomenon. Barrett has continued to computerize information, and was able to
estimate that as of January, 1984, the independent religious movement
consisted of 6,950 separate and distinct African religious denominations in
43 countries, with 71,000 churches or places of worship, with 27,5 million
affiliated church members (many more millions attached less formally), and
with 850,000 members being added every year/0 Further, Barrett suggests,
this situation represents just the tip of the iceberg, for "hundreds more of
such indigenous movements of renewal or protest remain in embryo inside the
historical churches at varying depths without the disaffection they represent
having as yet broken surface in schism"/-1 He estimates that new movements
continue to break off at the rate of approximately 100 per year.

Typology.

Sundkler himself distinguished between what he called 'Ethiopian' and

'Zionist' groups, and while there have been attempts at reclassification,
later theorists have tended to acknowledge the basic distinction. 'Ethiopian'
churches are those which have seceded from White mission churches often for
racial reasons, but retain to a large degree the liturgical, theological and
organizational marks of the parent body from which they have split. In
contrast to these, the 'Zionist' churches have neither split away from nor
resemble the main-line churches, but rather have been founded by a prophet,
acting under spiritual inspiration, and attracting converts primarily from
among traditional religionists rather than from established churches, They
are characterized by spontaneity, experience, and authentic African liturgical
and conceptual forms. Fernandez, following Parrlnder in protesting that

- 32 -
Sundkler's typology while appropriate for Southern Africa was too restrictive
for other parts of the continent, offers a more complex classification, which
elaborates, rather than contradicts Sundkler's schema, Fernandez'
"instrumental" and "expressive" categories coincide broadly with Sundkler's
"Ethiopian" and "Zionist" types, but he crosses with that continuum another,
whose opposite poles "acculturated" and "traditional" relate to the degree in
which the movements incorporate the new or perpetuate the old
respectively/® Obviously, the range of permutations made possible by two
continue instead of one allows a more detailed classification of religious
types, and indeed the extraordinary variety of religious movements has been
emphasised by many scholars. Turner, recognising the wide spectrum of new
religious movements in Africa, established four broad categories: neo-primal
(often anti-christian), syncretistic, Hebraist (identifying with Israel and the
Old Testament), and, finally, the Independent Churches. In this last category,
Turner retains as sub-divisions Sundkler's "Zionist" and "Ethiopian" types,
although preferring for the former the more widely appropriate term
"prophe t-hea 1ing" / 3

Causes

Even more problematic than the classification of the new religious movements
in Africa, is their relation to the political and cultural events and trends
outlined in earlier pages. Georges Balandier, following B. Malinowski's
assertion that myth should be seen as a social charter concerning the
existing form of society with its system of distribution of power,- privilege,
and property goes on to state that "le myth pr6sente une parents interne
avec l'id£ologie politique,"AA Basing his arguments primarily on his studies
of messianic groups in the 'Bas-Congo', Balandier traces the steps by which
the religious comes to express itself as the political under the colonial
situation. First there is the coming to terms with the colonial 'fact'. Then
there is reaction to it. Thirdly is seen the growing insistence upon
independence, and with it, fourthly, the emergence of political doctrine. This
"veritable ph6nom£ne de transfer" as Balandier calls it, thus makes of
religious movements a sort of proto- or embryonic nationalism; "Ces
innovations religieuses constituent, en Afrique noire, la prehistoire des
nationalismes modernes"/B V.Lantenari's early work on groups in Southern

- 33 -
Africa likewise led him to the conclusion that these religious movements
were explained by colonial oppression, and indeed Lantenari's general world
survey of new religious movements was entitled The Religions of the
Oppressed/ s However, not only is it difficult to find even one major
political party that traces its origins back to a religious group, but also in
many African countries nationalism and religious independency occur
contemporaneously, often with very little intercourse between the two. It is
significant that Lantenari has been compelled to abandon his 'colonial
context* analysis in the light of his recent research into post-colonial
Ghanaian movements/7

An opposing hypothesis, that espoused by, among others, the early Sundkler
and by P, Bohannan, relates the religious and the political differently, if no
less directly. There are two possible ways to react to colonial domination;
the first is by nationalist revolutions, and the other is by "nativistic
movements" (black independent churches). According to Bohannan the reaction
chosen by the colonized will depend on the nature of the colonial power; if
the colonial power is weak and somewhat paternalistic, then the dominated
will chose the way of revolution. If, on the other hand, the regime is strong
and tyrannical, then the reaction will rather take the form of nativistic
movements/® J-P Dozon insists that the proliferation of movements and
sects is a response to colonial society:

The recapture of the initiative on the part of people under

colonial domination has taken place on the level of the sacred,,,
Why? It seems that other avenues of expression and struggle
were blocked because of lack of autonomous political
institutions /®

In this light, then, nationalism and religious innovation are

not be understood as successive phases, but rather as two contemporary
alternatives. Religious initiative can then be considered a pragmatic
substitute for nationalism.

The weakness of both the above analyses is that the religious movements are
seen too exclusively in terms of the colonial situation, committing the error
(as Ranger expresses it) of "supposing that everything that happened under
colonialism was In some way the result of it",30 Buijtenhuis has attempted

- 34 -
to steer between the two above approaches, accepting that while the so-
called "Ethiopian" Churches draw their members primarily from the elite and
are a constitutive part of nationalism, the 'Zionist1 groups draw theirs from
the uneducated strata of society, and have an existence parallel to but
unrelated to the nationalist groups. The 'Zionist' world is not that of
political nationalism, but rather that of a "counter-society", or to use
Sundkler's expression, a "church-tribe". Buijtenhuis formulates his thesis
thus:

nationalist parties recruit their followers among those who

perceive or experience the colonial situation mainly in terms of
political and economic oppression, and they express a political
protest; the Zionist churches recruit their faithful among those
who perceive or experience the colonial situation as social
destruction, cultural upheaval, and they express a social and
cultural protest, rather than a political one,"31

Fernandez, as a social anthropologist, while not rejecting the political

dimension of nationalism, would widen it to include much more than "the
pronouncements and programmes of the political elite... In the widest
perspective nationalism is a response to the general situation of culture and
social contact between societies in which questions of dominance and
subordination arise,"3® The role of these religious protest movements is not
to achieve political emancipation per se, but rather to "restore to their
participants autonomy and integrity in their social and cultural life."33

Different disciplines use their own terminology to describe what is clearly a

very complex phenomenon, and some scholars have recently pleaded for
interdiscplinary cooperation rather than competition. In order to do justice
to what is wider than can be contained within any one branch of
investigation, "it may be that the time has come for collective research,"ej£l
Says Turner:

Such complex phenomena require a comprehensive exploration from

every possible viewpoint, - theological, religious, psychological,
sociological, anthropological, cultural, political, economic,
geographical, historical, biographical, even physiological and
medical...It is rather pathetic that we should still be at the
stage where social anthropologists and historians are not quite
sure that they need one another, and where the wider
possibilities of a multi-disciplinary approach are still largely
unexplored,"ss

- 35 -
Similarly, Barrett decries the "rigid departmentalization" all too often found
in European studies, and, in particular, the suspicion that a religious
discipline has towards non-religious ones. Since religion is concerned with
the ultimate and whole meaning of life, it should embrace all disciplines,
and can afford less than any other discpline to ignore the others,33

G.C.Oosthuizen's article 'Causes of Religious Independent ism in Africa' bears

out the multi-disciplinary nature of the phenomenon of the African Churches,
for he lists ninety causal factors divided into categories such as political,
economic, sociological, historical, denominational, religious, ethnic,
ecclesiastical, non-religious, communication, Bible, theology, and sacraments.
Even if some of the categories overlap and many of the factors could be
placed equally well into other categories, Oosthuizen is surely right when he
concludes: "the variety of causes for the existence of independent religious
movements in Africa should guard any analysis from oversimplification."37

The complexity is further underlined by Barrett's examination of six thousand

contemporary religious movements, and his discovery of a "large number of
explanatory factors held in common, and... the many extraordinary parallels
that exist in the origins, expansion, and characteristics of independency in
one area after another."3® Religious independency is bound to be complex,
because tribal society in which it has occurred is itself an intricate
interplay of many features "so closely knit together that no enforced change
can take place in one without affecting all the others; for politics, law,
religion, art, language, culture, and society are all closely interlocked in a
balanced and self-righting system."33 The traditional society that was
encountered by the colonial Europeans was thus a sort of intricate spider's
web of innumerable beliefs, institutions, and values, and when any one
element of the 'web' was pulled away by colonial influence, it inevitably
caused disequilibrium in the whole, This in turn caused alarm and
disillusionment, Society, rather than being fulfilled by the new religion, was
being demolished, and what was taking its place did not seem to fit. As a
result of the Protestant missionary drive to translate the Bible into more
and more indigenous languages, Africans themselves had access to the
authoritative source that the missionaries used, and discovered to their

- 36 -
surprise that where the missionaries (and colonialists) had viewed their
African religio-cultural system almost entirely negatively, the Bible seemed
rather to affirm many of their values (eg. emphasis on family, land,
fertility).

To this surprise was added disenchantment or even resentment when the

African perceived in the missionaries a short-fall in the biblically vital
area of love. For Barratt, this "failure of love" in the missionaries is the
"root cause common to the entire movement of independency". It does not
represent a total lack of all love, for there is plenty of evidence of
charity, sacrifice, and caring. Rather, it is the failure of missions "at one
small point only, - love as listening, sharing, sympathizing, and sensitive
understanding in depth between equals... there was no close contact, so it
seeemed, no dialogue, no comprehension, no sympathy extended to traditional
society or religion."30 Growing disaffection eventually reaches the point of
secession, often around a charismatic, prophetic figure, The resultant
independent group acknowledges Christ as Saviour and Lord, but affirms in
its liturgy and worship African worldview and values. It is a readjusted new
community where the old equilibrium of the tribe has been rediscovered
within the structures and values of the church.

Daneel paints a somewhat similar picture to Barrett, recognizing the

political and socio-economic dimensions of the independency phenomenon while
also emphasizing the distinctively religious element, too. Prophetic leaders
like Shembe and Lekhanyane in South Africa, Bishop Mutendi and Johane
Maranke in Zimbabwe, and Kimbangu in Zaire transformed the notion of a 'Deus
remotus' into one of active involvement in tribal affairs, enabling their
followers to cope with a complex and often critical political situation.31
Even if the African churches remained aloof from violence and subversion,
they were not alienated from their countries' struggle for political
Independence, their thriving existence apart from the Mission churches being
in itself a message of hope to their nation. They aligned themselves with
the cause of their people by propagating the equality between races, the
dignity of black Africans, and their capability of independent rule:

"Their contribution towards political liberation from bondage

lay in their provision of religious justification for their

- 37 -
 struggle, for which they found ample evidence In Scripture, -
and perhaps even more importantly, in their forceful
demonstration of maturity and competence in handling their own
church affairs, independently of European jurisdiction,"3®

Furthermore, the Independent Churches provide a haven where discriminatory

attitudes towards the African have no place. Educational and material
advantages of the Whites all too often created social distance and attitudes
of superiority, paternalism, and condescension on the part of missionaries,
and a corresponding loss of dignity and self-esteeem on the part of the
Africans, Within the Independent Churches, however, social status and
personal worth are regained.

There is an economic dimension to religious independency with some African

Churches. Daneel cites the 'mutual aid' systems in Zionist Churches like
Mutendi's Zion Christian Church and refers to Martin West's research in
Soweto to show that religious independency also helps to establish economic
stablity in a new and bewildering urban environment.33 Johane Masowe
received his prophetic call from God in 1932, and while many of his
followers settled in eastern Zimbabwe, the inner core of his faithful band
took up eventual residence with Baba Johane in Port Elizabeth In the eastern
Cape. They became known as the Apostolic Sabbath Church of God, and were
nick-named "the Korsten Basketmakers"3-
4-, - a closed and highly industrious
religious community of Shona and others. Perhaps the most striking example
of the economic dimension of independency is the remarkable Holy Apostles
Community at Aiyetoro, coastal Nigeria. From being a marginal group of
fishermen in the 1940s (though closely bound together in social and
religious solidarity) they became rapidly a highly industrialized little city
with a great diversification of skills, including construction and boat­
building ,es

Not all or even most of the independent African churches demonstrate the
same desire for economic progress. A common feature of these churches,
however, appears to be their concern for the health and welfare of their
members, a care which extends beyond the emphasis on spiritual and
educational progress typical of the historical churches. The combination of

- 38 -
economic and religious activities expresses the holistic conception of life
that is characteristic of African thinking,

It is clear, then, that the phenomenon of church independency in Africa is a

complex one, with political, cultural, and economic dimensions and involving
factors other than strictly religious ones. Indeed, in a continent where life
is perceived as a whole and all spheres of life are interwoven this would be
expected, and it is perhaps impossible to speak of that which is "strictly
religious" where religion permeates all of life. Recent academic approaches
to independency by such scholars as Fernandez, Fabian, and Jules-Rosette,
have warned against fitting the African phenomenon into Western conceptual
categories; "Our real enlightenment lies not in the application of image less
ideas exported from the West but in beginning with African images and by a
careful method learning what they imply, - what is embedded within them."33
Fernandez1 study of the Bwiti cult of West Equatorial Africa demonstrates
how their 'argument of images' maintains the integrity of their world amidst
the colonial dislocation they have experienced,37

However, while allowing the interpenetration of spiritual and other

dimensions in any attempted explanation of new religious movements in
Africa, to reduce the religious dimension by explaining it away merely in
terms of these other categories is to do violence to the evidence. If it is
correct to call the nearly 7,000 movements 'religious' at all, it is because
to a greater or lesser degree they are distinguished by that which cannot be
fully explained by the political, the cultural or the economic, They all
possess and express an awareness of the divine, the beyond-human, and
respond to this by prayer, worship, and moral obedience, Recognition of the
religious category 'per se' was urged by the Oxford social anthropologist
Evans-Pritchard who defended his writing about Nuer religion as such, by
saying in his preface:

I have to emphasise that this is a study of religion. So strong

has been the rationalist influence on anthropology that
religious practices are often discussed under the general
heading of ritual together with a medley of rites of quite a
different kind, all having In common only that the writer
regards them as irrational, while religious thought tends to be
inserted into a general discussion of values. Here the view is

- 39 -
 taken that religion is a subject of study 'sui generis', just as
are language and law.3®

Turner agrees, pleading for a "recognition of these African movements as

fundamentally a religious phenomenon"3®, and quotes Eliade in his support:

To try to grasp the essence of such a phenomenon by means of

physiology, psychology, sociology, economics, linguistics, art or
any other study is false: it misses the one unique and
irreducible element in it, - the element of the sacred,70

Oosterval makes essentially the same point in speaking of the phenomenon of

messianic movements around the world71 , and Zai’rian theologian Bimwenyi
Kweshi similarly rejects logical positivism and affirms the validity of
religious language as proper and distinct, irreducible to other language, for
example that of science,7®

Distinctives

While there is enormous variety in the thousands of independent Christian

movements in Africa, certain features are present often enough to become
characteristic, and distinguish these churches from their 'historic'
counterparts. These characteristics are of considerable significance for the
theological quest in Africa,

One of these areas is worship and liturgy, that is, the manner in which
people as a congregation express themselves before God. Dissatisfaction with
the sort of worship patterns in the historic churches has influenced many
Africans to transfer their allegiance from the mission-based churches:

Everything is cold, lifeless, drab, boring, and uninspiring. The

liturgies become stereotyped, formal, monotonous, and absolutely
unrelated to the African way of worship... They were not
composed from the spiritual, emotional and ritual needs of the
people and so have remained essentially alien to Africans.73

The independent churches favour a liturgy that is spontaneous rather than

predictable,7*1 enthusiastic rather than formal,73 participative rather than
passive,73 and expressive bodily (clapping, marching, dancing) rather than
merely verbal or Intellectual. These churches have often been designated
'Spirit-Churches' because of the manifest emphasis upon the presence and

- 40 -
power of the Holy Spirit (often through a prophetic figure), a trait largely
lacking in all but the Pentecostalist historical churches.7"7'

Many writers emphasise the holistic conception of life traditionally held by

Africans and the pervasive and non-compartmentalized nature of religion. It
is therefore not surprising that the independent churches see their faith as
meeting the whole needs of their members. Healing within the believing
community is thus another distinctive of the African churches, to the extent
that Turner prefers to use the term "prophet-healing" rather than "Zionist".
It is not that the missions and their churches ignored healing altogether;
indeed, medical care has from the beginning figured prominently in the
agenda of missions. It is rather that "missions treated the body and soul of
man in completely different departments, the soul in the church and the body
in the clinic."7® Hastings expresses well the all-inclusive role of the
independent churches; theirs is a quest

for a ritual, a belief, and a realised community in and through which

immediate human needs, social, psychological, and physical could be
met... The most characteristic motivation of the new Christian movements
in Africa was the establishing of accessible rites of healing with a
Christian reference and within a caring community by gifted and
spiritual individuals claiming an initiative effectively denied them in
the older churches.7®

Healing in the independent churches stresses "the basic unity of man, and the
profound inter-relationship of religion and healing, in a way which has met
the previously unsatisfied needs of many Africans,"®0 Janzen and others
have emphasised that since the causes of illness are understood to be social
and spiritual rather than merely physiological, so must its treatment and its
cure.®1

Related to this area is that of the spirit-world, a world generally admitted

verbally and conceptually rather than experientially by missionaries, Idowu®2
and Mbiti®® distinguish divinities, spirits, and ancestors (or "living dead",
Mbiti), and the importance of the spiritual beings in traditional African
cosmologies and in everyday life (health, success, fertility, etc) is
emphasised in innumerable African and Africanist writings. It constitutes
perhaps the single most important element in traditional African world-views.
Of this living, well-populated cosmos, the ZaYrian theologian-editor Boka di

- 4-1 -
Mpasi states;

the presence of ancestors and spirits constantly intervening in human

activities which they preside over, inspire, prosper, protect, favour, ...
or thwart, and ruin, constitutes the basis of beliefs, practices, and
preoccupations of the African,®4-

In the historical churches (at least in the 19th and 20th Centuries) the
typical response has been, partly through ignorance, to reject
indiscriminately the reality of the spirit-world, or to give the impression
that such matters lie outside the realm of the church's responsibility. This,
in turn, resulted in the public disavowal by church members of the influence
of spirits but clandestine involvement with them in times of crisis. For
Campenhoudt has truly said that "only that which is replaced can truly be
abandoned"®5 Within the African churches, generally speaking, the reality of
spiritual forces are taken more seriously, and confronted more directly, In
many independent churches, the importance of ancestors continues, although as
Daneel relates, with regard to the Shona Spirit-type churches the focus has
shifted from "an overriding preoccupation with and dependence upon the
ancestors, to a ritually dramatized and continuously re-enacted acceptance of
the reign of Christ".®5 Within these independent churches there has taken
place, according to Turner, a "desacralization of nature", aided by the
portrayal of the religion of ancient Israel as expressed in the Hebrew
Scriptures readily available and used:

Formerly they believed in a range of spirits that inhabited or

controlled all natural forces and objects and that had to be
placated by repeated and expensive sacrifices or otherwise
avoided. Now these are either believed in no longer, or
amalgamated into one great evil spirit, Satan, who has been
conquered by God's power; even if belief in such spirits lingers
on they have lost their central position and power.®7

The implacable hostility towards and denunciation of all forms of sorcery

that characterised the preaching of William Wade Harris at the beginning of
the century in the Ivory Coast continue today to such an extent that R.
Bureau can say:

The majority of the 'prophets' who rose up and who continue to

rise up in Black Africa to save their people or their entire
race, have confronted the major problem of sorcery. ... If large
multitudes follow them, it is in the hope of finding relief from
this unbearable burden. In one degree or another, all modern

- 42 -
 religious movements In Africa ... are movements aimed against
sorcery ,',eie

These, then, are some of the areas which feature prominently in the various
independent Christian movements of Africa, despite great variation in
secondary details.

Enough has been said to show that it is correct to term these movements
'religious'; they cannot be explained by merely political, social, or economic
dynamics, however important these other factors might be.e® By their
acknowledgment of Jesus as Lord, the Spirit as present, and the Scriptures as
Word of God, they understand themselves to be Christian. Most of the
distinctives contrast sharply with the practice (if not doctrine) of the
historical churches. While it is true that these latter have often been
weighed in the balances and found wanting, it would be a mistake to conclude
that the 'raison d'etre' of the independent churches is wholly one of reaction
to missions, Daneel's studies of the Shona churches led him to conclude that:

scope should be allowed for an evaluation of the genius of the

Independent Churches in its own right. Much of what we observe
today (in these churches) concerns a genuinely contextualised
and originally African response to the Gospel, irrespective of
and unfettered by Mission church influence.90

The religious areas outlined above have their roots reaching back into
traditional pre-missionary/ pre-colonial cosmologies, and this is true of
other characteristics such as the place of women, social cohesion rather than
fragmentation, and the significance of dreams and visions. There exists,
therefore, a certain continuity between what was and what is, and it is this
continuity which helps to explain why for so many Africans the independent
churches are "a place to feel at home"91 There are enough points of radical
departure from the traditional socio-religious patterns, however, to question
the adequacy of Horton's hypothesis that 'conversion' is to be explained by
/
the shift from (traditional) micro-cosmology to (modern) macro-cosmo lgy, and 0
\ \
that in this shift Christianity (and Islam) acted merely as catalyst for the
inherent dynamics of traditional African religion,93

The new religious movements of Africa, therefore, express religiously the

same search for identity and self-hood in a changing world that we have seen

- 43 -
in other areas of social, cultural, and political experience. Their dynamic
pragmatism supports the observation that "African religions are not closed,
static systems, impervious to change, With their eclectic insistence on
practical results, African religions have been flexible, open to innovation
and thoroughly capable of assimilating new concepts".93 The independent
churches are those movements which, while sharing the same quest, assert
Christ as Lord, and the Bible as directive of behaviour and thought. Their
faith, worship, and life-in-community does not betray their past, but neither
are they bound to their past. "They may be described as having been founded
by the Africans in Africa, to worship God in African ways, and to meet
African needs as Africans themselves feel them and not as others feel they
ought to feel them."9* The Report of the Second Conference of the
Organisation of African Independent Churches stated! "Authenticity is vital to
our understanding of the Gospel message. I want to think like an African,
worship like an African, sing like an African, live like an African, The
Gospel must be presented to the African in a way he can understand and
interpret in his own thought-forms and worship."9*5

It is concerns such as these that theological reflection in Africa has been

addressing.

The theological dimension

Early developments

By its very nature as a process it is difficult to date categorically the

beginning of African Christian Theology, G. Muzorewa posits the formal
inauguration of the All Africa Conference of Churches in 1963 as marking the
official beginning of African theology9*5 However, his book is limited to
English-speaking Protestant Africa, and any continent-wide survey must take
into account the Catholic and francophone areas, too.

- 44 -
Without question, some degree of contextualization of the Christian message
took place from the earliest times of missionary penetration into Africa, It
was perhaps unconscious and intuitive, and with the wisdom of hindsight the
general con^4nsus today is that it was inadequate and often unsatisfactory,
Indigenous/Christ lan leaders like Mojo la Agbebi of Nigeria saw the importance
of integrating Christianity with their own culture as long ago as the second
half of the 19th Century.97, Protestant Christianity, less centralized and
less bound by centuries of accumulated ecclesiatical tradition, was generally
speaking more open towards a sympathetic view of African culture and the
need for missionary adaptation, and this was formally encouraged by the 1926
Le Zoute Conference.

The process received an important academic impetus with the publication, in

1945, of Fr. Placide Tempel's La Phllosophie Bantoue,99 a major challenge to
Catholic (and other) assumptions that Christianity must be etched upon an
African slate wiped clean of all the past, In an autobiographical account,
Tempels" describes how in his early missionary years:

I adopted attitudes of the white-man, ,,, the spiritual master, the

authoritarian teacher, the religious professional, the chief or pastor,
over against children who needed only to listen, to obey, and to remain
silent.100

Ten frustrating years of missionary work in the Kamina region led Tempels to
rethink profoundly his whole approach. He sought increasingly to try to
understand the people he was evangelizing, to get inside their skin, and to
see things through their eyes. His sympathetic honesty was reciprocated,
and in the resulting dialogue of openness, the Africans disclosed to Tempels
what it was that they longed for beyond all else;

1) Life, intense life, full life, strong life, total life ...
2) Fruitfulness, fatherhood and motherhood, - a fruitfulness which is
not simply physical, but which is great, intense, total, ...
3) Vital union with others; isolation kills us,101

He argued that to disapprove or reject 'in toto' this "native philosophy" and
its ensuing tribal customs, is to reject the "characteristic feature which
made the Bantu the man he was. It belonged to his essential nature. To
abandon it amounts to intellectual suicide for him,"102: Tempels perceived
that if the Gospel was to be effective it should meet the Bantu in the

- 45 -
"wholesome desires of their own ontology", and that Christ was the "triple
answer, astonishingly adapted to the fundamental triple aspiration of the
ban tu persona 1it y 103

His perception of "1ife-force"1 as the key to "Bantu philosophy" with its

implications for attitudes, relationships and evangelism, came to him with
the power of a revelation, and made some doubt his sanity, To his friend and
correspondent, G .Hulstaert1os, he wrote: "Do not worry whether I am
psychologically burnt out. Yes, I am. During several months I have been
living in a tension, an exaltation, a fury which surpasses human
strength,"1ots Opposition from the Roman Catholic hierarchy in ZaYre, first
Mgr. de Hemptinne and subsequently Mgr. Dellepiane, threatened and eventually
interrupted his continuing ministry in Zai're, but his cause propelled him
forward with a crusading zeal and recklessness. Again to Hulstaert, Tempels
wrote:

Friend, get ready ... We are so strong, so terribly strong, if only we

are allowed to speak. Sooner or later the conflict must erupt
Whatever might happen to me leaves me indifferent. I will offer this
sacrifice for the salvation of Bantu Christianity.10:7

He was concerned to question the assumption that Christ could be mediated to

people only through the channels of Western philosophical presuppositions
and concepts. In his final letter to Hulstaert, Tempels, as if impatient with
the constant arguments over fine academic details, declared:

What it amounts to is simply this: that Christ can be born and grow
w i t h i n the s o u l of primitive man; that these men can understand,
experience, and express Christ just as they are, in the way that they
think and feel, and not through some foreign thought or mentality. This
is the only issue that really matters. To insist that Christ can be
understood, experienced and expressed only 'via' Greek or Aristotelian
thought, amounts, I believe, to limiting and shrinking Christ, instead of
allowing Him to be universal, as He is in reality.103 (italics his)

Tempels is often called "the father of Bantu philosophy". With little more
than the statutory two years of philosophy during his ecclesiastical
training, Tempels was by no means a professional philosopher. His concerns
were primarily missiological. In academic circles the debate continues as to
whether what Tempels described was truly a 'philosophy1 or whether it was an
unself conscious cosmology or 'way of seeing things' (see Ch.2,

- 46 -
pp.99ff).However that may be, his Importance In the unfolding story of
philosophy and theology in Africa can hardly be overestimated. For he,
perhaps more effectively and widely than any single other Africanist103
helped to change the prevailing climate of Western academic and ecclesiatical
paternalism. He also gave a rising generation of African scholars a new
confidence and sense of identity to press through the door which he had
opened.

The Rwandan theologian Alexis Kagame acknowledges Tempels' crucial

Importance by bestowing on him the honour of being "the first to raise the
problem of 'Bantu philosophy"'.110 In 1956, Kagame published his thesis in
Brussels on 'La philosophie bantu-rwandaise de l'6tre', an "articulate African
response to Tempels, and the beginning of a debate on the nature of African
religion and the proper relationship of Christianity to it."111

Kagame, together with a group of black priests studying in Rome in the mid-
1950s, and others in Paris, produced a small book that perhaps more than any
other, marked the significantly rising tide of African theological reflection.
The book was called 'Des pr&tres noirs s'interrogent11 1g . and its list of
articles reveals its central concerns; 'N6cessit6 d'adaptation missionnaire
chez les Bantu du Congo' (V.Mulago); 'Mentality noire et mentality biblique'
(J-C Bajeux); 'Sacerdoce et ndgritude' (E.Verdieu and P.Ondia); 'Catholicisme et
indigdnisme' (G.Bissainthe); 'Liturgte romaine et nigritude' (R.Sastre); and
o
'Christian isme et nigritude' (A.Kagame). The titles also reveal a theological
dimension to Senghor's cultural quest for 'nigritude', commenced as we have \
seen, 20 years previously, and this supports the contention that the quest
for an African theology is part of a wider, complex odyssey.

The ZaYrian Jesuit, K.N'soki, traces the expression 'African theology' back to
the book 'Des pr&tres noirs s'interrogent.'113 and in particular, the article
by M.Hebga, 'Christianisme et nigritude'. In it, Hebga deplored the joyless
"poor-relation complex" in the African priesthood, the unhappy rift between
wanting to live out the Gospel and being deprived of their own cultural
values. He asked; "If we admit that (we) Negroes have been called by Christ,
are negritude and Christianity incompatible?"11'5 African priests should

- 47 -
rather be "sowers of Christian enthusiasm; hence the necessity of each
rethinking this problem of a 'th6ologie fondamentale africaine'."11e

The year prior to the publication of 'Des pr^tres noirs s'lnterrogent'. Ghana
University's thriving Department of Theology had hosted a conference
sponsored by the local Christian Council on 'Christianity and African Culture',
in which Dr, Busia had appealed to the Church to "come to grips with
traditional practices and with the worldviews that these beliefs and
practices imply."1ie Mbiti sees the publication of P.D.Fueter's article
'Theological Education in Africa' (1956) as being the starting point of
African Christian Theology,117

While there are differences of opinion as to the significant moment, it is

clear that by 1956, as Africa was poised to start its surge for political
independence, the quest for African Christian Theology was under way, both
on the Protestant and Catholic sides,

The process within Protestant Christianity received fresh stimulus with the
All Africa Church Conference, held at Ibadan in 1958. It was the first major
Continent-wide African Christian gathering, and from it grew the All Africa
Conference of Churches, officially founded in Kampala in 1963. Previously,
individual churches in Africa existed in relation to their parent missionary
societies in Europe and America, and "had more in common with their 'home
churches' than with neighbouring African churches of other denominations"11®.
After Kampala there was, among the members of the AACC, a new point of
reference, and a new sense of African solidarity. Kampala spawned several
consultations and sub-conferences on matters relevant to the Church in
Africa. Perhaps the most significant of these was the consultation of African
theologians which eventually took place at Immanuel College (Ibadan, Nigeria)
in 1966, and which published its report in book form in both French and
English.11® E.B.Idowu, president of the consultation, drew attention in the
preface to "the seemingly foreign nature of Christianity" in Africa, and
explained that the aim of the consultation was to seek for:

the best way of presenting, interpreting, and implanting the Christian

faith in Africa so as to permit Africans to hear God in Jesus Christ who
addresses them directly in their very own situation and in their particular

- 48 -
 c ircums tances.120

Further sessions of the AAGC were held in Abidjan in 1969, Lusaka in 1974,
and Nairobi in 1981. Other conferences and consultations were held at Dar es
Salem (1971 and 1976), Makerere (1972), Accra (1974 and 1977), Nairobi
(1974), Ibadan (1974).'121

If the AACC was an important milestone on the Protestant side, on the

Catholic side there was the publishing, as from January 1959, of the African
Ecclesiastical Review (AFER). It was not the first African Catholic journal;
years before, the Jesuits in Mayidi (Congo), had started to produce the Revue
du Clerge Africain, The readership of the Revue was fairly limited, and at
least in the early years, the content kept narrowly to offical Roman line, by
the "magisterial manner" of Fr. Denis.122 In some issues, there is little if
anything to indicate that it was 'African' at all. In contrast to this, AFER..
which rapidly became "the chief forum for clerical discussion all across
English-speaking Africa"123, grappled with the relation between Christianity
and African culture. It was started in response to suggestions from priests
working in Uganda for a review, the purpose of which was "to make Christ's
message relevant for Africa today".12'* 'Inculturation' became the dominant
theme of AFER. By 1971 there were 59 articles either describing attempts at
inculturation, or studying its possibility, AFER in turn stimulated the
publication of various 'Spearheads' by Gaba Publications, including: 'Ujamaa
and Christian communities', 'Living worship in Africa today', 'Family
spirituality in Africa today', 'Anointing and healing in Africa', 'Liturgy:
truly Christian and truly African', and 'Life and death - a Christian/Luo
dia logue',

Vatican II

Many conservative Catholic writers and thinkers were bound by such loyalty
to Rome or to official scholastic theology that even the changes brought
about by independence and the 'new Africa' failed to alter their reticence to
interact with no’n-Catholic religion (and the culture that accompanied it).
Their suspicions towards the pastoral and theological concerns of AFER were
to be allayed somewhat by events that took place at the highest levels of
the Roman Catholic Church. In 1958 Pope John XXIII succeeded Pius XII, and
almost immediately ushered in the era of Vatican II. By the time the Council
was over in 1965, it was clear that the official attitude of Rome had
changed,

The changes that Vatican II reflected and produced were so profound that the
terms 'pre-cone iliar* and 'post-conciliar' far from merely expressing a
chronological distinction, came to represent deep changes in attitude,123
Hebblethwaite lists the following cluster as characterizing 'pre-conciliar'
Catholicism: an excessively rationalistic approach to theology, emphasis upon
individual piety, a liturgy (largely fossilized since the Council of Trent) in
which the congregation remained passive spectators, a sense of superiority
over and suspicion towards non-Catholic Christians, and a thorough-going
opposition to Communism and all other major systems of the modern world. The
'post-conciliar' cluster was the contrary of all those: revelation as a
response to God's perpetually renewed summons and invitation, a willingness
to relax hard scholastic categories and a move towards, among other things,
a more Protestant approach to faith as 'trust', a view of liturgy that
stressed its communal aspect, a more dialogical attitude towards Christians
of other confessions, and an openness to the world and a readiness to learn
from it.12*5

With the changing self-understanding of the Church came a changing

perception of the role of the theologian122, a change that was to be of
importance in the theological scene in Africa, Whereas in pre-conciliar years
the theologian had seen his role as one of "handing on what he had
received"12®, after Vatican II he became aware that his was a 'prophetic'
task, that is, he could and should challenge and change the thinking of the
Church, No longer were theologians merely to be "the conveyor belt system
for the 'magisterium'; they were to be the heralds of the new and dynamic
elements in the Church, They began to argue within the church for change in
the church,"122

Not only did the role of the theologian change (at least latently) from
'scribe' to 'prophet', but theology itself, formerly considered the monopoly of

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a privileged 'elite', was seen to be the business of the whole church. At the
'Concilium' congress in Brussels, Jean-Pierre Jossua maintained that theology
was not a specialized activity confined to those who possess some scientific
competence "but simply the activity of any true Christian who reflects on his
faith and is qualified by the fact that he belongs to the people of God
through baptism"130

Even if, in more recent years, the trends expressed by Vatican II have not
continued unchecked131, the changes within the Catholic Church have been
deep. The Council came at a time when in Africa, as we have seen,
increasingly articulate and forceful demands were being voiced both within
the Church and outside it for new attitudes. Many within the Catholic Church
in Africa gladly welcomed Vatican II and set about maximizing its effects.

In East Africa a major effort of communicating Vatican II was made,

sponsored by AMECEA. From mid-1966 the joint board of bishops of five East
African countries published from Kipalapala in Tanzania a fortnightly
bulletin entitled 'Post Vatican II1. The effort lasted two years, and worked
systematically through the Conciliar documents, sending out some 5,000 copies
to all the dioceses of East Africa, With Vatican II in mind, A.van
Campenhoudt would write in 1970: "aggiornamento of the Church has made us
discover that our Churches transmit many elements foreign to the Gospel ...
Vatican II has made us look beyond our own walls, and be more attentive to
what is going on in the world,"132 Twenty years on from the end of Vatican
II, Pottmeyer reflects that the Vatican document 'Gaudium et Spes* marked "a
break with the 'a priori' suspicious attitude vis-a-vis the world, progress,
democracy, and science, which marked the Church in the 19th Century and at
the beginning of the 20th Century."133 Even if his evaluation is tempered
by having to speak of "exaggerated expectations" and subsequent
disillusionment of what Vatican II has in fact produced, it is nevertheless
true that the new winds blowing in the Catholic Church have encouraged
rather than discouraged fresh thinking and writing by African theologians,
They, together with other Catholic Church leaders, have continued to receive
measured encouragement by the pronouncements of Pope John Paul II.
Addressing Zairian bishops in Kinshasa in 1980, he said:

- 51 -
 The Gospel, to be sure, is not to be identified with cultures, and it
transcends all cultures. Nevertheless the reign which the Gospel announces
is experienced by men profoundly linked to a culture ... You wish to be
both fully Christian and fully African,13*

And speaking about theology as such in Africa, he declared in 1983 that

doctrinal reflection on African identity was one of the main areas of concern
for African theologians.

Perhaps nowhere in Catholic Africa has the challenge been taken up as eagerly
as in Zaire’s ’Faculty de Thdologie Cathoiique' in Kinshasa, Originally called
Lovanium, it was intended by the colonials as a second Louvain, reflecting the
cultural and academic ethos of its famous counterpart in Belgium, Inevitably,
with Independence, and the troublesome years following 1964, the links with
Brussels have become less direct. With a distinguished teaching staff, including
such well-known African names as Mulago, Tshibangu, and Ngindu, and with a
prolific literary output in three journals, it has become an important focal
point in African theological reflection (see next chapter). Indeed, it is to the
Faculty that N'soki traces the first use of the expression "African theology" as
such. Ironically, the first to use the term was the Faculty’s Dean, Alfred
Vanneste, who became the notion's chief antagonist. In an article in Revue du
Clerg£ Africain. in 1958, he declared; "We do not believe that the time has yet
come for an African Theology to be launched"135 Two years later, in 1960, the
Faculty organised a debate between Vanneste and Tshibangu (at that time still a
student at the Faculty) on the subject of "African theology", and the expression
passed into common currency (see below, pp.82ff).13S

Writings and writers

Although the 1960s saw only a few serious works by African theologians, they
marked a significant beginning of what was to become in the 1970s and 1980s a
rising quantity of literature directly or indirectly important theologically.
They included; C.G.Ba&ta's Prophet ism in Ghana (1962), E.B.Idowu's Qludumare; God
in Yoruba Belief (1962), H.Sawyerr's Creative Evangelism; Towards a new Christian
Encounter with Africa (1968), T. Tshibangu's Thdologle Positive et Th£ologle
Speculative (1965) which Hastings describes as (at the time): "incomparably the

- 52 -
most serious piece of theological scholarship yet produced by an African."137
In 1969 a much earlier work by B.Danquah, Akan Doctrine of God13e was
republished, and in the same year J.Mbiti published his work African Religions
and Philosophy, the first of several books which, together with a prolific
quantity of articles in dozens of learned Journals, were to earn him the title
of "father of African theology".

Since 1970 new African names have emerged that have become well-known through
articles and books relating to the subject of theology in Africa. Out of these,
the more important would include (alphabetically); Kofi Appiah-Kubi, Max
Assimeng, Benezet Bujo (Zaire), Bimwenyi Kweshi (Zaire), Kwesi Dickson (Ghana),
Eboussi Boulaga (Cameroun), J-M. Ela (Cameroun) E.W.Fashole-Luke (Sierra-Leone),
Patrick Kalilombe (Malawi), Byang Kato (Nigeria), Charles Nyamiti (Tanzania),
J.S.Pobee (Ghana), G.M.Setiloane (Botswana), Ndabaningi Sitole, and Desmond Tutu
(South Africa),

Sources of African Christian Theology

As would be expected, even if certain common concerns make of African Christian

Theology a valid and recognisable phenomenon, there is a wide divergence of
conclusions drawn by the different authors. It would be very surprising if it
were otherwise. The differences can be explained to some extent by the sources
or 'raw materials' used by the different theologians, and especially by the
relative importance granted to each of these sources for the theological task,
Four of the sources are particularly important:

1. Culturo-religious heritage

Most African theologians would plead that the cultural and religious background
of their world should be taken seriously. Indeed, their chief complaint Is that
European and American propagators of a Christianity which is understood in
Western philosophical and socio-cultural categories have wanted to transfer it
'as is' to Africa. In so doing, these foreigners have related negatively to the
existing African heritage; they have either ignored it as irrelevant to their

- 53 -
purpose or sought to obliterate it as positively harmful. Examples of such
attitudes (Eboussi speaks of "the language of derision" and "the language of
refutation"133 are not difficult to find in the literature of past decades,
especially the colonial phase, and are quoted in most books on African theology.

It is a common allegation by African writers that "missionary Christianity was

not from the start prepared to face a serious encounter with the traditional
religions and philosophy"1*0 , preferring simply to impart its message onto a
clean sheet. The consequence of this 'tabula rasa' mentality is that Africa has
adopted a Christianity which often does not reach down to the roots but remains
superficial, overlaid. There is a lack of 'fit'. Too often, Christianity has been
presented as a package of dogmas and rituals for simple credence, "dictated
understanding, evidence acquired by proxy or substitute, conformity to the
system of unconditional acceptance."1*1 African theologians such as Mbiti are at
pains to insist that "African peoples are not religiously illiterate".1*2 Kwame
Bediako agrees that this heritage is important if a meaningful Christian
theology Is to be built in Africa; "We cannot elaborate a Christian theology of
religions in the present by assuming that a religious tradition did notexist in
the past, nor, for that matter, that the heritage from the past has lost all its
impact and value for the present."1*3 The same author stresses that "theological
consciousness presupposes a religious tradition, and tradition requires memory,
and memory is integral to identity", and quotes Mbiti "Without memory we have
no past, and having no past, our identity itself is lost, for the past is also
our present".1** Thus the familiar question of identity encountered at the
beginning of this chapter and all the way through, is discovered to be of
central importance within the theological process, As A.F.Walls puts it;

No question is more clamant than the African Christian identity crisis ...
The Western value-setting of the Christian faith (is) largely rejected.
Where does this leave the African Christian? Who is he? What is his past?
The past is vital for all of us - without it, like the amnesiac man, we
cannot know who we are. The prime African theological quest at present Is
this; What is the past of the African Christian? What Is the relationship
between Africa's old religion and her new one?1*5

Several themes offer themselves from this religious past for fruitful
theological reflection. The most obvious is the question of God, Is there any
sort of identity and continuity between the God preached by the missionaries

- 54 -
and the Supreme Being acknowledged apparently almost universally by African
religious tradition? The question is tackled in books and articles by many
African theologians, of whom Idowu is perhaps the most insistent on the
theological importance of the African religious past,145 For him and for the
great majority, the answer is positive:

There is only one God, the creator of heaven and earth and all that is in
them; the God who has never left Himself without witness in any nation,
age, or generation; whose creative purpose has ever been at work in this
world; who, by one stupendous act of climactic self-revelation in Christ
Jesus came to redeem a fallen world,14-'7'

Mbiti’s book Concepts of God in Africa analyses beliefs about the "one Supreme
God", taken from some 270 tribes in Africa, beliefs that have mostly "sprung
independently out of African reflection on God".140 If the emphasis in Idowu's
works is theological (in the strict sense of the word) and falls on the
vindication of the integrity of traditional African religion, Mbiti's concern,
reflected in other articles, is more Chris to logical, and is weighted towards a
Christian faith that "fits" because it has in the African religious past a
"praeparatio evangelica".

Related to the subject of God is that of the world of spirits, the multiplicity
of other-than-physical beings, and this forms another category of theological
reflection. The Ibadan consultation of 1969 devoted a chapter to "God, the
spirits, and ancestors" (by S.A.Azeanya) ,49l Mbiti a chapter in African Religions
and Philosophy to "spirituals beings, spirits, and the living dead".150. Kwesi
Dickson includes a discussion about "God, the gods, and man" in his book
Theology in Africa151 In attempting to explain the plurality of divinities and
their relation to the Supreme Being, Idowu speaks of "diffused monotheism".
Bediako finds this unconvincing:

■ The fact that the African "God", under the various vernacular designations
made an easy transition into the Christian scheme of divine reality, whilst
the divinities were effectively shut out, may even be taken as an
indication that these spirit powers could not have been confused with or
identified with Deity in any way, nor can they now,"152

The place, if any, of the traditional concepts of the ancestors (the "living
dead") within Christian theology in Africa has provoked considerable discussion.
G.Muzorewa maintains that the concept of ancestral spirits is "a major

- 55 -
ingredient in African traditional religion, and hence in African theology",153 An
example of such discussion is found in the article by B. Bujo, where a Christian
re-evaluation of ancestrology as "communion of the saints" is advocated.154
Masamba Mampolo finds a vital place for "the spiritual and symbolic
effectiveness of ancestor worship" within the Christian churches of Africa,1SB,
while Daneel sees within the Shona churches an "adaptive remoulding" of
ancestral practices under the influence of the Christian Gospel.155

A third example of theological development of traditional religious themes is

that of man and community. In contrast to the highly individualised concept of
the person that characterises the West’s view of man, the African traditional
view is that "the individual does not and cannot exist alone, except corporately.
He is simply part of the whole ... The individual can only say, ’I am because we
are; and since we are, therefore I am'."157 Mulago gwa Cikala relates this
sense of social cohesion to the Bantu notion of "la participation vitale" which
he explains as "the vital link which unites vertically and horizontally the
living and the departed It is the result of a fellowship, a sharing in one
common reality ... which unites together many beings."1Be The concept of
'participation vitale' is of central importance in his theological reflection, Out
of it came his most representative work, Un visage africaln du christianisme.1BSI
whose concepts also figured in Des pr&tres noirs s'lnterrogent (see above, p,47>
and at the Ibadan Conference (1969), both important early milestones in African
Christian theologizing.

The deep sense of communal solidarity bears upon the theology of Christian
conversion, engaging a debate upon the Western Protestant insistence upon
individual salvation by personal faith in Christ, It also influences
understanding of moral responsibility and what constitutes sin and guilt. Many
African authors draw attention to the fact that sin is traditionally conceived
as violations against community, order, and peace,150 Most African authors
would deny that these moral sanctions do not relate in any way to God, for some
of these taboos and norms were instituted by God.151 But in addition to God
there are also lesser divinities and also the spirit ancestors who, "are believed
to reward and punish because they are concerned with the effective discharge of
moral obligations."152 These notions in turn will affect understanding as to
what constitutes salvation, and the so ter io logical place of Christ's death and

- 56 -
resurrection. To G.Muzorewa, the African concept of "survival" is important to
any understanding of salvation.1S3 Kwesi Dickson devotes a chapter of his book
to "the theology of the Cross in context", seeking to retain a significant place
given by the New Testament to the death of Christ while bearing in mind
traditional African ideas about death. Christ, the perfect victim, by His death
"merits, to use an African image, to be looked upon as ancestor, the greatest of
the ancestors ... He becomes the one with whom the African lives intimately (as
well as with the other living dead) on whom he calls, and to whom he offers
prayer", and argues that Paul's language of the Cross would support the African
belief that "death binds up relationships in the society, revitalizing the living,
and underscoring their sense of community."1

2. African Independent Churches

As has been shown above, the all-pervasive search for identity affecting many
aspects of life and thought in Africa in the 20th Century has been shared by
the extraordinary proliferation of religious groups, most of which profess a
Christian identity. Whether they broke away from the historical churches, or
sprang up independently under prophetic leadership, they were free to be
themselves, and express themselves as Africans in their socio-religious life.
Paradoxically, the AICs themselves have produced very little in the way of
theological writings, being more preoccupied with the experience of their faith
than with its theoretical formulation. Their theological contribution has been
indirect, self-confessedly "unwritten, unsystematic, and undefined" and yet for
all that "implicit".1

Their rituals, beliefs, and historical development have, however, been the study
of countless learned articles. These published descriptions and analyses have
brought the Independents' religious distinctives to the attention of sympathetic,
theologically equipped African thinkers within the historical churches. Muzorewa
lists the independent churches as an important source of African Christian
theology and says, "African theologians turn to the Independent church movement
for raw materials for their work because the independent churches do indigenIze
the Christian message 1,1 According to S.G.A.Onibere, these churches "par
excellence constitute the institutionalization of the so much sought-for

- 57 -
'theologia africana'".1 The South African A.R.Sprunger insists that "there will
be no relevant theology in South Africa and in Africa as long as the universal
church and the mission churches do not start looking at, listening to and
learning from our separatist brothers."1

Among the theologically fruitful distinctives shared by most (but not all) of
the independent Churches are: attention to the ancestors, Christian healing,
divination, dreams and visions, prophecy, polygamy, church discipline, the role of
women, worship and liturgy.1 Onibere adds in a shorter list the distinctive
of "communitarian character",1^0 Sprunger lists ten "fundamentally African and
genuinely Christian features" of the so-called "Zionist" or "Prophet-healing"
churches. Each of the features calls out for theological reflection: 1) the
charismatic call of the prophet, requring a serious examination of the doctrine
of the Spirit, 2) Apostolic zeal and missionary power, pointing to the need for
repentance and a serious review of current theological priorities, 3) Community,
rediscovering the meaning of 'koinonia', 4) Universality of the Church, a new
understanding of classless love, 5) Tolerance, allowing for fresh thinking while
remaining christo-centric, 6) Worship, calling for a renewed awareness of
Christ's escha to logical presence, 7) Healing as care and concern for illness and
its causes, both physical and supernatural, 8) Holistic counselling and prophetic
advice, leading possibly to a renewal of pastoral theology, 9) Sacramental life
and symbolism, tying in with the symbolic richness evident in the Old and New
Testaments, 10) Generosity, pointing the way to a recovery of Christian joy.17,1
Sprunger concludes his article by saying "In response to the inadequacy of our
church life and the irrelevancy of our theology, the Holy Spirit Himself has lit
a genuine apostolic fire in our midst ... Let us listen eagerly ... It may lead us
to repentance, and to a relevant theology".172

3. Nationalism

It is obvious that in the search for identity and freedom from foreign
domination, African Christian Theology and nationalism have common concerns.
While many of the African theologians referred to do not discuss nationalism as
a theological issue, they share with the nationalist writers the mostly negative
reaction to the colonial missionary period with its paternalism, domination, and

- 58 -
resulting estrangement. The colonial experience has its political reaction; it
also has its theological reaction,

For some writers the lines run not only parallel but also very close, A
considerable proportion of Muzorewa's book is concerned with nationalism, which
he considers to be a "major source" and "general context" of African
theology:17,3

African theology is developing concepts that tend to reinforce political

power and cultural validity. African theology's claim to set the African at
liberty to be who God created the African to be is a theological
articulation endorsing what has been pointed out by African nationalists in
the struggle for independence on the continent.17*

Muzorewa argues that the close relationship between theology and nationalism
have been reinforced by the creation and activities of the All Africa
Conference of Churches. The fact that the 1958 All Africa Church Conference
at Ibadan was held in the same place and in the same year as the All Africa
People's Conference was "not sheer coincidence". Furthermore, it was in the
one year, 1963, that both the AACC and the OAU were founded.17B

Muzorewa insists that historical parallels are supported by conceptual

affinity, for if political emancipation has been the preoccupation of
nationalism, "involvement in the political liberation struggle has also been a
major theme of the AACC assemblies",17e and "African nationalists are working
hand in hand with African theologians, because both parties seem to share
the same vision - that of a united, peaceful, dignified, self-reliant
Africa,"177 The persistence in South Africa of the white minority 'apartheid'
regime has produced its own theological reaction in Black Theology, which is
outside the direct scope of this study. Its emphases reflect the oppressive
political and -social context in that country. Shun Govender pleads for a
relevant, contextualized theology, and states that "to contextualize theology
in South Africa means that we have to radically redefine our theological
mandate, and tranform theological reflection in terms of the llfe-death
struggle of those seeking peace and justice in society."17® It would be
totally wrong however to assume that theologians in other parts of Africa
are indifferent to the issues being faced in the south of the Continent.173
The Communique of the Pan African Conference of Third World Theologians,

- 59 -
sees its mandate in the context of "the dynamics of a conflictual history"
which includes economic, political, cultural, and sexual dimensions, and
states: "We stand against oppression in any form because the Gospel of Jesus
Christ demands our participation in the struggle to free people from all
forms of dehumanization."1eo Increasingly, the liberation theme is receiving
attention in the writings of African theologians and Church leaders. As might
be expected, some discuss liberation from a Marxist politico-economic
perspective, others from a Christian sin-redemption viewpoint. Whereas in
past years it was possible neatly to confine socio-economic 'Liberation
Theology' to Latin America, ethno-political 'Black Theology' to Southern
Africa and the Southern USA, and cultural 'African Theology' to tropical
Africa, increasingly the trend is for cross-fertilization between all
three,1ei

4. Bible

To say that in the moderm missionary implantation of Christianity in Africa

the Bible played a central role is (at least with regard to Protestant
Christianity) to state the well-known. The missionary was known as "the man
of the Book", and by the high order of priority given to both the translation
of the Bible into many of Africa's vernaculars and to the establishing of
Bible schools at every level, the centrality of the Bible was ensured, and
pertains in large sections of the African Church to the present.
Traditionally it was different in the Roman Catholic missionary process, and
Hastings can speak of "the Catholic missionary who rarely offered his
converts a Bible and had anyway set up a clearly different source of
authority behind his teaching".1®3 Vatican II, however, was to bring new
emphasis upon the Bible as forming, together with the Church's accumulated
conciliar traditions, the basis for belief and behaviour.

The Bible features prominently in many of the independent churches. Indeed,

its possession is held to be one of the causative factors in their existence
for "they found what they were looking for in the Bible, but not in the
white churches".1 Archbishop Ngada and his colleagues representing the
independent churches declare: "We read the Bible as a book that comes from

- 60 -
God, and we take every word in the Bible seriously".133 The appeal of the Old
Testament with its affinity in many respects to traditional African ethos,
has been widely commented on, and Dickson devotes an entire chapter of his
book to 'Cultural continuity with the Bible', although he does also draw
attention to important points of discontinuity.1®® Turner's analysis of
sermons preached in the Aladura churches of Nigeria reveal that in fact far
more texts were chosen from the New Testament than from the Old, although
he does allow that many Independents tend to have an Old Testament
interpretation of the whole Bible.137

'The Bible and Christian Heritage' is listed first among the sources of
theology in Africa by the Pan African Conference of Third World Theologians,
and of the Bible, the document goes as far as to say: "the Bible is the basic
source of African theology, because it is the primary witness of God's
revelation in Jesus Christ. No theology can retain its Christian identity
apart from the Scripture."133 Hastings, among others, has pointed out that
what Africans related to in the Bible was not always what seemed to the
missionaries to be most important therein.1355 In insisting that the West
does not have a 'monopoly' of theology which Africa must simply receive
passively as ready-made packages of dogma, African theologians are claiming
the right to set their own theological agenda, asking questions and seeking
answers which arise out of their authentic context.

Exactly what part the Bible will play in the theological process will vary
according to the understanding of the nature of revelation. For some, like
Eboussi, it is mistaken to seek a normative revelatory role in the Bible.
Indeed, he speaks of the "fetishism of revelation"130, and insists that "the
ethical prescriptions of the Bible bear the mark of bygone ages. They are
testimonies to history ... Morality drawn from sacred Scripture is worth no
more than politics drawn from the same source,"131 The Bible, therefore, is
rather "a treasury of metaphors", a testimony of others' experience of God,
and "survives in the fragments representing what the Jews perceived and felt
of existence In its epochal novelty".132 What counts is rather an
existential encounter with Christ "upstream from dogma",13'
3 Dickson's
evaluation of Scripture is more positive, and he urges a Biblical hermeneutic
which will take seriously the Biblical story's Ancient Near-Eastern

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background as well as the particularity of the African situation. Yet he also
(warily) conjectures that the existing New Testament canon could profitably
be re-examined, so that other sources of the life and work of Christ, once
deemed unworthy for canonical inclusion, might be admitted and be found
"more satisfying spiritually in the light of the African’s religio-cultural
and other circumstances."1

John Mbiti, as a New Testament scholar has, perhaps, done more than other
Africa theologians to interrelate the African and Biblical worlds, and has
repeatedly advocated the centrality of the Bible in the task of theology in
Africa:

Any viable theology must and should have a biblical basis, and African
theology has begun to develop on this foundation Nothing can substitute
the Bible ... As long as African Theology keeps close to the Scriptures, it
will remain relevant to the life of the Church in Africa and it will have
lasting links with the theology of the Church universal.13S

Mbiti's research into the African traditional religious ’possessio’ is well

known.13® One of his particular contributions has been to argue for the
’continuum’ relating the pre-Christian old and the Christian new in terms of
preparation and fulfilment. His estimate of the African religious tradition is
basically positive; its place within God’s redemptive process is that of a
'praeparatio evangelica':

African Religion reflects God's witness among African peoples through the
ages, It has been a valuable and indispensable lamp on the spiritual path
... it is a crucial stepping stone towards that ultimate light (the Gospel).
As Christianity develops in our continent, answering African needs and
being firmly rooted in our culture, it will derive great benefits from the
work already done by African Religion. The Gospel has come to fulfil and
complete African religiosity.197

The writings of the Nigerian Byang Kato13e stand out in contrast against most
of the theological writings of his African theologian contemporaries. Whereas
the majority were arguing for a positive Christian reassessment of African
cultural and religious values and practices, Kato raised a dissenting, warning
voice. His repeated call was for a "Biblical Christianity", and his warnings were
against "syncretism, universalism and christo-paganism",133 His opposition to
the concensus has been interpreted as betraying a blinkered loyalty to American /

- 62 -
evangelical conservatism200, and as repeating the mistaken perception of early
missionaries who wished to wipe the African slate clean before imprinting on it
an entirely new religious psychology,201

A more careful reading of Kato's writings, however, reveals that he, as much as
anyone, was anxious that Christianity should be or become thoroughly African, He
argued that Christianity could and should be considered "an African religion"
(historically, and statistically), and he urged that "Africans should be made to
feel it so,"202 He insisted that "culture is what binds a people together and
gives them a sense of identity as a community" and that therefore "the call for
cultural revival is right and necessary."203 His warning was against elevating
the non-Christian religio-cultural heritage (of Africa or of any country) to the
status of revelation. For Kato, traditional religion in Africa as elsewhere might
express an honest craving for God, a response to "general non-redemptive
revelation", but it is a response that bears the marks of the Fall and which
must, therefore, come under the judgment of the "special redemptive revelation"
brought in Christ and explained author itively in the Scriptures. He thus
emphasised the radical discontinuity between the Gospel and African traditional
religion as a system, but not between the Gospel and the deepest needs of the
African; "Christ is the fulfilment of the Old Testament and of the deep
spiritual needs of human hearts, not the fulfilment of African traditional
religion or any other non-Christian religion."20'11

The relation between revelation and culture remains one of the major concerns
of theology in Africa, across a broad spectrum of different confessions. The
Roman Catholic 'Premier Congr&s des Biblistes Africains' (Kinshasa, 1979) set
itself to debate the "dialogue between the Word of God and the African"20®, and
listed 13 "problemes herm6neutiques" to resolve. For their part, evangelicals,
whose "high view of Scripture" has sometimes in the past brought accusations of
a corresponding "low view of culture", have moved towards a fuller recognition
that the Gospel cannot be isolated from the human culture in which it is to be
proclamed, and indeed, in which the Christian Gospel first found expression. The
Willowbank Consultation on Gospel and Culture, four years after the Lausanne
Congress on World Evangelization, brought together some 33 theologians,
anthropologists, linguists, missionaries, and pastors from all six continents. Its
report reveals a new evangelical awareness of the cultural conditioning of

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Scripture itself which nevertheless does not put in question its "normative
quality",20® and a new sensitivity towards the cultural context, a replacement
of a pre-package Gospel" approach by the incarnational model of "identification
without loss of identity",207

Conclusion

In the theological task facing Africa today, the debate seems likely to centre
upon the search for culturally appropriate expressions of belief rather than
upon cerebral speculation about abstract ideas. African theologians have
established that the African context is the proper workshop within which to
make meaningful theology for Africans, It is likely that for this very reason
the theological process will experience an increasingly local particularization
as socio-anthropological research emphasises the internal diversity of the
Continent. Recently, Tienou has advocated that the only methodology which takes
this diversity seriously is "prescription theology" which "does not seek to
develop a theology which has general validity for the entire African Continent",
but which "takes contextualization seriously in that it seeks to develop a
theology capable of solving problems which are specific to a given
community."203 It is flexible enough to determine the "public" (ie, the
consituency) and to take into account both the modern and the traditional and
recognise that the two together constitute the real Africa of today.203

However, it is also true that many African theologians, for all their emphasis
upon the socio-cultural context of Africa, are concerned that the Christianity
which Africa has embraced does not lose its universality. "African Christianity
is part of a world-wide Christianity".210 The question will continue to be asked
"What is it, of which we are a truly authentic African part?", In the broad-
fronted advance towards reaffirmation of social, cultural, political, economic,
and religious identity that has caught up Africa in the past half-century, it
will be remembered that the theological debate also addresses the identity of
the Gospel whose common affirmation characterizes Christians of every context.

- 64 -
It has been seen that the quest for an African understanding of the Christian
faith is the theological dimension of a very wide drive for discovering or
rediscovering an identity which is authetically African rather than borrowed or
imposed from outside. The process of "faith seeking understanding" is at work in
all parts of Africa and is the monopoly of no one church, of no one ’elite’ of
the church, and of no one methodology. It is the purpose of the following three
chapters to explore the theologizing process within the one country of ZaYre, as
illustrated by contrasting approaches selected from three different confessions.

- 65 -
 References

1. R, Oliver and J. D. Fage, A Short History of Africa. Harmondsworth, Penguin

African Library, 1972, p.189.

2. The point is made by many writers, among them E. Mortimer: "A British
imperialist, if he thought in terms of progress (in Africa), would think of it as
an advance towards self-government; for a French imperialist, progress would
imply closer integration with the mother country, and political maturity would
not mean the rule of Africans by the Africans (which after all had existed
before the imperial powers had arrived), but the participation of Africans as
Frenchmen in the government of a greater France." E.Mortimer, France and the
Africans. Faber and Faber, London, 1969, p,34.

3. M. J. Sampson, West African Leadership: Public Speeches delivered by The

Honourable J.E.Caselv Hay ford. MBE. MLC, Ilfracombe. Arthur H. Stockwell, Ltd., n.d.
p.79, quoted in R. Emerson and M.Kilson (eds), The Political Awakening of Africa.
Prentice Hall Inc., N.J., 1965, p.10,

4. Letter from B. Diagne to Marcus Garvey in R.L.Buell: The Native Problem in

Africa. New York, MacMillan Co., 1928, Vol.2, p.81, quoted in Emerson and Kilson, op
cit, p,22,

5. F, Houphouet-Boigny, 'Address to Fourth Committee of United Nations General

Assembly, January 7th, 1957', reprinted in Ambassade de France, Service de Presse
et d'Informat ion, Speeches and Press Conferences no.85, New York, 1957 pp,2-8.
Quoted in Emerson and Kilson, op cit, p,78.

6. cf, F. A. Joppa: "Les secteurs modernisant et traditionnels ne sont pas

engendrAs par un processus commun. Le secteur modernisant est le resultat de
1'introduction d'un corps etranger - la puissance coloniale - Aun momentdonnd
de l'histoire des sociAtes trad itionne lies ... N'ayant rien en commun, les £ laments
de ces secteurs se rAvelent antithetiques et incompatibles.", L'Engagement des
ecrlvains africains noirs de la langue francaise, Editions Naaman, Quebec, 1982,
p.210,

7. M. Assimeng, 'Crisis, Identity and Integration in African Religion.' in H.Mol

(ed.), Identity and Religion. 1978. pp,106-107.

8. E. A, Ruch, 'Philosophy of African History', in African Studies. Johannesburg,

1973, 32(2) pp.113-125.

9. R. Oliver and J. D. Fage, op cit, p.2Q7.

10. H. W, Turner, 'The Place of Independent Religious Movements in the

Modernization of Africa', in Journal of Religion in Africa. Vol,2, No.l, 1969, p.56.

11. J. Mbiti, New Testament Eschatologv in an African Background. Oxford

University Press, London, 1971, pp,30-31.

- 66 -
12. K. Nkruraah, Address to the First International Congress of Africanists, at the
University of Ghana, Legon, December 1962, Quoted in Emerson and Kilson, op cit,
p,23,

13. J. Jahn, A History of Neo-African Literature, trans. from German by 0.Coburn

and U. Lehrburger, London, Faber and Faber, 1968, p.242,

14. L. Senghor; "La nigritude, c'est l'enserable des valeurs culture lies du raonde
noir, tel les qu'elles s'expriment dans la vie, les institutions, et les oeuvres des
Noirs", quoted by A, Nordmann-Seiler, La llttArature ndo-afrlcaine. Presses
Universitaires Fran$aises, Paris, 1976, p.17.

15. C. Achebe, quoted by G-C M. Mutiso, Socio-Political Thought in African

Literature. Macmillan, London, 1974. p.ll,

16. Quoted by C, Achebe, Johnson Reprint Corp, New York, 1967,

17. C. Achebe, quoted in G-C M. Mutiso, op cit, p.ll

18. Examples of works evoking the glorious past would include:

Joseph Said, Au Tchad sous les A to lies. 1962
Djibril Tamsir Niane, Sound iata. 1960
Mamadou-Ouane, Fadimata. la princesse du ddsert. 1955 .
examples of works evoking rural traditions include;
J. Kenyatta, Facing Mount Kenya. 1938
Camara Laye, L'enfant noir. 1953.

19. A, Cdsaire, Quoted by Oladele Taiwe, in An Introduction to West African

Literature. Nelson, London, 1967, p.45

20. J. Jahn, op cit, p,250.

21. L, Senghor: "II n'est pas question de ressusciter le pass©e, de vivre dans le
Mus6e negro-africain; il est question d'animer ce monde hie et nunc, par les
valeurs de notre passd", Liberte I. Negritude et Humanisme. Seuil, Paris, 1964,
p.283,

22. N. Azikiwe, Political Blueprint of Nigeria. African Book Co,Ltd., Lagos, 1943,
Quoted by Emerson and Kilson, op cit, pp.60-61,

23. G, Arboussier, 'La situation actuelle du Rassemblement DAmocratique Africain',

in Le Rassemblement Democrat ique Africain dans la lutte anti-imperial iste. Les
Impressions Rapides, Paris, 1948, pp.46-53, Quoted in Emerson and Kilson, op cit,
p.80.

24. Statistics from UNESCO Yearbook, Paris, 1985,

25. Quoted in V. Ferkiss, Africa's Search for Identity. G. Braziller, New York,
1966, p.165.

26. UNESCO Yearbook, op.cit,

27. K. Nkrumah, Speech, Positive Action Conference. Accra, 1960, quoted in Emerson
and Kilson, op cit, p.147.

- 67 -
28. H. Macmillan, Quoted in A,Hastings, A History of African Christianity 1950-
1975. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 1979, p.132.

29. K. Nkrumah, Neo~CoIonia 1ism. Heinemann, London, 1965, p.ix,

30. V, Ferkiss, op.cit, pp,260-261,

31. In this respect, the colonial fragmentation of Africa into many states has
worked to Africa's advantage, for with its 35 voices (compared with 19 Asian and
23 Latin American voices? it represents the most important bloc among the under­
developed countries.

32. Encyclopedia Britannica. Benton, Chicago, 1974, Vol.18, p.903.

33. H. Selassie, 'Africa must shape its own future', from Proceedings of the
Summit Conference of Independent African States. Vol.I, Section 2, Addis Ababa,
1963, Quoted in Emerson and Kilson, op cit. p.166,

34. Mobutu S.S., Speech of 19th August, quoted in 'Church and 'authenticity' in
Zaire', Pro Mundi Vita. p,2. I owe this quote to Hastings, op cit, p.191.

35. Mobutu S.S., conversation with P. Bernetel, quoted in Kabue Buana, L'experience
zairoise, Maury, France, 1976.

36. Mobutu S.S., Discours a 1'QNU. 1973.

37. D. B. Barrett, From an unpublished paper presented in summary to South

African Missiological Society in Jan. 1984, quoted by D,Shank in 'Mission relations
with independent churches in Africa', in Missio logy. Vol.13, No.l, 1985, pp,23-44.

38. B, G. M. Sundkler, Bantu Prophets in Southern Africa. Lutterworth Press,

London, 1948, rev.ed, 1961,

39. D. B. Barrett, Schism and Renewal in Africa, an analysis of six thousand

contemporary religious movements. Oxford University Press, London, 1968,

40. D, B, Barrett, unpublished paper, quoted by D, Shank, op cit, p,28

41. D. B. Barrett, 'Interdisciplinary theories of religion and African

independency', in D. B, Barrett (ed.) African Initiatives in Religion. E.A.P.H.,
Nairobi, 1971, p.148.

42. J. Fernandez, 'African religious movements, - types and dynamics', Journal of

Modern African Studies, Vol.2, No,4, 1964,

43. H, W. Turner, 'The approach to Africa's religious movements', in African

Perspective. No.2, 1977, p.19.

44. G. Balandier, 'Les mythes politiques de colonisation et de decolonisation en

Afrique', in Cahiers Internationaux de Sociologie. Paris, 33, 1962, p.86.

45. G. Balandier, op.cit. p,92.

46. V. Lanternari, Religions of the Oppressed. New York, Knopf, 1963.

- 68 -
47. referred to by T, 0. Ranger, 'Religious movements and politics in Sub-Saharan
Africa', in African Studies Review. Vol.29, No,2, p.2.

48. P. Bohannan, Africa and the Africans. The Natural History Press, New York,
1964, p.25,

49. J-P. Dozon, 'Les mouveraents politico-religieux; syncrdtismes, messianismes,

nAo-traditionalismes', in M, Auge (ed.), La construction du monde. F. MaspAro,
Paris, 1974, p.88.

50. T. 0. Ranger, op.cit, p,64,

51. R, Buijtenhuijs, '"Messianisme" et nationalisme en Afrique noire; une remise en

question', in African Perspectives. No.2 of 1976 (issued 1977), p. 37.

52. J. Fernandez, op.cit. p.531

53. ibid,

54. T, 0. Ranger, op.cit, p,65,

55. H. W. Turner, 'The approach to Africa's religious movements',op.cit,p.18,

56. D. B. Barrett, 'Interdisciplinary theories', op.cit. p.147.

57. G, C. Oosthuizen, 'Causes of religious independent ism inAfrica',inMin istry.

Vol.11, No.4, 1971, pp.121-133.

58. D, B. Barrett, 'Interdisciplinary theories', op.cit. p. 150.

59. ibid, p.151,

60. D. B, Barrett, Schism andRenewal, op.cit.p,156,

61. M, L, Daneel, 'Communication andliberation in African Independent Churches',

in Missionalia. Vol.il, No,2, 1983, p.60,

62. ibid, p,65.

63. ibid, p.72.

64. C. Dillon-Malone, The Korsten basket-makers: a study of the Masowe apostles,

an indigenous African religious movement. Manchester University Press, 1978.

65. A, Hastings, A history of African Christianity. 1950-1975. op cit, pp,77-78. Dr.

H. Fisher points out that the Holy Apostles Community began to disintegrate
somewhat in the 1970s, - "a failed Utopia" (Fisher to Molyneux, April, 1987).

66. J. Fernandez, 'African religious movements', Annual Review of Anthropology,

quoted by T.O.Ranger, op.cit, p.ll,

67. J. Fernandez, Bwiti. an ethnography of religious imagination in Africa.

Princeton, 1982, referred to in T.O.Ranger, op.cit. p. 12.

- 69 -
68, E, E. Evans-Pritchard, Nuer Religion Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1962, p.
p.viii; my attention was drawn to this by H.W.Turner's article, 'A methodology for
modern African religious movements', in Comparative Studies in Society and
History, Vol,8, No.3, 1966, p.287.

69, H, W. Turner, 'A methodology for modern African religious movements',op cit,
p,287.

70, ibid, p.288.

71. Admitting the contribution of political liberation, social protest, nationalism,

economic deprivation, culture disruption, Oosterval concludes: "this totality of
human factors worked like a mighty catalyst but the messianic expectations
'per se* are a religious category by themselves. They are 'sui generis'; they have
their own rationale and cannot be explained by non-religious factors."
G,Oosterval, 'Modern messianic movements as a theological and missio logical
challenge', Missionary Studies 2. Elkhart, Indiana: Institute of Mennonite Studies,
1973, p,24.

72. Bimwenyi Kweshi, Dlscours theologique negro-africain; probl&me des fondements.

Presence Africaine, Paris, 1981, pp.306ff,

73. A. J. Omoyajowo, 'An African expression of Christianity', in B. Moore, (ed,),

Black Theology.- the South African Voice. C,Hurst, London, 1973, p.88. See also
J,Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, Heinemann, London, 1969, p.234.

74, A, R. Sprunger, 'The contribution of the African Independent Churches to a

relevant theology for Africa', in H. J, Becken (ed.), Relevant Theology for Africa.
Durban, 1972, p.169.

75, ibid, p,166,

76, S. G. Onibere, 'The phenomenon of African religious independency, - blessing

or curse on the Church Universal?' in African Theological Journal, Vol. 10, No.l,
1981, p.15.

77. See, Speaking for ourselves, report by members of AICs on their pilot study
of the history and theology of their churches, Publ. by I.C.T, Braamfontein, South
Africa, n.d., pp.22-23,

78. P. Beyerhaus, ‘The encounter with messianic movements in Africa', paper

presented at 'Christianity and the non-Christian World Seminar', University of
Aberdeen, April, 1968, p,10.

79. A. Hastings, op cit. p.72.

80, V, Hayward, 'African independent church movements', Ecumenical Review.Vol.15,

No,2, 1963, p,196,

81. J. Janzen, 'Vers une phAnomenologie de la gudrison en Afrique centrale', in,

EtudesCongo la ises. Kinshasa, Vol.12, No,2, 1969, pp,102ff.
also: Kofi Appiah-Kubi, 'Indigenous African churches; signs of authenticity',
in Appiah-Kubi and Torres (eds.), African Theology en route. Orbis Books, New
York, 1979, p.l21ff,

- 70 -
 J. A, Loewen, Mission churches, Independent churches, and felt needs in
Africa', Miss tology. Vol.4, No.4, 1976, pp.410-411.
H-J. Becken, 'The experience of healing in the Church in Africa',
Contact.(Geneva). 29, 1975, pp.7-11.
For a fascinating account of the influence of Western medicine upon
traditional concepts of illness and healing, see T, 0. Ranger, 'Medical science and
Pentecost; the dilemma of anglicanism in Africa', in W. J. Shiels <ed.) The Church
and healing. Blackwell, Oxford, 1982, pp,333-365.

82. E. B. Idowu, African Traditional Religion. S.C.M., London, 1973, pp.165-178.

83. J. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, op.cit. p.75-91,

84. Boka di Mpasi, 'A propos des religions populaires d'Afrique subsaharienne', in
Telema. June, 1979, p.32,

85. A. van Campenhoudt, 'Separatism© et pastorale en Afrique no ire*, L'Eg llse

vivante. Louvain, Vol.22, No,5, 1970, p,354,

86. J. Daneel, 'Communication and liberation', op.cit, p.50,

87. H. W, Turner, 'African Independent Churches and economic development', in World

Development. Vol.8, 1980, p,526.

88. R, Bureau, 'Sorcellerie et prophetisme en Afrique noire', Etudes. Apr. 1967,

p.476,

89. See also Kofi Appiah-Kubi, 'Monography' Bulletin de Th&ologie Africaine. Vol.l,
No,2, p,241.

90. Daneel, 'Communication and liberation', op.cit. pp,90-91.

91. F. B. Welbourn, East African Rebels; a study of some independent churches. SCM
Press, London, 1961, p,202,

92. Horton's hypothesis was originally published in Africa. Vol.XLl no,2. April,
1971; it drew H,Fisher's reply in 'Conversion reconsidered; historical aspects of
religious conversion in Africa', in 1973; the debate continued with Horton's 'On
the rationality of conversion' in Africa, Vol.45, no,3, 1975; Fisher's response came
ten years later in 'The Juggernaut's Apologia, conversion to Islam in Black
Africa’, in Africa. Vol.55(2), 1985,

93. R. Gray, 'Christianity and religious change in Africa', African Affairs.

No.306.*77, 1978, p,95.

94. Letter, H. W, Turner to Molyneux, 7th Dec, 1987,

95. Report of the Second Conference of the Organisation of African Independent
Churches, Nairobi, 1982.

96. G. Muzorewa, The origins and development of African Theology. New York, 1985,
p.57.

97. I owe this information to T. Tienou, unpublished PhD thesis, Fuller

Theological Seminary, 1984, p.8, (Permission to quote requested)

- 71 -
98. P. Tempels, La philosophie bantoue. edited by Lovanie, Elizabethville, October,
1945, A first chapter had already been published in Flemish in Aequatoria in
1944, Other chapters followed in Band, a Leopoldville (Kinshasa) periodical.
Details in F. Bontinck, Au k origines de 'La Philosophie Bantoue1. Kinshasa, 1985,
p.7.

99. Frans Tempels (his name Placide was given to him later when he joined the
Fransiscan 'Ordre des Fr&res Mineurs') was born in 1906 in Berlaar, Belgium. He
was ordained priest in 1930, sailed for Congo in 1933 for a twelve year period
of service in various southern and eastern parts of the country, His ministry was
one of teaching and itinerant missionary. He meantime wrote several academic
studies, which were to lead up to the work for which he became most famous. The
subsequent phases of Tempels story, especially "encounter" and the 'Jamaa', are
told in, de Craemer, Jamaa and the Church. Oxford University Press, Oxford, 1977,

100. P. Tempels, Notre Rencontre. Limete, Kinshasa, 1962, quoted in Smet, 'Le P&re
Placide Tempels et son oeuvre publide', in Revue Africalne de ThAologle. Vol.l,
No.l, 1977, p,8Q.

101. P. Tempels, Notre Rencontre, op cit, p,38, quoted by Smet (see above, note
100), p,80-81.

102. P. Tempels, Bantu Philosophy. (Eng. trans. by C.King), Presence Afriaine, Paris,
1969, pp.26-27.

103. P, Tempels, "Triple r6ponse dtonnamment adapt^e A la triple aspiration

fondamentale de la personnalitd bantoue", Notre rencontre, op cit, pp.38-39,
quoted by Smet, (see above, note 100) p,81.

104. This key term in Tempels' understanding of Bantu ontology is variously

translated as 'force vitale', 'force de vie', 'llfe-force', 'vitsl-force'; the word in
Flemish preferred by Tempels himself was 'levenskracht'.

105. Gustaaf Hulstaert, Tempels* correspondent, was born in 1900, in Melsele,

Belgium. Having been ordained priest in 1924, he sailed for Congo in 1925, where
he intially had an itinerant ministry in the Boende district. For many years he
edited the review Aequatoria. and his linguistic studies in the Mongo language
are well known. His career in Zaire has been exceptional in its length (in 1986
he was still there), and in its academic brilliance.

106. Letter from Tempels to Hulstaert, 11th May, 1946, in F. Bontinck, op cit,
p.109

107. Letter from Tempels to Husltaert, 29th Nov, 1945, in F. Bontinck, op cit,
p.95.

108. Letter from Tempels to Hulstaert, 5th Jan, 1948, in F. Bontinck, op cit,
p.162.

109. There have been many in the history of missions in Africa who, by patient
and respectful observation and research, have gained insights just as penetrating
as those of Tempels. Tempels' contribution was more far-reaching because its
academic, conceptualized nature carried the debate high into academia, and far
into the bastions of Roman Catholic institutionalism.

- 72 -
110. A, Kagame, 'L'ethno-philosophie des "Bantu"', in R, Klibansky (ed,), La
philosophie contemporaine. Florence, 1971, p,95,

111. A, Hastings, op.cit, p.119.

112. Des prQtres noirs s'interrogent. Cerf, Paris, 1956,

113. N'Soki K,, 'Gdn&se de l'expression 'thdologie africaine" in Telema.No.20, Dec,

1979, pp,43ff.

114. ibid, p.45.

115. ibid, p.44,

116. quoted in Hastings, op cit, p.119.

117. J. Mbiti, 'Some current concerns of African theology', inExpository Times.

Vol.87, (referred to by Tienou, op.cit. p.7.)

118. G, Muzorewa, op.cit. p.58,

119. K. Dickson and P. Ellingworth (eds.) Pour une thdologie africaine. Yaounde,
Editions OLE, 1969; English edition: Biblical revelation and African beliefs.
London, Lutterworth, and New York, Orb is, 1969.

120. ibid, (French editn.) p.17,

121. See E, W, Fasole-Luke, 'Footpaths and Signposts to African Christian

Theologies', Bulletin de Thdologie Africaine. Vol,3, No,5, 1981.

122. A. Hastings, op.cit, p.168.

123. ibid, p.168.

124. J, Kearns, 'AFER's index, - quite a story!', AFER, 1984, p.14,

125. P. Hebblethwaite, The Runaway Church. Collins, London, 1975, p.9.

126. ibid, p.10,

127. ibid, p.101.

128. ibid, p.103,

129. ibid, p.103.

130. Quoted by Hebblethwaite, op cit, p.110.

131. W, McSweeney, Roman Catholicism: the search for relevance, Blackwell, Oxford,
1980, pp,245, 258.

132. A. van Campenhoudt, L'Eglise vivante. Louvain, Vol.22, No.5, 1970, pp,352-365.

133. Pottmeyer, 'Vatican II, - 20 years on', Pro Mundi Vita Bulletin 102 1985/3.

- 73 -
134. Pope John-Paul II, AFER, Vol.25, no.5, 1983.

135. A, Vanneste, 'Une Faculty de th^ologie en Afrique', In Revue du Clerg6

Africa in. No,13, 1958, p.225

136. N'Soki K, op cit, p.54.

137. A.Hastings, op cit, p.170.

138. J. B, Danquah, Akan Doctrine of God. London, 1944,

139. F, Eboussi Boulaga, Christianity without fetishes: an African critique and

recapture of Christianity, trans, from French by R.Barr, New York, Orbis Books,
1984, pp.30-32,

140. J. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, op cit, p.232.

141. F. Eboussi Boulaga, op,cit. p.9.

142. J. Mbiti, African Concepts of God. S.P.C.K., London, 1969, p.xiii,

143. K. Bediako, 'Christian tradition and the African God revisited', in D, M.

Gitari and P, Benson, The Living God. Africa Theological Fraternity, Nairobi, 1986,

144. K, Bediako, unpublished PhD. thesis, 'Identity and Integrity: an enquiry into
the nature and problems of theological indigenization in selected early
Hellenistic and modern African Christian writers', Aberdeen University, 1984,
p.294. (Permission to quote requested)

145. A, F, Walls, 'Africa and Christian identity', Mission Focus. Vol,6, No,7, 1978,
p.13.

146. K. Bediako devotes a chapter to Idowu in his thesis, op.cit, pp. 332-373.

147. E. Bolaji Idowu, Towards an Indigenous Church. London, Oxford University

Press, 1965, p.25.

148. J. Mbiti, Concepts of God in Africa op.cit. p.xiii,

149. Ch. 2 in Biblical Revelation and African Beliefs, op.cit.

150. J. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy op.cit. pp.75-91.

151. K. Dickson, Theology in Africa. Darton, Longman, and Todd, London, 1984; and
Orbis Books, New York, 1984, pp,52-62,

152. K. Bediako, 'Christian Tradition ... ' op cit, p.9-10,

153. G. Muzorewa, op.cit. p.ll,

154. B, Bujo, 'Nos anc&tres, ces saints inconnus', in Bulletin de Th6ologie

Africaine. Vol.l, No,2, pp,165-178. cf. also; E. Mosothoane, 'Ancestor cult and
communion of saints', in Missionalia. August 1973,
155. Masamba ma Mpolo, 'Community and Cure; the therapeutics of the traditional
religions and the religions of the prophets in Africa', in Christian and Islamic
contributions towards establishing independent states in Africa south of the
Sahara. Stuttgart, 1979, p.125.

156. M, L. Daneel, 'Communication and liberation', op.cit, p.84, see also his article
The Christian gospel and the ancestor cults.'Misslona 1ia. 16, Aug,73, p.59,

157. J. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, op.cit,, p.108.

158. Mulago gwa Cikala: "le lien vital qul unit entre eux verticalement et
horizontalement des 6tres vivants et tr6pass6s ... C'est le r6sultat d'une
communion d'une participation A une m6me rdalit6 ... qui unit entre eux plusieurs
6tres", in K.Dickson and P.Ellingworth, Ceds.) Pour une th£ologle africaine. op.cit.
p.192

159. Mulago gwa Cikala, Un visage africain du christianisme. Paris, 1965.

160. eg., J. Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy p. 205, but see B.Kato,
Theological Pitfalls in Africa. Kisumu, Evangel Publishing House, 1975, p. 42,

161. J, Mbiti, ibid, p,205.

162. K. Dickson, op.cit, p,67,

163. G, Muzorewa, op.cit, pp,85-86,

164. K. Dickson, op.cit, p.198.

165. Speaking for Ourselves, op.cit. p,4.

166. G. Muzorewa, op.cit. p,92,

167. S, G, A, Onibere, 'The phenomenon of African religious independency', op.cit.

p.17.

168. A. Sprunger, 'The contribution of the African independent churches to a

relevant theology for Africa', op.cit, p,163,

169. V. Hayward, 'African independent church movements', Ecumenical Review. Vol.15,

No.2, 1963, pp.193-199.

170. S. G, A. Onibere, op.cit. p.17.

171. A Sprunger, op cit, pp,165-171.

172. A. Sprunger, op.cit, p.173,

173. G. Muzorewa, op.cit, p.46.

174. ibid, p,50,

175. ibid, p.51-52.

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176. ibid, p,52

177. ibid. p.53.

178. S. Govender, Christian mission and human transformation. Report of Sixth

IAMS Conference, Harare, Jan. 1985, p.4-1.

179. A. Shorter, African Christian spirituality. London, Geoffrey Chapman, 1978,

p.7.

180. Final Communique, Pan African Conference of Third World Theologians, in

K.Appiah-Kubi, and S. Torres, (eds.) African Theology en Route. New York, Orbis
Books, 1979, pp,193-194.

181. For an example of 'liberation’ in spiritual rather than politico-economic

terms, see Bakole wa Ilunga, Paths of Liberation. Orbis Books, Maryknoll, New York,
1985 (Eng. tr. of Chemins de liberation. Eds. de 1'Arched ioc^se, Kananga, 1978).

182. cf. Kofi Appiah-Kubi, et al, Liberation ou adaptation: la th&ologie afrlcaine

s’interroge. Colloque d’Accra, L'Harmattan, Paris, 1979, see espec. 3rd Section,
African Theology as Liberation,

183. A. Hastings, op.cit, p.71.

184. Speaking for Ourselves, op.cit, p,71,

185. ibid, p,21,

186. K, Dickson, Theology in Africa op.cit, p.p.141-184.

187. H. W, Turner, Profile through Preaching. Edinburgh, 1965.

188. Final Communique, op.cit, p,192.

189. A. Hastings, op.cit. p. 71,

190. F. Eboussi Boulaga, Christianity without Fetishes op.cit. pp.llff

191. ibid, p,204.

192. ibid, p.204

193. ibid, p,85

194. K, Dickson, op.cit. pp.183-184.

195. J. Mbiti, 'The Biblical basis in present trends of African Theology', in

Bulletin de Theologie Africaine. Vol.l, No.l, 1979, pp.21-22.

196. Notably his African Religions and Philosophy, op cit, and Concepts of God in
Africa, op cit.

_ ye -
197. J. Mbiti, 'Christianity and African Religion', in M. Cassidy and L. Verlinden
(eds.), Facing the New Challenges - The Message of PACLA. Evangel Publishing
House, Kisumu, p.313.

198. Byang Kato (1936-1975), born in Nigeria, BD (London), STM, and ThD (Dallas),
Elected in 1973 to serve as General Secretary to the Association of Evangelicals
of Africa and Madagascar (AEAM), and in 1974 as Vice-President of the World
Evangelical Fellowship <W£F), He wrote only one book, Theological Pitfalls in
Africa. Evangel Publishing House, Kisumu, 1975, He was, however, a prolific writer
of articles, many of them transcriptions from public addresses at popular
congresses, which accounts in some measure for their frequently polemic style.
Some of these addresses have been edited as other books and booklets (see
below). He died in a swimming accident on the Kenya coast,

199. B. Kato, in Biblical Christianity in Africa. African Christian Press, Achimota,

Ghana, 1985, p.ll.

200. for instance by T. M, Njoya, 'Dynamics of change in African Christianity;

African theology through historical and political change', PhD. Thesis, Princeton
Theological Seminary, 1976, p.60, I owe this information to Kwame Bediako, thesis,
op cit, p.470,

201. Kwame Bediako, PhD, thesis, op cit, p,476.

202. B. Kato, 'Christianity as an African Religion', ch,4 in Biblical Christianity in

Africa, op cit, pp,32ff,

203. B, Kato, African Cultural Revolution and the Christian Faith. Challenge
Publications, Jos, Nigeria, 1976, p,6.

204. B, Kato, Theological Pitfalls in Africa, op cit, p.155,

205. D. Atal et al, (eds) Christianisme et identity africaine. Actes du Premier

Congrds des Biblist.es Africains, p.17,

206. The Willowbank Report of a consultation on Gospel and Culture. LCWE,

Wheaton, 1978, p.9,

207. ibid, pp. 14,18,

208. T. Tienou, unpublished PhD, thesis, Fuller, 1984, op.cit. p,191ff,

209. ibid, p.185.

210. Final Communique, op.cit., p.193,

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 Chapter 2

Faith seeking (published) understanding; the contribution of

Kinshasa's 'Faculty de Thdologte Catholique'

It is not only in virtue of its geographical position ("set in the heart of

the Continent"1) that the 'Faculty de Th6ologie Catholique de Kinshasa' (FTCK)
can claim to play a central role in the emergence of so-called 'African
theology'. Of greater importance is its position in the capital of the country
that has been called, on account of the sheer numbers of priests and
members, "the giant of Catholic Africa".^ More important still is the academic
stature of the Faculty itself, expressed not only internally through the
rigorous standards of teaching up to doctorate level, but also externally
through the Faculty's numerous publications.(see Appendix I)

Early history of the 'Faculty*

The birth of the Faculty was inextricably bound up with the University of
Louvain (Belgium). Indeed, so consciously was it modelled on its famous
Belgian counterpart that the African daughter-university was even called
Lovanium, The connections that bound the two together extended far beyond
the mere name; R, Yakemtchouk can write: "The University of Lovanium and its
Faculty of Theology were a creation of the Catholic University of Louvain;
they belong to her spiritual heritage, and are part of her history."3 Set
just above foundation level in the wall of the present Faculty des Sciences
building on the 'Campus Universitaire’ in Kinshasa (and almost totally hidden
by long grass) is a white stone originating from Louvain in Belgium; it bears
two dates, 1425 and 1954, the former the year of Louvain's founding, the
latter that of its Zairian counterpart. Yakemtchouk traces the earliest
notions of university-level institutions in Africa back to Father Charles
(SJ), the first occupant of the newly endowed Chair of Missiology in Louvain
in the early 1920's, His enthusiasm for missions in Africa received impetus
from the then Pope, Pius XI, whose missionary vision earned him the name

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'pape des missions'. The following years were to see the creation of
relatively advanced medical and agricultural institutions in the Belgian
Congo.'* Bishop Dellepiane, the Holy See's representative in the Congo
brought the project of a Catholic University a step nearer fulfilment by
persuasively stressing the inevitability and imminence of university-level
education and warning that if the challenge were not met by the Catholic
Church, then the initiative would fall to lay or even Protestant elements. He
argued for the establishing of a Catholic University having the same
character and legal standing as the Catholic University of Louvain.
Realisation of the project was hindered by indecision and even rivalry
between Louvain, the Jesuits, and the representatives of the Holy See as to
who should be responsible and in what way.6

It was in 1954, in the colonial capital Leopoldville, that the University of

Lovanium eventually opened officially, under the jurisdiction of Louvain. It
was the ambition of the founders of the new University that it would have
an academic level comparable to that of European universities, and it was
their conviction that it was "destined to become a beacon of Christian
culture shining out over the whole of Africa."6 Three years later the Sacred
Congregation of Seminaries and Universities in Rome conferred upon the new
Institution the status of Catholic University, and in the same year ordered
that a Faculty of Theology be set up in the University. Its admission
requirements would, like those of Louvain, be very strict. So, just three
years before the Belgian Congo entered Independence, the country had a
Faculty of Theology, which although small in numbers (there were only seven
students in that first year), was of a very high academic level, not only
modelled on, but also governed from its mother-university in Belgium. At the
opening ceremony, the Rector, Mgr. Gillon, spoke with pride of the links with
Louvain, but insisted also that the research which the Faculty would promote
would "include specifically African aspects,"7 The first seven teachers were
all Belgian, some seconded by Louvain University, others already teaching in
different institutions in Congo.®

The anomaly of a Faculty of Theology in Africa governed by a board in

Belgium, became increasingly glaring as the country moved rapidly towards
independence. The need to adapt the programme more to the African situation

- 79 -
was becoming more pressing, and African students, exasperated by the
conservatism and rigidity of colonial structures, delighted in calling into
question the presuppositions of some of their European teachers.® They
found some of their support in unlikely places: some 15 years earlier, in the
mid-1940s, the Belgian priest Placide Tempels had similarly argued (see Ch.l)
that the African way of understanding needed to be given serious
consideration. His book, La philosophie bantoue10 was to have widespread
repercussions in Africa and beyond.11 The publication of the hard-hitting
'Des pr&tres noirs s'interrogent'1a in Paris in 195613 was becoming
influential and was further unsettling Western complacency,1*- One of the
leading contributors to the book, Mulago gwa Cikala, joined the Faculty of
Theology after completing his studies in Rome as the Faculty's first African
teacher.16 The students' sentiments also received backing from closer at
hand from the then Abb6 J.Malula of Leopoldville, who spoke out against an
"imported Christianity" which fails to distinguish between that which is
divine and that which is "simply Western". According to the future Cardinal,
missionaries, while making real efforts at adaptation, remain strangers and
"the African soul remains untouched". He urged the start without delay of an
in-depth task of adapting the Gospel message to the Bantu soul, arguing that
"it is to the substratum of this soul, by means of an indigenous hierarchy,
that Christianity must be joined."16

Most of all, however, it was political events which were to precipitate

action which otherwise might have taken many years. The date for Congo's
Independence from Belgium was set for June 30, 1960. It was barely over a
month before that, on May 21st, that Mgr. van Waeyenbergh, the Rector of
Louvain and President of the Board of Governors of Lovanium, called a
meeting of the Board to discuss what was now seen as the inevitable
transfer of the Board from Belgium to Congo, On June 10th (barely three
weeks before Independence) the new Statutes were unanimously accepted, with
Louvain Board members being replaced by Bishops and lay people in Congo,
selected in such a manner as to emphasise the national character of the new
Board.17 The first meeting of the new Board on African soil took place,
almost literally at the 11th hour, on June 29th, the day before Independence.

- 80 -
If the transfer of the Board to Congo was symbolically important as it
undoubtedly was, perhaps so, too, were the tardiness and hesitation (one
might almost say reluctance) of that transfer, which seemed to express the
uncertainty on the part of many Europeans as to the possibility and place of
a specifically African ecclesisatical and theological contribution. Already,
the year before, Tharcisse Tshibangu (at the time a student in the Faculty)
had written in a university publication of the need in Africa "to pass from a
Christianity which is merely received to a Christianity come of age, which is
understood in all its dimensions, and is embraced consciously and freely
For his part, the Dean of the Faculty, A. Vanneste, while acknowledging
the European coloration of theology after almost two thousand years of
history, and admitting the need for pastoral adaptation in the Church,
warned:

But let us be careful to avoid all misunderstanding. The Christian

religion bears within itself a truth which is divine and therefore
universal and eternal in a way which is wholly unique. In some ways,
therefore, it can never adapt to local and temporal circumstances, but
must rather seek to be constantly itself, as completely and as radically
as possible. ... We wish to declare frankly, we do not think that the
moment has come yet to launch an "African Theology". We prefer rather
that theology in Africa should seek to be a real theology; as with
Christianity, theology must first of all be itself.13

His article did not rule out an eventual African theology but underlining the
relative and contingent nature of any culture, African included, he saw it as
being no more than "a particular expression of the eternal truth",120

The debate

The Faculty, therefore, was born into a world of political and cultural
ferment and turmoil, and the debate on 'African Theology' which was organised
by the 'Cercle Th6ologique' of the Faculty in 1960 (the very year of
Independence) between Tshibangu and Vanneste, must have taken place in an
atmosphere which was much more than merely academic. The debate was
published in the widely-read and influential Revue de Clerg6 Africa in2 1 and
thereby received national and international diffusion. Tshibangu continued to
insist on the existence in Africa of a thought-pattern different from the

- 81 -
Aristotelian-Thomist systems of the Western Church, a .world-view which was
global, synthetic, existential, holistic, which, while finding echoes in some
Western philosophers and writers, nevertheless was recognisably African. He
went on to argue that if this were so, then a theology of "African colour"
should be possible.22 Vanneste, for his part, questioned gravely the value
of insisting upon African specifics, Coming close to contradicting what he
himself had said in 1958 about the relative nature of each and every
culture, he envisaged a world where universal values were accepted, values
which had grown up in Europe through successive centuries turning again and
again to Graeco-Roman models for inspiration, and which had provided
European culture with that "high degree of perfection which the entire world
recognises". The future of theology in Africa, if Africans did not want to be
merely turned in upon themselves searching for their own distinctives, was
to seek to contribute towards the emergence of "universal catholic
theology",23 Tshibangu, at the conclusion of his article, agreed that the
movement was indeed towards a universalization of thought, but maintained
that this universalization would not mean the obliteration of cultural
differences but rather their integration.

The debate was to continue for years to come during which the voices taking
the side of Tshibangu became ever more numerous, while those siding with
Vanneste became fewer. In 1964, the FTCK organised its first 'Semaine
Thdologique de Kinshasa', a week-long open-forum debate on a subject deemed
important for the Church in Africa.2* The influence of these 'Semaines'
extends beyond the many who attend its public sessions as the official
reports are published by the Publication Department of the Faculty, and find
their way to libraries in many different parts of the world. The fourth
'Semaine Thdologique de Kishasa* in 1968 was devoted to the subject of
African Theology and is often referred to in subsequent literature as being
of particular importance. Vanneste once more appealed for the essential unity
of Catholic theology towards which all theologians should direct their
efforts. Perhaps moving away from his earlier European-centred remarks of
1960, Vanneste acknowledged the existence of theological plurality (which,
indeed, could even be considered in a positive light as a 'pluralisms par
richesse'), but his remarks seemed, at least to his African colleagues, to be
a rather reluctant concession to expediency, a temporary if inevitable stage

- 82 -
in the progress toward a universal 'world theology'. Anything short of that
goal was suspect: "We must struggle against Western theology, Eastern
theology, African theology".25 His remarks provoked accusations of
exaggerated Hegelianism from a Congolese fellow-speaker, Tshiamalenga, as
indeed they did from another staff-member, Ngindu, who registered his
obvious disagreement with Vanneste in his report of the Conference:

It must be said right away that, for Canon Vanneste, diversity, plurality,
multiplicity must all be superseded, in the hegelian sense of the term,
that is, they must be assumed, integrated into a superior synthesis, and
that it is towards this synthesis that every effort of understanding and
of theological investigation should tend.25

While Ngindu in his detailed report on the fourth 'Semaine' lists only
Vanneste as the protagonist of the 'unity-not-plurality' position, he chooses
three of many protagonists of the 'plurality-therefore-African' position. Two
of the named, Mulago gwa Cikala and Mgr. Tshibangu, as Zai'rians, would have
been expected to endorse the pro-African position. Their cause received
important support from the non-African, internationally recognised figure of
theologian-author J.Danielou, Dean of the Faculty of Theology of the Catholic
Institute of Faris.27 Danielou understood African Theology to mean the
seeking of understanding of the Christian revelation by the African. The one
Christian truth needed to be assumed by each type of humanity according to
his own particular manner. Hence there was incontestably a proper place for
African Theology. It implied, according to the French theologian, two things:
on the one hand it had its starting point in Holy Scripture and Church
Tradition (the twin sources of traditional Catholic authority), and on the
other hand a taking seriously ("une prise de conscience") by the African of
his own values; in other words, not only an experience of these values but a
reflection upon them2® The lecture given by Tshibangu was a detailed
spelling out of the implications and methods of the sort of African Theology
that Danielou envisaged, - a theology that would need to be scientifically
rigorous, not only to search and ponder carefully the sources of Christian
belief, but also to seek to understand with the help of human and social
sciences, the African human reality in which the Christian message is
received,23

- 83 -
The 1968 "Semaine Th6ologique" was something of a landmark in the mounting
acceptance of the possibility of African Theology. In its struggle for wider
recognition of the legitimacy of religious pluralism in which the quest for
African Theology could be made, the Faculty found a powerful ally in Pope
Paul VI and in the Second Vatican Council summoned by Pope John in 1962-
65.30 The Council assembled for the first time in Rome representatives from
every continent, and it marked "a turning point in the history of the Church
in the sense that it expressed a much greater openness towards non-Western
cultures and non-Christian religions".31 Vatican II"s "Ad Gentes" on
missionary activity taught clearly that orthodoxy and pluralism were not
necessarily mutually exclusive. Paul VI, for his part, did not delay in
applying what Vatican II had postulated in his "Africae Terrarum" <1967) and
in his address to Ugandan bishops in 1969. Only 10 years separates Paul VI's
"Africae Terrarum" from Pope Pius XII's encyclic "Fidei Donum" (1957) yet the
two discourses represent two different eras in Catholic history. The earlier
homily was essentially an appeal for the implantation32 of the Catholic faith
in Africa by means of European Bishops releasing at least temporarily some
of their priests for this task. Paul VI, on the other hand, addressing African
peoples, listed moral and religious values contained within traditional
African cultures, values which were worthy of "attentive consideration". He
went on:

The teaching and redemption of Jesus Christ constitute, in fact, the

fulfilment, the renewal of all the good which exists in human tradition.
That is why the African, in becoming a Christian, does not have to deny
himself, but rather he affirms the old values in spirit and in truth,33

Here, then, was official recognition, at the highest level, of a true African
identity. Two years later, at the Symposium of African Bishops in Kampala, in
July, 1969, Paul VI was no less outspoken in approving that pluralism which,
while remaining faithful to official Catholic teaching, is also faithful to
the "style, temperament, genius and culture" of those who profess that faith.
And he concluded: "In this sense, you can and should have an African
Chr istian ity

- 84 -
Remarks such as these were widely reported in Africa, not least in the
publications of the Faculty, and theologians like Mulago and Tshibangu did
not hesitate to quote them in defence of their advocacy of an African
Theology.3** The decade of the 1960s, therefore, (the early years of the
Faculty) saw the issue of African Theology push beyond the tentative
questionings as to the legitimacy or otherwise of such a theology, to a
position where the question was no longer If? but How? By 1970, Tshibangu
felt able to write: "We have reached a place where the problem of African
Theology is no longer one of principle, for that is now settled. The problem
now is the elaboration of that theology."3*3 Even Vanneste, who had long
expressed scepticism about such a theology, was coming to admit that
"theological pluralism has become a 'doctrina communis"', but insisted
(perhaps wistfully?) that the very resistance that had been expressed (by
himself and others) had contributed in its own way, for it had compelled
African theologians to justify the legitimacy of their claims and to
constantly deepen the theological and epistemological bases of their
assertions,3'
3'

Perhaps it can even be said that the period of theological controversy in the
1960s were the Faculty's most important years. The FTCK was an arena in
which the struggle was actually taking place, its lecturers and writers not
mere spectators but contestants.33 In the important debate, the FTCK played
an active role, not only by the international conferences and discussions
which it organised, but also, and perhaps especially, by the wider diffusion
of the debate by means of its publications. Had it not been for these latter,
the influence of the Faculty would have remained local and circumscribed,

Vanneste admits that with time his position has modified, but he also insists
that he still prefers to lean towards the universal nature of Christian
theology, rather than towards any specific, particularist expression of it.33
His evolving position on the question of 'African Theology' is evident in a
series of three articles in the journal Cultures et Ddv61oppement. The first
was written 14 years after the Kinshasa debate, and the other two followed
at intervals of three years, so that, in all, 20 years are represented. The
first article acknowledges that, looking back 14 years to the debate, it is
obvious that the two 'theses' (his and Tshibangu*s) were not so much

- 85 -
contradictory as representing different but complementary emphases. Having
admitted this much, Vanneste nevertheless maintains that while a certain
pluralism is permissible, it cannot be an end in itself, but should serve as
a means to enrich the universal,4-0 The second article acknowledges the
increasingly wide support for the idea of African theology, Vanneste
underlines the different 'raisons d'etre' of Western theology and African
theology; while the former tends to be speculative, the latter is more
pastoral, concerned not so much with the risk of asking radical questions
about the Christian faith as with ridding Christianity of its 'foreignness'.
While noting the contrast between the two theological paths, Vanneste again
emphasises their possible fruitful complementarity.4-1 In the third article,
Vanneste shows how African theology is burgeoning (conferences,
bibliographies, etc.) and devotes considerable space to discussing admiringly
the doctoral thesis of the young ZaYrian theologian Bimwenyi Kweshi:
'Discours th6 ologique n^gro-africain; Probl&me des fondements' which, in
Vanneste's opinion, "far surpasses anything yet written on the meaning, the
possibility, and the necessity of a truly African theology", It marks perhaps
the largest step in the move on Vanneste's part from a reluctant scepticism
to a cautious affirmation of the possibility and desirability of theology in
Africa which is worthy of the name 'African Theology'.4-2

Although the important differences of opinion within the Faculty over the
question of 'African theology* were most conspicuous during the 1960s, they
have not been entirely resolved in the years since. Three different Faculty
staff members, representing either side of the 'divide', volunteered
separately to the author that the names of the Kinshasa periodicals are
significant, reflecting the opposing viewpoints of scholars,4-3 It was
decided4-4- in 1977 that the name of the periodical published by the Faculty
would be called 'Revue Africaine de Th4ologie'. - it represented a publication
produced on African soil reflecting on theology (whose universality was
thereby implied). The 'Bulletin de Th£ologie Africa ine*. on the other hand,
which was created a year or two later by the Ecumenical Association of
African Theologians (in which several Faculty professors figure prominently)
was, by clear inference, a publication which expressed theological reflection
of a specifically African dimension. This was spelt out in its first editorial
by the Coordinator of the Provisional Committee of the EAAT, Englebert Mveng:

- 86 -
 Our Bulletin is a BULLETIN of AFRICAN THEOLOGY We no longer need to
wonder whether an African theology is possible. From now on we are in
the workshop Cchantier*) of African theology ... To insist on the birth
of African theology is, for us, to liberate the Holy Spirit, who until
now has been enchained within categories which are foreign to us, and
which prevent us from fully grasping the message which he addresses to
us today,4-3 (capitals his)

Conversations in Kinshasa revealed a certain impatience felt by more than

one ZaYrian Faculty member about the non-specific nature of the Revue, and a
hope that before much longer it will become more wholeheartedly African in
its stance.4-3

African Theology and 'authenticity

The controversy of the 1960s was just over when a storm of a different
nature gathered. Not for the first time in its history, national political
events were to affect the Faculty profoundly. On October 4, 1971, ZaYre's
President Mobutu launched his drive for "authenticity",4-7 It is at first
view surprising that the President's veritable crusade for a reassertion of
traditional ZaYrian culture does not find in the publications of the Faculty
a more sympathetic echo, The RAT does not contain a single article on the
subject from its launching in 1977 until 1984. A thesis on 'Christianisme et
discours politique au ZaYre' summarised in CRA (1979) by its author Nyunda
turns out to concern only the pre-Mobutu years, while an article in the same
periodical in 1980 entitled 'Evangelisation et authenticity (1980)
concentrates wholly on steps towards inculturation advocated by the post-
Vatican Catholic Church,

If the response by the Faculty was less than enthusiastic, the reason
becomes apparent in the only article that directly addresses the "ideology of
recourse to authenticity",4-3 The article prints the address given by Faculty
Professor Ngindu Mushete at an international conference on traditional
religions held at Abidjan, Ivory Coast, in July 1974. In it, Ngindu gives a
blow by blow factual account of the astonishing measures taken by the
Mobutu Government in its authenticity drive. It is clear that Western

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Christianity in general and Catholicism in particular, were singled out as
one great obstacle in ZaYre's quest to "rediscover its soul",4-3 In 1972
Catholic (ie 'foreign') first names were outlawed, only genuine African names
were permitted. Soon after, Cardinal Malula was banished from his residence,
accused of authoring a subversive document. In 1973 31 journals, most of
them Catholic, were suppressed. The day following the suppressions, the
political party 'dissolved' the Episcopal Assembly which it accused of
subversion. In 1974, ZaYre as a "secular state beyond religion", abolished
December 25th as a public holiday. Later in the same year the State
Commissioner for Political Affairs ordered the removal of crucifixes,
pictures, or photos other than those of the President from all public
buildings (private dwellings and places of worship were exempt). That it was
the Catholic Church in particular that Mobutu saw as a threat is clearly
spelled out in a newspaper article (Le Solr. April 6 th, 1973):

The human institution, I say human, which is called the Church, which
exists at the Vatican, has nothing to do with ZaYre, with Mobutu... We
will no longer accept political, economic, religious, or spiritual
domination imposed from the outside. Before Independence, three
authorities were acknowledged: Administration, Business firms, and the
Church, The first two have given way; there is no reason why the Church
should not do the same. I have never had any trouble from the
Protestants, nor from the Kimbanguists, because they do not receive
their orders from overseas, But the ZaYrian Bishops do, ... They are
nothing more than agents working for foreign powers,30

The Catholics, for their part, rightly diagnosed the clash as essentially "un
affrontement des pouvoirs". A special note on Church-State relations in ZaYre
in Pro Mundi Vita (1975), pointed out that it was not essentially an
ideological or religious conflict; it was rather that

the Catholic Church (and to a lesser extent other Christian bodies,) is

the only solidly implanted institution in ZaYre which still dares to pass
judgement or give directives independently from the political party.,. The
regime feels it is being observed, scrutinized, and even condemned by the
international character of the Catholic Church,31

In time the tension between the Catholics and the State relaxed somewhat
with hostility giving way to a mutual if wary respect, But in view of all

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that happened and was said, it is not difficult to appreciate why the Faculty
has viewed the potential ally of 'authenticity* with such coldness and has
given the notion such scant room in its publications.32

If the cause of African theology in the Faculty owes little or nothing (at
least openly) to nationalistic trends embodied in Mobutu's authenticity drive,
it continues to find inspiration in post-Vatican II events, and innumerable
articles in their publications refer to the travels and pronouncements of the
present Pope, John-Paul II, who is seen as a continuum rather than a rupture
with his predecessor, Paul VI. Most notable among these events chronicled in
FTCK publications are the visits of the Pope to Africa in 1980, and the visit
to Rome of Zairian Bishops in 1983. The Pope acknowledges building on the
foundation laid by his predecessor Paul VI but goes further, exploring the
implications of 'africanisation' into the recesses of liturgy, catechism, art,
and community life, and seeking to find the balance between what is constant
and what is cultural:

Of course, the Gospel is not to be identified with cultures; it

transcends them. But the reign which the Gospel announces is lived out
by people profoundly tied to a culture; the construction of the Kingdom
cannot do without borrowing elements of human cultures. And from these
elements evangelisation should cause original expressions of Christian
life, celebration, and thought to surge forth from traditional culture.
You wish to be at one and the same time fully Christian and fully
African. The Holy Spirit is asking us to believe, in fact, that the leaven
of the Gospel, in its authenticity, has the power to raise up Christians
within diverse cultures, with all the richness of their heritage purified
and transfigured.33

To the Bishops of Kenya the Pope clarified further what 'africanisation'

meant:

It is not a question of falsifying the Word of God or of emptying the

Cross of its power (cf I Cor, 1:17), but rather of bearing Christ into
the very heart of African life and to raise the whole of African life up
to Christ. Thus, not only is Christianity important for Africa, but Christ
Himself, in the members of His body, is African.3,4

These remarks, designed to affirm the special contribution that Africa can
make, are balanced by the Pope's frequent reminders of Papal and episcopal

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authority:

Theologians are the formal 'coadjud teators' of the Magisterium, especially

in approaching new questions, ... But it is no less true that only the
Pope and the episcopal college are the organs of the Magisterium, and
the Magisterium is not delegated out to others ,.. Do not forget that it
is up to you, the Bishops, in union with the Successor of Peter, to judge
in the final resort the Christian authenticity of ideas and
exper iences .3S

In this way the Pope has sought at one and the same time to stress both the
extent and the limits of the post-Conciliar flexibility of the Catholic
Church.

The years since 1970 have thus seen the expanding Faculty working at
elaborating the infrastructure of the African theology whose legitimacy it
had fought hard to establish back in the 1960s. Its four 'D6 partements' have
a current total of 370 students of whom 173 are 'seminaristes', destined to
have a career of some sort in the Catholic Church.33 A recent inventory
established that the Faculty library has over 21,000 books, a total which is
brought up to nearly 28,000 if current periodicals and their back-numbers
are included,37 From the Faculty and its Departments flows a constant
stream of published material which does more than anything else to emphasise
the research leadership, within its field, of the Faculty within the continent
of Africa, The Louvain principle "On ne croira pas & une recherche qui
n'aboutit pas A une publication" (no-one will take seriously a piece of
research which is not published) was, from the early years of the Faculty,
put into practice in Kinshasa.33 One of the Faculty's requirements for the
doctoral qualification is that part of the thesis should be published. The
two major periodicals relating to African Theology33 contain, therefore,
much material emanating from the Faculty itself.

The 'Centre d*Etudes des Religions Africaines* and Its *Cahiers1

One major contribution to the emergent African theological task has been the
scientific investigation of that cultural, religious, and philosophical world

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which forms its context. In this investigation the 'Centre de Recherches
Africaines' (CERA) has played an important part. Bach in 1967, Vincent Mulago
questioned: "Can we really hope for the blooming of an African theology as
long as we lack an explicit and scientifically organized system of noting and
interpreting the (African) reality?"30 The year before, Mulago had been
appointed director of the newly created 'Centre', which, as its name implies,
is a Department for research rather than for teaching. He set about his task
with energy and enthusiasm. Sensing the full support of Vatican II (the 10th
Anniversary report of the CERA quotes extensively from 'Ad gentes' and
refers the reader to 'Lumen gentium')31 , the new Centre had as its task the
"scientific understanding of African religions, beliefs, and customs, both
traditional and modern, in order to resolve the problem of the integration of
Christianity to the way of life of Africans."32 A library centre was set up
to facilitate research; it currently houses some 2,500 volumes, of which the
large majority relate to the African religious, ethnographic, and linguistic
context.

According to Mulago, the rigorous scientific research that 'CERA' was

committed to was actively encouraged by the then rector of the University,
M. Gillon.33 And characteristically, not content merely to discuss and
research, the Faculty decided from the outset that there should be a
published review, Cahiers des Religions Africaines. through which the
discussion could be widened both as to input and as to readership. Its
editorial committee was made up of staff of the FTCK and of University
specialists (particularly of the Literature and Social Science Faculties) both
in Kinshasa and from other African and even European countries.34- The first
edition appeared in 1967, a modest, double number in type-style offset form.
Publication has continued since then bi-annually, and the quality of printing
was established at its present high standard as from No,3 (1968). According
to the subscription and despatch files in the Faculty Library, the Cahiers is
exchanged with some 66 other journals from around the world (see Appendix
II) quite apart from direct subscriptions, which indicates both the wide
circulation of the journal and also the wealth of the Centre as a focal point
of documentation.33 In addition to the Cahiers. the Centre also has a
published series BibliothAque du CERA, which by 1985 had published eight

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significant works, ranging in subject matter from African world view to
Islam, and from African philosophy to the Kitawala sect.33

An analysis of all items (ie, essays, monographs, reviews, reports,

bibliographies, etc.) appearing in the Cahiers between 1967 and 1985 is given
in Table 1. It reveals a penchant for studies in the realm of traditional
Black Africa. Of the 337 items, no less than 211 (over 60%) are of this
nature, and the fact that almost half of the items in this category are
longer articles and monographs representing some sort of original research
(rather than commentaries on what others have said) is further evidence that
the journal seeks to provide a serious channel of research. Most of the 108
items which concern specific African tribes (traditions, institutions,
language, etc.) are to be found in this category; some of these are
ethnographic bibliographies serving the researcher with valuable resource
tools. The tribes most frequently represented are: BaKongo (11 items), BaLuba
(11), Mongo (7), Bashi (7), Igbo (6 ), Batetela (4), and Chokwe (3).

Several CRA articles explore the African traditional understanding of sin and
forgiveness or reconciliation.37 Mbonyikebe debates the African
understanding of "moral fault" and culpability,ee The reprehensible act,
firstly, has a primarily socialdimension, its gravity measured by the degree
of harm it inflicts upon humanrelationships. Secondly, it has less to do
with inner intention, and more to do with tangible consequences. In support,
the author quotes as broadly representative of African societies the
statement of K.Nange, who wrote concerning the Chokwe tribe: "The seriousness
or otherwise of an act depends on its object more than on the will of the
offender."33 He gives a widely accepted catalogue of serious moral misdeeds:
sorcery (attacking the very life-force of others), theft (possessions
constitute a sort of extension of the person, and thus have a value far
greater than their intrinsic, material worth), adultery(a particular form of
robbery), disrespect of elders, and exploitation of the weak, innocent, and of
strangers. The source of evil is located either in the person of the
sorceror, or in Fate, As regards remission of evil, it is never automatic, but
is usually the outcome of much deliberation by the wider group. It often
entails public examination of the facts, avowal of the misdeed by the
culprit, and restitution toward the one offended against. Sometimes God

- 92 -
 Table 1 : Cahiers des Religions Africaines
Subject categories. 1967 - 1985

Subject No. of items Tot Articles

African Traditional, mainly religion:

Religion (general) 22
God 16
Death and hereafter 12
Sorcery, magic, divination 12
Man 11
Marriage and lineage li
African philosophy 10
Rites 9
Spirituality g
Cosmology 7
Prayer 6
Myths 6
Spirits and ancestors 6
Art, cinema, drama, dance 23
Bibliographies (ethnogr.) 20
Other (healing, initiation,
proverbs, sin/evil, etc) 32

211 92

Africa and Christianity:

Independent Churches 34
African Christian Theology 31
African Church 20
African history, biography 15
RC Church and doctrine 11

111 37
Other

Islam g
Politics 4
Literature g
Others (media, theory,
development, education, etc) 18

36

NB. Several items have more than one valid categorization. 'Articles' are
longer items which seek to make a significant, original contribution.

- 93 -
and/or the ancestral spirits are called upon to witness (and, indeed,
participate in) the reconcilation and a libation or prayers are accordingly
offered. Forgiveness, according to the author, is consequently total, The
author concludes that the African conception of wrong is based on the
essential idea of a "sacred order" involving societal harmony and in which
the ancestors have a determinant role. The ancestors, in turn, are a link in
the overall and original life-force who is the Supreme Being, although the
author admits that moral motivation in African traditional thinking has more
to do with human-community ethics rather than religion as such,70

A large number of the remaining items concern the interrelation of

traditional views with Christianity (see, for example, the categories
'Independent Churches' and 'African Christian Theology' under 'Africa and
Christianity' in Table 1), The last category, 'Other', includes a very wide
spectrum of subjects, many of which relate to contemporary (rather than
traditional) African concerns, and various international questions. Taken as a
whole, the Cahiers constitute an important contribution to African studies,
concerned primarily to examine the traditional thinking and society of Black
Africa, yet aware that the Continent unavoidably is influenced by and open to
the rest of the world.

Two entire volumes (nos. 21-24) were devoted to full reporting on a

conference organised by 'CERA' in Kinshasa in 1978 on African Religions and
Christianity. The Conference was international, ecumenical and multi­
disciplinary with some 38 participants from nine countries. Almost half of
these were theologians, but there were also five philosophers, 12 social
science specialists, two historians, and a psychologist. The first part was
devoted largely to African traditional religion, including for example
Malula's 'Elements fondamentaux de la religion africaine', but including also
more modern elements of African experience (messianic movements and Tempels'
Jamaa movement). The second part concentrated on the relations between the
African world and Christianity. Mulago, summing up the Conference, could
speak of the wisdom and originality of traditional African thought, and its
persistent importance in individual and communal life of Africans, He
stressed the need for open and sensitive dialogue between that thought and
the Gospel for there to come into being an African theology which would be

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more than "a simple echo of theologies elaborated in the home-countries of
the first heralds of the Gosper*. Such a theology, Mulago insisted, would be
one;

resolutely informed by and open to life in all its dimensions, capable of

establishing an ethic, a social pratice, a specific spirituality, and one
which would be able to integrate within itself that religious sensibility
which is proper to Africans,7"’

Two entire numbers of the 'Cahiers' in 1982 were devoted to African music,
art, theatre, and literature, serving to illustrate again the African
preference to understand 'religion' in its many-face ted dimensions,

The Faculty's 'Revue Africaine de Th6ologie*

While both the name and the objectives of the Cahiers des Religions
Afrleaines indicate a well-defined aim, the Revue Africaine de Th6 ologle
displays a much broader range of interests, It too, enjoys a wide
international circulation (see Appendix III), In any given issue of the Revue
might be found articles on New Testament exegesis, essays on European
philosophers, reports of international conferences, and debates on African
Church problems (see Table 2 . below). This is in keeping with the stated aims
of the journal: "It seeks to contribute to a new synthesis of Christian life
and thought, in conformity with the genius and aspirations of African
peoples."7^ The majority of articles have some direct or indirect bearing
upon Africa, but by no means all. Among the more important fields addressed
by EAT are: Biblical studies, philosophy, ethics, and sacraments,
v

Biblical studies.

This category is discussed first because of its evident importance in the

overall analysis of the Revue. Admittedly, there are only some 27 items in
this category as opposed to 138 in that of 'Africa and Christianity'. However,
if full-length articles are considered (which probably, more than the other

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types of items, represent original research) then the largest number of
contributions, almost one third, are to be found in the field of Biblical
studies (exegesis and hermeneutics). Almost 90% of all items in the ‘Bible*
category are full-length articles.

Despite a much talked of African predilection for the Old Testament, the
overwhelming majority of these studies are in the New Testament (23 NT ; 1
0T), The 'Secretaire du D£partement de Th£ologie' and Professor of New
Testament at the Faculty, Atal sa Angang Andziegu, explained this imbalance
as due in part to the specialization of the teachers.73 But he also insisted
that it would be hermeneutically and methodologically incorrect to "indulge
in merely establishing parallels between the Old Testament and African
thinking", and quoted Luke 24:27 as establishing that it is through Christ
that the Old Testament is truly understood. Accordingly, any hermeneutic
which has as its goal a simple correlation of Old /testament and pre-
Christian African thought and values is falling short of its true purpose.
Most of the studies are detailed textual-critic ism or exegetical essays which
would be just as at home in any European journal and apparently not designed
to integrate in any direct way with the African scene. Examples of these
might include Kuzenzama's article: 'La prdhistoire de l'expression "pain de
vie" (Jn.6:35b, 48), Continuity ou Emergence?* (RAT, Vol.4, No,7, 1980, pp,65ff),
or Seynaeve's 'Le thdme de "l'heure" dans le Quatri£me Evangile', (RAT, Vol.7,
No.13, 1983, pp.29ff.), Atal would make no apology for the 'non-African' nature
of these articles: "We oppose the idea of an 'African selection' of Scripture,
Of course, there must be application (to the African context), but this
follows and indeed it presupposes a prior strict exegesis,7 **•

Other studies, however, seek to address issues of importance in the Church in

Africa. Buetubela's detailed exegetical analysis of Mark 14:25 concerning
Jesus' saying on the 'new wine17®5 is of topical interest (see also below,
p.102 for further discussion on the sacraments), Ukachukwu's article on 'The
subordination of the women in the Church, I Cor. 14;33b-36, likewise seeks to
combine detailed exegesis of Scripture with a concern for major issues in
the African (and worldwide) Church. Ukachukwu opposes the usual (according
to him, mistaken) interpretation of the text which not only condemns women
for ever to silence in the Church, but also seems to be at variance with

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 Table 2; Revue Africaine de Thyologle
Subject categories. 1967 - 1985

Subject No. of items Tot. Articles

African Traditional
Philosophy 20
Religion, religions 4
History 3
Ethnographic studies 2
Spirituality 2
Other 9

40 12
Africa and Christianity
African Christian Theology 55
African Church 28
African Church History 21
Conferences 10
Independent Churches 7
Pope in Africa 6
Other 11

138 22

International Christianity
Vatican, RC (eucharist,etc) 15
Theo logy 7
Conferences 6
M iss ions 3
Other 10

41

Bible
Old Testament 1
New Testament 23
Hermeneutics 3

27 24

Faculty 10 10 0

Other
Islam 7
Philosophy 6
Biography 3
Other 17

31

NB. Several articles have more than one valid categorization. 'Articles' are
longer items which seek to make a significant, original contribution.

- 97 -
Paul's teaching elsewhere excluding any complexes of superiority/inferiority
between the sexes. His exegesis appeals for the Greek particle at the
beginning of v.36 to be given disjunctive rather than conjunctive value. The
injunction for women to keep silence accordingly represents not Paul's
opinion, but a report which he had heard and which he emphatically
challenges, Ukachukwu concludes his article by rejecting the "male dominated
hermeneutics" of many commentators, and by calling for a review of attitudes
towards women and a reconsideration of their role in the Church.’76

Two further items in RAT seek to point the way beyond textual exegesis for
its own sake. The report of the 'Premier Congr^s des Biblistes Africains',
held in Kinshasa in December 1978, is chronicled in RAT. 1979. While covering
such subjects as continuity and. discontinuity between the Testaments, and
that between the Old Testament and African traditional religions, the report
concludes with Mgr. Mukeng'a Kalond's insistence that "the task of biblical
exegesis is not so much to make lots of analyses, but rather to reveal a
living Christ who meets a given people in order to bring them God's
salvation.77 Mgr. Monsengwo's address in 1982 to the Pontifical Bible
Institute in Rome is published in RAT 1982. In it, the Auxiliary Bishop of
Kisangani pleads for the "eminently ecclesiastical and pastoral function of
Scripture, too often befogged by a show of erudite wisdom", and urges a
constant dialogue between the "professionals of the Word of God" and its
"users" (preachers and hearers).73

Philosophy and Ethics

Philosophy, asking as it does questions of the ultimate meaning of human

existence, finds coverage in both of the Faculty's major journals, The RAT
has a total of 26 philosophy items, half of them articles, the rest mainly
reviews on books published either at the Faculty or elsewhere. The CRA has
11 (four articles) directly concerned with philosophy, although statistics
become less meaningful where the different categories religion/ philosophy/
cosmology, etc., are so interrelated.

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Several articles point to the difference between traditional Western
analytical and scholastic philosophy, with its roots in ancient Greece and
Rome, on the one hand, and the practical, synthetic, global categories more
familiar to African thought, on the other. Certain European authors
(theologians and philosophers) are appealed to, however, as making important
breaks with the mainstream of Western speculative philosophical thinking and
opening new tracks which run closer to African insights. Among these would
be Karl Rahner with his notion of 'transcendental anthropology', - a theology
which has man at its centre, not in a God-less but in a God-affirming
manner, and which Ngimbi-Nseka (RAT. 1979) sees as fitting well with African
cosmology. He concludes that metaphysical anthropology (philosophical
discourse on man) is essentially theological, and theology, (human discourse
about God) is necessarily anthropological,7'3 Gabriel Marcel's emphasis upon
'intersubjectivity' ("Nous sommes" rather than "Je suis") finds a ready
response in the African notion of corporate solidarity, according to the same
author Ngimbi-Nseka in another article (RAT 1979).eo Nkeramihigo favours
Paul Ricoeur's rejection of that form of existentialism which falsely opposes
creation and liberty, and he approves of insistence that justification is the
secret of liberty (RAT 1981),31 Perhaps most of all, the French philosopher
Bergson is considered (notably by Tshibangu652) to have called radically into
question the "aristotelianism" which is at the base of Western philosophy. It
is perhaps for this reason that a large number of the theses and
dissertations produced by the students at the Faculty concern "bergsonisme"
(see below, pp,104ff).

Turning from Europe to Africa, the publications of the Faculty reflect the
differences of opinion as to whether there exists such a thing as "African
Philosophy".653 On the one hand Professor Smet has produced a large
bibliography of philosophy in Africa. There is a flourishing department of
Philosophy and African Religions. Louvain's Professor Ladri&re is quite
categoric; "African philosophy is today a well-established reality, as is
attested by a constantly growing list of works Others, on the other
hand, are sceptical. P.J.Hountondji, whose book "Sur la 'philosophie africaine"'
is reviewed by Basinsa in RAT 1979,es insists that philosophy as a
theoretical discipline cannot by definition, be unconscious. So Tempels was
wrong to speak of a "Bantu philosophy" which existed collectively though

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inexplicitly. Moreover, true philosophy must be written, for only then is the
memory freed to be critical. Oral tradition, therefore, cannot count as
philosophy,33 The Zal'rian reviewer, Basinsa, disagrees with such a narrow
definition, claiming that philosophy can be widened to include all
"explication of human experience",e7. Faculty member Tshiamalenga directly
addresses the question in his article ’La vision Ntu de l'homme’®3 listing
those who affirm an African philiosophy (Tempels, Kagame, Rubbens, Mujynya)
and those who reject it, at least in traditional Africa (Crahay, Hountondji,
and Kagame, latterly), Tshiamalenga seeks a position between the two groups;
he sides with this second group in proposing that the rising generation of
African philosophers be done with the tempelsian notion of a ”it-goes-
without-saying" African philosophy, which confuses the African "vdcu" with
the "r^flexif" which is the proper area of philosophy in the strict sense.33
But he claims that the rigid definitions prescribed by this group are
arbitrary and too narrow (Laleye would speak of "impdrialisme par les
textes"). He concludes;

We hold, therefore, that certain stories, accounts, and proverbs, etc,, are
the means deliberately chosen by traditional Bantu to transmit the fruit
of their reflection about the world, man, and the Absolute. It is, of
course, a philosophy which is incomplete and fragmentary. But then, all
philosophy, even the best, is incomplete insofar as it is a human
undertaking. There are merely degrees of incompleteness.30

Apart from the obvious, but important, distinction that the debate clarifies
between traditional implicit ’philosophy* and modern explicit philosophy,
there remains great diversity of philosophical reflection in Black Africa. In
August 1978 in Dusseldorf, during the 16th World Congress on Philosophy,
there took place a symposium on philosophy in Africa, at which nine Africans
(five of them authors) contributed. The results were edited by A. Diemer into
a book entitled ’Philosophy in the present situation of Africa’. The book is
reviewed by FTCK’s Laleye, who concludes;

The African philosophers present have illustrated eloquently the great

diversity - and therefore the richness - of current African philosophical
activity ... They will have given the other participants the impression
that they are free thinkers, freely going different ways .91

Despite the diversity, it seems clear that increasingly the existence of

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African philosophy is an accepted fact. Without doubt, the increasing volume
of published material helps to establish its validity and assists its
development, and the Faculty is in the forefront of publication (see Appendix
I). In 1983 the biannual Revue Philosophlque de Kinshasa was launched by the
'Ddpartement de Philosophie et Religions Africaines' of the Faculty, Its
inaugural issue included 18 articles covering African philosophy, philosophy
of language, moral philosophy, esthetic philosophy, and the philosophy of
development. Evidence of the original reflection contained in the RPK is an
article by the present 'Chef de Ddpartement', Mudiji, 'La forme et la trans­
forme du masque traditionnel africain1, based on his doctoral thesis at
Louvain on Pende masks.32 Besides full-length articles, the RPK contains
book reviews, reports of conferences, and occasional interviews on
philosophical subjects.

The step from philosophy to ethics is not a large one given what many report
to be the holistic, integrated nature of African thinking. Most African
thinkers seem to agree that the notion of 'life force' or, better (since it
excludes individual ism), 'life participation' is of prime importance to the
African, and that this being so, communal harmony and equilibrium are central
to ethics. Ngimbi Nseke explores the ethical implications of an ontology of
'intersubjectivity' where "esse est coesse, &tre est codtre", where the
emphasis is not so much on Me pense' as on 'Nous sommes', and where 'Etre'
is more important than 'Avoir', Such an ontology provides a powerful base for
the ethic of faithfulness and love, and this love, far from degenerating into
individualism, permits true personhood,33

Sacraments

The two Roman Catholic sacraments of the Eucharist and Ordination receive
considerable coverage in the RAT. Some eight entries relate to the first, and
two or three to the second. The debate is to ascertain to what degree
decisions made by the Church (in Rome) in past centuries are binding upon
the very different world of modern-day Africa.

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Must the Eucharist be celebrated only with grape wine and wheat-flour? The
question was debated at the Faith and Constitution Congress in Lima in 1982:
"Which aspects of the Eucharist are unchangeable because of their institution
by Jesus, and which aspects should depend on the competence and decision of
the Church?",Sit Vanneste takes up the debate,®5 After distinguishing between
"specific" (Christ-ordained) and "generic" (Apostles and Church-ordained)
sacraments, Vanneste asks if the Eucharist can really be considered a generic
sacrament, whose meaning is sacramental but whose elements can be modified.
He concludes that it cannot, and that wine and bread should be maintained,
arguing that those who wish to substitute (say) bananas and palm wine want
at one and the same time to maintain a resemblance to Jesus' rite and to
Africanize it. He is supported by Nothomb. In opposition to this position,
Mampila®5 urges a more flexible notion of the Eucharist, Using R. Didier's
distinction between "index" and "symbol", Mampila retains that the index (the
'real-thing-to-be-remembered') is Jesus-Christ and his Paschal mystery; the
bread and wine are symbolic, necessary but secondary, and therefore
susceptible to alternatives (although he does insist on the efficacy of the
words of institution). His conclusion follows:

It isn't the use of the elements of wheat-bread and grape-wine that

guarantees the conformity of our Eucharists with the Last Supper of
Jesus, but rather their symbolic character,., The word of institution
which is not inextricably connected to the symbolism of bread and wine
can be said over new elements, as long as they are selected by the
Magistertum of the Church to serve as sacremental matter.®^

Substantially the same conclusion is reached by Buetubela in his exegetical

article on Mark 14:25 concerning the new wine: the eucharist symbolizes the
divine meal ("the vital exchange of which God is the Author"). Any element
capable of expressing the festive character of wine can successfully
represent the 'new wine', and so bread and grape-wine are not the only
elements possible for a meaningful celebration of the eucharist,®5

No less topical is the issue of whether only ordained priests may consecrate
the Eucharist or whether provision can be made for Church-recognised married
personnel to do so. The question is not merely academic but urgently
practical. R. Luneau advances the pragmatic argument that ordained priests
are pitifully few in number, and illustrates the problem by referring to his
two parishes in Chad (comprising between them of 80 scattered villages) for
which he alone had to be responsible , Luneau states: "To maintain rigidly
and to the letter (the law linking priesthood and celibacy) when times have
changed, is to sin against the Spirit."33 He is supported in his opinion by
M. Ela (Cameroun): "To impose celibacy upon elders of the Church so that they
might be eligible to administer the Eucharist is contrary to the Gospel."100
In his article in RAT (1983). Nothomb is admirably impartial in presenting
Biblical, theological, and other arguments for and against the ordaining of
married elders for the celebration of the Eucharist. In the end, however, he
believes that Vatican II's decision (and its subsequent restatement) not to
permit the ordination of married men, to be the right one, Short-term
pragmatic solutions to the Church's need must not override the all-important
theological understanding of the priest as "Christ's man",

The priest must model his whole life upon his Master. If he is to
participate in His mission, it is only normal that he shares His "options
de vie". Celibacy, or absolute sexual abstinence, was one of the options
chosen by Christ to fulfil His mission. There is thus a deep and perfect
coherence, an internal logic, between priestly ministry and celibacy (or
abstinence)101

The question of married priests returns in RAT (1984) with the official Rome
statement in a Letter of the Congregation for the doctrine of the faith,
signed by Cardinal Ratzinger, who adds his own commentary at the end. The
letter exposes what it sees to be erroneous teaching advocating married
priesthood, warns the Church to be vigilant, and restates in very definite
terms the traditional position of celibate priesthood. The articles are
followed by an explanation of the theological and pastoral context of the
Letter by Vanneste, who makes clear his own approval of the position taken
by Rome .102

It has been shown that the journals of the FTCK cover a wide range of
subjects, and overall it is difficult to discern an official FTCK "line".
Authors are free to express themselves, and frequently they reveal differing,
even opposing, positions. While there are articles which have little or
nothing to do with Africa directly, they are in the minority, and the
journals incontestably are orientated towards Africa.

- 103 -
The frequency with which articles refer to documents of Vatican II or to
papal pronouncements give the journals (and especially the RAT) an
unmistakably Catholic stance, though occasional Protestant contributions are
made too.

The frequent chronicling of international events and conferences is designed

to broaden the horizons of the readers to encompass trends beyond the
boundaries of Africa, and the book reviews (four or five per issue CRA, twice J-
that number in RAT) inform readers of what others, elsewhere are thinking.
The RAT has for many years published a classified 'bibliographie selective*
of African Theology, which now comprises well over 6,000 items.103

Theses

As with all higher-level institutions of learning, the FTCK stipulates that

students submit a thesis as part of their graduation requirement. The theses
initiate the students not only into personal research but also into
expressing that research by writing.

Since the beginning of its history, there have been well over one thousand
theses presented at the Faculty,1cm The largest number of theses (about
58%) is accounted for at 'Graduat' level, where the dissertation is usually of
about 50 pp. long. First degree level ('Licence') accounts for another 38%;
theses in this category are anything from 60pp. to 180pp, long. The remainder
of the theses have been done either at doctorate level (200pp to 400pp.) or
at the pre-doctorate 'Dipldme d'Etudes Sp6 ciales' CD.E.S,') level103 (30pp. to
40pp.)

An analysis of the theses (see Table 3 below) reveals that by far the
majority of the theses are in the field of non-African philosophy.103 The
student choices are influenced both by the "recognized universal influence"
of the philosophers in question or by the preference and competence of the
thesis supervisor,107 Most of the theses related to African philosophy
explore the writings of Placide Tempels or of the ZaYrian theologian-
philosopher Bimwenyi Kweshi10® Several attempt to develop philosophical

- 104-
terminology in African languages,109 The high number of theses in the
category 'African Traditional Religion' are, with only three exceptions,
specific tribal studies rather than general and theoretical works, Church
History, either Western or African, is notable for its absence, although there
are several theses (including four doctorates) which research historical
theology.110 The highest number of doctoral theses relate to Biblical
studies, although it must be said that they, and indeed the large majority of
all doctoral theses, were written early on in the history of the Faculty,
perhaps indicating that despite the enviable academic level of the FTCK, the
preference is still to do research degrees in the West.111

Table 3
FTCK Student theses, 1961-1985.

Subject Academic Level

Doc D.E.S. Lie Grad tot

Philosophy 2 5 136 300 443

Afr.Trad.Relig. 0 2 50 129 181
Bible 9 0 23 27 59
COT ; NT) (3:6) (8:15) (11:16)
Theology 1 1 14 39 55
Development 0 3 19 25 47
Ethics 0 2 23 20 45
Afr.Phil. 2 2 20 18 42
Vatican 2 0 12 21 35
Church 0 1 13 19 33
Afr.Theol, 0 0 16 13 29
Politics 0 1 13 10 24
Patristics 4 0 13 0 17
R,C.Doc trine 0 0 2 8 10
Education 0 0 9 0 9
Afr.Indep.Ches 0 0 3 1 4
Other 0 0 0 6 6

20 17 363 636 1039

(2 0 ) (17) (344) (634) (1015)

The totals in brackets represent the actual number of theses to date per
academic level; the larger totals above these reflect the fact that certain
theses can have more than one valid category.

- 105 -
Conferences

The influence of the Faculty is further extended by conferences organized by

its different Departments. They permit the visit to Kinshasa and to the
Faculty of internationally known participants and allow the cross­
fertilization of ideas. The conference lectures and debates are attended by a
public of several hundred, and the proceedings, since they are reported in
detail in the Faculty's periodicals or in other Kinshasa-based reviews, enjoy
a wide readership both within the country and internationally.

The 'Sernaines Thdologiques de Kinshasa' were started in 1964, and have taken
place almost every year since then.'12 The full reports were originally
published by the Jesuit 'Revue du Clerg6 Africain' until it was suppressed in
1972, since when the Faculty itself has continued with the series, Formerly,
each diocese in Zal're used to be encouraged to send one or two delegates,
but financial and transport difficulties within the country have made this
increasingly impractical, Between 200 and 300 attend the 'Semaines', which
are usually held in the big Catholic conference and retreat centre at Nganda
in Kinshasa, although one year it was held at the Faculty itself.

The 'Centre d'Etudes des Religions Africaines' organised its first 'Colloque
International' to mark the tenth anniversary of its existence, in 1978, Its
themes have sought to move from the general to the increasingly specific113,
and its 'Actes' (proceedings) are fully reported in CERA's own 'Cahier des
Religions. Africaines'.1 1* The large cost of organising such a 'Colloque*
(approximately $40,000 each) is met in large part by interested donors
(individuals and groups).

Since 1976 the 'Department de Philosophie et des Religions Africaines' have

similarly organised their 'Semaine Philosophique'. The 'Semaines' have taken
place almost yearly, and the proceedings have been published by the Faculty
as a series entitled 'Recherches Philosophiques Africaines'.11®

- 106 -
Conclusion

Exactly how influential the Faculty is in helping to bring about an African

theology is probably impossible to determine. While the periodicals, with
their nation-wide and international readership have done much to establish
Kinshasa in the very forefront of theological debate and research in Africa,
it is more difficult to ascertain to what extent the views expressed therein
have practical repercussion at the various levels of Church life. Even
amongst the Faculty members and editorial staff themselves there is
disagreement as to the influence or otherwise of the published material. The
compiler of the ‘Bibliographie Selective de Th6ologie Africaine' expressed
doubt as to whether the academic discussions of the periodicals had much
importance for people at grass-roots level, and felt that the theologians
task was merely in the scholarly domain.11®

In contrast, the 'CERA1 Director, Mulago, is of the opinion that the impact of
thinking at the Faculty is, indeed, felt at other, non-academic levels. He
cited the example of the 'Huiti&ne Semaine Th^ologique de Kinshasa'117
(1973) as having had a profound influence upon Cardinal Malula, who was
compelled to rethink the role of the local church and its leaders (Lingala:
'bakambi') and has sought, consequently, to increase the responsibility of the
'communaut£s de base' within the traditionally strongly hierarchical Catholic
Church in Zal‘re,11s He also explained that in an effort to avoid theological
elitism, the 'Colloques Internationaux' have sought to include in their
programme an evening assembly of a less specialised nature, open to the
public and held in a church building in the city, thereby encouraging public
participation.113 As yet another example of the 'filter-down' effect of
academic thinking, Mulago cited the 15th Semaine Th^ologique de Kinshasa
(1985), entitled 'Charisme de la vie consacr6 e', the subject of which was
taken up by the episcopal conference (whose concern is pastoral rather than
academic) the following year.

- 107 -
Bishop Tshibangu who, from the beginning of the Faculty's history, has been a
key figure in the on-going debate on African theology, is also insistent that
there is and must be a close relationship between the academic and the
practical. He explained this conviction as a "personal intuition", that African
theology cannot be truly scientific unless it reflects upon the "r6 alit6 s de
base", When he was a teacher at the Faculty he used to send his students out
into the streets of Kinshasa to seek by means of questionnaires to
understand the different concepts of divination and death and the here-after
held by ordinary non-academic people; then his students would come back to
the classroom to report. The creation of 'CERA' was partly a result of this
concern and methodology. However, Tshibangu admitted that often a great
distance separates much of academia from everyday life; when he sought in
his preaching in local churches to "translate" into simpler form the learned
homilies that he had had to prepare for academic circles, he found that he
simply was not communicating. While the academic debates have their place,
Tshibangu observes that it is spiritual renewal which does most to purify
and enrich Christian living. Through the working of the Holy Spirit "the
simple come to an understanding which is more profound than that of the
learned; a discernment come from the Holy Spirit". For Tshibangu, therefore,
the local church is a most important "lieu th^ologique", and spiritual
("charismatic") renewal succeeds in exposing the whole of life to the
Gospel.1xo

The view is also expressed by yet others121 that the influence is not only
(or even primarily) downward from the Faculty to the Church grassroots, but
rather the reverse: "things are happening at the grassroots level, people are
thinking in certain ways, seeing things differently. The theologians in turn
are seeking to conceptualize these behavioural trends and tendencies".

If it is true, as M.E.Andrews claims, that no people can ever produce a

theology who are not first "prepared to take themselves seriously, and this
means in part seeing the importance of the details that are near and not
far"122, then the Faculty is helping to provide the essential infrastructure
of an African theology. The colonial years, by and large, caused Africans to

- 108 -
lose pride in their world and in their past and present values. The last
thirty or forty years have seen a gradual and multidimensional recovery of
that lost pride. The FTCK has sought to contribute to that recovery in a
theological dimension. The emphasis upon publishing that has characterized
the Faculty from the outset, is one clear indication of Africa taking itself
serious ly.

- 109 -
 References

Note: CRA= Cahiers des Religions Africaines; RAT = Revue Africaine de

Thdologie)

1. Ntedika Konde, 'Adresse d'ouverture', CRA, Vol.ll, No.21, 1977, p.10

2. Hastings A. A History of African Christianity. 1950-1975, Cambridge,

1979, p.62,

3. Yakemtchouk R. L'Universite Lovanium et sa Facult6 de Thfeologie. Chastre,

1983, p.7.

4. The medical institution was known as 'Fomulac' CFondation Medical de

l'Universit6 de Louvain au Congo'), dating from 1925; the agricultural
initiative was called 'Cadulac' ('Centre Agronomique de l'Universit6 de Louvain
au Congo'), founded in 1932. Yakemtchouk, op cit, pp.12-13,

5. ibid, pp, 18-37

6 . Vanneste A, 'La Faculty de Thdologie Catholique de Kinshasa. Vingt-cing ans

d'existence',RAT, Vol.6 , No.12, 1982, p.219.

7. Yakemtchouk, op cit. p,67.

8 . The seven teachers were; A. Vanneste, professor of theology at Brugges,

(Belgium) - Dean; P. de Locht, Louvain; F. Bontinck, Lisala (Zai’re); J. Seynaeve,
Nyakibanda (Zal're); Vander Perre, Malines (Belgium); J.van Torre, Louvain; A.
Cr6 ve, Niangara (Zaire). Yakemtchouk, op cit. pp.59-60.

9. ibid, p.83.

10. P. Tempels, La philosophie bantoue. Presence Africaine, Paris, 1949. For

discussion on Tempels and his writings, see Chap.l.

11. The repercussions of Tempels writings (favorable and hostile) both within
Congo and in Europe are indicated in the fascinating exchange of letters
between Tempels and Hulstaert in F. Bontinck, 'Aux orlgines de la Philosophie
Bantoue: la correspondence Tempels-Hulstaert' FTCK (Kinshasa, 1985).

12. The book is discussed more fully in Ch.l.

13. 'Des pr&tres noirs s'interrogent* Rencontres 47, (Paris, 1956).

14. Although the book caused a stir in some circles immediately, it was only
later that the full importance of the book was realised. 1956 is often
spoken of in the francophone world as something of a watershed date on
account of the book.

15. In conversation (Kinshasa,1st Feb, 1987), Mulago explained that at the

time, African Catholic students in Rome had formed an "Association" with its

- 110 -
own stencilled review of theological reflection. Alioune Diop, the General
Secretary of 'Presence Africaine' <an African cultural and publishing society
in Paris), took the initiative to publish certain of the review's articles
(among which were Mulago's outlines of his doctoral thesis which was
eventually published with the titled 'Un visage africain du christlanisme',
Mulago was at pains to insist that it was not they (the students) who
pushed to publish their articles, and it was Alioune Diop who chose the title
'Des pr&tres noirs s'interrogent'.

16. Malula J. 'L'&me bantoue face a l'Evangile', in Vivante Afrlque. 1958, p.13

17. The new Administrative Council included six bishops (some of them
national) of different regions of Congo, and several lay figures of national
repute, such as the Congolese Governor of the 'Banque Nationale'. Yakemtchouk,
op cit, p.99.

18. Tshibangu T. Presence Universitaire, (Kinshasa, 1959), p.16

19. Vanneste A. Revue du Clerge Africain. May, 1958, pp.225-236,

2 0 . ibid,

21. The Jesuit 'Revue du Clerg& Africain' produced at May idi, Congo, continued
publication until it was suppressed in 1972. Especially in its earlier years
it bore the mark of the magisterial character of Father Denis (SJ), 'Telema'
started publication in 1975 under its Zal'rian editor Boka di Mpasi (SJ) and
represents the continuation of the previous 'Revue', although its first
editorial avoids any reference to it.

22. Tshibangu T., 'Ddbat sur la thdologie africaine' in Revue du Clergd

Africain Vol.11:4, July I960, p.346

23. Vanneste, ibid, p,351

24. On the 'Semaines', see also below, p.

25. Vanneste A., quoted by Ngindu, 'LaQuatri&me Semaine Th6 ologique de

Kinshasa et la problematique d'une theologie africaine', in CRA. Vo 1.2, No.4,
1968, p.359

26. Ngindu M., ibid, p.359

27. The Faculty makes it a practice to invite prominent theologians to

heighten the value and influence of the 'Semaines'. Other well-known
participants have included: Prof. Von Allmen (Neuchatel), Rector Garofano
(Universite Urbanium de la Propagande, Rome), Mgr, Delhaye, General Secretary
of the International Theological Commission, (conversation with Mulago,
Kinshasa, 1st Feb, 1987)

28. Reported by Ngindu, op cit (note 25), p. 361.

29. Tshibangu T., ibid, pp. 363-372.

30. Discussed more fully in Ch.l.

- Ill -
31. Quoted by Yakemtchouk, op cit, pp.178-179.

32. The notion of 'implantation' seemed, at least to many Africans, to

represent the mere transplantation of European ecclesiastical teaching and
institutions into Africa, and was roundly rejected by the Declaration of
Bishops of Africa and Madagascar (1974) who favoured rather the expression
'incarnation' of the Christian message in Africa,

33. Quoted by Vanneste, 'Bilan thdologique d'un voyage apostolique' in RAT.

Vol.4, No.8 , 1980, p.228.

34. ibid, p.229.

35. eg, Mulago V. 'Le problAme de la theologie africaine A la lumiAre de

Vatican II*, in Renouveau de l'Eglise et Nouvelles Eglises. Colloque sur la
thyologie africaine, Kinshasa, 1967, p.115-152.

36. Tshibangu T., quoted by Vanneste, 'La thdologie africaine ... Note
historique', in RAT. Vol.7, No,14, 1983, p,273.

37. ibid, p.274.

38. The debate on 'African Theology' continued at the 7th International

African Seminar, held at the University of Ghana, April, 1965, the report of
which was published for the International Africa Institute, C. G. Ba£ta (ed.)
Christianity in Tropical Africa. O.U.P., 1968, The discussion reported on
p.148 of that document, concerning Mbiti's paper, and involving R. Bureau and
V. Mulago, was, according to Prof. Richard Gray (one of the participants) very
serious and even heated, reflecting that the debate was much more than
academic, (Conversation with R. Gray, July, 1987).

39. Conversation with A. Vanneste, 28 Jan, 1987, Kinshasa.

40. A, Vanneste, 'Ou en est le problAme de la theologie africaine?', in

Cultures et D_dvdloppement Vo 1,6, 1974, pp. 149-167: "Personne ne prfine le
culte de particularity pour elle-meme; la particularity ne se justifie que
dans la mesure ou elle renvoie A des valeurs universe lies ... La thyologie
africaine n'echappera guere A cette loi: elle sera riche de sa propre
spycificity et de son originality dans la mesure ou elle s'efforcera sans
cesse de les dypasser et de les supprimer." (pp,164-165)

41. A, Vanneste, 'L'actuality thyologique en Afrique', in Cultures et

Dyyyiop.pement', Vol.9, 1977, pp.631-650. On the differences between Western
and African theologies: the former "doit son origine avant tout au dysir de
connaitre, elle est de par sa nature une interrogation spyculative", while
African theologians "se veulent plus directement 'au service de leurs Aglises*
... ils s'efforcent de contribuer A l'incarnation toujours plus profonde de
l'Eglise dans le milieu africain," (pp.649-650).

42. A. Vanneste, 'La thyologie africaine en route', in Cultures et

Dyvdloppement, Vol.12, 1980, pp.325~346« On Bimwenyi Kweshi's thesis: 'Discours
thyologique ndgro-africain. ProblAme des fondements' (Louvain, 1977): a work
which "ddpasse de loin tout ce qui a yty dcrit jusqu'A prysent, sur le sens,
la possibility et la ndcessity d'une thdologie vraiment africaine" (p.3 3 7 ).

- 112 -
43. The fact that all three expressly wished to remain anonymous on the
point indicated that the issue still remains a sensitive one within the
Faculty.

44. It has been difficult to ascertain how the decision in 1977 was made,
but it may be supposed that Vanneste as Dean at the time had a prominent
part in it.

45. E. Mveng, 'Editorial', Bulletin de ThAologie Africaine'. Vol.l, No.l, p.6 ,

46. For instance, Mulago stated: "Les abounds cherchent de nous quelque chose
de spAcifique, La Revue Africaine de ThAologie est Adifiante, mais l'on peut
lire de tels articles ailleurs. Les numAros du Bulletin de Thyologie Africaine
sont vite vendus, tandis que les numAros de la Revue trainent." (Conversation
with Mulago, Kinshasa, 1st Feb, 1987).

47. See Ch.l.

48. Ngindu M,, 'Le propos du recours A l'authenticity et le christianisme au

Zaire', CRA Vol.8 , No,16, 1974, pp. 209-230 The same article, a slightly
abridged translation of the French, appears as 'Authenticity and Christianity
in Zaire', in Fashole-Luke, J.R.Gray, A. Hastings, G.Tasie (eds), Christianity
in Independent Africa. Rex Collings, London, 1978, pp.228-241,

49. Ngindu M., 'Le propos du recours.,.' op cit, p,210

50. Quoted by Ngindu M., ibid, p.217

51. ibid, p.221,

52. Vanneste commented in conversation: "II est vrai qu'A premiAre vue les
soucis d'authenticity et ceux de la 'thAologie africaine' se ressemblent. Mais
la premiAre manque la dimension chrAtienne que la deuxiAme affirme. Si la
Faculty avait pleinement appuyA la doctrine de l'"authenticity", les gens
auraient compris cela A travers." (Kinshasa, 28th Feb. 1987).

53. 'Le Pape chez nous, Discours de S.S. le Pape Jean-Paul II, prononcA A
l'occasion de son voyage au Zaire, 2-6 mal, 1980', in RAT. Vol.4. No.4, 1980,
p,232.

54. Pope John-Paul II: "II n'est pas question de falsifier la parole de Dieu
ou de vider la croix de sa puissance (cf. I Cor.1,17),mais plutOt de porter
le Christ au coeur mAme de la vie africaine et d'Alever la vieafricaine
toute entiAre jusqu'au Christ, Ainsi, non seulement le christianisme est
important pour 1'Afrique, mais le Christ lui-mAme, dans les membres de son
corps, est africain," Quoted by Vanneste, 'Bilan thAologique... ' in RAT. Vo 1,4,
No,8 , 1980, p.233,

55. 'Discours du Pape aux EvAques du Zaire', Kinshasa, May 3, 1980, in RAT.
Vol.4, No.8 , 1980.

- 113 -
56, Faculty statistics for 1986-87. compiled and supplied by L6 on de Saint-
Moulin (Academic Secretary):

Department G1 G2 G3 LI L2 tot.

Theology 35 33 27 11 30 136
Theology & Human Sciences 12 6 13 4 13 48
Philosophy & Afr.Religs. 31 28 30 42 29 160

others, (eg, doctoral and pre-doctoral students): 26

total: 370

For the year in question, the places of origin of the students were:
Zaire - 296 (51 from Kinshasa); Brazzaville - 9; Nigeria - 3;
Rwanda - 2; Angola - 2; Ghana ~ 2; Cameroon, Colombia, Burundi,
Germany, Central African Republic - 1 each.

Since 1957, graduates total: Zairians 3,428

other Africans 189
non-Afrleans 66

total: 3,683

57. Figures are from the FTCK 'Programme des Cours'. 1986-87

58. The Louvain ’saying* was quoted to me by F. Bontinck to explain the

prominence given to publishing by the Faculty in Kinshasa. (Kinshasa, 1st
Feb.1987).

59. The third Faculty periodical ’Revue Philosophlque de Kinshasa’, has not
been included for consideration in this thesis. While it is true that
theology and philosophy share certain common concerns and while several
articles in CRA and RAT explore the contribution of the one to the other
(see pp. ), the RPK sees itself as a "specialist organ of current research
for Zairian and non-Zairian philosophers" (editorial Vol.I, No.l, 1983). Many
of its articles relate to specialist and technical aspects of philosophy in
Europe and Africa; eg., ’Pens6 e-langage: le probl^me de la "relativity
linguistique", and: ’La forme et la trans-forme du masque traditionnel
africain’, both in Vol.l, No.l. Its thrust is thus tangential to that of the
thes is,

60. Discussion at the fourth 'Semaine Thyologique', Kinshasa, 1968, in CRA,

Vol.2, No.4, 1968, p. 367,

61. CRA, Vol.9, No,17, 1975, p.9.

62. ibid, p .10

63. Conversation with Mulago, Kinshasa, 1st Feb. 1987,

64. The list of these editorial members, and also that of "associated
researchers" are given in CRA. Vol.12, Nos. 23-24, pp.270-271.

- 114 -
65. This figure does not compare exactly with the "140" exchange
subscriptions referred to in CRA. Vol,9, Nos.17-18, 1975, p.ll, although
perhaps the expression "140 pAriodiques avec lesquels nous entretenons des
rapports des ^changes" indicates enquiries rather than firm subscriptions.

66. The series 'BibliothAque du CERA' includes: Mulago g.C,, La religion

traditionnelle des Bantu et leur vision du monde. P.U.Z., (Kinshasa, 1980);
A.J.Smet, Philosophie Africaine - textes choisis I & II. P.U.Z., (Kinshasa,
1975); Buakasa T,, L'impense du dlscours. "Kindoki" et "Nklsi" en pays Kongo du
ZaYre, (Kinshasa, ?); Ngindu M. et al, Combats pour un christianisme africain.
Melanges en l'honneur du Prof. V. Mulago. (Kinshasa, 1981); J.Jomier, L*Islam
aux multiples aspects. (Kinshasa, 1982); Mwene-Batende, Mouvements
messlaniques et protestation sociale. Le cas du Kltawala chez les Kumu du
ZaYre. (Kinshasa, 1982); Nkiere B,, La parents comme svstAme idyologlque.
Essai d* interpretation de l'ordre ilgnagAre chez les Basakata. (Kinshasa,
1984); F.Bontinck, Aux orlgines de la "philosophie bantoue". La correspondence
Tempels-HuIstaert. (Kinshasa, 1985). Two other books in the series are out of
print,

67. Included in these CRA articles on sin and forgiveness are: Mbonyikebe S.,
'Braves reflexions sur la conception traditionnelle du pAche en Afrique
Centrale' Vol,8, No.16, pp.155-166; Tshiamalenga T., 'La philosophie de la faute
dans la tradition luba', Vol.8, No.16, pp,167-186; Buakasa T., 'Le projet des
rites de reconciliation', Vol,8, No.16, pp, 187-208; Mbonyikebe S., 'Faute,
pdch6, penitence, et reconciliation dans les traditions de quelques soci£t6s
en Afrique Centrale', Vol.14, Nos.27-28, 1980, pp.265-282.

68. Mbonyikebe S., 'Braves reflexions' op cit.

69. ibid, p.159

70. The conclusion of Mbonyikebe's article reads in French: "En conclusion,

notre reserve terminologique peut faire place, pensons-nous A 1'affirmation
d'une conception authentiquement africaine du pAchA. Nous reconnaitrons
toutefois que les motivations morales propres a nos cultures reinvent plus
d'une Ethique de 1'Homme communautaire que de la religion proprement dite et
que par 1& elles ont, non pas tant au niveau de la logique du systAme que du
vecu des personnes, une resonnance laYque," (p.165)

71. Mulago gwa C, 'Discours de cldture', in CRA. Vol.ll, No.21-22, p.284

72. Vanneste, 'La Faculty.., Vingt-cinq ans* RAT, Vol.6, No.12, p,223

73. Conversation with Atal sa Angang, FTCK, 4th Feb, 1987

74. The purpose of exegesis, according to Atal, is first to understand the

biblical text. The message was expressed in human language, to real men and
women at a specific time and place. This means that there has to be due
consideration to the historical background and to the grammatical and
linguistic expression of the text. Having done everything possible to
understand the author's intention, the exegete's task is then to convey
faithfully the same message to people of a different time and place. There
is danger in seeking a "pre-existent Christianity" (in African traditional
religion), and "concordisme" must be avoided. For Christianity is new ("un

- 115 -
nouveauty"). Some Africans, in their antipathy to colonialism, have ended up
reacting against Christianity, (Conversation with Atal sa Angang, FTCK, 4-th
Feb, 1987.)

75. Buetubela B,, 'Le produit de la vigne et le vin nouveau', in RAT. Vol,8,
No, 15, 1984, p, 5-16.

76. Ukachukwu M,, 'The subordination of women in the Church', in RAT.

Vol,8,No.l6, 1984, pp.183-196,

77. Mukeng'a Kalond, quoted in 'Le premier congrfes des biblistes africains', in
RAT. Vol,3, No.6., 1979, p. 84

78. Monsengwo P., 'Ex6g6se biblique et questions africaines', in RAT, Vo 1.6,

No,12, 1982, p,165

79. Ngimbi-Nseka, 'Thdologie et anthropologie transcendentale', RAT. Vo 1.3,

No.5, 1979, pp.5-29,

80. Ngimbi-Nseka, 'Esquisse d'une ythique d'intersubjectivity, RAT. Vol.3, No,6,

1979, pp,185-203,

81. Nkeramihigo T., 'La probl^matique de la transcendance chez Ricoeur', RAT.

Vol.5, No,9, 1981, pp,7-18.

82. Tshibangu T. in 'Intelligence de la foi et votes non-occidentales de la

thyologie'; lecture given at the 'Quatri&me Semaine Thyologique de Kinshasa,
July, 1968, and discussed by Ngindu Mushete in CRA, Vol.2, No.2, 1968, pp.353-
372, cf, also Tshibangu's doctoral thesis; 'Thyologie positive et thyologie
spyculative. Position traditionnelle et nouvelle probiymatique' Louvain, 1965,
pp,384-385, According to Mudiji (Head of Philosophy Department), Bergson
argues that conceptual analysis is not the totality of philosophical thought;
intuition has a role alongside rationality. (Conversation with Mudiji, FTCK,
4th Feb, 1987),

83. cf. Article by H.Lodewyckx, 'Philosophie Africaine, Origines et

Perspectives’ in Bi.idragen, titschrift voor fllosofie en theologie 47 (1986)
141-169. The article helpfully sets out different stages in the 'evolution' of
African Philosophy, and is well regarded by Faculty teachers of philosophy,

84. J, Ladriyre, 'Perspectives sur la philosophie africaine', in RAT, Vol.5,

No,9, 1981, p.57

85. Basinsa, RAT, Vol.3, No.5, 1979, pp.133-138

86. Hountondji states clearly in his book what he understands to constitute

"African Philosophy": "J'appelle 'philosophie africaine' un ensemble de textes;
l'ensemble, prycisdment, des textes ecrits par des africains et qualifids par
leurs auteurs eux-mym.es de 'philosophiques'", P.J.Hountondji, Sur la
"philosophie africaine", Critique de i'ythnophilosophie. Maspyro, (Paris, 1977),
p.ll.

87. Basinsa, op cit, p.137.

- 116 -
88. Tshiamalenga N, 'La vision Ntu de l'homme', in CRA. Vol.7, No.l4, 1973,
pp.175-198

89. ibid, p,176.

90. ibid, p.179.

91. Laleye, I-P., in RAT, Vo 1.6, No.12, 1982, p.266,

92. Mudiji M., 'Formes et fonctions symboliques des masques 'mbuya' des
Phende. Essai d'iconologie et d'hermyneutique', Louvain, .1981. Mudiji stated
that he did his 'Licence' thesis on the philosopher Blondel, but that he
derived little benefit from it. For his doctoral thesis he "preferred to be
open towards the African milieu*', (Conversation with Mudiji, FTCK, 4th Feb,
1987)

93. Ngimbi-Nseka, 'Esquisse d'une ythique d'intersubjectivity, in RAT, Vol.3,

No.5, 1979, p.185-202.

94. Faith and Constitution Congress, Lima, 1982. 'Baptyme, Eucharistie,

Ministere', discussed by Mampila, 'Une eucharistie sans pain ni vin?' in RAT,
Vol.8, No,16, p.19.

95. Vanneste A, 'Une eucharistie sans pain ni vin?', in RAT. Vol.6, No.12,
1982, pp. 205-218,

96. Mampila A. RAT, Vol.8, No.16, 1984, p. 17-32.

97. ibid, p.32.

98. Buetubela B., *Le produit de la vigne et le vin nouveau', RAT. Vol,8, No,15,
1984, pp.5-16, Buetubela concludes his article: "II n'est nulleraent dit que le
pain de fro m e n t et le vin de r a is in soient la seule maniere de signifier le
rapport nouveau qui unit l'homme a Dieu, La fidyiity A la reality de
1'Incarnation du Christ n'est pas l'absolutisation de la matyriality des
yiements culturels utilisds par Jesus," (p.16) (italics his)

99. R. Luneau: "Maintenir (la loi qui lie sacerdoce ministyriel et cyiibat)
dans sa rigueur et sa lettre, alors que le temps a changy, c'est pycher
contre l'Esprit", quoted by Nothomb, RAT. Vol.7, No,14, 1983, p.184

100. Nothomb, op cit (note 99), p*184

101. ibid, p.202.

102. A. Vanneste, 'Le contexte thyologique et pastoral de la Lettre', in RAT.

Vol.8, No,16, 1984, pp. 87-99.

103. The 'bibliographies sdlectives' were started by Prof. Ntedika Konde, RAT.
Vol.l, No.2, and have continued ever since, with Mbiye Lumbala taking over
from Ntedika. To date the bibliographies list publications up until 1980, but
the series is to continue in future issues.

- 117 -
104. Each year's theses are listed in RAT the following year. The last
records (1984-85) appear in RAT. Vol.9, No.18, and the total to that date was
1015 theses. The two most recent years' thesis lists have not yet been
published.

105. The 'Dipl6me des Etudes Sp^ciales' is a pre-doctoral programme open to

those who have gained a distinction in their first degree results, It lasts
one year,

106. In order of preference, the 10 most popular philosophers represented by

the theses are: J-P.Sartre (30 theses); Karl Marx (23); G.Marcel (20);
H.Bergson (17); M.Heidegger (15); E.Mounier (15); E.Kant (15); M.Merleau-Ponty
(13); F,Nietzsche (11); and S,Kierkegaard (10).

107. Conversation with Mudiji M., director of the 'D6partement de Philosophie

et des Religions Africaines', FTCK, 4th Feb, 1987.)

108. Bimwenyi Kweshi's most important work is his doctoral thesis: 'Dlscours
thyologique negro-africain. Frobleme des fondements', Louvain, 1977 (796pp.)
(Published by Presence Africaine, Paris, 1981.) It received Louvain's 'la plus
grande distinction', Ngindu Mushete, reviewing the thesis, concludes:
"(Bimwenyi) vise a faire une theologie africaine compr£hensive et explicative,
une thyologie ou la culture africaine n'est pas seulement dycrite, mais
intygree a un ensemble conceptuel plus vaste, permettant une reprise
critique des donnyes fondamentales de la ryvyiation chrytienne." in Bulletin
de Theologie Africaine'. Vol.i, No.l, (Kinshasa, 1979) p.135

109. e.g., Monzelo L., 'Vers une terminologie philosophique en langues bantu.
Essai de traduction en 1ingala d'Amour et responsability de Karol Wojtyla',
Mymoire de Licence en Philosophie et Religions Africaines, 1980.

110. e.g., patristic, medieval, or Reformation studies,

111. However, a recent FTCK 'Bulletin d'Informat ion' (No.23, December 1986)
says: "Dans le but de promouvoir des recherches approfondies, en thyologie,
en philosophie, dans les religions africaines et les sciences humaines, la
Faculty a enregistre toute une serie d'inscript ions au D.E.S. et au Doctorat",
p.92,

112. 'Semaines Thyologiques de Kinshasa':

1. 1964 La thyologie A l'heure du Concile

2. 1965 L'Eglise et le monde
3. 1966 Le Dieu de nos pAres
4, 1968 Renouveau de l'Eglise et nouvelles yglises (Colloque
sur la thyologie africaine)
5, 1970 Le mariage chrAtien en Afrique
6. 1971 La pertinence du christianisme en Afrique
7, 1972 Foi chrytienne et langage humain
8. 1973 Min istAres et services dans l'Eglise
9. 1974 Pyche, pynitence, et ryconcilaition. Tradition
chrdtienne et culture africaine
10, 1975 L'evangyiisation dans l-'Afrique d'aujourd'hui
11. 1976 Pastorale et dpanouissement des vocations dans

- 118 -
 1'Afrique d'aujourd'hui
12. 1977 Liberation en JAsus-Christ
13. 1979 Justice chrAtienne et promotion humaine
14. 1981 Les intellectuels africains et l'Eglise
15. 1985 Charisme et la vie consacrye

113. According to Mulago g.C, in conversation, Kinshasa, 4th Feb,1987.

114. The three 'Colloques Internationaux1 to date are:

1. 1978 Religions africaines et christianisme
2. 1983 Afrique et ses formes de vie spirituelles
3. 1986 MAdiations du sacrd, cyiybrations cryatrices.

115. The nine 'Actes des Semaines Philosophiques de Kinshasa' (and two other
works) are listed in the duplicated document of the Faculty's theological and
philosophical publications.

116. Conversation with Mbiye L,, FTCK, 30th Jan, 1987.

117. see note 112 (8), above.

118. Conversation with Mulago g.C, Kinshasa, 1st Feb, 1987.

119. Thus, for example, while all the more technical meetings of the most
recent 'Colloque' (February, 1986) were held at the Conference Centre at
Nganda, evening meetings were open to the public and were held at the Salle
Paroissiale de Matonge, St.Joseph. The evening lectures included a talk on
African liturgy and religious architecture, and another on "la drummologie
africaine",

120. Conversation with Tshibangu, 2nd Feb, 1987. Tshibangu was anxious to
insist that lest it should become nothing more than individualistic piety,
charismatic renewal should express itself within a local church where it can
be guided aright,

121. In a conversation with two Bishops and three priests, at the Scheutist
'Centre d'Accueil', on 31st Jan. 1987,

122. Andrews M.E., 'The O.T, as Israelite Theology and its implications for a
New Zealand Theology', South East Asia Journal of Theology. 17 (Issue 2),
1976, pp.32-40. I am grateful to Dr. H. W, Turner for drawing my attention to
this article.

- 119 -
 Appendix I

Publications of the 'Faculty de Thyologie Catholique de Kinshasa1 (FTCK)

1. Theological

Revue Africaine de Thyologie (1977-) twice yearly, Journal devoted to scientific

study of Christian sources and the confrontation between Christian religious
heritage on the one hand and African realities on the other. Seeks to contribute
to the elaboration of a new synthesis of Christian life and thought which will be
in conformity with the genius and aspirations of African peoples.

Series: Recherches Africaines de Thyologie (I971— ) 8 works.Devoted to scientific

work in biblical, historical, and systematic theology.

Series: Eglise Africaine en dialogue (1975-) 5 works. To promote dialogue between

theological and religious science specialists on the, one hand, andthe non­
specialist Christian and non-Christian public on the other.

Series: Semaines Thyplogiques de Kinshasa (1964-) almost yearly. Full report of

lectures and discussion of the nearly-annual public conferences organised by the
FTCK on matters of theological importance,

2 • Philosophical

Series: Recherches Philosophiques Africaines (1977-) 11 works. Concerned to

organise Africa's thinking of yesterday and today, in response to its historic
existence, liberation, and integrated development.

Series: Cours et Documents (1979-) 6 works by Faculty professors, designed for

use as teaching and research texts.

Series: FILQZQFI (1979-) 4 works. Philosophical reflection in African languages in

order to promote the scientific use of African languages, translate important
Western texts, and encourage the formation of a philosophy in African languages,
so as to revitalize the African genius and its creative capacity.

Revue Phllosophique de Kinshasa (1983-) twice yearly. Will publish any research
likely to promote philosophical reflection in Africa.

Afrique et Philosophie (1977-) Student journal. Designed for student philosophical

'target practice'.

3. Centre d'Etudes des Religions Africaines

Cahlers des Religions Africaines (1967-) Twice yearly.

Series: Bibliothyque de CERA (1973-) Designed to permit a systematic and

scientific study of African traditional and modern religions and customs. 8 works.

-120-
 A p p e n d ,U . J l .

Cahiers des Religions Africaines

Subscriptions analysis, as of January. 1987. (Source: FTCK files)

Continent Country Type of subscription

University Individual Exchange Tot.

Africa Zal're 28 55 8 91
S,Africa 2 2 4
Algeria 3 3
Burundi 2 1 3
Kenya 1 2 3
Cameroon 1 1 2
Congo 1 1 2
Gabon 2 2
Guinea 2 2
Ivory Coast 2 2
Malawi 1 1 2
Mozambique 1 1 2
Tunis ia 2 2
Ango1a 1 1
Mali 1 1
Morocco 1 1
Nigeria 1 1
Rwanda 1 1
Senegal 1 1
U.Volta 1 1

40 66 21 127
Europe France 11 4 14 29
Hoi land 14 4 2 20
Italy 11 3 4 18
Belgium 7 1 6 14
U.K. 5 1 4 10
Swi tzerland 3 3 3 9
F.R.G. 6 1 7
Spain 3 3
Sweden 1 1 2
Austria 1 1
Greece 1 1
Portugal 1 1

64 18 33 115
N,America Canada 9 1 4 14
U. S. A, 37 3 2 42

46 4 6 56
Other Brazil 3 3 6
Colombia 1 1
India 1 1
J apan 2 2
Pak istan 2 2
Saudi Arabia 1 1

3 4 6 13

Totals 153 92 66 311

-121-
 Appendix III
Revue Africaine de Th6ologte
Subscriptions^analysis. as of January. 1987, <Source; FTCK flies)

Continent Country Type of subscription

University Individual Exchange Tot

Africa ZaYre 42 122 5 169

Rwanda 1 7 1 9
Angola 1 1 4
Congo 1 3 4
Gambia 4
Mozambique 1 2 1 4
Togo 3 3
Burundi 1 1 2
Cameroon 2
Egypt 1 1 2
Ghana 2 2
Benin 1 1
Burkina Faso 1 1
Chad 1 1
Ivory Coast 1 1
Liberia 1 1
Maurit ius 1 1
Nigeria 1 1
Tanzania 1 1

59 142 12 213
Europe Italy 11 9 31 51
Belgium 5 19 15 39
France 3 4 19 26
Spain 3 11 14
F.R.G. 3 9 12
U.K. 2 1 5 8
Swi tzerland 1 7 8
Poland 1 6 7
Portugal 2 3 5
Hoi land 4 4
Austria 1 2 3
Sweden 1 1

34 35 109 178
N.America Canada 3 5 8
U. S. A. 14 7 21

17 0 12 29
Other Braz i1 4 2 6
Colombia 3 3
Chile 2 2
Israel 2 2
Peru 2 2
Phi 1ippines 2 2
Argent ina
Equador
India
Japan
Ta iwan

18 22

Totals 114 177 151 442

-122-
 Chapter 3

The Oral Dimension of Theological Expression

The place and function of hymns in the EJCSK

(Eglise de J6sus~Christ sur terre par le Prophfete Simon Kimbangu)

introduction

The role of written expression in the literate Western academic world is so

prominent that it might be assumed to be the only medium of communicated
thought worthy of serious attention. W.A.Graham observes*.

We are a typographic culture in which it is unconsciously assumed that

the really fundamental form of language is the written or the printed
word, We have lost to a large degree the oral-aural dimensions of
literate culture that characterized our own civilization well beyond the
Gutenberg revolution up to perhaps the Enlightenment, and that still
characterize most other literate cultures of the world today,1

In reality, oral expression and communication are still the major means of
sharing and spreading ideas and experiences in the world2 . This is
especially true <even within the 'literate world') in those areas of cognition
where purely speculative, cerebral processes are joined by strong volitional
and emotive ones. One such cognitive area would be that of religion. And
where religion is expressed and communicated within societies where non­
literacy represents the familiar, traditional norm, the processes of
speak/hear/do will be more significant, more representative of local
understanding than those of read/write/speculate.3 To restrict the
theological process to what is written and thereby to exclude from it the
oral dimension is arbitrary and incorrect, While it is true that analytical
and speculative theology finds its ideal medium in the written word, it is
wrong to suppose that that sort of theology is the only one in which faith
seeks understanding and expression.

-123-
There exist, in fact, several different sorts or levels of theology, as
J,Mbiti insists, in discussing the African theological scene. There is,
obviously, written theology, the privilege of an educated minority, and
produced mainly in European languages. But in addition there is oral
theology:

Oral theology is produced in the fields, by the masses, through song,

sermon teaching, prayer, conversation, etc. It is theology in the open
air, often unrecorded, often heard only by small groups of audience, and
generally lost as far as libraries and seminaries are concerned, -1

Mbiti goes on to speak of a third theology, the symbolic, expressed through

art, sculpture, drama, symbols, rituals, dance, colours, numbers, etc.

It is appropriate, in considering the expression of beliefs of the

Kimbanguist Church, to pay attention to the second of Mbiti's categories,
that of the oral dimension. The Kimbanguist Church is probably the largest of
the so-called Independent African Churches; membership estimates vary widely
from a cautious 227,000s , to an official Kimbanguist figure of 5 million
quoted by His Eminence Diangienda Kuntima, third son of Simon Kimbangu and
spiritual head of the Kimbanguist Churchs , While the Kimbanguist Church
might include France and Belgium in its 'champ d'action'7 ' its membership and
influence is almost entirely within Central Africa and, in particular, Zal're,
Asch's 1976 research of the Kinshasa Kimbanguist churches® revealed that
33.6% of the membership were illiterate; another 49.3% were literate, but
only with primary school education3 . These two categories together comprise
those whose world is overwhelmingly oral, and together they account for
32,9% of the membership. If these proportions are accurate for the capital
where presumably exposure to literacy is greater, the orality of the overall
Kimbanguist situation is even more marked. This is not to deny that the
Kimbanguist Church has its literate theological dimension; indeed, recent
years have seen an increasing quantity of documents, articles, and books
written by Kimbanguist church leaders10, not to mention the theses and
dissertations produced each year by the students at the Kimbanguist Faculty
of Theology in Kinshasa, Nor is it to suggest that the EJCSK is without its
intellectual dlite.11 It is rather to suggest that the written theological

-124-
product is not the only or even the most important expression of belief and
practice within the Kimbanguist Church.

The Prophet and his Church

Since Kimbanguism relates importantly to the historical figure of Simon

Kimbangu and has been influenced by the course of historical and political
events, any discussion of its oral theology must take into account the
development of the movement from its beginnings in the early 1920s. Born at
Nkamba (south west of Kinshasa in Bas-Zai*re> in the late 1880s,112 Simon
Kimbangu was orphaned at an early age and fostered by his aunt Kinzembo who
introduced him as a youth to the Baptist Missionary Society. At the BMS
mission school at Ngombi-Lutete Kimbangu learned to read and write, and it
was there, too, that he became familiar with and versed in the Bible, He and
his wife were baptised by immersion in 1915, and were religiously married at
Ngombe-Lutete the same year. According to official EJCSK documents, Kimbangu
was appointed as catechist for the area of Kamba and its surrounding
villages, although some authors would question the place and even the fact
of this appointment.13 Some of his studies at least were with a travelling
pastor named Kimbangudi who said of Kimbangu that he did not have the
spirit to read but that he had much understanding of religion,1A

These were the years of the First World War and, in addition to being shaken
by the international political turmoil, the lower Belgian Congo was being
ravaged by epidemics of sleeping sickness and, immediately after the War,
Spanish influenza, typhoid fever, smallpox, and drought.13 Asch considers it
to be significant that Kimbangu's vision and call came at this time of
apparent powerlessness of European medicine on the one hand, and the
weakening of the Belgian administration as a result of the War on the
other.13 According to Diangienda, it was Christ Himself who addressed the
call to Kimbangu while he was in prayerful meditation: "Simon Kimbangu, my
people are unfaithful. I have chosen you to be my witness and to lead them
on the path of truth and salvation. Your mission will be difficult, but do
not fear, for I will always be at your side,"17 Kimbangu, like many prophets
before him, shrank from the call and, possibly to escape it, went alone to

-125-
Kinshasa, where he worked in the 'Huileries du Congo-Beige', a palm-oil
factory, though he appears never to have received his pay, Asch conjectures
that Kimbangu would have almost certainly have come in contact in Kinshasa
with the revolutionary panafrican teachings of Emmanuel John and the
American Wilson1®, but of this there is no direct evidence. After several
months Kimbangu returned to his native Nkamba, and it was as he was on his
way to market on April 6th, 1921, that he healed the woman Nkiantondo,1®
This is the event and the date quoted in official Kimbanguist literature as
signalling the start of what was later to become known as Kimbangu ism.20

For some two months after that April date, thousands of people from all over
the province and even from the capital made their way to Nkamba to see
first-hand what was being rumoured. Jobs were abandoned, contracts broken,
as workers deserted their posts to make their way to Nkamba (often by night
to avoid detection).21 Many sick and suffering were among the crowds, and
the convergence of so many ill people to one area aroused fears that an
already serious health problem would be made worse,22

Inevitably, perhaps, the reaction came, Kimbangu was accused of causing his
fellow-BaKongo to desert their work, to be xenophobic, to refuse to pay
taxes, and he himself of being insane or of provoking unrest. Accusations
such as these were advanced by persons in the Belgian administration, the
Roman Catholic Church (often expressed by Father Van Wing whom Diangienda
calls an 'antikimbanguiste notoire'23), and by the majority of the press.2d
Although most sources have less to say about Protestant opposition,
Diangienda describes in detail the hostility of certain Baptist missionaries,
jealous of Kimbangu's success and popularity.23 Kimbangu managed to elude
the military detachment that was sent to Nkamba to arrest him on June 6th,
but the administration took the situation seriously enough to place the
region under semi-military regime. Many were arrested and led in chains to
the tribunal at Thysville, later to be deported in internal exile to camps in
Haut-Congo beyond Kisangani, which in turn became centres of Kimbanguist
influence. On 12th September, however, Kimbangu gave himself up to the
authorities, together with certain of his closest co-workers.

-126-
The judiciary process of Kimbangu‘s trial <he and his followers were allowed
no defence) is described in detail in Jules Chome's book23, and in that of
Diangienda.27 He was judged by a military tribunal. On October 3rd, 1921,
the court sentenced Kimbangu to death, and most of his collaborators to
penal servitude for life. The Belgian procurator, Dupuis, together with
support from Protestant missionaries, obtained from King Albert the
commutation of the death sentence to life imprisonment. Kimbangu was
deported up the Congo river by boat and train to a prison in Elizabethville
(Lubumbashi) where he remained until his death on October 12th, 1951. Thirty
years of imprisonment for six months of prophetic activity.

The years from 1921 to 1959 (when Kimbanguism was at last legalized) were
ones of persecution for the Kimbanguists. Loyalty to Kimbangu was sufficient
cause for deportation to the 'Colonies Agricoles pour Reldgu6s Dangereux'
(detention-labour centres) in the provinces of Coquilhatville (Equateur),
Ldopoldville (Bandundu), Elisabethville (Shaba), and Stanleyville (Haut-Zal’re).
Although Kimbangu himself was more or less cut off from all contact with
the outside world, his wife Marie Mwilu and a group of faithful Kimbanguists
maintained a network of contacts, even with those in the detention centres. A
secret, coded alphabet permitted messages to pass undetected between
members, and so liberally were Biblical references used in correspondence
that the coded symbols eluded the scrutiny of the uninitiated authorities.2®

The years of 'clandestinit6' not surprisingly saw a diversifying complexity in

the scene surrounding the embryonic Kimbanguism. The Salvation Army
attracted some Kimbanguists who saw in its khaki uniforms, brass bands and
especially its red flag bearing the letter 'S' evidence of a prophesied return
of Simon Kimbangu. In 1939 a Salvationist Simon-Pierre Mpadi founded his
'Mission des Noirs', ostensibly of Kimbanguist inspiration, but overtly
political, and asserting several of the cultural traits or practices that
Kimbanguism rejected (polygamy, smoking, etc.).23 The Mpadists, too, suffered
deportation to the labour camps where, however, the Kimbanguists would have
nothing to do with them. Then there were various prophetic individuals and
their followers Cngounzists' from 'ngunza', prophet), some of whom
acknowledged Kimbangu, others not. Any simplistic generalization as to the
cause of the emergence of these groups ("political", "religious", "oppression",
"healing", etc.) fails to take into account the diversity of the groups
concerned.

Shortly before his death, Kimbangu stated that his three sons should
continue the work that he had begun.30 As the 1950s progressed, the third
son of Simon Kimbangu, Diangienda Kuntima, was transferred from Kasai* to
Kinshasa where he served as clerk in the administration of the Governer
General P^tillon. He began working towards the regrouping of Kimbanguist
members, urging them to come out of hiding and out from missionary churches,
even if it meant incurring the opposition of the authorities. Active too, was
the young Lucien Luntadila (later to become the General Secretary of the
Kimbanguist Church). He chanced, one day, upon a copy of the Declaration of
Human Rights. Belgium was signatory to the Declaration but was openly
flouting it by continuing to repress and deport the Kimbanguists. In July
1957, during a period of further recriminations against Kimbanguists,
Luntadila and a colleague Albert Yowani decided to force the Government's
hand. They handed in to Governor Pdtillon a 600-signature petition demanding
either that the authorities massacre the crowd of Kimbanguists who, in full
knowledge of possible consequences, were at that moment and for the purpose
gathered in the Baudouin Stadium31 , or that they once and for all cease the
persecution against the Kimbanguists, Restrictions were eased, but not lifted
altogether. In September of the same year the emerging leadership published
a 'Mise au point sur le Kimbanguisme', affirming the character of Kimbanguism
to be "purely religious" (i.e., non-political). The legal status which the
Kimbanguists worked so hard to obtain was eventually granted on December
24th, 1959, just months after the decease of Kimbangu's widow, Marie Mwilu.
It is the date quoted by the Kimbanguists themselves as marking the creation
of the Kimbanguist Church. After nearly 40 years of persecution, it was a
triumphant moment for the Kimbanguists, But, according to Asch, there was a
price to pay; the quest for legal recognition cost an important shift in the
spirit and direction of Kimbanguism, away from the 'engagement' which
historically characterized the 'underground' years:

From the time when the EJCSK, under Joseph Diangienda's leadership,
started negotiations with the colonial administration with a view to
obtaining legal recognition that would put an end to persecution 'for
the cause of Kimbanguism', the ideological content of official
Kimbanguism changed significantly,32

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Nor was it the only such shift. Asch argues that with the desire (and
eventual success) first, of being accepted by the World Council of Churches
(1969), and then, secondly, of gaining the graces of the Mobutu regime as it
severely restricted legal recognition of religious groups (1971), the
Kimbanguist leadership has had repeatedly to sacrifice something of its
essential self; that it has been compelled to embrace internal contradictions,
a "double discourse" in which an unofficial kimbangucentrism is tolerated in
the majority of members, while an official christocentric "front" is projected
to the Western, outside world, Asch expresses the three-fold 'adjustment'
thus:

To the colonial administration, the EJCSK declared itself to be

apolitical, which enabled it to obtain official recognition. Thereafter,
the EJCSK obtained its admission to the WCC at the cost of a
'restatement' acceptable to international Protestantism, Finally, its
political conservatism towards Mobutu's State has enabled it to procure
the status of third religious power among the official national
institutions.,33

Kimbanguist leaders protest bitterly that Asch has not only erred on many
factual, historical details but has also judged events and beliefs with the
easy prejudices of an outsider.3^ The' complexity of the situation is a
further reminder that written theological statements (the catechism, the
'Essence de la th^ologie Kimbangu iste', the liturgy33) are not necessarily the
only ones, and that oral expressions of belief are also important. As
Professor Hollenweger has put it:

The Kimbanguist Church communicates its witness through African forms

of communication: songs, ballads, proverbs, Asked by the WCC to write a
confession of faith they produced a document which could classify them
amongst evangelical Christians. But this document, copied from Western
sources, gives only a very inaccurate insight into the life of the
church, More important are their hymns, their prayers, the symbols of
their liturgy, their festivals and processions,33

Andr6 Droogers makes the same point, directing criticism against M-L Martin's
book on Kimbanguism which presents essentially the "official face" of
Kimbanguism (indeed, Martin's close involvement, even identification with, the
Kimbanguist Church is often claimed to have been instrumental in gaining for

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the EJCSK membership of the WCC), His article seeks, by participant
observation, to look at "Kimbanguism at the grass roots", and to do so by
"content analysis of prayers, speeches, sermons and songs as recorded in
eight church services".37

Hymns in the EJCSK

Hymns are not the only element of oral credal expression, but within the
Kimbanguist Church they are of special importance, as many articles point
out.33 Kimbanguists themselves believe that their hymns are not ordinary
religious songs composed by those with a musical gift. Rather, they are
"capt^s", received by revelation and under inspiration. This belief goes back
to the very first year of the Kimbanguist "event", 1921, The story is
frequently told33 how Kimbangu sent some of his helpers to the BMS station
at Ngombe-Lutete to purchase hymnbooks. They were rebuffed by the sarcastic
reply: "Has your prophet Simon Kimbangu only received the gift of healing the
sick and raising the dead? Has he not also received the gift of inspired
hymns?" When some time later the missionary Jennings went to Nkamba to get
back some books that Kimbangu had in his possession, Kimbangu was told by
God that from then on he should never look to the missionaries for anything;
he would be granted all he needed for his mission of evangelisation. There
and then, in the presence of the missionary, a close colleague of Kimbangu,
Mukoko Jean, "received" the first hymn: "Soldiers of righteousness, put on
your armour," (see Appendix I)

While the years immediately following Kimbangu's arrest and deportation saw
a few inspired hymns, in general the years of "clandestinit6" were relatively
barren of hymns, with apparently only one between the years 1926 and
1955.*°

Nsambu and Fwasi

The current status of inspired hymns in the EJCSK must be linked with two
figures. The first is Pastor Nsambu Twasilwa4-1 , the Director of the 'Bureau

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des Chants Kimbangu istes' in Kinshasa. Born and brought up in BMS circles,
Nsambu secretly became a Kimbanguist in 1950, but continued actively in the
BMS church in Kitega, organizing choral activities. In 1956 the Baptists
expelled Nsambu for his Kimbanguist tendencies and soon after other
Kimbanguist sympathisers were similarly excluded. 1956 was the year of
"Bolingo na 56", ('bolingo' = love, Lingala) when Kimbanguists, thrown out and
thrown together, experienced an intensification of solidarity, and a spirit of
abandon, heedless of possible consequences. In March of that year Nsambu
decided to return to his village in Bas-Zal're, and made visits to Nkamba, the
birth-place of Kimbangu, On his second visit, as he crested a hill near to
Nkamba and caught sight of the "Holy City", he heard celestial music and
"received" his first hymn; 'Mbanza mpa ya kubamene' (The New Jerusalem is
ready...). Nsambu returned to Kinshasa and reported back to Diangienda who
authorized him to teach his new hymn to the Kimbanguists. "From that moment,
the way was open", states Nsambu/0-2 Not only did the first organised choir
take place in the then Kimbanguist office in the urban zone of Kasa-Vubu,
but others besides Nsambu began receiving inspired hymns. From December
1959, on the instructions of Diangienda, Kimbanguists met openly in other
places, and wherever they met, choirs were formed and began to assume their
present important role. In 1963, during a major reorganization of the
Kimbanguist Church, Nsambu was designated by S.E.Diangienda as 'Directeur des
Chants Kimbangu istes', responsible for developing and supervising the choirs
which in 1987 numbered between 50 and 60 in the city of Kinshasa alone,
with an official total membership of some 6,424,A3 The 'Bureau des Chants' is
on the third floor of the large Kimbanguist administrative headquarters
(urban zone of Bongolo) whose foundation stone was laid by President Mobutu
on March 20th, 1966. It comprises several offices, including the 'Bureau
Technique' where hymns are processed (see below, pp.l34ff).

Of no less influence in the story of Kimbanguist hymns was Fwasi Lucien

("Mista Fwasi"). If Nsambu's gifts are organisational, Fwasi's were musical
and spiritual. Already at the age of 14 or 15 Fwasi composed hymns at the
BMS station at Ngombe-Lutete. Although more or less blind from birth, (and
therefore with very little formal education) Fwasi had a thorough knowledge
of the Bible and memorized large portions of it. He was put out of the BMS
Church at Ngombe-Lutete on account of one of his hymns which was deemed to

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be schismatic. The offending final verse of Fwasi's hymn reads:

Yabanza vo, lolo inti'angiekama

<1 thought the fire-charred branch a good support to lean on)
Kinga nkulukulu a mwilu kwandi
<in fact it only soiled me further)
Qwau nki ndenda vanga?
(what shall I do now?)
Mono se ilembi vuluzwa
(I have missed being saved)

The 'lolo' (charred branch) was understood by the missionaries to be a

camouflaged accusation against themselves and against their Church,which,
far from providing salvation, had in fact only worsened the plight of those
who had sought refuge therein. Interestingly, if the indigenous hymns were
deemed by the one side to hidedangerous truths, missionary hymns were
occasionally considered to do the same by the other side/0-*

Fwasi was imprisoned briefly in Mbanza Ngungu in 1955 over a minor village
dispute, but before the two months of his sentence were ended he had
organised a prison choir. In 1956 he was readmitted to the BMS Church, and
eventually some 13 of his hymns were included in the hymnbook NKunga Mia
Kintwadi, used by several of the missionary societies working in Bas-Zaire/*®
It was in September 1958 that Fwasi met up with Nsambu Twasilwa who was in
the region for a wedding. Nsambu persuaded Fwasi to return with him to
Kinshasa where Fwasi spent many hours singing his hymns from memory (all
four parts) into a tape-recorder .AS S.E.Diangienda had Fwasi visit all the
'paroisses' in Kinshasa where he preached and sang his hymns, His
extraordinary abilities and zeal, combined with the official approbation of
the Chef Spirituel, all constituted a powerful impetus to the new wave of
inspired hymnology, Fwasi returned before long to Nkamba, where he continued
to receive many hymns, despite a serious rheumatic illness to which he
eventually succumbed in 1973, aged 53.A7

From 'revelation* to 'canonization1

Not everyone in the EJCSK is an 'inspire* (capable of receiving hymns by

inspiration). There are 46 people who are currently (1987) registered as

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exercising the gift. It is regarded as any other spiritual gift, granted by
God at His discretion to those of His choice, both male and female. No pride
is evident in those who have the gift, no resentment in those who lack it.
The gift is by no means rare. While some choirs might have none with the
gift, others of, say, sixty members might have two or three 'capteurs'.
Conversations with several 'inspires* of various ages revealed that there are
broad similarities of experiences. Nsambu states that hymns can be received
in at least three ways, First, while the 'capteur* is asleep, he will have a
dream or a vision, in which he first hears and then sees an angelic choir. He
draws near and finds himself joining in, adding his voice to those of the
celestial singers, learning by participation. Upon waking he remembers the
tune he was singing, and the words. Sometimes it is only the air that he
will recall, sometimes all four parts. Secondly, the same thing can happen
during the waking hours, while walking along the street, or in the fields. A
distant but gradually more distinct sound of singing will cause him to stop
and take note (this would not normally be accompanied by a visual
experience). This was how Nsambu received his first hymn. Thirdly, the words
and music can simply "well up" ("les choses arrivent au coeur"), and the
individual will sense that it is a hymn communicated by God, Nsambu stated
that for him this was the most usual means of receiving hymns. The
intensified spiritual atmosphere of the weekly retreats held at a location
not far from Kinshasa is particularly conducive to inspired hymnology.4®

The present Secretary of the 'D6partement des Chants', Mabika Masala, recalls
that he was only 14 years old when Mista Fwasi came to Kinshasa and visited
the different Kimbanguist parishes, among them his own of Njili. After
listening to Fwasi, Mabika returned home exhilarated with what he had heard.
That night in a dream he heard the angelic choir and so received his first
hymn. After much hesitation he went to the 'Chef Spirituel' who encouraged
him and sent him to Nsambu so that the hymn might be noted and taught. He
received his second hymn two days later, but then there was a period of
several years before he was granted a third. Explaining this to Fwasi one
day in Nkamba, Fwasi reassured him and told him to expect "seasons of
drought",'0-3 It is held to be especially important in such periods when God
chooses to withhold his revelation, that the individual refrain from "forcing"
a hymn. Those who do so in an attempt to attract admiration are apparently

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easily exposed as mere 'composers' and fall under the censure of the 'Chef
Spirituel',

A third 'capteur' relates that he received three hymns when he was 16 years
of age, but kept them to himself. The 'Chef Spirituel' insisted that if they
had been given, they should be put to use and sung in the Church, His first
hymn turned out to be very successful (ie. widely sung). It had five verses
to it and the music was revealed in all its four parts. He claims he had no
trouble remembering it; it was as if he had known it for a long time.
However, since 1970 he has received hymns only rarely.*30 Sometimes, like any
gift, that of 'captage' can atrophy through disuse. The present 'Chef de
Protocole' confided that although he used to receive hymns by revelation, he
is now so busy with his duties that he no longer exercises the gift. He does
not feel guilty about this necessary adjustment, seeing it as within God's
will,31

Like any spiritual gift, inspired hymnody is open to abuse and counterfeit,
for the Kimbanguists believe that its source may be not only angelic, but
also satanic.32 If part of the function of the 'Bureau des Chants
Kimbangu istes' is to collect inspired hymns and to make them available for
the whole Church, the other part of its duties is to sift the true from the
false. The current process involves a number of steps, First, the 'capteur'
will report to Nsambu as Director of the Bureau who will give the hymn its
first critical hearing. He (or she) will then be sent along to the 'Bureau
Technique', a room on the same floor of the Bongolo Headquarters. Here, the
two or three persons concerned with the 'enr6gistrement' will pray with the
'capteur', then request him to sing his hymn, several times over. This will
enable them to transcribe the tune in tonic sol-fa, but will also serve to
reveal whether the singer has genuinely 'received' the hymn. As he sings, the
recorders will be noting the quality of the music (as to whether it is
distinctive and "excites the heart"33) and that of the text (as to whether it
is edifying and "conforms to the will of God"3,0). They will also pay heed to
the manner of the singer. For if one indication of true inspiration is the
look of calm and joyful assurance on the face of the singer, then hesitation,
anxiety, and undue sweating will all betray the fake.

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In rather the same way that the gift of glossolalia In charismatic circles
imparts a sense of divine immediacy to both the speaker and (if he is
exercising his gift in public) hearers, so the gift of inspired (revealed)
hymns is an important indication to the Kimbanguists that their experience
of God is not second-hand but direct. The fact that many of the 'capteurs'
apparently have no human qualifications such as a fine voice, musical
ability, advanced education, etc., to explain their ability only emphasises to
the Kimbanguists that these hymns are evidence that God is at work among
them:

It must not be forgotten that these hymns are "received" by Christians

without any special training, often cultivators, sometimes children, who
would not normally be expected to know the essentials of evangelical
theology ... And above all, these hymns, given to us Blacks by inspiration
from the Holy Spirit, are the striking manifestation that for us Africans
Jesus Christ is really our only Lord and Saviour by the intermediary of
the ministry of our 'Papa' Simon Kimbangu, openly and with power ...Be

So as not to discourage or shame the 'capteur', it is very rare that either

Nsambu or the 'Bureau Technique' will reject an inspired hymn while it is
being sung. Usually, the hymn will be transcribed and the singer dismissed
with thanks; only then will the singer and song be assessed. A minority of
the hymns will be rejected on the basis of the above criteria, and be filed
away accordingly .Be The majority will move on to the next stage of the
process: composition. The four-member Composition Committee, supplied with
the soprano air, will work out on a blackboard the other three parts: alto,
baritone, and bass, and write it in tonic solf-fa (see Appendix II).
Thereafter, the hymn will pass to the Transposition Committee (also
officially 4 members), who will transcribe the tonic sol-fa into staff
notation. A select minority of hymns will go to the Translation Committee,
headed by the senior figure of the 'Chef de Cabinet', Bena-Silu, for
transposition from Kikongo to Lingala or French. Characteristically of Zairian
bureaucracy in general and Kimbanguist in particular, the 'Bureau Technique'
(itself just one of the several departments in the 'Bureau des Chants') is
highly structured with three administrative and five technical 'services'.
Only a fraction of the total personnel in the 'Bureau des Chants' is full­
time; the others have salaried employment in various parts of the city and
converge on Bongolo after work hours to put in time voluntarily. The 'Service

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Statistique' of the *Bureau Technique' is responsible for keeping a monthly
and annual count of the various categories of hymns processed at the Bureau.
For the year 1986, a total of 277 hymns were processed, <see Appendix IV),
although it is admitted that many hymns that are sung both in Kinshasa and
elsewhere never pass through the official channels.

Into the life of the Church

Once the process of 'canonisation'37 of a hymn has been completed, there

remains the task of introducing it into Church usage. Apart from the dozens
of parish and organisation choirs that exist in Kinshasa, there is a central
choir composed of the leaders of all the other choirs. This 'Chorale des
Dirigeants-' meets for rehearsals three times a week at the 'Bureau des
Chants', and it is here that the new hymns are taught to the leaders, who in
turn teach the choirs for which they are responsible. These choirs meet on
designated evenings of the week, either in their parishes, or (if the choir
is of a particular organisation rather than of a parish) in the grounds of
the 'Centre d'Accueil' (the guest and conference centre in Kinshasa's Kasa-
Vubu Zone). Members will often have to walk long distances after a full day's
work to arrive at the rehearsal by early evening, and the spirit of serious
and solemn dedication is apparent throughout the long rehearsal. Typically,
before joining in the rehearsal, the newly arrived member will remove his/her
shoes3® and kneel to pray, The leader will have the duplicated sheet of the
hymn in tonic sol-fa, and will proceed with the teaching of each part in
turn. Members will note down the words as they are given. The hymn will be
sung repeatedly until It is well mastered. Not infrequently the rehearsal
will include an offering for the current building project. The total absence
of frivolity and idle chat is especially striking in the choirs comprising
young people; the choir rehearsals are not entertainment, but intense
spiritual exercise, Many choirs designate one or more counsellors to watch
over the spiritual health of their members,33

The hymn thus memorized will be sung by the choir at the Sunday service
either in the local parishes, or at the twice-monthly central rally which
normally lasts nine hours (9am - 6pm), and which takes place at an open-air

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venue large enough to accommodate the enormous numbers (roughly estimated
at 15,000so) that congregate around a large square space. In the centre of
one side of the square is the long podium where visitors and dignitaries
(notably the 'Chef Spirituel' Diangienda and his college of elders) normally
sit, under shelter from the sun or rain. The programme traditionally falls
into two quite distinct sections: the service proper (Fr. 'culte'), and the
'nsinsani* offering, (Fr, 'partie sociale'), The 'culte' (again characterized by
its order and solemnity) follows a standardized liturgy31, and includes a
communal hymn, the reading of a psalm and the Ten Commandments, prayers,
dedication of infants and a formal collection, It is during this service part
of the day that choirs stand in turn to sing their hymns. There is also a
sermon preached by a designated man or woman32, or even by the 'Chef
Spirituel', but the time devoted to preaching is considerably less than for
the hymns, As one choir leader explained: "The hymns preach a lot; the Bible
preaches a little."33

The service is marked by a solemnity and order which seem unaffected by the
oppressive heat of the sun or the sudden onset of rain (only a tiny minority
are under shelter of any sort) . The uniformed 'sentinelies' who stand
motionless for hours on end in front of the podium and at given points
around the square, are there not to establish order but to express it. The
service proper ends with a military-style march-past of nearly three
thousand Kimbanguists (ranging from the very young to the very old, all
still shoe-less, and dressed mostly in green and white uniforms),
representing all the different EJCSK choirs and organizations. As they pass
the podium they wave fronds or salute, while all the time an official keeps
up a non-stop commentary over the loud-speaker system on the identity and
history of each group, and the brass band plays at full volume, At a
designated place towards the end of the march-past the marchers (the women
more frequently than the men) deposit gifts of soap, rice, tea, or bananas,
These rapidly growing heaps of non-monetary gifts are periodically evacuated
whenever they threaten to obstruct the marchers; they are sorted by stewards
and later used for the many visitors at the 'Centre d'Accueil' or at the
residence of the 'Chef Spirituel'.

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The second part of the day-long programme is essentially the 'nsinsani'
offering, the principal fund-raising means for the EJCSK which traditionally
has looked to its own members rather than to the West for its finance. After
opportunity has been given for anyone so inclined to make a really
substantial gift in public, the 'nsinsani' is thrown open to all. Groups
representing choirs or other Kimbanguist organisations form into columns and,
keeping step to a lively rhythm from the brass band, weave in and out of
each other, until the large central space is quite full. Gradually each column
approaches its designated green plastic bowl into which each marcher drops
his gift, The column then weaves off and away, only to come back again after
more circuitous marching to deposit a second offering, and a third, and so
on, even to a sixth or eighth.3* Each time the bowl is emptied and its
contents counted, the totals are totted up so as to enable groups to compete
good-humouredly against one another ('nsinsani' = competition, kikongo).
Usually, so as to encourage generous giving (as well as to be available for
counselling) the 'nslnsani' is conducted under the watchful eye of either
Diangienda or one of his family, or of one of the early contemporaries of
Simon Kimbangu, like Mama Mikala. If the 'Mvwalas' (the three sons of
Kimbangu) cannot be there physically, it is believed that they are really
there in spirit and their chairs are placed somewhere near the offertory
bowls. These big 'nsinsani' offerings at the central meetings can last three
or four hours, but they are only the most spectacular of the 'nsinsanis', for
almost any gathering of Kimbanguists will provide an excuse for another
'nsinsani', the proceeds of which will contribute to whichever construction
project the 'Chef Spirituel' is promoting, The constant money collecting is
criticised, but by those outside rather than inside the EJCSK, The majority
of the Kimbanguists belong to the poorer classes, but in marked contrast to
many of the established, miss ion-re lated Churches who lean on overseas or
missionary sources of income, the Kimbanguists do not appear to resent the
calls on their money, and the 'nsinsani' is conducted in a spirit of
carnival.33

Director Nsambu estimates that the collection of hymns in the 'Bureau* must
number some 6,000. Plans for systematic classification are as yet
unrealised, although there does exist a categorized assortment of almost 500
Kikongo hymns designed to constitute an official hymnal (see Appendix III).

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Three attempts to have the hymns printed in Belgium, Greece, and finally by
the Protestant publishing centre in Kinshasa <CEDI> respectively, all
foundered for financial reasons. To date, the EJCSK is without an official
hymnbook. By far the majority of the hymns in the •Bureau1 are in Kikongo;
some are in Lingala and French, and occasional hymns in English are also
encountered.

Selection and interpretation

Rather than use the collection once proposed as the official printed
hymnbook (and whose selection might have been affected accordingly), the
hymns used for this study are from five different sources:

1) First, and most important, was an ’ad hoc1 assortment in a card folder in
the •Bureau', consisting of 385 hymns from all periods and by many different
'capteursh It was an arbitrary rather than an official collection and
therefore deemed likely to present a truer hymnological picture, and, from
the practical point of view given the limited time available, it was of
manageable proportions. With the tireless assignee of a MuKongo Kimbanguist,
Cit, Nziama, who also had a good command of French, a quick running
translation of all the hymns was made. Those hymns considered to be of
special interest were asterisked for subsequent scrutiny. Hymns which, when
translated, were found to be 'ecumenical*, that is which expressed standard
Christian beliefs in such a way as to be indistinguishable from Christian
hymns of any other continent, were deliberately left, although it has to be
emphasised that these 'ecumenical' hymns constitute part of the total picture
of Kimbanguist hymnology. However, the hymns selected for more careful
translation and analysis were distinctively Kimbanguist, that is, they
recognisably reflected historical or doctrinal distinctives of the Kimbanguist
phenomenon. Among these distinctives would be: the African and Kimbanguist
perception of the colonial situation with its accompanying persecution,
deportations, suffering, and racial injustice; the Kimbanguist sense of
vindication in the period following the gaining of national independence and
the official recognition of the EJCSK; the Holy City of Nkamba-Jerusalem; and
perhaps most of all, the historical and current role of the Prophet Simon

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Kimbangu, and the role of his three sons who lead the present Church. Again,
the vast majority (over 80%) of the hymns in this collection were in Kikongo,
others were in Lingala, and a few were in French.

2) The second source of hymns was a folder of 1921 songs filed in the
Secretary's office at Bongolo. All of these 24 early hymns are in Kikongo,

3) Third, use has been made of Boka and Raymaekers' 1960 collection of 85
hymns by Nsambu Andre ,,as The hymns are all translated into French from the
Kikongo and Lingala originals, and appear in full, with no added commentary.
They were intended to be part of a larger collection which never
materialized.

4) Fourth, the document produced by the Swiss pastor Heintze-Flad, L'Egllse

kimbangu iste. une 6glise qui chante et qui prie67 . furnished at least
extracts from 53 hymns,

5) Finally, there are about a dozen other hymns recorded personally at

services and choir rehearsals in Kinshasa during the month of February,
1987,6,3

Putting all the sources together gave a total of some 560 hymns on which
the present analysis was based.

It is true that the large majority of the hymns in question have been
consigned to writing, but this does not, in and of itself, transfer them from
the oral to the written realm. It is also true, as Finnegan has pointed out,
that where hymns and lyrics have arisen following the impact of Christianity,
it is common for a written tradition of religious literature to coexist and
to some extent overlap with an oral tradition. But it is a mistake to assume
that the advent of Christianity and its associated literate traditions has
diminished the importance of oral religious utterances. Indeed, as Finnegan
insists, taking African churches as an example, the opposite would appear to
be the case:

It is precisely in the religious sphere that there has been a marked

development of oral forms in lyrics, prayers, and testimonies ...
 Sometimes these utterances are subsequently reduced to writing or even
make an appearance in written form, but even in these cases, their
spread and significance among their largely non-literate patrons is
primarily oral.61®

As to the task of theological analysis from oral sources, a cautionary note

has rightly been sounded by Bengt Sundkler, In his critique of
G.C.Oosthuizen's The Theology of a South African Messiah (an analysis of the
hymnal of the "Church of the Nazarites").70 Sundkler is uncharacteristically
scathing71 in his comments of Oosthuizen's approach and conclusions:

We suggest that Shembe's hymnbook should be understood not from the

outside, from a Western point of view, measuring its contents according
to the standards and ideas of a European catechism, but rather from Its
own presuppositions72 ... We suggest that one should discard such heavy
and learned Western panoply and let Shembe walk along as he used to and
loved to: moving light, barefoot,73

Sundkler was making the obvious point that the differences between orality
and literacy must be respected, and was, in effect, accusing Oosthuizen of
unfairly judging the former on the stringent analytic grounds of the latter,
W.J.Ong lists no fewer than nine characteristics of orally-based thought and
expression,7'4 Some of these distinctives are important enough to merit
brief discussion here.

First, orally based expression is redundant or copious. Whereas writing can

be word-economical since the reader's eye can 'back-scan' if necessary to
pick up forgotten or missed information, orality depends on repetition of the
'just-said', which keeps both speaker and hearer surely on the track.
"Sparsely linear or analytical thought and speech is an artificial creation,
structured by the technology of writing" ,7B

Then, because it relies upon repeating what has been said in the past, it
tends to establish a conservative or traditionalist set of mind that with
good reason .inhibits intellectual experimentation.76 Further, it is close to
the human life-world: "In the absence of elaborate analytic categories that
depend upon writing to structure knowledge at a distance from lived
experience, oral cultures must conceptualize and rationalize all their
knowledge with more or less close reference to the human lifeworld'177, Thus,

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it is situational rather than abstract. Whereas writing separates the knower
from the known and thus sets up conditions for 'objectivity* in the sense of
personal disengagement or distancing, learning or knowing in an oral culture
means achieving close, empathetic, communal identification with the known.76

All these special properties of oral (as opposed to written) expression will
dictate that different criteria be brought to bear upon oral utterances in
general and hymns in particular, Hymns constitute a sub-category of oral
utterance and have their own, additional, characteristics, They share, with
other verse and poetry, a language which is allusive rather than direct,
affirmational rather than argumentational or speculative, inspirational (from
the heart to the heart) rather than rationalistic (from the mind to the
mind).7®

These distinct features of oral expression generally and hymn expression in

particular impose limitations on the sorts of analytical questions that can
be asked. The medium does not lend itself readily to rigorous cartesian
dissection; it would break under the strain.

One important obvious observation can be made. The Kimbanguist hymns (like
most hymns) are for communal use, and derive part of their significance from
this very fact. They are for corporate rather than solitary use. All the
literature about the Kimbanguist Church emphasises the central place that
singing plays in their worship, and hymns are perhaps the major means by
which members can affirm together their sense of community, so important in
African society. Whereas theology books are written by individuals in their
solitary silence, and are designed to be perused by other scholars in theirs,
the Kimbanguist member affirms his identity by joining his voice with that
of the rest of the singing community. The vast majority of the hymns are
other than in the first person singular, and are expressions, not of
individual piety but of corporate identity and common aspiration. Ritual
finds part of its meaning in its communal participation. By their singing,
Kimbanguists declare: "We participate, therefore we are".

The compilation intended for publication ('Ndandani za mi Nkunga') followed a

standard 'Table of Contents' grouping of hymns (see Appendix III). However, a

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totally different classification can be attempted, on the basis not of
themes, but of referent (see Fig.l),

Fig, 1 : A typology of Kimbanguist Hymns

CATEGORY A: "Godward"

1, Praise 46
2. Confession 21
3, Supplication 101
4. Response 19

167

CATEGORY B: “Mutual"

1. Exhortation 150
2. Instruction 36
3. Affirmation 19

205

CATEGORY C; "Outward”

1. Evangelism 74

CATEGORY D; "Other” 99

Total: 565

NB, The total reflects the fact that several of the 560 hymns exactly fit
more than one category.

Godward

Graph representation
of above categories: 33%

Other

Mutual
Outward

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The first category can be termed 'Godward', that is, hymns addressed to God.
The type can be subdivided into four categories: hymns of praise and worship,
those of confession, those of petition, and those of response. The second
category can be termed 'Mutual', where the hymns are addressed from member
to member, and the type subdivided into three: exhortation, instruction, and
affirmation (testimony). Hymns of the third category are oriented toward
those outside the Kimbanguist fold, and may be termed 'Outward'. These are
evangelistic hymns of entreaty or warning. There is a fourth group, 'Others',
comprising hymns for special occasions; Christmas, marriage, bereavement,
greeting of visitors, child dedication, etc. (see Appendix V for Category
examples.)

Patterns of concern

Reading and rereading of the Kimbanguist hymns reveals certain themes,

tendencies, or patterns of concern, and, given the 'genre' in question, it is
probably more instructive to consider these broader patterns than to attempt
close verbal analysis which would not only require an intimate knowledge of
kikongo, but also strain the limitations of oral expression,

1. Jesus, the Holy Spirit, and Kimbangu.

Of the 560 hymns under analysis, the great majority (over 400) mention Jesus
Christ under the various Kikongo terras of 'Ylsu', 'Mfumu Yisu' (Lord Jesus),
'Mvuluzi' (Saviour), 'Mwana Nzarabi' (Son of God), It is difficult not to
conclude that Jesus Christ is central to the- beliefs of Kimbanguists as He is
for other Christians.

As might be expected, the inspired 'reception' of Christmas carols occurs in

the weeks leading up to Christmas (see Appendix IV ). However they are sung
not only around December 25th, but also to mark any joyous occasion, such as
the birthday of one of the 'Mvwalas', or the welcoming of a visitor of
note.e'° The carols celebrate in standard 'Nativity' language and with joyful
tunes, the birth in Bethlehem of the baby Jesus. Many of the hymns which
speak about the death of Christ could as well be found In hymnbooks used by
Protestant denominations in Zal're or elsewhere: "We thank the Saviour Jesus
for the death He died for us."01 An early hymn of 1921 declares: "Jesus
gave Himself up / He was nailed to the tree / His blood dropped down / that
we might be cleansed",e:2 His resurrection is affirmed: "To save men upon
the earth, He (Jesus) rose victorious from the dead",613

The acknowledgement of Jesus is not merely with reference to the remote

historic past; it bears equally on the present belief structure of the
Kimbanguist, In the hymns, it is to Jesus that the faithful abandon
themselves; it is in Him that they find their peace, tranquility, riches, rest
(on condition that they believe); He forgives their wrong words and actions;
He procures victory for them; He is their pastor (shepherd), brother,
liberator, healer, miracleworker, redeemer, saviour; He is the 'ntu* (head) of
the Community, All these epithets could be found in Western Christian hymns
and in those of African mission-related churches, and re-emphasise the
historical links that Kimbanguism has with Protestant missionary
Christianity,0,4

What is more controversial is the place that the Prophet is accorded in

Kimbanguist understanding. Asch quotes many witnesses from different parts
of Zaire to support her claim that the unofficial Kimbanguism of the
majority believes that Simon Kimbangu was/is the manifestation of the Holy
Spirit, the Third Person of the Trinity.00 Droogers, in his study of
grassroots Kimbanguism in the 1970s, comes to the same conclusion:

Whereas the Holy Spirit was given to the Whites in an invisible way and
did not succeed in His work, Kimbangu is the visible Holy Spirit given to
Africa, - but for the benefit of all mankind.00

Of the 560 hymns, some 135 (almost a quarter) speak of the Prophet, using a
variety of different names: Tata Simon, Kimbangu, 'Ngunza' (Prophet), 'Ngunza
Nzambi' (Prophet of God), ’Ngunza Ylsu' (Prophet of Jesus), 'Ngunza Mvuluzi'
(Prophet of the Saviour), 'Ntumwa' (Sent One, Apostle), 'Ntumwa a Se' (Apostle
of the Father). According to the hymns, Kimbangu is "the visible sign, given
by Jesus for men on earth, in whom the glory of God has appeared to us"0^;
"the Apostle whom God sent in order to fulfil the promises made by Jesus to

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the Blacks, and to make clear the mystery of Jesus, to save men upon the
earth"®0 He Is "the prophet who announced the news of Jesus; Jesus will
curse those who refuse to believe Kimbangu's testimony".00 It is by this
Prophet that we receive (in successive verses of one hymn) "Jesus the love
of God, the mercy of God, the voice of Jesus".00 He is "the Messenger, the
Apostle of Jesus, who is truly our strength".01 It is "the Prophet of the
Lord whom we praise, let us tell the good deeds of his life".02 Indeed, so
closely do Kimbangu and Jesus come in some of the hymns that it becomes
difficult to separate them: "Thanks be to Jesus, I will tell out the name of
the Prophet"03; "the Lord loves us, he sent us the Prophet, ... if we believe
in him (the Prophet? Jesus?) we will be saved"04-; "Did you see, when he
raised the dead? Believe in the Prophet so that you may be saved"00; "Do you
know the day of Jesus' return? / the dead will be judged; Do you know the
day of Tata Simon's return? / The dead will be raised,"00 In the texts of
the hymns, it is not to the Holy Spirit that Kimbangu is assimilated, so much
as to Jesus Christ.

The association with Jesus is made even closer by numerous parallels in the
lives and ministries of the two. Like Jesus, Kimbangu healed the sick and
raised the dead. The solo part of one hymn seeks to report testimonies given
by those who were healed: "I was dead for three days, he raised me / I was
blind, he gave me back my sight f I was paralysed, he made me walk / I was
leprous, he made me clean," Between each testimony the choir sings: "Let us
get ready to receive the Saviour",0'7 The testimonies are of those who found
healing in the Bas-Congo in the 1920's. But they could equally be testimonies
of the sick and needy of first century Galilee and Judaea, Kimbangu, like
his Lord, suffered from the accusations and cunning of powerful religious
and political enemies, and he too was condemned to death after being falsely
accused. Kimbangu, of course, had his sentence commuted to life imprisonment,
but he too died as a result of his sentence. Many hymns relate to the unjust
sufferings of the Prophet:

The Apostle of the Lord died here below, in a damp prison,

He was persecuted here below, like a wrong doer.

Refr: 0 woe on the earth! The Prophet was killed on earth,

the world afflicted him because it did not know him.00

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This area of assimilation in the Kimbanguist body of beliefs found strong
encouragement from a surprising source, Jules Chom6, a left-wing Belgian,
wrote his book; La passion de Simon Kimbangu00 in which he drew comparisons
between the arrest, trial, sufferings, and eventual death of Kimbangu and
those of Christ. Chom6 had no religious inclinations, and the intentions
behind his book were not so much to plead the cause of the Kimbanguist
religion as to discredit the practices of the colonial administration100, but
the book is admired in Kimbanguist circles,101

With the Prophet's ministry perceived to reenact that of Christ, it is hardly

surprising that the hymns also express parallels extending beyond Kimbangu's
death:

Risen, he is risen! Risen, he is risen!

Let us praise Almighty God for having raised him from the dead.
Killed by a horrible death, Killed by a horrible death,
Let us praise the Lord Jesus for having raised him from the dead.
Our Prophet has risen! Our Prophet has risen!
Let us praise the Lord Jesus for having raised him from
the dead.102

The existence of the mausoleum at Nkamba, sacred resting place of Kimbangu's

earthly remains, far from diminishing the Kimbangu ist's conviction that
Kimbangu is not dead but alive, rather increases it, For in Kongo cosmology,
as MacGaffey emphasises103, the noble dead are more alive than the living,
and consequently, the grave is not a cul-de-sac, but a gateway to the world
of spirit:

The Prophet of God is risen! He returns from the land of the dead,
The angels of God have brought him out from the land of the dead.
Refr: He returns from the dead, he is transformed into spirit,
He has come out of the tomb, he has met his Lord.104-

The parallel continues beyond the resurrection to the present intercessory

role of Kimbangu for his followers. Prayers are sometimes made in his name,
not least through the supplicatory hymns of Category A, beseeching him for
protection, for help, or for peace.103 And indeed, in the many apocalyptic
hymns of the EJCSK, Kimbangu shares with Christ the role of returning king
and judge (see section on Eschatology, pp.l64ff>. The parallel with Christ,

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projected forward into eternity, is also extended backward into eternity, too
(for example by the three-language catechism of 1970).1oe

In view of this comprehensive Christie assimilation, then, could Oosthuizen

say of Kimbanguism what he concluded in his chapter entitled "The Messiah"
in his study of the hymnal of Shembe's "Church of the Nazarites"?:

Messianism in the Bible is inseparably linked up with Jesus Christ while

it is in the IB andla lam aN azaretha inseparably linked up with Isaiah
Sherabe, He is more than the promised prophet of Deut. 18:15 ... he is
truly a Messiah to his followers, a god in whom the divine and human
are inseparably associated; he is to them truly Christ, the holy one who
has risen and continues to live at Ekuphakameni. The cornerstone of this
movement is thus not Jesus Christ but Isaiah Shembe, He wished to be
the political, social, and religious Saviour of the Zulu nation in the
first instance but also of all other nations.10-7 (italics his),

It is difficult to imagine that he could say the same of Kimbangu and his
Church, - at least, not for the same reasons. Firstly, Kimbangu himself, by
all accounts, made no messianic claims about himself. Early accounts of his
ministry agree that he preached and healed not in his own name, but in the
name of Jesus Christ, At his trial before the military tribunal in 1921,
Kimbangu claimed his ministry was concerned only with preaching the Gospel
of Jesus Christ. The questioning at the trial is reproduced in Diangienda's
book:

De Rossi; Are you the 'mvuluzi' (saviour)?

Kimbangu: No, Jesus Christ is the Saviour, I received from Him the
mission of proclaiming the good news of eternal salvation to my people,
De Rossi: Have you raised the dead?
Kimbangu: Yes.
De Rossi; How did you do it?
Kimbangu: By the divine power that Jesus gave me,103

Back in 1924, when it could be expected that the colonial powers would be
quick to emphasise discrediting elements among the Kimbanguists, the
'Administrateur Territorial' of Thysvllle (Mbanza Ngungu) concluded his report
on their beliefs by saying: "They do not pray to Simon Kimbangu; they pray to
God. Kimbangu is an emissary of God",103 Martin was able to say in 1968,
while still professor at the University of Botswana, and having completed
comparative research into African Independent religious movements in

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Southern Africa; ‘'Simon Kimbangu is not in Christ's place ... Simon Kimbangu
is thus not a black messiah who opens the door of heaven (like I. Shembe in
Zulu land, for instance, but rather the finger of John the Baptist, pointing
towards the Lamb of God who takes away the sin of the world."110

Secondly, besides Kimbangu's own disclaimer of messianic pretensions, the

hymns give to Jesus Christ a place of striking prominence. Whereas the
mention ofJesus in the Shembe hymnal is conspicuous by its rarity (only two
of the 243 hymns specifically refer to Jesus; one other, no.87 is clearly
allusive to Him111 ) the Kimbanguist hymns that omit mention of Jesus Christ
are the exception rather than the rule, The Kimbanguist hymns, therefore, can
be said to be not 'Jesus-excluding' but rather 'Kimbangu-including'. This
conclusion is born out in prayers, sermons, Kimbanguist writings, and in
personal conversations at every level. There appears to be no conscious
minimizing of Christ, no sense of rivalry in Kimbanguist belief between
Christ and Kimbangu, It is not that Jesus is the white man's messiah while
Kimbangu is the black man's. Nor is it to deny that Christ performed
miracles, suffered, died, rose again, and will one day return in judgment. It
is rather that all that Christ did, Kimbangu did, too.

If it is simplistic to perceive Kimbangu as a divine Christ-substitute, a

second, more subtle interpretation draws on the ikonic model. Sundkler
proposes this solution in opposition to Oosthuizen's overly theological
analysis of Shembe's hymns,112 It seems to fit the Kimbanguist hymns even
better than those of the Church of the Nazarites, Kimbangu is the ikon
(mask) of Christ, Of the Eastern Orthodox ikon, Timothy Ware says:

The ikon is not an idol but a symbol; the veneration shown to images is
directed, not towards stone, wood, and paint, but towards the person
depicted ...(The ikon) is one of the ways whereby God is revealed to man.
Through ikons the Orthodox Christian receives a vision of the spiritual
world,11s

To the Kimbanguist, the Prophet is the visible, localrepresentation of Jesus

in the African world. By looking believingly on the miracles the Prophet
performed and the example of his humility and courage in the face of
adversity and suffering, the eye focuses clearly on Christ. For in the person
and deeds of Simon Kimbangu, God has in the clearest possible way affirmed

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His love and purposes for the BaKongo (and for other Africans, and indeed,
for the whole world). Whereas, before, the Blacks had to take the Whites'
word that God loved them and sent His Son to redeem them, now they see for
themselves. Like the Samaritans in Jesus' day, Kimbanguists can say (to the
Whites), "We no longer believe just because of what you said; now we have
heard for ourselves, and we know that this man (Jesus) really is the Saviour
of the world," <Jn,4;42> Thus it becomes right, w ith in the ik o n ic model
fram ew ork , to make much of Simon Kimbangu, He is the "visible sign, given on
earth to give us life"11A; he is "the reflection of the love of Jesus, the
glory of God appeared to us"11s, and it is "by (receiving) the Prophet that
we receive Jesus ... the love of God ... the mercy of God ... and the voice of
Jesus."11S If another hymn can exult: "Jesus is the magnificent miracle-
worker, He heals our sicknesses and forgives our sins"117, is it not because
His power has been clearly manifested in the deeds of Simon Kimbangu? So
closely does the ikon of Kimbangu represent the Christ, that to reject the
one means rejecting the other; "You who despise the Prophet of God, Jesus
will curse you"113; "You who do not believe in the Prophet, your soul will
perish".113 In just the same way, Jesus could blame the religious leaders of
His day for not believing the testimony of John the Baptist; it was not
possible at one and the same time to believe in Christ and disbelieve John
who testified of Him, From the ikonic perspective, it is in this sense that
Kimbangu must be "believed", and that his "good news" must be proclaimed
everywhere.

The pluralism of perception that exists within the Kimbanguist Church might
be due to the susceptibility of any ikon to drift away from that which it
represents to become an object of veneration in and of itself,120 The
language of the hymns is ambiguous enough to permit this plurality of
perception about the person and role of Simon Kimbangu, Different people can
sing the same hymn and understand different things, yet remain part of the
same Church. McKay's statement with regard to earlier missionary / Kongo
ambiguities has its modern counterpart: "The fact that missionaries and
converts shared a common religious vocabulary masked the difference in their
cosmologies."121
The ikonic paradigm thus permits that theological sliding-scale flexibility
that is a feature of Kimbanguist language about Kimbangu and Christ,
However, in itself it does not explain sufficiently the controversial belief
about Kimbangu as the Holy Spirit. This belief is publically denied by the
leadership in Kinshasa, Although opportunity was repeatedly sought to speak
with the 'Chef Spirituel' on the subject, his busy schedule and poor health
did not make this possible. In an address at one central 'nsinsani'
service,12:2 Diangienda criticised the foreigners who betray the trust and
kindness shown to them by crudely misrepresenting what Kimbangu ists believe
about the Prophet, and he insisted that "Kimbangu is not God". The official
'Catechisme kimbangu iste' reproduced in Dalngienda's book states that the
Holy Spirit has come, as Jesus promised; that the Apostles, by the power of
the Holy Spirit, accomplished the same miracles as Jesus did, and that in
Simon Kimbangu "the Holy Spirit has manifested Himself ... Simon Kimbangu is
the witness of Jesus-Christ, before Whom he is our advocate (French
'appui')".123 Bena-Silu, in his detailed refutation of historical and
doctrinal "errors" in Asch's book, insists that "there exists no document
written by EJCSK leadership stating that Simon Kimbangu is the incarnation
of the Holy Spirit" and denies emphatically and repeatedly any such
identification,12A The position of the 'Faculte de Th£ologie Kimbanguiste'
would follow this official understanding: one Diploma dissert ion devotes an
entire chapter to the question 'Is Simon Kimbangu the Holy Spirit?' and
concludes that he should rather be understood as "a man filled with the Holy
Spirit ,,. invested with a prophetic authority".1213

Nevertheless, despite these official pronouncements, almost without

exception12*3 personal conversations with Kimbanguists in Kinshasa gave the
impression (at least to an outsider) that Kimbangu is believed not merely to
have been powerfully anointed by the Holy Spirit, but that he actually was/is
the Holy Spirit. Whether speaking in French, Lingala, or Swahili, the
Kimbanguist, in talking about the identity of the Prophet, will appeal in an
almost stereotyped way to a cluster of biblical texts, which concern Christ's
promise of the Spirit to His disciples. The texts are, with slight variations,
quoted correctly or incorrectly as follows: John 14:16, "I will ask the
Father, and He will give you another Counsellor, to be with you forever"
(proving the continuity between Jesus and Kimbangu). John 14:12, "He will do

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even greater works than I have done, because I am going to my Father" (hence
Kimbangu's miracles). John 15:26, "When the Counsellor comes, whom I will
send to you from the Father, the Spirit, he will bear witness about me"
(hence Kimbangu's constant pointing away from himself to Christ). John.l0;16
is sometimes quoted as Jesus saying to the Jews: "I have other sheep which
are not of this sheep pen; he (sic) must bring them into the pen also" (to
support the claim that Jesus had the Africans in mind when He sent
Kimbangu), And sometimes Deut.18:15 (quoted by Peter in Acts 3:22) is used to
identify Kimbangu as the one Jesus would choose to bring those sheep into
the fold: "The Lord your God will raise up for you a prophet like me from
among1 y o u r own p e o p le (emphasis theirs)".127

The conclusion, sometimes emphatically stated, is that these promises made by

Jesus to His disciples found their fulfilment on April 6th, 1921, in the Bas~
Zaire village of Nkamba, when Simon Kimbangu started his ministry of healing
the sick and raising the dead. When it is asked if these promises were not
fulfilled on the Day of Pentecost in the First Century, the answer is usually
given that that was something else, - an effusion of God's power, whereas in
Kimbangu we have the person or man that Christ promised. For the Kimbanguist
will sometimes insist openly that the Spirit promised is a man (Lingala
'moto', Swahili 'mutu\ French 'homme') and not just an impersonal power. This
belief, in turn, finds support from the unexpected source of a biblical
reference book once widely used in the West in Protestant circles;
R.A.Torrey's Topical Text Book, and published in Kikongo in 1946 by Fleming H.
Revell Co., under the title: Nkanda Wa Nglonzokolo A Minsamu. The book was
obviously intended by the translator and publisher for use by Kongo pastors
and Bible students. Under the section entitled 'The Holy Spirit' (Kikongo:
'Mpeve yaNlongo') it is clearly stated,- with many Bible verses to support the
claim: 'Mpeve yaNlongo I Muntu'. Torrey's aim was to show from Scripture the
personhood of the Spirit (eg. one who guides, corrects, may be grieved,etc,);
the translator sought to get the idea across by using the attribute 'muntu'
(man/person/human being), thereby unwittingly fuelling the belief that the
promised Holy Spirit is in fact a man,12®

The hymns under analysis do contain a few where a distinction is made

between Kimbangu and the Holy Spirit:

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 Living God, we implore you; we your children implore you. Draw near.
Father God, we implore you; grant us the Holy Spirit.

Refr: Grant us the Holy Spirit! < x 4)

Lord Jesus, we implore you; we your sheep implore you. Drawnear.

Lord Jesus, we beseech you; grant us the Holy Spirit.

Tata Simon, we implore you; we your sheep wander about,

Bring us back into the fold of the Father; grant us the Holy Spirit.133
(see also Appendix V. A3)

Far more common are the hymns that establish a trinitarian structure where
the Prophet takes the place that an outsider would expect to be occupied by
the Holy Spirit, Among the many examples:

Father God has done His work ,,, with all power, with all power,

The Lord Jesus has done His work ... with all power, with all power,

Tata Simon has done his work ... with all power, with all power.130

Jehovah God has called me, has shown me his glory;

He has told me to convert,that he might give me a crown.

Ref: A crown, a crown, a crown ... which he has prepared,

Solo: Jehovah God, ... Lord Jesus, ... Tata Simon ...

The Lord Jesus has called me, has shown me his glory;
He has told me to convert,that he might give me a crown.

Tata Simon has called me, has shown me his glory;

He has told me to convert,that he might give me a crown,131

0 our God, give us all we need,

see how we are consumed, our eyes are on you, our Father.

Lord Jesus, look upon us,

see how we are consumed, our eyes are on you, our Lord.

Tata Simon, look upon us,

see how we are consumed, our eyes are on you, our Father133

In several hymns, J;he 'trinitarian structure' is further expanded to

accommodate a fourth person, - that of the 'Chef Spirituel', the Prophet's

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son, Diangienda, or indeed all three sons, the 'zimvwala' (sceptres, staffs)

We thank our God / who gave us a Saviour,

We thank him / infinitely.

We thank the Saviour / who requested a Helper for us,

We thank him / infinitely. ■

We thank our Prophet / who left us the 'zimvwala',

We thank him / infinitely,

We thank the 'zimvwala* / who show us the way to the Father,

We thank them / infinitely.133

The picture becomes one of a descending stairway, stretching down from God
the Father through Christ and then Kimbangu to the 'zimvwala', and indeed
through them to the faithful themselves. The hierarchical structure portrayed
in these hymns fits comfortably the Kongo (and Bantu) cosmology, which, along
with the Bible and missionary Protestantism, forms the third major element in
Kimbanguist beliefs. The supreme and most remote Being is 'Nzambi a Mpungu'.
Between Him and the living on earth are ranged a whole descending hierarchy
of spiritual beings known as 'bisimbi' (spirits) or occasionally as 'nzambi'
(gods). Of these 'bisimbi', the nearest to the living include ancestors of
those who are presently alive, and the most influential and respected of
these ancestor spirits are of those men who on earth lived an exemplary life
and who died a heroic death.13'1 The spiritual hierarchy is also patrifilial,
as MacGaffey observes: "The hierarchy of spirits, thought of as something
like a sequence of generations was also a patrifilial sequence (father, sons,
grandchildren), on the model of the ideal hierarchy of all local groups, in
which each title holder stood in a paternal relationship to his subordinates",
and he quotes Doutreloux: "From the Supreme Being to man, by way of the
intermediary Spirits, extend the relations of Father to Son that structure
the society of man."135

As the Prophet's son, the present 'Chef Spiritual', Diangienda Kuntima, (and to
a lesser extent his brothers Kisolokele and Kiangani) take their place in the
spiritual hierarchy stretching from man towards ‘Nzambi a Mpungu'.
Diangienda's role is far more than that of an administrative head of the
EJCSK, and Indeed much more than that of a wise spiritual guide (which by
all accounts he is). The high respect (even awe) in which he is held by

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Kimbangu ists is explained by their perception of him as forming, while yet
visibly and physically present among them, an integral part of the spiritual
hierarchy. Their veneration is manifested not merely by their kneeling before
him <for that can also express the honour that any son worthy of the name
would show towards his father in traditional Kongo society). It is observable
rather in the crowd of people who are willing to wait many days for an
audience with him at his modest residence in Kinshasa13,3, and the manner in
which he is spoken of as no ordinary mortal would be.137 The strongly
centralized administrative structure of the EJCSK has its spiritual
counterpart, for Diangienda is to the Kimbanguist a 'spiritual facilitator', to
whom the needy can go for prayer or for blessing, in time of illness,
unemployment, or new endeavour, Kimbangu ists testify to Diangienda's
knowledge of their inmost thoughts, even at distance. His presence is at the
'nsinsani', even if he himself is ill in bed at home, His contact with his
father the Prophet is uninterrupted133, just as Kimbangu's contact is with
Christ, and Christ's is with 'Nzambi a Mpungu',

When the Kimbanguist speaks of Kimbangu or his sons using the term 'nzambi'
(god), it is from within the Kongo (or Bantu) world-view; outside of that
world-view such concepts are understood only with difficulty, and more often
than not misunderstood. Because of the broad tendency for coincidence
between cosmology and language, the world-view in question expresses itself
most easily in Kikongo, and then in Lingala. Expressed or translated into
French, such language seems to stick out awkwardly. Asked if it was merely
by coincidence that the "distinctively Kimbanguist" hymns were to be found in
Kikongo and Lingala whereas almost without exception the French hymns were
"ecumenical", a spokesman for the 'Bureau Technique' admitted with noticeable
embarrassment that it was not coincidence, and that the "typically
Kimbanguist" hymns were not put into French because "people in other
countries might be offended by the hymns which speak of the Prophet; they
might misunderstand the hymns as saying that Kimbangu is God, whereas we
know that he is not God but only a small god.133 You have to become a
Kimbanguist, then you will understand; someone on the outside will not
understand.1'10 Kimbanguists have to be able to adjust their terminology
according to the world-view presupposed by the one they are talking to. In
the course of a service, for example, the Kimbanguist will happily say of the

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three 'mvwala': "Bino bojali banzambi na biso" (Lingala: You are our gods)1-
4-1,
or even sing: "Mfumu a Nlongo, yo kaka ojali nzambi na ngai" (Lingala: You
alone, 'Chef Spirituel', are my god).14-2 But in conversation the Kimbanguist
will adjust his terminology for the outsider so as to reserve the epithet
'nzambi* to designate God, and even criticise the song quoted for having not
passed through the proper control channels.

The Kimbanguist's pluralism is facilitated by areas of approximation between

the indigenous and biblical world-views (Supreme God, pair ifillation,
multiplicity of spiritual beings, delivrance from evil, need for mediation
between lesser and greater). This has permitted ready inter-penetration of
the two worlds, and of the two it is usually, but not always, the biblical
that has proved the dominating element. One example of the cosmological
reorganization under the biblical impact (beside the most important one of
Christ as Son of God, Lord, and Saviour) is the personification of evil within
the satanic model, - some 43 hymns were noted in this connection, with
references to 'Satana', 'nkadiampemba' (the word in Kikongo usually denoting
the chief of the spirits of evil), 'mianda mia satana' (spirits of Satan). The
emphatic renunciation of 'kindoki' (sorcery), too, finds plenty of Scriptural
support. Some of the elements of Kimbanguist theology find their legitimation
(though not necessarily their origin) in Roman Catholic tradition, as in the
case of mediation of the saints, While official Kimbanguist theology
acknowledges that Christ is the sole mediator between man and God,
conversations and Kimbanguist writings agree that the mediation of Tata
Simon (and, by extension, that of his three living sons) is desirable. For he
forms part of the inner 'royal court' in the immediate presence of Christ,
within reach of him as others are not, and is therefore well placed for
accelerating the process of effective supplication:

This is not obligatory, given that Christ directly receives all prayer.
Nevertheless it is still no less true that Kimbanguists can choose to
resort to this possibility... It becomes clear that Simon Kimbangu is the
one who supports our prayers before Christ, so that the Lord can answer
them as quickly as possible.1- 43

Martin, commenting on a prayer offered by the 'Chef Spirituel' at the

Prophet's Mausoleum at Nkamba, concludes:

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 The prayer, addressed to God and Christ, turns to Simon Kimbangu: for he
is risen from the dead and is with Christ African spirituality and
consequently worship knows that man on earth is too small, and too
sinful to approach the great King. Simon Kimbangu is not the Saviour, he
is God's envoy (ntumwa) and remains the go-between, not unlike the
saints in the Catholic Church.144

There exists therefore, parallel to the sociological pluralism which

MacGaffey identified as 'customary and bureaucratic', a complex theological
pluralism which (on account of its two principal components) might be termed
'indigenous and Biblical', The twin elements of the theological pluralism, like
those of its sociological counterpart, cannot be simplistically distanced from
each other by labelling one 'old' and the other 'modern', as if the mere
passage of time will gradually see the one fade in favour of the other. Nor
should it be assumed that for the Kimbanguist the two are incompatible in
such a way as to compel him to belong either to a so-called non-official,
Kimbangu-centric majority, or to a so-called Chris to-centric reformist circle
of the present leaders (eg. Asch's dichotomy of "le kimbangu ism des
Kimbangu istes" and "le kimbangu isme off iciel"14S), On the contrary, the two
perceptions are co-existing and "organically related", and the Kimbanguist
finds it quite possible to be able to slip, as the need arises, from one
perception to the other and back again. He does, however, readily acknowledge
the difficulty of outsiders to do the same.

Whether the Kimbanguist Church, with its increasingly international

aspirations will be able to maintain this sort of pluralism is open to
question. Its membership of the World Council of Churches, its constant
desire to contribute its spiritual perception at conferences and in writing,
its need for wider acceptance and recognition, - all these might encourage
readjustment of Kimbanguist views concerning the identity of the founder, On
the other hand, the centenary year (1987) of the Prophet's birthseems set
to emphasise (by its celebrations, speeches, testimonies, etc.) the
distinctiveness of the ECJSK, and thus encourage a heightened rather thana
modified perception of Simon Kimbangu.146,

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2. Ecstasy and Pain,

A striking characteristic of the Kimbanguist hymns is their mixture of joy

and anguish. Many hymns express gladness, thankfulness, praise. Even more
express suffering and vulnerability. The "Christ/Kimbangu-event" is revealed
in the hymns as being at the root of both.

The Kimbanguist singer exults in the knowledge that Christ's love went as
far as the Cross, "Jesus our Saviour loves us truly; he gave his life as a
sacrifice on the Cross"14'7'; "Jesus on the Cross died for our liberty"14® "in
Him we have forgiveness"14®; "we have received salvation in the One you have
sent, in Jesus our Chief'.1®0 Infectiously joyful Christmas songs thank the
Father for sending the Saviour or thank the Saviour for coming to be born in
Bethlehem; such hymns are sung not only at Christmas but on any happy
occasion,131 The triumph of Christ over death by the resurrection is
further cause for happiness. Such sentiments would be entirely in place in
any other Christian hymnbook, and are a reminder of two of the tethers of
the Kimbanguist Church, namely, its historical Protestant origins and the
central role of the Bible. Celebrating the Gospel-event which is the focal
point common to all Christianity, it is not surprising that many of the hymns
of the EJCSK bear close textual resemblance to Christian hymns from other
countries and continents.

While this shared Christian heritage forms an essential part of the total
Kimbanguist picture, there are other ingredients which are more distinctively
Kimbanguist. As we have seen above, the Kimbangu event Is an important
additional impulse for joy, for all that Jesus did is "brought near" in both
time and place in the events that surround the historic person of Simon
Kimbangu. Within the Kimbanguist perception, the healing power of God was
visibly seen in and around Nkamba as Kimbangu (whom many still remember)
raised the dead, brought sight to the blind, and made the lame to walk. A
sense of wonder and delight that God acted thus, "in our very midst", comes
through several of the hymns:

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 The tidings of God have been heard
Here in the country of Africa,
The Prophet of God has appeared
Here in the country of Africa.1®2
or again:

I am thanking God greatly in my heart

For He has given us the Saviour on earth,
I am thanking Jesus greatly in my heart
For He has given us the Prophet on earth.1®3

Some hymns reflect the colonial situation of the 1920s when this great
revelation of the love of God in and through a humble Black gave a sense of
vindication in ah unfair world; "The cause of the Blacks will soon be judged,
now and for all peoples,"1®4 As Heintze-Flad points out1®®, many hymns
express joy that God Himself has rehabilitated the entire Black race,
granting to it a Prophet whose equal is hard to find amongst other peoples.
In so doing, God has deliberately bypassed the powerful and privileged and
set Africa ahead of others. In words which recall God's astonishing choice of
"Bethlehem, Ephratha, though small among the clans of Judah" as the place of
messsianic promise and fulfilment (Micah 5:2, Mt.2;6), Africa is chosen in
preference over others, with a new privilege and a new responsibility:

Land where the prophet died in the cell,

(Land where) for thirty years he triumphed on earth,
Africa of the Blacks, you have been placed at the head!
Up! Show the light to the world!1®®
Or again:
Who would have thought that we would be recognised
as an honourable race
by the nations which surpassed us?1®7

Sung and listened to in the utmost solemnity, the hymns effectively

communicate deep, collective convictions:

Today, joy knows no bounds,

Who could have imagined that Father God would remember the Blacks?
Yet today, Father God has brought us back into His heart,
Be exalted, God, our God!1Be

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Against the background of colonial oppression and suffering, the benefits of
God's "remembering the Blacks" are understood not only in spiritual terms
(forgiveness, healing, etc.) but also in social status and even material
blessings: "Let me praise Tata Kimbangu for the great work he has done for
me; he has made me into a 'somebody' (lit. a great person); I am able to sit
alongside the great," (see Appendix V, B.3 ii). As for riches and prosperity,
Kimbanguist hymns reveal the same diversity of opinion on the subject that
is to be found in the rest of Christendom. Some hymns look upon wealth as an
evil obstacle hindering the Christian on his heavenward journey: "Abandon the
riches Ckimvwama') of this world, that you might be holy on the day of
judgment"1 or again, "Woe to those who acquire riches on earth! you will
not find a place in heaven".1®0 Others, however, see rescue from poverty
into wealth as part of what the Prophet has accomplished for his followers:
"He who gives life has come, let us love one another; he has brought us all
that we desire ... Tata Simon has come, let us love one another; he has
brought us riches Okimvwama'), we shall not be afflicted eternally. Tata
Simon has come!"1® 1 In a sermon at one of the big central Sunday services,
the preacher asked the rhetorical question: "If today we can see a young
Zairian girl driving a big Mercedes limousine, isn't this astonishing? Who
has done this for us? Is it not Kimbangu?".1®2 However, of far greater
importance than material possessions is political independence and freedom,
and racial equality and rehabilitation. The fact of the near coincidence of
the official recognition of the EJCSK with the termination of colonial rule
and the gaining of national independence is not lost on the Kimbanguist,
Significantly, the important speech given by the 'Directeur de Cabinet', Bena-
Silu, on the occasion of the dedication of the enormous church at Nkamba-
Jerusalem in 1981 was entitled Simon Kimbangu lib£re et r£habilite la race
noire. It was published as a duplicated document, and is often quoted in
Kimbanguist literature.1®3 In it, Bena-Silu views the special contribution of
the Prophet in terms of liberation and revaluation of the Black:

Kimbangu's desire and struggle was that over the entire surface of the
globe the Negro should be recognised as a full member of the human
family and no longer as a human sub-species ... It led the Negro to
recognise his own values and above all to struggle resolutely to
liberate himself from the slavery in which the Whiteman holds him ...
Kimbangu was condemned to death so that the world might also have black
political leaders, black ministers, black governors, black scientists. His
 prophecy that "the White will become the Black and the Black will become
the White" has become a reality,1®4

Statements like these would have been taken by the colonial rdgirae in the
nervous pre-independence era as substantiating evidence in their accusations
that Kimbanguism was subversive and xenophobic, However, several hymns
insist that (whatever God for His part was choosing to bring about) the duty
of the Kimbanguist was to love and bless their oppressors. A hymn which
Heintze-Flad dates "1960 or before" alludes to the taking of Jericho by God's
ancient people of promise, and exhorts the Kimbanguist:

Surround the city today for the first time,

Do not lay a hand on anything;
By marching, and by the sound of the trumpet,
Leave room for God to act,
By flutes and by accordions, but not
by the sword which spills blood.
... one day it will come about.1

The recurring theme of vindication and rehabilitation of the Black continues

to the present day to be a powerful element in the overall Kimbanguist
perception of the Kimbangu event in history. With the r61e of the Prophet
and of his Church widening to embrace lands and conditions beyond the
confines of the BaKongo and Zaire, it is believed that his message is for all
the downtrodden whatever their country and whatever their colour. For, as in
the Old Testament, God's election privileges are designed not to breed
complacency but responsibility towards others. The year 1987 marked the
official centenary of the birth of the Prophet, and significantly the theme
chosen for the celebrations was "Liberation de l'homme opprimd", a theme
which will assist international acceptance of Kimbanguism, providing, as it
does, an echo to the liberation theology which once was particularly
associated with Latin America, but which increasingly (not least through the
publications and activities of the WCC) has been internationalized,

And yet, alongside the ecstasy and triumph is the pain. For the prophet was
arrested, tried and sentenced to death, and those who identify with him share
his rejection. Suffering (Lingala and Kikongo: 'mpasi') is a major theme in
the hymns, Kimbangu's own hardships the pattern and inspiration of those of

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his followers: "The apostle of Jesus was whipped, chained, harmed, carried off
,,, soldiers, hold fast, do not weaken".1®® The early Kimbangu ists, deported
up-river to be separated for decades from their own tribe and language1®7
were suffering not for crimes of theft, robbery, or insurrection, but for
faithfulness to God and his prophet:

For having preached the name of Christ, they weretaken afar,

exiled far from their country, put in chains,
For no other crime than having proclaimed the name of God,
put to death for no other crime than believing in Christ ies

Is it not the message of Jesus that we believed?

and the world has set about persecuting us,
Haven't we received our white masters? and the world is oppressing us.
We have loved our white masters, and we have become martyrs.1®3

Some of the early (1920s) hymns are moving in their pathos as calamity
follows calamity and hope is all but gone;

We suffer deeply here at our place; we become ill, our tears flow,
Come to our aid, Holy Spirit, come, come, come to help us!
Famine is raging amongst us; do not lead us into temptation!
Come to our aid; there are many conflicts in our country.170

The Whites are not imprisoned;

the enemy has taken away our staff (Kikongo: 'mvwala'=Kimbangu?)
All suffering comes upon us;
we are ill, tears are flowing ... 171

Illness, famine, ... but above all persecution and deportation. Asch estimates
that some 3,200 Kimbangu ists were deported172, but agrees that, in addition
to the men themselves, perhaps ten times that number of family members were
directly affected by thelse measures, bringing the figure quite close to the
official Kimbanguist number of 37,000.173

Many of the hymns are a response to the trials that surrounded them in
those days of bitterness. If one reaction was anger and hatred towards their
persecutors, there is little if any evidence of it in their hymns. It can be
argued that it would have been in their own interests to eliminate any such
hymns as they would be incriminatory evidence. It can also be argued that
anger does not normally express itself in song but in violent action, The
reports of the colonial administration would, however, tend to support the

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view that the Kimbangu ists reacted to their hardships in a Christian way, and
were notable for their Industry and obedience.174 Their chief recourse was
to prayer; "Even if suffering comes upon us, let us pray hard to God"17S, or
again, "When a conflict arrives, we resist through our prayers."17® Well
over half the hymns in Category A ("Godward") are hymns of petition, pleading
primarily for strength to persevere. A clear source of strength was the
knowledge that Jesus himself shared in their suffering. The empathetic
shared-experience of Kimbangu again made Christ's sympathy seem more real;

All our catechists have been deported because of the name of Jesus;
We shall do everything we can so that they will let us continue.
Jesus, come, help us; when we have to go to, the Haut-Congo (exile)
- Jesus, you were the first to go. We follow you.177

Over one third (37%) of all the hymns under analysis are of the Category B
("mutual") exhortation type. And of the many means of exhortation, calls to
perseverance and steadfastness in trial constitute the major one.

It is impossible to determine from the collections what the contemporary

perception of "suffering" (mpasi) has become. The Kimbanguist Church has
moved beyond the years of "clandestinite" and persecution, into the phase of
acceptability and even respectability, Indeed, to some extent the
Kimbangu ists and the Catholics have exchanged roles, with the Kimbangu ists
aligning themselves with the Mobutu rdgime17®, while the Catholics
(especially during the 1970s) sounded the voice of protest against some of
the practices of the administration, The K imbangu ists still sing the old
hymns about suffering, and new hymns on the same theme keep appearing, A
hymn dating from as recently as 1983 urges God to intervene as the
sufferings of the time of the Prophet continue down to the present day and
persecution by the "enemy" is unabated. But despite what the hymn claims,
times have changed for the Kimbanguist, and there has occurred a perceptual
shift within the familiar Kimbanguist vocabulary of suffering. While the
characteristic vocabulary of 'mpasi* (and its associated cluster of synonyms)
continues to constitute a part of Kimbanguist hymnology, the perceived
meaning of the terms adds to the "fossilized" historical meanings more
dynamic ones of the present day.

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These latter meanings of 'mpasi' are made more explicit in other, less poetic,
statements such as sermons and prayers, and, of course, in conversations.
From these, a picture emerges of 'mpasi' which relates less to persecution
and more to such realities as: the harsh economic conditions that make life
in modern-day ZaYre a daily struggle for survival; the seemingly universal
presence of illness173, together with its associated tragedies of death and
bereavement; and the insidious temptation to moral and social sins. The term
'mpasi1 is elastic enough to accommodate without strain all these
contemporary dimensions of suffering, and this illustrates once more the
flexibility of symbolic language, and why hymns provide such a resilient
means of expressing belief,

3. Hope realised and deferred (eschatology)

Kimbanguism shares with the rest of Christianity the tension between the
'already' and the 'not yet' which results from the Christ event. The Kingdom
is already at hand, yet its final 'denouement' is yet to be. As has already
been suggested, the Christ-event in Kimbanguist perception has been
reenacted in Zaire in the person of the Prophet Kimbangu, and there results
a sort of double eschatology in which the one overprints the other, but with
a slight shift.

Christian hymns through the centuries have found one of their richest themes
in the eschatalogical vision. Kimbanguist hymns likewise are full of imagery
and symbolism of the last days. The glorious return of Christ is imminent,
and because Kimbangu's mission was parallel to Christ's, Kimbanguists expect
that their Prophet will return with Christ:

Let us get ready to receive the Saviour; He is on the way,

Let us get ready to receive our Saviour; our Prophet arrives,130

Or again,

You who persist in pleasures, earthly pleasures are fleeting

Do you know the day of Jesus' return? The world will be judged.
Do you know the day of Tata Simon's return? The dead will rise.101

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 Jesus goes before us to prepare a place In the City of Glory,
Friend, get ready to follow the Saviour.
The promised Jerusalem is open, Jesus and His Prophet arrive.113:2

As befits the subject, apocalyptic language features prominently, although

many categories of biblical apocalyptic imagery in Revelation are absent (e.g.
dragon, adulterous woman, Babylon, plagues, etc.), In company with several
other independent African Churches133, it is the image of the celestial city
which is preferred. References abound to the "Yelusalemi" (Jerusalem),
"mbanza mpa" (new city), "mbanza zulu" (heavenly city), "mbanza veleia" (holy
city), and "mbanza ya nkembo" (city of glory). As in the case of
Christ/Kimbangu, so in the case of the New Jerusalem there is a double
dimension. The future heavenly, spiritual state is ’brought near' temporarily
and geographically. The birthplace of the prophet, Nkamba in Bas-ZaYre, is the
/
'locus terrestrj/' of the heavenly city. Already in 1962, Masson was writing:
/V
"la cite du Seigneur commence, il faut le croire, quelque part vers
1'embouchure du fleuve Congo"1 but the mystique around Nkamba can be
traced back to very early days. As early as April 4, 1922, (scarcely one year
after the start of Kimbangu's brief public ministry) the minutes of the
colonial District Council for Bas-Congo read:

At the end of 1922 the natives, including some from French Congo, start
coming again to Nkamba which they call Mbanza Jerusalem. They go to
pray before the hut of Simon Kimbangu. Thomas Nzoafunda tells them that
Simon Kimbangu will soon return and that the Whites will no longer come
to Nkamba because God has blocked their way.1eE

It was as Nsambu came in sight of Nkamba in 1956 that he "received" his

first hymn; "The New Jerusalem is ready" (see above, p.131). With its
mausoleum (Kimbangu's remains were brought from Shaba to Nkamba in March
1960), and its pool of holy water, Nkamba is the "holy place 'parexcellence'
for all Kimbanguists a sort of Mecca".133 Thrice-yearly communion
services are held there ever since April 6th, 1971, when the first
Kimbanguist communion was held, attended by a crowd said to number
350,000.is:r In 1981, to mark the 60th anniversary of Kimbangu's ministry,
the huge church was officially opened at Nkamba, reckoned to be the largest
of its kind in Africa, and claimed to have a seating capacity of 37,000
(symbolic numerically of those who were deported during the long years of
'clandestinit6*>. A collection of appropriate hymns was made for the occasion,
entitled; 'Nkungu mia programme ya ngiendolo ya ku Yelusalemi* (hymns for the
programme of the journey to Jerusalem).

Nkamba expresses for the Kimbanguist heaven on earth. It epitomizes the

realised escha to logical Kingdom. Of Nkamba the Kimbanguist would say what
the Eastern Orthodox would say of the ikons that fill his churches, that it
is a point of meeting between heaven and earth.1ee Heintze-Flad agrees by
saying of Nkamba; "It is, so to speak, the meeting place between the Church
Militant here below and the Church Triumphant in heaven"1es, and just as
"nothing impure will ever enter in" (Rev. 21:27), so those who go to Nkamba
on pilgrimage must be prepared toabandon the sins that cling to them;

In the Holy City ... in the presence of the Lord Jesus,

Leave behind your sins ... the Lord is calling you.
Friends, come on, ... Let us go to see the glory,
Leave behind your sins Yes, the door is open!
In the Holy City ... in thepresence of Mama Mwilu!
She is holy ... She is calling you.
In the Holy City ... in thepresence of Tata Simon!
He is holy ... he is calling you.
In the Holy City ... in the presence of the three Guides Cmvwala')
They are holy ... they are calling you,130

Kimbanguists would give differing answers if they were asked whether the
hymns which speak of the New Jerusalem are to be understood as referring to
Nkamba or to heaven. The question attempts to force from the symbol a
distinction it cannot readily accept or provide, as Masson notes; "Here the
spiritual dimension and the material dimension, the eternal dimension and the
temporal dimension meet and mix, as in almost all milleniarisms",131

Eschatological aspirations concern the present and the future. Chief among
these is the prayer for and hope of purity or holiness. The New Jerusalem is
holy itself and destined for the pure, as two of Nsambu's hymns reveal:

Pure City, Holy City, Pure City, Holy City,

The New City is ready,
Lord prepare me so that I arrive;
There I will shine with purity.133

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 Wash me, wash me
May I be purified, my God,
Wash me so that I am clean,
So that in You I can praise the Saviour,

Keep me, keep me,

Bring me to the holy country
Prepared by our Father,
So that in You I can praise the Saviour,1®3

The purity which characterizes the New Jerusalem and its citizens is God's to
give, yet the Kimbanguist can here and now have assurance of his eternal
destiny and can have his name "written in the book" by responding believingly
to God's action through His Prophet, and by expressing that response by
obeying God's commands and by openly belonging to the community which Christ
has set up through Simon Kimbangu and which is now led by the 'Chef
Spirituel' and his brothers;

I will shake the whole world. Friend, where will you be?
I will reveal heavenly things, I will come for the holy ones,
That they may rejoice in glory.

I will show my glory to your persecutors. Friend, what will you get?
Let us be obedient towards the 'Mvwala' (the 3 sons) and the
preachers.1

Great emphasis is laid on conformity to God's commands. Since an official

communique in 1985 at least, the Ten Commandments must be read at a given
point during the mid-week and the Sunday services, Article 10 of the
document declaring that the Ten Commandments given by God to Moses are
still binding. One of the large banners carried by the 'Bolingo ya '56' choir
in their march-past bears the inscription in Lingala; 'Whoever keeps the
whole law yet stumbles at just one point is guilty of breaking it all' (James
2 ;1 0 ).135

Another escha to logical expectation is that Kimbanguism will be the means of

bringing to an end the scandalous divisions of Christianity, Several
Kimbanguists in conversations enquired about differences between Catholics
and Protestants, and expressed disapproval about the dozens of denominations
or 'Communautds' in the Zairian Protestant Church. They spoke of the EJCSK as
being not only free of such divisions itself1s*®, but also uniquely placed to

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bring to an end the divisions of others. A hymn in French, sung in majestic
slowness as if heavy with portent, declares:

We are approaching the fulfilment;

We are approaching the reality;
We will be led ... by one Lord,
We will be gathered ... into one Church,
We will speak ... one language,19^

The EJCSK does not perceive itself as having added yet one more to the
already large number of Christian confessions, but rather as being the
divinely chosen means of bringing harmony and peace ('kimia') to religious
confusion and rivalry,

The Kimbanguist vision has, undoubtedly, its future dimension, but to a far
greater extent than other, 'mainline', churches its eschatology is realised.
The days of promise have come; the Holy City has descended. In language
reminiscent of Jesus' words to His disciples in Matthew 13:16-17, one hymn
proclaims:

This blessing promised to me by the Lord

should have been experienced by the prophets of old;
This news proclaimed to me by the Lord
should have been received by kings of former times.

Your eyes are blessed

which see the time promised by the Lord,
Have you believed? or are you still unbelieving?
everything will be fulfilled at this time.19®

For the Kimbanguist, the last days, even if they have not reached their final
apocalyptic climax, have certainly come.

Conclusion

While the EJCSK lives, worships, and works primarily in the oral dimension, as
it has from the beginning, its increasing exposure to the world of literary
expression comes both from within and from without. There is, within the
Kimbanguist Church itself, a determination to articulate its potential

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contribution to the worldwide Christian Church, Its leadership is becoming
increasingly travelled1" , both attending conferences in other parts of the
world, and hosting important gatherings in Kinshasa. Its list of books and
articles for international readership is growing. The numbers of
dissertations and theses produced at the Kimbanguist Faculty of Theology
steadily mounts, Meanwhile, from outside, an increasing number of academic
research articles focus international attention upon one or other area of
Kimbanguist thought and life.

Whether the resultant imposition of literary analytical precision will

influence certain areas of plurality which at present are happily
accommodated by the flexibility of orality, remains to be seen. It may be
that the interpenetration of the two will be kept at a minimum by the
language factor, with orality expressing itself primarily in Kikongo and
Lingala, while French and English remain the languages of literary thought.
What seems clear is that the reality of majority beliefs and behaviour is
expressed more truly in the oral than in the literary domain.

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 References

1. W.A,Graham, in Richard C. Martin Ced.), Approaches to Islam in Religious

Studies. Univ. of Arizona Press, 1985, quoted in the section on 'The Quran as
Spoken Word: an Islamic contribution to the understanding of Scripture', p,27.
I owe this quotation to Fuad Nahdi, in a paper presented to SO AS MA Seminar,
London, 26th November, 1985.

2. According to W.J.Ong, of the some 3000 languages currently spoken in the

world, only 78 have a literature. W.J.Ong, Orality and Literacy: the
techno log izing of the word. Methuen, London and New York, 1982, p.7,

3. Ong points out that technological advances have, in radio and television,
brought about an age of "second orality" in the literate world. W.J.Ong, op
cit, p.3.

4. J.Mbiti, 'The Biblical Basis in Present Trends of African Theology', in

Bulletin de Thdologie Afrlcaine. Vol.l, No.l, 1979, p.12.

5. S.Asch, L'Eglise du Proph&te Kimbangu: ses origines, A son r61e actuel au

Zaire, Editions Karthala, Paris, 1983, p,9 and 326,

6 . Diangienda Kuntima, L 'Histo ire du Kimbangu isme. Editions Kimbangu istes,

Kinshasa, 1984, p.9.

7. ibid, p.9

8 . S. Asch, op cit, Annexe 5, pp,327ff,

9. ibid, Ftg.4, p,331. It is not clear from the figure at what point Asch
places the dividing line dividing the "lettrds" and "intellectuels"; I have
taken it to be between primary and secondary school.

10. eg. Diangienda K, op cit; Bena-Silu, Simon Kimbangu libdre et rdhabllite la

race noire. Editions Kimbangu istes, Kinshasa, 1981; Luntadila L., Kimbangu isme.
un rayon d'espoir. Editions CEDI, Kinshasa, 1974,

11. cf. Bena-Silu, op cit., p,26-27.

12. Diangienda, op cit, p.17, states that Kimbangu was born on September
12th, 1887. This is now the officially accepted birth date within the
Kimbanguist Church, and the centenary celebrated in 1987 has served to
establish it further. However, the alternative date of September 24th, 1889
is to be found in Luntadila (Liberation et ddvdloppement du kimbangu isme.
1921 - 1960. Kinshasa, 1971 p.12, and G.Balandier, Soclologie actuelle de
l'Afrlque noire. P.U.F., Paris, 1955. Cf. W. Ostorf, Afrlcanische Initiative: das
aktive Leiden des Propheten Simon Kimbangu. Herbert Lang, Bern and Frankfurt,
1975. Ustorf includes a 30-page chronological summary of Kimbanguist
origins, tabulating sources; he cites the Sept.1889 date of Kimbangu's birth
on p.105. Photo posters picturing the Prophet as the founder of the EJCSK
are still to be seen with the dates: 1889-1951, Several earlier 'Faculty de
Th£ologie Kimbangu iste' theses and dissertations, presumably following

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Luntadila, have the 1889 date, eg. Nzinga Mansoni 'La vocation du Proph&te
Simon Kimbangu, A la lumi&re de la Bible et de 1'histo ire.' FTK, 1977, p.28.

13. The details of Kimbangu's training andearly ministry are subject to

differing opinions. Diangienda writes that Kimbangu was appointed catechist,
and quotes in his support the Catholic Van Wing, Diangienda, op cit, p.18,
Others, eg, J.M.Tombu, insist that Kimbangu was disappointed never to have
been made a catechist: Diangienda, op cit, p.18 n.14.

14. D.J.McKay, 'Simon Kimbangu and the BMS Tradition', in Journal of Religion
in Africa. Vol.17, No.2, 1987, p.124. Cf. also McKay's 'The Once and Future
Kingdom, Kongo models of renewal in the church at Ngombe Lutete and in the
Kimbanguist Movement', PhD, Aberdeen, 1986.

15. S.Asch, op cit, p.19.

16. ibid, p.19. The significance of this does not escape Kimbanguist writers
either, cf. Nzinga Mansoni, op cit, p,27: "Les missionnaires ne gudrissaient
plus les malades ..."

17. Diangienda, op cit, p.22.

18. S.Asch, op cit, p.21; but cf. also the question asked of Kimbangu at his
trial (September, 1921) by De Rossi: "Lors de votre sdjour aux Huileries du
Congo beige, vous etiez en contact, selon des renseignements en ma
possession, avec des groupes subversifs noirs amdricains, notamment avec
Garvey, Qu'en dites-vous?" in Diangienda, op cit, p.98, Kimbangu categorically
denied the charge,

19. Detailed accounts of this incident are given in P.Raymaekers, His to ire de
Simon Kimbangu, Prophete. d'apres les dcrivains Nfinangani et Nzungu. 1921.
BOPR, (Kinshasa, 1971), purportedly recounted by Kimbangu himself, pp,27-28;
and Diangienda, op cit, pp,29-30, W.Ustorf, op cit, p.110, demonstrates that
an early tradition which dates this incident between March 13-18, 1921, is
substantially corroborated by the few available references in contemporary
missionary reports.

20. Since 1971, April 6th is marked by the celebration of Holy Communion
(Eucharist). The other two dates for Communion are October 12th (death of
Kimbangu) and December 25th (Christmas),

21. Contemporary admin istrational despatches include: "Les plantations et

dlevages de Kitobola connaissent des desertions en masse: 150 travailleurs
sur 200 ont quittd le travail." Lettre 360 du 30.5.1921 de A.T.. Thvsville,
and: "Plus de la moitie de la population de son territoire est alld voir le
proph&te de Nkamba, Actuellement c'est le tour des indigenes du Congo
franqais. Tous y portent leurs grands ma lades." Lettre 113 du 31.5.1921. A.T..
Luozi, Both quotations from R.B.Mithridate: His to ire de 1'Apparition de Simon
Kimbangu. Tome I, Kinshasa, Editions Notre Kongo Dieto, R.D.C., stencilled,
undated,

22. For excerpts of colonial reports expressing fears, see Asch, op cit, p.22.

23. Diangienda, op cit, pp,18 and 66 n.30.

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24. ibid, pp,56-57, The Jesuit press was often scathing; "Ce prAtendu prophAte
noir, cet agitateur rAvolutionnaire, qui expie maintenant ses mAfaits par
la prison A perpAtuitA," Missions Beiges de la Compagnie de JAsus. Vol.25,
1923, p.50.

25. Diangienda, op cit, pp.43-47, The more sympathetic attitude of most

Protestant missionairies towards the emergent Kimbanguist movement was seen
by some Catholics to be but further evidence of Protestant doctrinal
disarray; "AuprAs des missionnaires catholiques la doctrine de Kimbangu ne
pouvait trouver de sympathie, elle s'opposait si grossiArement A l'oeuvre et
au travail apostoliques de ses prAtres que dAs le dAbut elle rencontra chez
eux une opposition intransigeante et acharnAe ... Du cAtA protestant, la
situation fut tout autre. Ce mouvement religieux qui prenait une si grande
importance pourrait peut-Atre se rApandre pour le bien de leur religion. Le
protestant isme, par son principe mAme admettait des interprA tat ions laxistes,
des compromis plus ou moins rAguliers, et permettait par quelques
concessions habiles de cap ter et de diriger la source nouvelle de ferveur
religieuse ... ", Missions Beiges de la Compagnie de JAsus. op cit, p,52.

26. J.ChomA, La passion de Simon Kimbangu, PrAsence Africaine, Brussels, 1959.

27. Diangienda, op cit, p.l04ff,

28. The secret "kidouma" alphabet is given in S.Asch, op cit, p.36,

29. The Kimbangu ists no doubt resented not only Mpadi's pagan is tic
tendencies, but also his rival istic religious and political pretensions, of
which one African author wrote: "Mpadi prit conscience du r61e qu'il Atait
appelA’ a jouer: diriger "L'Eglise des Noirs" et libArer les Congo lais du joug
colonial, Au cours d'une tres grande assemblAe tenue dans le territoire de
Madimba, Simon-Pierre Mpadi fut dAsignA A 1'unanimitA comme le "Messie Noir",
successeur digne et lAgitime du ProphAte Kimbangu alors incarcArA A la
prison d'Elizabethville." Mbasani Mbambi, L'implantation de 1'ArmAe du Salut au
Congo Beige et au Congo Franqais. Kinshasa, undated. pp,8ff,

30. According to M-L.Martin, Kimbangu saw his youngest son during his prison
years and appointed him as the spiritual leader, with his two brothers
intimately assisting him. (Conversation with M-L.Martin at Lutendele, 21st
Feb, 1987),

31. The historicity of the event at the Baudouin Stadium is questioned by

F.Bontinck on the grounds that the Stadium belonged to the Catholics, and its
use was carefully controlled. It would have been inconceivable for permission
to have been granted for a potentially violent incident involving
Kimbanguists. (Conversation with F.Bontinck, 2nd Feb, 1987, Scholasticat
P.Kongolo, Kinshasa)

32. "C'est A partir du moment ou 1'EJCSK, sous la direction de Joseph

Diangienda, s'engage dans des nAgociations avec 1'administration coloniale en
vue d'obtenir un statut lAgal, qui mettrait un terme aux persAcutions 'pour
cause de kimbangu isme' que le contenu idAologique du kimbanguisme officlel
est fortement modifiA". S.Asch, op cit, p.129,

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33. "Face a l'administration colonlale, l'EJCSK s'est dAclarAe apolitique, ce
qui lui a permis d'obtenir sa reconnaissance officielle, L'EJCSK a, par la
suite, obtenu son admission au COE au prix d'un rAformisme favorable au
protestant isme international. Enfin, le conservat isme de sa politique vis-A~
vis de l'Etat mobutiste a rendu possible l'obtent ion d'un rang de troisiAme
force religieuse parmi les institutions nationales officielles." S.Asch,
'Contradictions internes d'une institution religieuse', in Archives de Sciences
Sociales des Religions. No.52 26 (1) (1981), p.103,

34. Bena-Silu reported a long session with Asch at Bongolo when she
revisited Kinshasa, during which he systematically refuted various details of
her book. He also produced a 55-page mimeographed critique of Asch's book, 'A
propos de "L'Eglise du ProphAte Kimbangu" de Susan Asch, Editions Karthala,
1984. Illustration de falsification de l'histoire et des prAjugAs', (Direction
internationale de l'Eglise Kimbanguiste, Kinshasa, 1984). He personally
delivered or sent it to libraries in Europe which had received Asch's book.
The critique quotes and refutes 150 of Asch's "affirmations", (Conversation
with Bena-Silu, 26th Feb, 1987, Bongolo).

35. All three of these documents were originally issued separately, buthave
been included together in Diangienda's His to ire, op cit, pp .254-307,

36. W.J.Hollenweger, 'The 'What' and the 'How': Content and communication of
the one message', in Expository Times. Vol.8 6 , No.12, Sept,1975, p,357,

37. A Droogers, 'Kimbanguism at the grass roots; beliefs in a local

Kimbanguist Church', in Journal of Religion in Africa. Vol.ll, No.3, 1980,
pp.188-211. Although his field research concerned the situation in Kisangani
back in the 1960s and 1970s, it could equally describe the present popular
religious situation of Kimbanguism inKinshasa.

38. eg.: J.Dubois and A.Gourbin, 'A propos de "L'essence de la theologie

kimbanguiste', in Telema. 3:19 (1979) p.50.
W.Beguin and M-L. Martin, 'Study report on the EJCSK, its present
situation and its ecumenical relations', unpublished, 1968.
P.Raymaekers, in Zaire, 13,7, (1959), pp.675-756.
W.Heintze-Flad, L'Eglise kimbanguiste. une Aglise qui chante et qui
prie. Interuniversitair Instituut voor Missiologie en Oecumenica, (Leiden,
1978), p.2 and passim.
Biblical scholars have long insisted that the New Testament writers
incorporated portions of early Christian hymns, for example: John 1:1-18,
Phil,2:6-il, and Col.l;15-20. Von Allmen makes much of these hymns to argue
that poets contributed to the shaping of Christian belief in the early Church
before the theologians. D. Von Allmen, 'Pour une thAologie grAcque?', in
Flambeau, February, 1970, No.25, pp.2-34. The article has had several
important reprints and stimulated much debate.

39. The story can be found, for instance, in Nsambu T., 'ExposA sur le mobile
des chants kimbangu istes', stencilled document, dated: 6,10.1981, Kinshasa.

40. In 1948, Mama Mikala Mandombe, one of Kimbangu's contemporaries, received

a hymn while she was in internal exile at Lowa, Mama Mikala, now very aged,
is held in high esteem by the Kimbangu Ists.

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41. Pastor Nsambu Twasilwa (formerly Nsambu Andr6 ), the current Director of
the ’Bureau des Chants Kimbanguistes' in Kinshasa, was born in 1926 near
Mbanza-Ngungu in Bas-ZaYre.

42. Nsambu T,, typed autobiographical notes, handed to the author, Kinshasa,
February 1987, p.2.

43. Figure from statistics sheet, 'Bureau des Chants Kimbanguistes’, Kinshasa,
27,03.1987,

44. When asked about the widespread belief that missionaries deliberately
withe Id from the Africans part of God's truth and power, Pastor Nsambu
quoted as proof Hymn 748 in Minkungu mla Kintwadi (Uppsala, 1947)*, "The half
has not been told", a devotional hymn well-known in some Protestant circles
in the West, referring to the unimaginable delights of Heaven, but understood
by some Africans to be an unguarded admission by missionaries of their
duplicity.

45. Independent confirmation of this came in a letter from Rev. A.S.Cox (1st
Jan.1987); "It was some time between the years 1954 - 57 while I was serving
with the BMS at Kimpese in the Lower Congo that the Rev.H.Casebow of Ngombe
Lutete arranged for Lucien Fwasi to come for a few days to Kimpese in order
that I might transcribe some of his hymn-tunes, with a view to putting some
of them into the new edition of the hymn-book NKUNGA MIA KINTWADI, Fwasi
was introduced to the student population in an assembly in the Church, and
he spent a most enjoyable time singing and teaching his hymns. Thirteen of
his hymns found their way into the hymn-book ,,. There are two unusual
moments in these hymns, a) In'no.9 there are words which are intended to be
said in between two sung verses. The meaning is a little obscure, and seems
to point to a "special revelation" to the composer. I remember Fwasi
repeating these words very clearly. ICox givesa translation of the words to
be spoken: "That night I was in the holy place ofGod; I saw the Saviour, He
showed me the first miracle; he came to me in the time of coming near, he
came to me to save me from evil," K.G.M.l b) After the third line of the
refrain of no,27 Fwasi insisted on three beatsof complete silence, - to
drive home the meaning of the words, he said." Ina PS, Cox adds inhis
letter: "I have a note from the Rev, Casebow against (one hymn) saying that
the words could be used in an anti-white crusade, so he advised against
using it "at this juncture", “

46. There exist at the 'Bureau' no fewer than 10 of these reel-to-reel tapes,
recorded by Fwasi on both sides. For each of the many hymns, Fwasi sings the
four parts one after the other, with apparently no hesitation or uncertainty.

47. Biographical details recounted by Pastor Nsambu and by Pastor Mfoko

Ndombala, Fwasi's nephew. Conversations at Bongolo, Kinshasa, 13th Feb, 1987.
There are several photos of Fwasi in the 'Bureau', one or two of them taken
towards the end of his life, showing Fwasi as an emaciated and obviously
terminally ill man,

48. Since 1972, retreats have been a feature of the EJCSK, and not only in
Kinshasa. The retreats last typically about four days, for much of which
fasting will be practised, The time is taken up with personal and group
prayer, public confession of sin, Bible study, and meditation. The retreats

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are definitely not recreational but rather concentrated spiritual exercise
for those who are serious about their spirituality, Cit. Nziama (translation
assistant for the Kimbanguist hymns) confided that he had been on one
retreat but had found it almost too demanding and probably would not go on
one again. (Conversation, Bongolo, Kinshasa, Feb, 1987).

49. Conversation with Cit, Mabika Masala, Bongolo, Kinshasa, 13th Feb, 1987.

50. Conversation with Cit, Ndungidi Mfumu a Tezo, Kinshasa, 13th Feb, 1987.

51. Conversation with Cit, Nsinsani, 'Chef de Protocole', Kinshasa, 17th Feb,
1987,

52. Wono Kwemba Tshihuisa, 'La theologie kimbanguiste dans les chants capt6 s
en 1921', MAmoire de fin d'etudes, Faculte de Th&ologie Kimbanguiste,
Lutendele, Kinshasa, 1982, p.9. The "theological themes" selected for
treatment by Wono are; victory, liberation, kingdom, and love,

53. Tshibola Dibeya Mudiulay, 'Esquisse d'une theologie kimbanguiste autour

des cantiques captAs entre 1956 et I960', Memo ire de fin d'etudes, Faculty de
Theologie Kimbanguiste, Lutendele, Kinshasa, 1982, p.l3ff, While providing a
little new information, neither this dissertation nor that of Wono (see note
52) were as useful as their titles might suggest. It is beyond the scope
of this chapter (and the competence of the author) to comment much on the
musical aspects of Kimbanguist hymns. The most striking feature of the hymns
is that they seldom share the pronounced rhythm of "typically African" music.
Body-swaying or foot-tapping, even during the liveliest of songs, was
conspicuous by its absence. Commenting on Fwasi's hymns, missionary-
musicologist A.S.Cox states: "(His) melodies have not very much of the African
folk-tune about them. They are nearer to negro-spirituals. The most typically
African characteristic is the use of solo and response (also founc^ in negro-
spirituals). There are very occasionally little twists of rhythm which are
nearer to jazz. Otherwise, many of the tunes would not be out of place in a
book of European or American "spiritual songs", They are not completely
pentatonic, but there is certainly no trace of modulation or chromaticism,"
(Letter from A.S.Cox, 1.1,87). Another characteristic of present-day
Kimbanguist hymn-singing is the whole-hearted adoption of unaccompanied
well-executed four-part rendition (soprano, alto, baritone, bass), which gives
Kimbanguist singing a recognisable (but again rather "unafrican") style . In
a circular letter to all choirs in 1981, Nsambu sought to dispel opposition
to this standardization by stating: "En egard A l'Apanouissement des
activites de l'Eglise a travers le monde, nous avons 6 t6 amends d'adapter la
m^lodie repondant aux principes de chanter. Cette adaptation a suscitA pas
mal de mdcontentements (sic) de la part de certains groupes des Dirigeants
qui oublient que l’Eglise doit evoluer au lieu de res ter au m£me niveau.
Gr&ce A la comprehension et la clairvoyance de Notre Chef Spirituel nous
avons pu quand m£me surmonter ces difficultes et actuellement la situation
s'am61iore malgre l'opposition de certains irresponsables qui n'ont rien avoir
avec les activites de notre D6 partement." Letter by Nsambu T., ’Dlrecteur
General des Chants', 'Expose sur le mobile des chants kimbanguistes', 6 th Oct.,
1981, p.4., (copy given to author),

54. "II ne faut pas oublier que ces chants sont "captds" par des chrdtiens
sans formation particuli&re, souvent des cultivateurs, parfois des enfants,

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qui ne sont pas census connaitre les fondements de la theologie AvangAlique
... Et surtout, ces chants inspires par le Saint Esprit A nous les Noirs, sont
la manifestation Aclatante que JAsus-Christ est rAellement notre unique
Sauveur et Seigneur A nous les Africa ins par 1'intermedia ire du m in 1stAre de
notre Papa Simon Kimbangu, ouvertement et avec puissance ... " Tshibola D.M.,
op cit, p.!3ff.

55. Kadi Bingana, 'La confession dans l'Eglise kimbanguiste', MAmoire de fin
d'Atudes, FacultA de ThAologie Kimbanguiste, <1976) p.4-6.

56. Examples of rejected hymns include;

a) a 1959 hymn, Nzambe utuvene nsambu. rejected on account of its
constantly recurring refrain of meaningless gibberish: Faria, faria do!,
b) one from 1973, Zimpangi zeti banza Kinshasa zulu dio. which
refers to Kinshasa as heaven.
c) a 1985 Christmas hymn, E mbandu'evl ku Betelemi. which reads: "Let
us now go to Bethlehem to adore the new-born Jesus, let us adore the new­
born Tata Mbuta (Kisolokele), let us adore the new-born Tata Mfumu a Mbanza
(Kiangani), let us adore the new-born Tata Mfumu a Nlongo (Diangienda)."
d) an undated hymn, Mfumu Yisu mu kwiza kena. which reads: "The Lord
Jesus is coming again to proclaim a competition, Ah! an exam! Ah! an exam!",
in which the terminology was deemed to be inappropriate,

57. The term is used in Tshibola, op cit, p.12,

58. The removal of shoes in deference to Exodus 3:5 marks not only choir
rehearsals, but all Kimbanguist meetings.

59. Many of the choir groups rehearse in different corners of the 'Centre
d'Accueil' where I was staying during my three weeks with the EJCSK. The
bounds of the 'Centre* are extensive enough (equivalent to perhaps six
football pitches) for half a dozen or more choirs to sing out of doors
without disturbing each other, I was able to observe their rehearsals
'incognito' from within my rooms, or as I walked around the grounds. Often my
presence was apparently unnoticed; it was clear that their manner of
rehearsing was not affected by my being at the 'Centre'. Some groups
continued rehearsing into the night, before dispersing and returning
considerable distances home.

60. Although accurate counting was quite impossible, the number was
estimated by counting those in each Sunday's march-past (approx. 2,750) and
reckoning that for every one marcher there were perhaps five who did not
march. (Central meetings attended on 8 th, 15th, and 22nd Feb, 1987).

61. Expressive of the increasing centralization and standardization of the

EJCSK, the liturgy for both weekday and Sunday services follows the
stipulations laid down in a duplicated document in the name of the 'Chef
Spirituel', Diangienda: 'Nouvelle disposition relative au programme cultuel
pour l'encadrement spirituel des fideles', Nkamba/JArusalem, 29.04.1985,

62. The four sermons heard during the month of February, 1987, followed a
somewhat similar pattern in which a text was read, briefly commented upon
and then expounded so as to find their fulfilment or parallel within the
Kimbangu 'event';

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 1, 8 th Feb, 1987, Kimbanseke. Zechariah 3:1-5. Joshua opposed by Satan.
Present-day opposition to the 'Chef Spirituel', Whereas in former days God's
power was at work to raise the dead, now it is diminished because of
factional strife within the EJCSK, (Exhortation to submit wholeheartedly).
2, 12th Feb, 1987, Matete. (On the occasion of Kisolokele's birthday) Luke
2:1-20. Birth of Jesus in the obscure village of Bethlehem, Just as many had
no idea of who Jesus was, so it was on 12th Feb, 1914, when 'Sa Grandeur'
Kisolokele was born. Many still do not realise who he is.
3, 15th Feb, 1987, 'Centre d'Accueil', (Young woman pastor, Director of
Retreats, She preached clearly and unselfconsciously.) Genesis 2 - 3 . Adam
and Eve were expelled from the presence of God because of their sin. Today
many of us are separated from the three "Tatas" (sons of Kimbangu) by our
hidden sins, The only solution is to repent and become obedient,
4, 27th Feb, 1987, 'Centre d'Accueil', Luke 10 (parable of the Good
Samaritan), Brief review of the story. We, too, were mistreated, beaten,
relegated, left for dead, God sent His Son. He was shamefully treated and
returned to Heaven but He did not give up, He sent us the Comforter, Simon
Kimbangu, who rescued us,

63. Remark made by a choir leader at the 'nsinsani' 8 th Feb, 1987, Kimbanseke.

64. Determined to take part in the 'nsinsani' marching but unused to the
system of making multiple small offerings, I had to withdraw as other
marchers, observing my embarrassment in having no more to cast in the bucket
after the first circuit, started passing their money to me so that X should
have something to offer. (22nd Feb, 1987).

65. Major 'nsinsanis' were held at all three of the Sunday services at which
I was present, and smaller 'nsinsanis' took place at each of the special
evening choir receptions in different parts of the town.

6 6 . S.Boka and P.Raymaekers, 250 Chants de 1'Eglise de JAsus-Christ sur la

Terre par le Prophete Simon Kimbangu. (EJCSK). I PremlAre Serie: 85 chants de
Nsambu Andre, Institut de Recherches Economiques et Sociales, University
Lovanium, Leopoldville, 1960,

67. W.Heintze-Flad, L'Eglise kimbanguiste. une Agllse qui chante et qui prie.
(Les "chants captes" kimbanguistes, expression authentique de la foi de
l'Afrique), Interuniversitair Instituut voor Missiologie en Oecumenica, Leiden,
1978, Pastor Heintze-Flad served for several years as teacher at the
Kimbanguist Faculty of Theology, Lutendele, Kinshasa; his commentary is
sympathetic and non-critical,

6 8 . Field Research methodology. Most of the three weeks of February 7 - 2 7 ,

1987, were spent in the 'Bureau des Chants Kimbanguistes' at the Bongolo
administrational headquarters in Kinshasa, about 30 minutes walk from the
'Centre d'Accueil'. Pastor Nsambu Twasilwa, Director of the 'Bureau' gave
unstintingly of his time and assistance, In addition to the help in
translation of hymns given by Cit. Nziama, the 'Departement des Chants' laid
on a carefully organized programme of evening visits to different parishes
in Kinshasa, including Kintambo, Bongolo, Matete, Ngiri-Ngiri, Lutendele, and
Kimbanseke. At each of these, local choirs presented a programme of
introductions, speeches, and singing. On several occasions there were
opportunities for 'sceances de travail' (work-shops) In order to learn about

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the inner workings of the different parts of the 'DApartement'. There were
also two 'soirAes musicales' at the 'Centre d'Accueil', Zone Kasavubu, at which
choirs from all over Kinshasa sang, These activities afforded opportunities
to record, observe, hear, and experience the Kimbanguist sing. Almost
inevitably there was someone present to translate the Kikongo hymns when
requested.
Residence in one of the 36 'studios' at the Kimbanguist 'Centre d'Accueil'
permitted daily contact with Kimbanguists who shared their beliefs and
answered questions without any reticence. Innumerable conversations, mainly
in Lingala and French, but also in Swahili, supplemented the information
gleaned from the hymns, while participation at Sunday and other services set
the hymns in their intended liturgical context. Without the generosity and
openness of my Kimbanguist hosts, the field research would largely have
failed.

69. R.Finnegan, Oral Literature In Africa. Clarendon Press, (Oxford, 1970),

pp.184-185,

70. G.C.Oosthuizen, The Theology of a South African Messiah. E.J.Brill,

(Leiden/K81n, 1967).

71. eg, on p,306 of his book Zulu Zion and Some Swazi Zionists. Oxford
University Press (1976). In his acidic criticism of Oosthuizen, Sundkler seems
to have overlooked the fact that he himself had to adjust his own earlier
perspective from that of an 'outsider' to that of the Swazis themselves; a
shift which he justifies in ch.9 "An Interpretation", op cit, pp.304ff.

72. B. Sundkler, op cit, p.186,

73. ibid, p.190.

74. W.J.Ong, op cit, ch.3, 'Some psychodynamics of orality', pp,31ff.

75. ibid, p.40,

76. ibid, p.41.

77. ibid, p,42,

78. ibid, p.45.

79. We 11-loved English hymns are commonly granted a certain poetic licence:
for one example among many, Charles Wesley's expression of the Incarnation
would go further in the direction of the 'kenosis' than most orthodox
theologians would wish, when he writes that Christ "emptied Himself of all
but love ,,,"

80. At many of the evening visits to choirs referred to in note 68 (above),

joyful Christmas hymns -were sung, for no other reason than because they
captured best a mood of happiness. Seven out of eight hymns sung on the
occasion of the birthday of Kisolokele (12.2.1987) were Christmas carols,

81. From the Kikongo hymn: Nzambl a mpungu totondanga. Nsambu T., (1957)

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82, From the Kikongo hymn; Amakesa ma ndungldi. Mukoko J., 1921.

83. From theKikongo hymn: Nzambi mvangl a zulu ye ntoto. Nsambu T,, n.d.

84-. cf. McKay's PhD thesis, op cit, which explores the historical and
theological background of the Kimbanguist movement,

85. S.Asch, op cit, pp,155ff.

8 6 . A, Droogers, op cit, p.192.

87. From the Kikongo hymn: Nsi va mpa vltusa kubikilua. Nsambu T,, n.d.

8 8 . From the Kikongo hymn: Nzambi mvangi a zulu ye ntoto. Nsambu T,, n.d.

89. From the Kikongo hymn: Nsangu za Yisu zimuangane. Nsambu T,, n.d,

90. From the Kikongo hymn: Butwamana tambula Yisu Mwana Nzambi, Nsambu T,,
1956.

91. From theKikongo hymn: Mambu ma Yisu. Nsambu T,, n.d.

92. From the Kikongo hymn: Lu bantwenia. lwlza makutakanla. Nsambu T., n.d,

93. From the Kikongo hymn: Matondo kwa ngeye. Nzambi*ame. Nsambu T,, n.d,

94. From theKikongo hymn: Q Mfumu watu zola. Nsambu T., 1956,

95. From the Kikongo hymn; Zinzila zama zulu zizibuka. n.d,

96. From the Kikongo hymn: E ngeye nkundi bu weti landa nkembo. 1958

97. From theKikongo hymn; Tukubama muna Mvuluzi, Kunzika P., 1957

98. From the Kikongo hymn: Ntumwa Mfumu wafwa vava nza. Luzolo P., 1957

99. See note 26, above. It is difficult to know to what extent if any
Chome's book has directly influenced Kimbanguist theology. The hymn above
(note 98) predates Chome's book. The notion that the sufferings of Kimbangu
were "for us" comes repeatedly in hymns. In conversation, one Kimbanguist
distinguished, however, between the atoning sufferings of Christ for sins,
and the liberating sufferings of Kimbangu.

100. Conversation with F. Bontinck, Kinshasa, 2nd Feb, 1987, and with
Professor J.Stengers, London, 27th April, 1987.

101. Diangienda, op cit, p.ll. n.l.

102. From the Kikongo hymn: Kembela! Tukembela. Nsambu T,, 1957,

103. W.MacGaffey, Modern Kongo Prophets. Indiana University Press, (1983), p.

140.

104. From the Kikongo hymn: Q Ngunz'a Nzambi ifulukidlngi. Luzolo P., 1957.

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105. In his Dip.Th, dissertation, Mfinda Luhunakio lists five Old Testament
categories of intercessors (patriarchs, kings, prophets, priests, and angels),
and five New Testament categories (Christ, the Holy Spirit, apostles,
Christians, and saints (sic)). It is the category of 'saint' which particularly
interests Mfinda, who finds a parallel between the Roman Catholic doctrine of
the mediation of the saints and the Kimbanguist/Bantu conception of the
ancestors. Using BAnAzet Bujo's article ’N os a n c § tre s , ces s a in t s in c o n n u s ’
(BTA, 1:2 (1979) pp.105-179) in his support, Mfinda argues that those
ancestors particularly who were heroic and virtuous and who were "in Christ"
and remain close to Him, are our intercessors before Christ. 'La thAologie de
l'intercession dans l'Eglise kimbanguiste', MAmoire de fin d'Atudes, FacultA de
ThAologie Kimbanguiste, Kinshasa, 1982. cf, Conversation with a choir member,
Kinshasa, 11th Feb, 1987: "If I need forgiveness I will of course go to
Christ who suffered for my sins. But I will go th ro u g h th e P ro p h e t Simon
Kimbangu . It is true that Christ suffered so that we could come direct to
God, but (gesturing towards the impressive, walled 'RAsidence' within the
'Centre d’Accueil') I can't just march straight in there with my problem. I
must explain my problem to the guard at the gate, who would make sure it
reached the important person inside the 'RAsidence'",

106. Dialungana Kiangani, Biuvu ye Mvutu. (Catechism in Kikongo, Lingala, and

French), 31 juillet, 1970, Nkamba-JArusalem, p.22: "De quel contemporain est
Papa Simon Kimbangu? Papa Kimbangu a exist A avec DIeu dAs le commencement.
(Jean 1:1-2)" (Question; Whose contemporary is Papa Simon Kimbangu? Answer:
Papa Kimbangu existed with God from the beginning.)

107. G.C.Oosthuizen, op cit, p.56,

108. Diangienda, op cit, p.96. The author in a foot-note quotes his source as
being "Document Secret No.885, folio No.4/A du Conseil de Guerre" found in
the 'Archives co Ionia les beiges' one month after Independence in July, I960,
but surmises that the larger part of the record of the trial was taken from
Congo by the departing colonial authorities.

109. "IIs ne prient pas Simon Kimbangu; ils prient Dieu. Kimbangu est un
envoyA de Dieu." Lettre 937 du 3,1.1924 de A.T. Thysville, from His to ire de
l'apparition de Simon Kimbangu. Tome I (1921-1940), Kinshasa, Editions "Notre
Kongo Die to", R.D.C., undated, duplicated papers.

110. "Simon Kimbangu n'est pas A la place du Christ ... Simon Kimbangu n'est
pas done un messie noir qui ouvre la porte des cieux (comme par exemple I.
Shembe au Zululand) mais plutot le doigt de Jean-Baptiste pointA vers
l'agneau de Dieu qui Ate le pechA du monde." M-L. Martin, Appendice B, E s s a i
d 'in t e r p r e t a t io n th & o lo g iq u e de la v ie e t de re n s e ig n e m e n t de l ’E g lis e de
J & s u s -C h ris t s u r la te r r e p a r le P roph& te Simon Kimbangu, in ActualitA du
Kimbanguisme. Le monde non-chrAtien. 1968, p,33.

111. G.C.Oosthuizen, op cit, Appendix, pp,157ff.

112. B.G.Sundkler, Zulu Zion, op cit, p.310ff.

113. T.Ware, The Orthodox Church. Penguin, (Harmondsworth, 1963), pp.40, 214.

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114. From the Kikongo hymn; Nsi va mpa vitua kublkilwa. The expression
"visible sign" translates the Kikongo; 'dimbu kiamona meso'.

115. From the Kikongo hymn: Bonokono a zola kwa Nzambi mu bantu vava nza.
Nsambu T., n.d. ('bonokono* has been translated 'reflection', Fr. 'rAflet')

116. see note 90, above.

117. Translated from Kikongo in Boka and Raymaekers, op cit, JAsus est le
thaumaturge magnifique. p. 38. The expression in Kikongo is: 'Nsongi waunene
wa bimangu*.

118. From the Kikongo hymn: Nsangu za Yisu zlmwangana. Nsambu T., n.d.

119. From the Kikongo hymn: Mu ntemo'e zulu fwete diatila. Fwasi L., 1959.

120. The ikon can be understood as a window between the viewer and the
ultimate object to be perceived. The viewer can either focus his eye on the
window, or through the window on that which the window discloses, cf. George
Herbert's hymn: "The man that looks on glass/ on it may stay his eye/ or if
he pleases through it pass/ and then the heaven espy,"

121. D.McKay, PhD, thesis, op cit, p.345.

122. 'Nsinsani' service, 'Centre d'Accueil', 15th Feb, 1937,

123. Diangienda, op cit, p,307,

124. Bena-Silu, op cit, (note 34), p.17a (there are two pp.17), also pp. 18, 21
24, 25, 26, 44, 46, 48.

125. Nzlnga M., Dip.Th, dissertation, op cit (note 12), p.91,

126. The one member of the EJCSK who in my hearing unambiguously

distinguished between Kimbangu and the Holy Spirit was Dr. M-L.Martin. Her
preferred expression is "the Holy Spirit who worked through (or, who
descended upon) Simon Kimbangu." But the inescapable overall impression was
gained that most other Kimbanguists would want to go further than Dr.
Martin,

127. Two instances of the use of these 'text-clusters' were in conversations

with Cit.Wayawa, the keeper of the 'RAsidence' at the 'Centre d'Accueil', Kasa-
Vubu (7th Feb, 1987), and with the Swahili-speaking goat-herder from Kivu,
also at the 'Centre', (7th Feb, 1987), There were several other instances
during the three week stay in Kinshasa,

128. The book was shown to me by Pastor Nsambu as evidence for the belief
that the Holy Spirit is a man. The section concerned was heavily underlined.
The same belief was expressed by Pastor Matondo who works in the 'RAsidence
Centre d'Accueil' (Zone Kasa-Vubu), who received his pastoral training at
Nkamba,

129. From the Kikongo hymn: Nzambl'a moyo tukulombele. author unknown, 1958.

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130, From the Kikongo hymn: Tata Nzambi wasala salu klandl. author unknown,
1957.

131. From the Kikongo hymn: Yave Nzambi buRambokele. author unknown, 1958,

132. From the Kikongo hymn: Nzambl'eto utu vana do. Luzolo P., 1957.

133. From the Kikongo hymn: Masivi ma Nzambi mbe wamwena mo e?. Nsimba P.,
1959,

134. Conversation with Dr. Zola, 'Vice-Doyen' of the FacultA de ThAologie

Kimbanguiste', Kinshasa, 21st Feb, 1987.

135. W.MacGaffey, Modern Kongo Prophets: Religion in a plural society. Indiana

University Press, (Bloomington, 1983), p.129.

136. It is said that Diangienda preferred to remain at his unpretentious

home (Rue Monkoto), rather than move into the sumptuous 'RAsidence' in the
'Centre d'Accueil', which is now reserved for special audiences and meetings,

137. eg., one evening a member of the Kimbanguist brass band came to explain
about his unemployment predicament and concluded: "This evening I am going
to talk about my problem to 'Son Eminence', indeed, he is here present with
us listening to all we say. I'll ask him to pray to his father (Simon
Kimbangu) about it." (10th Feb, 1987, 'Centre d'Accueil')

138. Pastor Nsambu communicated to each of the evening choir gatherings in

February, 1987, the 'Chef Spirituel's' recent vision of his father, The Prophet
was sitting dejected (here Nsambu sat down on the sand, with his head
between his hands, to demonstrate). When Diangienda asked his father why he
was so sad, Kimbangu replied: "There is sin in the Church. Tell the people to
repent of their sins."

139. The hesitation with which the speaker formed his sentence (we were
talking in French) indicated the difficulty of finding the right words. Not in
the same conversation, but on several other occasions (and once by the 'Chef
Spirituel' himself), God's words to Moses were appealed to for biblical
legitimation: See, I have made you God to Pharaoh. (Exodus 7:1)

140. Conversation with members of the 'Bureau TAchnique', Bongolo, 18th Feb,
1987. M-L.Martin likewise insists that only by spiritual participation and
submission to Kimbanguist life, discipline, and worship can a true
understanding be gained, M-L.Martin, 'Worship and Spirituality in the
Kimbanguist Church', Seminar given at S.O.A.S., London, 25th Sept, 1974.

141. Words of the officiating pastor at the 73rd birthday celebration service
at Matete (12th Feb, 1987) in honour of Kisolokele, Kimbangu's eldest son. On
the day of his birth, Kisolokele "akiti lokolo, akomi awa na nse mpo na
kosadisa biso" (Lingala, he (Kisolokele) came down from above to help us here
below),

142. Sung by one of the choirs at the Sunday service, 'Centre D'Accueil',
Kinshasa, 22nd Feb, 1987.

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143. "Ceci n'est pas obligatoire, Atant donnA que Christ revolt directement
toute priAre. II n'en demeure pas molns vrai que les Kimbanguistes recourent
discrAtionnairement A cette possibilitA... II ressort clairement que Simon
Kimbangu est celui-lA mAme qui appuie auprAs du Christ nos priAres, afin que
le Seigneur puisse y donner suite le plus rapidement possible," Diangienda,
op cit, p.264. On two occasions, the 'Chef du Cabinet', Bena-Silu, gave exactly
the same explanation (April 1981, when the author was one of a group
visiting the EJCSK, and February 1987). It may well be that Bena-Silu was one
of the (if not the principal) authors of 'La thAologie kimbanguiste'. See also
above, note 105,

144. M-L.Martin, 'Worship and Spirituality', op cit, p,8 .

145. S.Asch, op cit, p.95.

146. In February, 1987, as part of the centenary year activities, a series of

weekly lectures was launched in Kinshasa, under the title: ''Qui est Simon
Kimbangu?". Contemporaries of Kimbangu and eye witnesses of miracles and
appartitions, gave their testimonies. The author was able to attend two of
these lectures.

147. From the Kikongo hymn: Yisu Mvuluzi mu beto. Nsambu T., 1956.

148. From the Kikongo hymn: Tata ku kavengele. Banimbadio A., 1959

149. From the Kikongo hymn: Nu ylmbllanga nkunga. Lusiete P., 1921.

150. From the Kikongo hymn: Twatambula mvuluzu. Nsambu T., n.d.

151. For instance at the birthday service for Kisolokele, or frequently even
at my visits to the choirs, February 1987.

152. From theKikongo hymn: Nsangu za Nzambi za wakana. Nsambu T., n.d.

153. From theKikongo hymn: Ngina tonda Nzambi ame mu ntina. n.d,

154. From the Kikongo hymn: E bankundi mu kiese bakulzllangana, 1921, quoted
in Heintze-Flad, op cit, p.35,

155. W.Heintze-Flad, op cit, p,37.

156. From the Kikongo hymn: Nsi yafwila Ngunza mu pelezo. Ntemo K., 1976.

157. Translated from Kikongo in Heintze-Flad, A cause des pleurs et des

priAres, op cit, p.2 1 .

158. Sung in Lingala, recorded at Kintambo, Kinshasa, 10th Feb, 1987,

159. From theKikongo hymn: Sanisina Mfumu. sanisina. Babaka Anne, 1957,

160. From theKikongo hymn: Ewonga kenumoni ko. Ndongala, 1957,

161. From theKikongo hymn: Tata Simon wavazldi tuzolana. author unknown,
1972.

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162. Sermon in Lingala, 'Centre d'Accueil', 22nd Feb, 1987.

163. Bena-Silu, Simon Kimbangu llbAre et rAhablllte la race noire. Editions

Kimbanguistes, (Kinshasa, 1981).

164. "Kimbangu voulait et lutta pour que sur la surface du globe, le NAgre
fut reconnu comme membre A part entiAre de la famille humaine et non plus
comme une sous-race du genre humain ... II amena le NAgre A prendre
conscience de ses propres valeurs et sur tout A lutter rAsolument pour se
liberer de 1'esclavage dans lequel le maintient l'homme Blanc ... Kimbangu
avait AtA condamnA A mort pour que le monde ait Agalement des Chefs d'Etats
NAgres, des Ministres NAgres, des Gouverneurs NAgres, des hommes de Science
Negres. Sa prophetie 'le Blanc deviendra le Noir et le Noir le Blanc' est
devenu une rAalitA," Bena-Silu, op cit, p.15.

165. Translated from Kikongo, in Heintze-Flad, Encerclez la vllle. op cit, p.19,

Kikongo; Zunge no. ntete lumbu'eki. Heintze-Flad gives the date as "1960 or
before",

166. From the Kikongo hymn; Mambu ma Yisu, Nsambu T., n.d.

167. I owe to Rev.H.HJenkinson, a missionary to ZaYre in the 1920s, the

testimony of an early Kimbanguist deportee in Buta, Haut-ZaYre, AndrA Yengo.
According to Yengo, the Belgian officials sought to intimidate the
Kimbangu ists by telling them they were being sent to cannibalistic tribes
who would soon finish them off, (Letter, Jenkinson to Molyneux, July, 1986)

168. Translated from Kikongo, in Boka and Raymaekers, Pour avoir prAchA le
nom du Christ, op cit, p.34.

169. ibid, N'est-ce pas le message de JAsus?, p.44.

170. Translated from Kikongo in M-L.Martin, Prophetic Christianity in the

Congo (publication of the Christian Institute of South Africa, 1968, p.23) "We
who follow our affair".

171. ibid, God made the earth and the heaven, p.22,

172. S.Asch, op cit, p.41,

173. Diangienda, op cit, p.169.

174. Cf. letter, Jenkinson to Molyneux (July, 1986,see note 167, above),
relating personal reminiscences of exemplary exiledKimbanguists such as
Yengo in the North-East of Zal’re. Also S.Asch, op cit, p,35.

175. From the Kikongo hymn: Ingeta nkundi sala ngolo. author unknown, 1957.

176. Translated from Kikongo, God made the earth and the heaven in M-L.
Martin, Prophetic Christianity, from , op cit, p.23.

177. ibid, Come Jesus the redeemer, p.22.

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178. M-L.Martin disputed this statement, and cited as an example of the
EJCSK's continuing voice of protest the official disapproval expressed about
some of the nationalistic excesses of the 1970s, such as enforced dancing at
flag-raising ceremonies. (Conversation with Martin, 21 st Feb, 1987.)

179. Illness was much talked about during February 1987, as all three of the
'mvwalas' (Kimbangu's sons) were ill,

180. From the Kikongo hymn: Tukubama muna Mvuluzl.Kunzika P., 1957.

181. From the Kikongo hymn: E ngeye nkundi bu wetl landa nkembo, author
unknown, 1958,

182. From the Kikongo hymn: Q Yisu tekela fulu kele kublka. Ndala D., 1967.

183. A notable example from Zulu land is the sacred place of Ekuphakameni,
see B.G.Sundkler, Zulu Zion. p,131ff,

184. J,Masson, 'Simples reflexions sur des chants kimbanguistes', in Devant

les sectes non-chrAtiennes. Louvain, DesclA de Brouvwer, n.d., 1962?

185. "Fin mars 1922, des indigenes parmi lesquels certains du Congo franqais,
recommencent a venir en peler inage a Nkamba qu'ils appellent Mbanza
Jerusalem. Ils vont prier devant la case de Simon Kimbangu, Thomas Nzoafunda
leur declare que Simon Kimbangu va revenir bientOt et que les Blancs ne
viendront plus a Nkamba car Dieu leur a barrA la route," P.V. (Minutes) of
4,4.1922, de CDD/Bas-Congo, in R.B.Mithridate, op cit, n.d., pp.9-10. Fr,
Bontinck's personal library, Scholasticat, Kinshasa.

186. Diangienda K. writes of Nkamba as the: "lieu saint par excellence pour
tous les Kimbanguistes ... une espece de Mecque", op cit, p,212.

187. ibid, p.212,

188. T.Ware, op cit, p.277.

189. W.Heintze-Flad, writing of Nkamba: "Elle est en quelque sorte le point de

rencontre entre l'Eglise combattante ici-bas et l'Eglise triomphante dans les
cieux", op cit, p.18.

190. Translated from Kikongo, in Heintze-Flad, Dans la citA sainte. op cit,

p.18, Kikongo: Ku mbanza nlongo. kuna Mfumu Yisu. Author? 1975.

191. J.Masson, writing of Nkamba: "Ici le plan spirituel et le plan matAriel,

le plan Aternel et le plan tempore 1 se rejoignent et se confondent comme
dans presque tous les millAnarismes", op cit, p.85,

192. Translated from Kikongo, in Boka and Raymaekers, CitA pure. citA sainte.
op cit, p,4,

193. ibid, Lave-moi. lave-moi, p.5,

194. From the Kikongo hymn: Nzunganlsa zula yawonso. Tusevo J., 1958,

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195. Observed at the 'nsinsani' service, at Kimbanseke, Kinshasa, 8 th Feb,
1987.

196. In fact, the EJCSK does have its secessionist groups, see MacGaffey's
'historical catalogue of modern prophetism', in Modern Kongo Prophets, op cit,
p.42,

197. Hymn sung in French, recorded February, 1987: Nous approchons de

l'accomplissement / Nous approchons de la rAalitA / Nous serons conduits ...
par un Seigneur / Nous serons groupAs ... dans une seule Eglise, / Nous
parlerons ... une seule langue,

198. From the Kikongo hymn: Ma nsambu'ema mansila Mfumu. Banimbadio A., 1959.

199. See, for example, the travelogue in Diangienda, op cit, pp.l91ff.

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 APPENDIX I

Two hymns from 1921

Amakesa rea ndungidi Soldiers of righteousness

Nu vwat'e nwaninwa Put on (your) armour,
Kwa Yisu nu sambulwa That you may be blessed by Jesus;
Nu vwat'e nwaninwa Put on your armour.

Mwanda osa kunu sambula The Spirit will bless you

Muna moko ma Mvuluzi In the hands of the Saviour,
Mbeni osa kuku finama The enemy will draw near to you
Kanu kitakesanga To trouble you,

Nu talak'o Mvuluzi, Look only to the Saviour,

Ndion'okunu sundisa The One who will cause you to overcome
Muna vita yina wau. In this war which is going on now,
Nu vwat'e nwaninwa Put your armour on,

Nu samba kwa Nzambi'o Se Pray to the Father God,

Ndiona wanu yekwele He who gave up His Son for you,
Yisu Klisto wa Mvuluzi Jesus Christ the Saviour,
Nu vwat'e nwaninwa Put your armour on,

Yisu wa i yekwele Jesus gave Himself up,

Ka komwa vana nti He was nailed to the tree!
Menga mandi ma so Isle His blood dropped down,
Muna kutu kianzisa That we might be cleansed,

MUKOKQ Jean

0 Nzambi o zenga nkanu God gives judgment

Muna wantu a nsiona To the orphans,
Ndion'o dilanga i kekonka The one who is weeping He protects,
0 Nzambi wazola a sumuki God loved sinners,

0 Nzambi im o d i a nsiona God loves the orphans,

Kwa ndiona wina yo mpasi (He goes) to the suffering one,
Muna wa u ka didila For that (one) He wept,
Oku nyandalang'aka mpe And He will save them,

0 Nzambi wa nzodi a nsiona God is the lover of the orphan,

Oyandalanga mosi vana bena He comforts one among them,
0 mvwala Yisu yatololwa The staff Jesus was broken,
Kansi wavumbul'aka yo, But He raised it up,

Kana vo wantu akangua Although people were bound

Kansi Nzambi kekangwanga ko But God is not bound,
Kadi Nzambi wasengoka For God was revealed
Kwa yeto wanti ava nzo, To us people on earth,

KIMBANGU Simon

-187-
 APPENDIX II : Tonic Sol-Fa Transposition
(for translation, see Appendix*V. A.*0

TTTRJ5 : V W U KIAME MU NGE NZAMBI’AME

.8 ♦* - . 1 ! s : m — : s . l • s ; m.s ! : b .d‘ t : t . t ! - . 1 : s.m 1 * & I" :

Vu Id a me raungo Nzambiame o mu ma mbuaa k u ma wa nso nga
™ L
.m * - , f | m d - ; m ,f m : d.m ! : m.u S I S .8 ! i m.d f m 1 -j
.d' X ~ . d d' : a - i d'.d' d' i s .d ' ! : d'.d' d' : d'.d' ! -.d * i d'.d’ d* : d'
.d X - , d ; - d i d . - : d. d d i d. d ! : 3, : a.s,. ! i a . 9/ d i d !-:

8*1 a i m ! - : s.l a i m - i s. m r.m : f . s ! l . s : n , r > d i - ! - . s

ICana m pasi yo vo we te n g in a siandamakua me ye m bani nu vu VU ;
f n : d I - x m .f m : d - ; m.d ■^od I r.m ! f.m : d . t . 3,. i- T - .m
cfcj d' i 8 ! - t d'.d’ d' I a — I 8 .8 a .s : d'.d' ! d'.d' : s . f m x - !~ .d ' I-.3 *
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Ngina lam a ngina lana mpasi voya kote suamu yakus :.nzQ
Ngina lama a ngina lana npasx voya kembe lamu nsoadi 93
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"0 nkembowangi tu k u lu b a nso. n g e le weta ke m bela nga 'ba
,s : m.s 8 .8 I 8 .8 ! s . f x n .d f.m : r.d ! : m .s s I 8 .8 t - * f t m
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ve ledi mu ralcue nsi
f.m t r.d ! : d.r %
d'.d' I 1.8 ! .f X 3.1 a
d * i d.d ! .d V r «V

JT. Vuvu kiane nu ngeye Yisu

Mu nanbu na noyo mawa nsonga
Kana vinpi yovo bela
Ngina siandana kuame yo nbaninu :
III. Tata Kimbangu Mwanda vole la
Nge wavono ^konlco biya bia ntoto
Do kunsisi ko bukotesa
Ba nlongo baku ku mbanza vslela i
Capt<? par : LUNEKO - 198

- 168 -
 APPENDIX III

Table of contents of hymns collection Intended for publication

Ndandani za mi Nkunga

1. NZAMBI TATA GOD THE FATHER NO. OF HYMNS

1 . Nsemono Creat ion 2

2 . Nkembelolu* andi His glory 28
3. Zola kwandi His love 34
4. Ngolo zandi His power 4

2. NZAMBI MWANA GOD THE SON

5. Luwutuku (No&l) His birth 20

6, Luvuluzu lwandi His work of salvation 45
7. Salu kiandi His ministry 16
8, Mvukululu1a sumuki Call to sinners 15
9. Luviluku Iwa ntima Conviction 84
10 . Nkabu ye zizila Courage and perseverance 28
11 , Vuvu ye lukwilu Hope and joy 31
12 . Kivungudi Shepherd 6
13. Ngang'a wuka Healer 2
14. Mpasi ye mfuntu Suffering 27
15. Lufwa ye lufukulu Death and Resurrection 31
16. Nsilu a Yisu His promise (Return) 2
17. Ntumwa za Mfumu His messengers 2

3. MWAND'AVELELA THE HOLY SPIRIT

18. Mwand'avelela Holy Spirit 5

19. Nsundidi'andi His victory 3

4. DIBUNDU THE CHURCH

2 0 . Ntu a Bundu The Head of the Church 1

2 1 . Sambu Prayer 21
2 2 . Nkayilu Of fering 1
23. Luvaulu lwa yingiana. Infant dedication 3
24. Lukazalu (longo) Marriage 15
25. Luzolanu Love 8
26, Lukayisu Greet ing 4
27. Kiese kia nsi Joy 1

5. NGIZA ANDI A NZOLE HIS SECOND COMING

28. Ngiz'andi a nzole His second coming 20

29, Mbanza mpa New Jerusalem 20

6 . NKUNGA MIA NKEMBO HYMNS OF GLORY

30. Nkunga mia choeur Choir hymns 16

31. Miak'e nkunga Other hymns 14

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 &EEEHPIX-LY

Bureau des Chants Kimbanguistes

Bongolo, Kinshasa

Statistique des Cantiques. ("Chants Capt^s”) 1986

Mo is J F M A M J J A S 0 N D tot

Catdgorie

Louange 7 5 10 6 1 10 17 3 9 17 4 5 94

Pri&re to 8 7 5 7 12 3 5 6 8 0 5 76

No£l 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 8 15 26 49

Exhortation 8 5 5 5 3 0 15 6 4 2 5 0 58

Langue

Anglais 0 0 2 0 1 0 2 0 0 0 0 0 5

Swahili 1 0 0 0 2 0 3 0 0 0 1 0 7

Franca is 3 4 0 5 4 7 6 4 6 8 5 10 62

L ingala 10 4 12 7 1 8 15 6 7 12 10 15 107

Kikongo 11 10 8 4 3 7 9 4 6 15 8 11 96

Total: 25 18 22 16 11 22 35 14 19 35 24 36 277

Le Chef du Bureau Technique,

Kinshasa,

27.02,1987

-190-
 APPENDIX V

TYPE HYMNS

CATEGORY A : "GODWARD"

Al. Praise.

i), Tata ku kayengele Father, in the the highest heaven

tukutonda beni We worship You,
Buwatuvana nsadisi For having given us a Helper,
kaza fwila vana nti Who died on the tree,

ref; Tonda, tonda! Tonda, tonda! Praise you! Praise you!

Tukutonda, Aleluya We praise you, Hallelujah,
Tonda ngeye Mvuluzi Praise you, Saviour,
Buwatuvana nsadisi For giving us a Helper
Wena yeto na de Who is with us forever,

Banimbadio Albert, 1959

A2. Confession.

i), Twakala kweto raimbangiki, We were persecutors,

Tata, tukiyekudi kwa nge, Father, we cast ourselves on You,
Twakala kweto minkwamisi, We were oppressors,
Tata, tukiyekudi kwa nge, Father, we cast ourselves on You,

ref; E Mfumu Yisu do utuwila 0 Jesus, hear us!

E Tata tukiyekudi kwa nge 0 Father we cast ourselves on You,

Twakala kweto minyekudi, Tata, etc, We were traitors, Father, etc,

Twakala kweto mimfundisi, Tata, etc, We were condemners, Father, etc,,

Twakala kweto rainlevudi, Tata, etc., We were revilers, Father, etc,,

Twakala kweto mimvwezi, Tata, etc,, We were despisers, Father, etc,,

Twalembwa zaya nge Nzambi, Tata, etc., We did not know you, 0 Bod, Father, etc,,
Twalembwa zaya nge Yisu, Tata, etc,, We did not know you, 0 Jesus, Father, etc

Twalembwa zaya nge Mwanda, Tata, etc,, We did not know you, 0 Spirit, Father, et
Twavweza beni nzil'aku, Tata, etc,, We did not follow your way, Father, etc,

Mandiangu Henri, 1959

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A.2 Confession (cont,)

ii),Nkolo Nzambi na biso (Mfumu a Nlongo) Lord, our Bod, (Chef Spirituel),
yokela biso mawa tonyokwami Have pity on us, we are oppressed,
Bolamo nyonso ejali na yo All goodness belongs to You,
kimia na mokili ejali na yo, The world's peace depends on You,

Adamu na Eva bajali pene na yo Adam and Eve are beside You,
bajali kojila basenga bolimbisi They are waiting to ask forgiveness,
mpo ete lisumu ya mokili esila So that the world's sin might end,
mokili mojua kimia na yo, Njambe that it might have Your peace, 0 God,

Ee, Tata, ee! Ee, Nkolo, ee! Oh, Father! Oh, Lord!
lakisa bolingo na yo na Adamu na Eva Teach Adam and Eve Your love,
Ee, ee! ndenge nini, Tata, obombani? Oh, oh! Why are You hidden, Father?
ee, ee! biso bakila moya lolenge no yo Oh, oh! We human beings are Your image,
Ee, Tata, ee! Ee, Nkolo, ee! Oh, Father! Oh, Lord!
sadisa Adamu na Eva bayeba mabe Help Adam and Eve to know their evil
na bango
moto na moto na mokili ayeba May each person on earth know the evil
mabe na ye akosalaka he commits,
Ee, ee! ndenge nini, Tata, obombani? Oh, oh! Why are You hidden, Father?
Biso bana na yo, We Your children,
Ee, ee! biso bakila moya lolenge na yo, Oh, oh! We human beings are Your image,

A3. Pet it ion.

i), E Nzambi twik'e Mwand'avelela 0 God, send us the Holy Spirit

Wavunzuna mavangu meto X2 To take away our transgressions 12

E Yisu twik'e Mwand'avelela 0 Jesus, send us the Holy Spirit

Wavunzuna mavangu meto 12 To take away our transgressions X2

Tata Simon wutu finamang'owau Tata Simon, draw near to us

Twa tambulang'o Mwand'avelela X2 That we might receive the Holy Spirit X2

Nsambu Twasilwa, 19S7

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A.4 Response

i), Vuvu kiame, Mungu Nzambi'ame In You I put my hope, my God,

0 mu mambu maku mawa nsonga for all You have taught me]
kana mpasi, yovo wets, whether in suffering, or in joy,
ngina siandama kwame ye mbaninu I will persevere to the end,

ref; Ngina lama, a ngina lama, I will follow, I will follow,

noina
ngina lama noeve
ngeye Yisu mwana Nzambi I will follow You,
willfollow You. Jesus
Jesus Son
Son of God,
Ngina lama, a ngina lama, I will follow, I will follow,
mpasi vo ya koteswa mu yaku'enzo so that You will open your home to me,
Ngina lama, a ngina lama, 1 will follow, I will follow,
mpasi vo ya kembela mu nzo a di Se that I may rejoice in the Father's house,
0 0 nkembo wa ngitukulu kansongele He has shown me an astonishing glory
weta kembelanga baveledi mu yaku'ensi sung by the holy ones in Your land,

Vuvu kiame, mu ngeye Yisu In You I put my hope, Jesus,

Mu marabu ma moyo mawa nsonga in the living words which You showed me,
Kana vinipi yovo bela Whether in health or in illness
ngina siandama kwame ye mbaninu I will persevere to the end,

Tata Kimbangu, Mwanda velela Father Kimbangu, Holy Spirit,

nge waveno konko biya bia ntoto To you have been given the four corners
of the ground (earth),
do kunsisi ko bukotesa Do not leave me when you bring in
ba nlonga baku ku mbanza velela your sacred ones to the Holy City,

Luneko, 1985

TYPE B. "MUTUAL"

B.1 Exhortat ion

i), Se tunwana yay'evita We want to fight,

Yisu kieto nwanina Jesus is our armour,
A makesa mwamu vita Fighters,
Ke numoni wonga ko Do not fear this battle,

ref; Se tunwana, se tunwana, X2 We want to fight, we want to fight, X2

Se nutadi Yisu telamene Look, Jesus stands
Osa kunu sundisa To give us the victory,

Se tunwana yay' evita We want to fight,

Yisu weto ntanini Jesus our deliverer,
A makesa mwamu vita Fighters,
Ke numona wonga ko Do not fear this battle,

Se tunwana yay'evita We want to fight,

Yisu osa kutu sundisa Jesus will give us the victory,
A makesa mwamu vita Fighters,
Ke nuyoyi nkutu ko Do not be discouraged,

Nsambu Andr£, 1956

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B.2 Instruction

i), ref; Kwiza ke kwiza Aleluya He is coming, Hallelujah!

Engwe yandi wukwiza tutalanga Yes, we await He who is coming,

Yisu wa samuna se kavutuka Jesus has said He will return,

Engwe yandi wukwiza tutalanga Yes, we await He who is coming,

Lumbu kika kwiza kizeyi kio ko, When He will come I do not know,
Engwe yandi etc, Yes, etc,

Wu kwiza mu ngonda Aleluya I do not know the month of His coming,

Engwe, etc, Yes, etc,

Lumbu kika kwiza ye ntoto nikuka When He comes the world will be shaken,
Engwe, etc, Yes, etc,

Lumbu kika kwiza mafwe mefuluka When He comes the dead will rise,
Engwe, etc, Yes, etc,

Wukwiza mu nsungi Aleluya I do not know the time of His coming,

Engwe, etc, Yes, etc,

? , 1956

B.3 Affirmation and testimony

i), 0 Yave mvungudi ame Jehovah is my shepherd

kikondwa nkutu ko I lack nothing,
0 kumfila va fulu kia vundilu He leads me to heavenly rest,
kikondwa nkutu ko I lack nothing,

0 Yisu nlundi ame Jesus is my protector,

Kikondwa, etc, I lack nothing,
oku ntalanga fuku yo muini He watches over me night and day,
Kikondwa, etc, I lack nothing,

0 Ntumwa nsongi'ame The Prophet (Sent One) is my guide

kikondwa, etc, I lack nothing,
mu nzila Nzambi yavelela On the holy way of God,
kikondwa, etc, I lack nothing,

Ntangu Alphonse, 1958,

-194-
B.i3. An im a tio n and Tes t i mony, Ccont.)

ii),Likambo 1 ikoteli ngai na motema A matter has entered my hearti

oyo nakomeli lelo moto monene namely, today I have become important,
nakoki koloba, nakoki kobiangama I am able to speak, I am able to be called
o bisikia minene to important places,
nakomi solo moto na bonsomi Truly, I have become a free person
uta nabimelaki o libulu monene since I came out of the deep hole,
Tika nasepela, nakumisa Nzambi na lola Let me rejoice, and exalt the God of heaven,
Tika nasepela, nayembela Yesus Mobikisi Let me rejoice, and sing to Saviour Jesus,
Nasanzola Tata Kimbangu mosala monene I'll praise Tata Kimbangu for the great work
asaleli ngai, solo that he did for me, truly
akumisi ngai lelo moto monene He has established me today as someone big,
a! elikia ejalaki te, ndeko, Oh, friend! there was no hope,
raisala nakomi kosala na bato minene I can now do important people’s work,

( author and date unknown)

TYPE C. "OUTWARD"

i), Nzunganisa zula yawonso I will shake the whole world

Nkundi kweyi siwa kadila X2 My friend, where will you be? X2

Solo; Songa, nsonga ma zulu 1 will reveal heavenly things,

vava mvav'aveledi I will seek the holy ones
mu nkembo bakembela So that they may rejoice in glory,

Mbwene ntemo kw'aveledi I saw the light of the holy ones

Ngeye kweyi siwa kadila X2 Where will you be? X2

solo; Mfumu wavanga ma lunungu God created what is just

Ye wunungisang’aveledi He causes the righteous to triumph,
Kiese ye nlemvo biena yau They have joy and forgiveness,

Nsonga nkembo kw'atovoki I will reveal my glory to the weary,

Ngeye nkiama weti vingila What are you waiting for?

solo; Ntama yafilwa vava nza Long ago I was sent into the world,
bisinsu masivi yanusonga 1 showed you signs and miracles,
weyi nulembi kwikidilanga Why is it you do not believe?

Nsonga kiese kwa baluvwezanga I will reveal my power to the persecutors,

ngeye nkundi nki siwa tambula What will you receive?

solo; Tulanda nsilu twasilulu Let us follow the promise that was made,
tulemvokila Mvwala minlongi mpe Let us obey the 'Mvwala' and the
preachers,
twa veleleswa That we might be made holy,

Tusevo Joseph, 1958

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D, "OTHERS1*

ex: Christmas (Lingala)

i), Banzelo o likolo bayembeli Nkolo The angels on high sing to the Lord,
ozana, ozana, Hosanna! Hosanna!
Ozana, Mwana ya Davidi, Hosanna! Son of David!

ref; Ee Tata Nzambi totondi yo 0 Father God we praise You

na ndeng'otindeli biso Mobikisi For the way you sent us the Saviour,
Banzelo o likolo bayembeli ye The angels on high sing praise to Him
Ozana, Mwana ya Davidi Hosanna! Son of David!

Gbala, n,d,

-196-
 Chapter 4

In Search of a Theology to Live By

"Gospel and Culture Seminars1: an experiment

In contextual theologizing in North-East Zaire.

On paper at least, the "Communaut6 Evangelique au Centre de l'Afrique" (CECA)

and its founding society, the Africa Inland Mission, have reason to be
encouraged with the progress of evangelization and consolidation in North
Eastern Zaire.

Background

When the Mission entered the country in 19121 , it was one further step
towards the fulfilment of the vision of its founder, Rev. Peter Cameron
Scott2 , to establish a chain of stations from Mombasa on Kenya's coast to
the Tchad. The initial party was compelled by almost insurmountable
difficulties3 to modify their plan to push straight on westwards to the
Azande tribe. Instead they made a temporary base at Kasengu near Mahagi Port
on Lake Albert <now Lake Mobutu).A It was almost a year and a half later
that a small party reached Dungu in Azande territory and established a
station. Before this moment, "there was not one Protestant mission station
between Lake Albert and Lake Chad, a country occupied by millions of
natives,"® Inevitably, what leadership there was in those early years was
almost entirely expatriate, and the work laboured under the then common
problems of geographical remoteness® and sickness among its missionary
personnel,7 Gradually new stations were opened, more missionary personnel
arrived, churches were started and developed and national workers emerged
and were trained.

CECA now occupies a crescent-shaped territory lying NW-SE stretching about

450mls from Assa near the frontier with the Central African Republic to

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Mwenda on the foothills of Mt. Ruwenzori near the Uganda border (see map.
Appendix I). For administrative purposes the territory is divided into seven
'Districts', which in turn are sub-divided into 'Sections' and further into
'Paroisses' (local churches). Local churches in the CECA region number almost
600, and they vary considerably, ranging from tiny mud-and-thatch shelters in
which perhaps a dozen gather for worship in remote rural areas, to very
large permanent buildings scarcely able to contain the hundreds attending
Sunday services, The CECA Church has inherited and perpetuated a generally
'low-church, non-conformist' style, with a minimum of ritual, vestments, set
prayers, etc, but with a strongly centralized organisation. Local church
hierarchy descends from pastor to elders to deacons and deaconesses.

In all CECA churches, the Sunday service is the high-point of the week. It
lasts well over an hour, and sometimes (on special occasions such as a
baptismal service, or Christmas) for many hours, The early stages of the
service are taken up with singing as the worshippers arrive. The
congregation unite in singing Swahili translations of Western hymns set to
Western tunes. Some possess their own Swahili hymn-book, but many know the
hymns by heart, and usually the leader calls out the first line of each verse
and directs the tempo. Trumpets (and more recently, guitars) provide
accompaniment. Indigenous instruments, such as harps, drums, and rattles,
are used in some areas. An increasingly large part of the service is taken
up with small choral groups of children, women, or students, who compose
their own songs and set them to African tunes and rhythm. Usually these
songs will relate a Bible incident with an application, or will exhort the
listeners to Christian obedience. Often the teaching of these songs is too
vague and general to be arresting or penetrating. Prayers are offered by the
leader of worship or by a member of the congregation, man or woman. Although
the role of women in the CECA Church is not prominent (women are not
ordained to the pastoral ministry) it is important in terms of evangelism and
practical compassion.

In true 'low-church' tradition, the sermon is the climax of the Sunday

service. Clearly, the style, skill, and degree of contextualization of
preaching vary enormously, but almost without exception, sermons are based
on the explanation and application of the Bible. Only in very few churches is

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the preaching of a consecutive, expository nature, working systematically
through an entire book or epistle of the Bible. More frequently sermons are
non-sequential, expounding a Bible text or addressing a biblical topic <such
as 'faith' or 'the final judgment'). The pastor of the local church is usually
responsible for the preaching, but in urban churches (eg. in Bunia) or in the
larger rural centres (eg. 'mission stations' where there are schools,
hospitals, and Bible Schools) different pastors and missionaries take turns in
preaching, which again militates against consecutive teaching with its
cumulative impact.

It is not CECA practice to have Sunday evening services. Instead, members

will frequently meet in homes or around fires to sing hymns and pray. Many
local churches also have a daily early morning prayer meeting in the church
building, and there is a usually a weekday evening prayer meeting, which
includes a brief meditation by the pastor or one of the elders and
opportunity for all to take part in extemporary prayer.

Membership of the church and participation at monthly communion celebration

is by confession of faith in Christ and by believers baptism. Baptism, which
is by immersion, usually takes place in a nearby stream or river as very few
church buildings have a baptistry. It is conferred only after the candidate
has completed a period (at least six months) of baptismal classes for basic
doctrinal instruction; he/she must be able to answer catechism questions to
the satisfaction of the pastor and/or elders of the local church. Church
leaders have sometimes expressed disquiet that eligibility for baptism seems
to depend more on cognition (ie, knowing the right answers) than upon
evidences of a changed life (such as behaviour, spirituality, etc.), Church
discipline is actively exercised, most frequently for irregularities such as
drunkenness or immorality. The offender is excluded from participation in
communion until he/she demonstrates a change of heart and behaviour.
Registered (communicant) members of the CECA number over 150,000.® The
very large majority of these are from non-professional, subsistence sectors
of society, although in a town like Bunia the number of salaried members is
much higher. Systematic, evangelistic campaigns organized each year by the
national Church both to areas within the CECA region and beyond Zaire into
Sudan and Kenya, add many new converts each year.®

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Against a general gradual decline in the number of missionaries sent to the
Third World from the West, the Africa Inland Mission has seen its total
active missionary numbers rise to a current 624, of whom 81 are currently
serving in Zaire (see Appendix II). They are increasingly concentrated in the
more technical fields of medicine, and higher education.10 The CECA/AIM
shared with most of the other Church bodies in Zaire the anguish of the
bloody 1964 Rebellion, and with all the other Church bodies in Zaire the
tensions of readjustment when, by governmental decree, the CECA became
autonomous from the AIM .1 1 Good relations between the two bodies were such,
however, that when in 1973 foreign mission societies were allowed no longer
to exist as such in Zaire, the AIM had little difficulty in accepting to
continue in Zaire at the invitation, and under the direction, of the national
CECA Church.12 Advances in medical and educational work have paralleled
these developments in the Church, with the building of 4 CECA hospitals and
29 dispensaries, and whereas before Independence there were 11 primary
schools and 2 secondary, there are now 134 primary and 20 secondary.13

’Loci' of theological reflection in Zaire

From the earliest years, most (if not all) of the missionary personnel saw
the wisdom and importance of developing a strong national church.14- Basic
Bible training and, later, higher-level theological education was seen to be
an essential aspect in leadership preparation. This education has taken
place over the years in a number of different ’loci'. Initially, the well-
proven residential Bible School (of which there are many hundreds in Africa)
represented almost the only deliberate attempt at Christian leadership
training. More recently, these have been joined by other less formal, more
innovative methods which have sought to target other sectors of the CECA
membership. Together, these loci of leadership training have come to be
considered the points at which theological 'reflection' takes place. For it Is
here that time and place are deliberately set aside to learn about and think
about the Christian faith and its outworkings in Zaire. The various
different processes display a considerable variety of methodology and
educational level. However, they all share a style which can broadly be
termed 'instructional*. They are outlined below in order to provide the

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background against which the 'Gospel and Culture Seminars' which form the
subject of this chapter may be viewed, as a radically different alternative.

1. Bible Schools

Training specialist national leaders to assume responsibility for the

spiritual wellbeing and extension of the Church in Zaire was one obvious
means of ensuring the health of the national church. Currently serving the
571 local churches are some 2572 evangelists and catechists and 496
pastors.15 The training of such men takes place in the 10 CECA Bible
Schools of different levels.

Before Independence in I960, the Bible School at Aba was the only one in
CECA, and it served the entire church body. It was moved from Aba to Blukwa
and then to Adi where it became a training school for pastors. Following the
Rebellion, not only did the need for training leaders increase with the
growing numbers in the Church, but the increasing difficulties of travel led
the CECA Administrative Council to decide that each of the seven 'Districts'
should have its own Bible School, In addition, there Is one intermediate-level
Bible Institute in French at Aungba, and the higher-level Bunia Theological
Seminary which provides Dip.Th and BA-level courses.

There is thus a three-tier system of Bible and theological training

reflecting both the widely differing levels of academic attainment of
candidates, and the diverse needs of rural and urban churches. Candidates are
either chosen by their local district as being suitable for training, or they
themselves ask to be sent to Bible School. Either way, they need the official
backing of their local church and 'Section', for it is these latter who will
be required to support the student and his wife financially through their
years of training, and to appoint them as pastors and evangelists within
their area after the completion of their training. The Bunia Theological
Seminary, for instance, turns down several candidates each year who, while
meeting financial and academic requirements for admission, do not have the
written recommendation and pledged support of their church bodies.

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 Table l1e
Bible and Theological Institutions (1985)

School Language Staff Students

Zairian Expat tot. Men Women tot.

Level 1
Adi Bangala 2 3 5 y y y
Banda Pazande 2 1 3 y y y
Chyekele Swahili 7 - 7 35 26 61
Linga Swahili 7 _ 7 43 47 90
Napopo Pazande 3 2 5 12 33 45
Oicha Swahili 4 1 5 40 38 78
Todro Bangala 6 — 6 44 45 89

Level 2
Aungba French 4 1 5 42 35 77

Level 3
Bunia French 5 3 8 40 33 73

40 11 51 256 257 513

Emphasis within the Level 1 Bible Schools' programme is upon Bible knowledge
and practical skills of evangelism and preaching. The curriculum in these
schools is largely standardized, and, reflecting the programme of the
original, missionary-staffed Bible School at Aba, displays a range of subjects
which would be similar to that of many Western Bible Schools. Undoubtedly
the teaching staff, of whom the large majority are Zairian, attempt
consciously or unconsciously to adapt their teaching to the African context.
However, the predominant pedagogical method is that of teacher-pupil
transferral of knowledge. At this Level 1, which represents the majority of
CECA theological institutions, this transmission would be by teachers
dictating their notes, or writing them on the blackboard for the students to
copy verbatim. The method is laborious and provides little time for
discussion given the overloaded curriculum, but with few if any text books
or duplicated hand-outs (given the financial and material circumstances),
there is little alternative. At Levels 2 and 3 there would be more
opportunity for discussion and personal study, but even here the patterns of
rote learning familiar to generations of Zairian school pupils die slowly,

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and are reinforced by examination systems which encourage the exact
reproducing of the teachers' course-content.

The Bunia Theological Seminary is situated within CECA territory, but CECA is
just one of five church bodies in Zaire's North and East who jointly
administer the college,17 Together, they have provided a theological
training centre of a standard and scope which none of them would have been
able to provide alone. Already back in the 1950s before Independence, the
need was perceived by certain missionaries and nationals for higher-level
theological training as the growing Church in Zaire moved towards maturity.
First plans were made and a constitution drawn up in 1957, In 1961 the first
students were admitted to the new school at Banjwade, near Kisangani.10
For lack of suitably qualified candidates the first class of only three men
was admitted for a 'Cours Moyen' on a lower level,151 The Simba Rebellion
<1964-66), particularly ferocious in the Kisangani (Stanleyville) area,
scattered staff and students. The school relocated briefly at Linga near the
Uganda border, before settling permanently in 1967 at its present location in
Bunia, In 1976 the Seminary conformed with national standards for Diploma-
level programmes by admitting only those who have successfully completed
their State secondary education, and in 1986 a degree programme was added
to the Diploma course for those capable of going further. Students from all
over the country, and sometimes beyond Zal're, attend the Seminary,

In a number of ways, the Bunia Theological Seminary has sought consciously

to match the training it provides with the real requirements of the churches
who send the students. At the annual Board Meetings, the church delegates
are reminded that the Seminary does not exist so as to self-perpetuate, but
rather to serve the churches. The Board members are encouraged to comment
about the training programme and to suggest how it might more effectively
meet the needs of the supporting churches. The 'raison d'etre' of the college
thus is firmly rooted in the needs and aspirations of the Zai'rian churches.
At the beginning of each academic year the staff and students are introduced
to the congregation of Bun la's largest CECA church in order to underline to
both Seminary and Church the links that unite the two. The graduation
service at the close of the academic year takes place not at the Seminary,
but again in the large CECA Church, for the same reason. Academic education

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is not permitted to exclude practical training; students are required to
participate in weekend ministry in church or church-related activities:
preaching, teaching, prison and hospital chaplaincy, children's meetings, etc.
In addition, a probationary month at the end of their second year at the
Seminary provides students with opportunity to return to their churches in
order to work alongside more senior pastors, becoming acquainted with the
demands of the work. Both the churches which organize the probationary month
and the students who fulfil the assignments are required to submit a
detailed report which further guides the Seminary staff as to possible
ministry gifts of the students. Upon completing the three-year course at
Bunia the students return to the churches that sent them. The sending church
thus assigns the graduate to his function, but it will be guided in this
assignment by the recommendation of the Seminary staff who by that time
will usually have a clear idea of the strengths and weaknesses of the
students concerned.

The large majority of those who have graduated from the Seminary are
actively involved in church or para-church work (see Table 2)

Table 2^°
Present occupations of Bunia graduates

Ministry No. % of tot

Bible teaching 43 37
Religion in schools 16 14
Pastor 8 7
Administration 9 8
Evangelism 5 4
Chaplain 11 9
Translation 3 3
TEE 1 1
Christian Education 2 2
Further studies 7 6
Radio 1 1
Other 2 2
No information 9 8

total 117 100

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Beyond being sensitive to the stated needs of the churches, the Seminary
attempts to relate its training and education to the African social and
cultural context. Expatriate missionary teachers are required to do at least
one year in church work, acquainting themselves with the African scene
before being allowed to teach at the Seminary. One missionary teacher chose
to spend a year living in a remote village with his family in an attempt to
penetrate the life-style and world-view of at least one African tribe and
thereby make his teaching and preaching more pertinent,21

The official Course Description includes such excerpts as:

(Dogmatic Theology) to learn to apply Christian Doctrine to social,

religious, and political problems, thus enabling us to make a critique of
the message we preach.

(Ethics) ... relationship between Christian ethics and African ethics.

(African Sociology) ... Africa is to a large extent 'evangelized1 but the

problem of the Christian faith taking root still remains. Study of African
philosophy, sociology, and culture will help the theologian or pastor to
adapt his message better. The task is first to know and understand the
people who receive the Biblical message.22

While not ignoring the practical and spiritual dimensions of training, the
Bunia Seminary is committed to academic excellence. Its admission and
graduation conditions are rigorously applied, and those graduates who
continue their studies elsewhere usually achieve results that commend both
themselves and the Bunia Seminary.23

A self-evaluation in 1983-84, critically examining in detail all the

admin 1strational and educational dimensions of the Seminary 2A revealed,
however, that teachers have tended to be prisoners to a style of teaching
which overloads the teacher while it does little to stimulate active
reflection on the part of the students, The average class-load of a full-time
teacher was 12& class-hours (= 10& clock hours) per week (the maximum in
1984 was 15 class hours = 12& clock hours). For most of those hours, the
teacher lectures the students, who take copious notes. The large number of
hours and the lecture style of his teaching mean that the teacher (who also
has multiple extra-curricular responsibilities) has little time to prepare his

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courses adequately. More Important, the didactic style produces in the
student an attitude of passive receptivity which exercises the memory more
than it does powers of reflection and discovery. Observed as a model by the
student during his three years in the Seminary classroom (not to mention his
many preceding years in primary and secondary education), it also reinforces
in him a probable future style of teaching, thus perpetuating reflection
deficiencies in the Church,2B

The new degree programme, launched in 1986, is designed (according to its

written objectives) to "train researchers competent in the exegesis of Old
and New Testaments in order to respond biblically to contemporary problems
in the African Church",2e The first intake of seven students represented
three different church bodies, though the large majority were from the CECA
church. Six of the seven students completed their diploma studies at the
Seminary, The seventh graduated from the Protestant Faculty of Theology in
Kinshasa. After completion of their diploma-level studies, four of the seven
were chaplains and teachers of Religion in secondary schools (one of these
had several years in Bible translation), the three others taught in Bible
Schools.22 It is perhaps to be expected that a theological college jointly
sponsored by five church bodies all of which are of evangelical persuasion,
should choose to specialize in Biblical Studies, A large part of the
curriculum is taken up with exegesis of the Old and New Testaments, but it
is clear from the recommendations of the commission which drew up detailed
plans for the degree course that much more is intended than the transmission
of information as an end in itself. The guiding principles recommended by the
Commission envisage attitudes and skills, more than mere factual content:

to maintain a spirit of research and to provide methods and tools for

research, ,., to give students opportunity to prepare and present talks and
take part in discussions,... field experience, exposure to and research in
traditional elements of oral societies, ... knowledge of contemporary
theology and contextualization.,,2®

In speaking of objectives, the Commission recognized that the graduates would

eventually have (like all other graduates of Bible Schools) administrational,
teaching, or pastoral appointments In the Church, but that they would, at the
same time, "be available for biblical research into problems confronting the
Church, and also be competent to write and have published a range of

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literature."2* In a way in which theological education in Zaire generally
and CECA in particular has so far failed largely to do, the degree programme
will attempt to provide the skills necessary for responding to the open-
ended agenda of interpenetration of the biblical and cultural horizons in
contemporary Africa. However, with only about 1% of the total CECA Bible
School population enrolled in the degree course, it represents merely the
very tip of the apex of the theological training pyramid, and that furthest
removed from the grassroots church life.

2. Pastors1 retreats

Students graduating from any of CECA's Bible Schools will have amassed a
considerable baggage of Bible knowledge and associated skills of preaching
and counselling. Once in the work, however, there is very little to provide
on-going intellectual and spiritual stimulation, It is not uncommon for
pastors and evangelists to have been in the work for over twenty years with
no additional in-service training. Many of the more rural pastors can read
neither English nor French, and apart from their Bible and hymn-book, possess
almost no reference or devotional literature to provide their ministry with
fresh insights. What meetings there are on a regional basis are often almost
exclusively Church councils, concerned with administration, finance, and
church problems. The concept of vacational or sabbatical breaks, taken now
for granted in the West, is still rare or unknown. The consequences upon the
ministry of Church workers are almost inevitable: fatigue, discouragement,
and staleness,

Occasional one- or two-day seminars for pastors and evangelists have been
organised, but with no personnel officially appointed for the task, and no
over-all strategy or planning, these have been exceptional, one-off attempts
to meet the need.30 The need for some form of 'recyclage* for Church
personnel had often been discussed, but all suitable personnel have been
fully committed with existing (mainly Bible-teaching) ministries.

In an AIM Theological Commission 'workshop’ in Nairobi in 1985, Zairian

delegates underlined once again the critical need for pastors and other

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Church workers to be given some sort of in-service assistance. They
commissioned one of the delegates, English AIM missionary Rev. D. Richardson,
to present to the next Administrative Council of CECA, Zaire, the urgent need
for one or more competent people to be set aside for the specific task of
helping the pastors. The Council considered the proposal and decided that
Rev, Richardson himself was the only possible candidate for the task,
suitable on account of his long experience in Zaire (his parents were among
the early missionaries into the country, and he was born at Adi), and because
of his recognised abilities in preaching and teaching,31 Realistically, it is
probably true also that Richardson was chosen because his appointment would
not involve the CECA in any additional financial burden on the annual budget,
He was consequently released from responsibilities at the Adi Bible School In
order to devote himself to the new appointment.

Richardson was not given a detailed job-description, but was simply asked to
explore means of helping pastors and do what was necessary. Meetings were
held with church leaders in a number of areas and with local church councils
and on the basis of their recommendations, a tentative programme was drawn
up. One of the reservations initially expressed by local church leaders was
the problem of housing and feeding a number of visitors for the duration of
even a short retreat.32 It was thus decided to commence with gatherings
lasting a mere two days, the minimum possible to make worthwhile the travel
to and from the meeting. Richardson emphasises that the courses are not for
concentrated reflection or even instruction, but rather for mutual
edification and spiritual refreshment. The meetings are thus called 'retreats'
rather than seminars, and prayer occupies a large part of the programme.

Attendance is retricted to pastors and their wives, plus leaders of the

women's work. Richardson reports a lot of requests to broaden the scope and
attendance of the retreats, but has decided on the advice of the Church
leaders to restrict the gatherings to manageable proportions. Initial
reservations, however, about the duration of the retreats soon gave way to
enthusiasm and a decision to extend the retreats to three days. Typically,
the day's programme commences at Sam with a short period of prayer in which
all will participate. Richardson will then give an hour's exposition from the
Bible (usually Colossians), which is designed not only to edify and instruct

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the delegates, but also to serve as a model:

One of the greatest lacks in the Zaire Church is of consistent Bible

exposition. Pastors are not expounding the Word, Most of these men
supervise several churches and, with special meetings (ordinations, etc.)
and district committees, they have a roving ministry and no congregation
has the benefit of regular teaching, As a result, very few know how to
expound a book. They are so enthusiastic about being taught a book like
Colossians, and our prayer is that they will get a vision for doing the
same ... We feel too that these retreats inspire them to do their own
study, and we put great emphasis upon this.33

The Epistle to the Colossians was Richardson's own choice, but it was
prompted by a remark by one of the pastors who expressed alarm at the
invasion of cults and sects in his area,3-4- The Bible exposition session is
followed by a time of prayer informed and guided by the passage expounded.
After a mid-morning break there will be a second exposition from
Colossians.33 The men and the women then separate, with Richardson's sister
Joyce joining the women for prayer,33 The afternoons are occupied with a
discussion session entitled "Sickness and Remedy" (Bangala: 'Malari mpe
dawa'). The first topic ("sickness") has usually been about "Prayer-life,
personal and church". After a few preliminary remarks from Richardson, the
session is thrown open for discussion on why the prayer life of the Church
is so dead, and what can be done about it, The other topic is that of
"youth". The issue is of vital concern to the delegates, not only because the
Church often fails to retain adolescents, but also for personal and family
reasons, as almost all the representatives at the retreats have one or more
children who have rebelled against the Christian faith, Richardson reports
that in these sessions, the delegates "really open up", and that discussion is
very animated.

Within the first year of his appointment, Richardson and his sister have
sought systematically to hold retreats at each 'Section* of the Aru and Aba
'Districts' (see Table 2), To accompany the retreats, a 16-page duplicated
booklet on Colossians was produced by the Richardsons. A small charge was to
be made, but this was waived when Richardson discovered at Adja that many of
the pas tor-delegates had received no pay for 10 months or a year. The
intention is to produce similar booklets on Galatians, Ephesians, and
Philippians, and to get the series of four printed at the CECA press as one

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volume on public sale throughout CECA. For many years the CECA committee for
Bible Schools <Comit6 d'Enseignement Biblique) has lamented the lack of
inexpensive literature available in local languages and adapted to the
ZaYrian context. The Committee has repeatedly appealed for ZaYrian and
missionary Bible School personnel to write even the most modest booklets of
this sort, but the usual problems of lack of time and lack of funds have
thwarted all efforts.

Table 337
Pastors' retreats. 1986-87
Centre men women totals

Adi 33 23 56
Adja 16 37 53
Ondolea 19 27 46
Telea 15 20 35
Lanza 9 15 24
Abedju 17 21 38
Aungba 22 23 45
Todro* 68
Aba* 52
Faradje* 13

* Projected at time of correspondence, with expected attendance.

The new ministry among pastors has been warmly received. Those ZaYrian
church leaders who strongly opposed the Richardsons being withdrawn from
their work at the Adi Bible School in which they were considered
indispensable are now enthusiastic about their new assignment, Richardson
himself, feeling that he and his sister are "unfitted" because of their
culture and failure to understand specifically African problems, laments the
fact that CECA's Administrative Council is not yet ready to appoint a ZaYrian
to help (or rather, to direct) this ministry, but recognizes that to be
suitable, the person would have to have good theological training and also

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command the respect of the older pastors.36 The few who fulfil these
conditions are all "sucked into administration".33

Despite Richardson's reservations, however, the retreats are doing something

for CECA's in-service pastors which was not being done before. Response from
the delegates indicates that the retreats are meeting a felt need within the
Church, Pastors are appealing for the length of the retreats to be extended
and for similar retreats to be held for catechists, who have far less
resources even than the pastors. There are indications, too, that the
retreats are having positive repercussions, at least among some of the
delegates. At Lanza, for example, a group of delegates stayed up all night on
the last day of the retreat to discuss how the prayer life of their local
churches could be changed in the light of their discussions during the
retreat.40 It is, however, only the small beginning of an attempt to meet
the in-service needs of the hundreds of local church leaders throughout
CECA. Beyond the Aba-Aru 'Districts' are seven others, including the vast
Zandeland District, where the population is sparse and distances such that it
is difficult and costly to organize conferences or retreats. Even if the
Richardsons were able to cover the northern half of CECA territory, they do
not possess a working knowledge of Swahili, spoken in the remaining, southern
half.

The retreats, as Richardson himself insists, are not primarily for instruction
or even reflection (though both of these activities undoubtedly take place),
but rather for devotional edification.41 As such they will probably
contribute valuably to the spiritual refreshment of hundreds of men and
women serving the CECA Church who, with very little to encourage or
stimulate them, labour to build up the local churches that are under their
care.

3. 'Women of the Good News'

The rapidly growing women's movement in ZaYre 'Women of the Good News'43
(WGN) is one of the most active and vigorous organizations in the CECA area.
It provides Christian women, long denied a role of ministry and leadership in

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the ZaYrian Church, with important instruction, leadership, and ministry
opportunities.

The origins of WGN in ZaYre can be traced back to the early 1960s when
Pastor Elia Giringara and his wife Rebeka sought refuge from the Simba
Rebellion by moving across the border into neighbouring Central African
Republic. There Rebeka witnessed the activities of an evangelistic women's
movement, an initiative of Grace Brethren missionaries. She determined that
something similar was needed back in her native ZaYre, but It was only in
1970 that Rebeka was able to bring her vision to fruition. In that year an
American AIM missionary couple, Lyman and Virginia Jones, returned to Banda
in the far N-E of CECA territory, and Rebeka and Mrs, Jones were soon
cooperating closely with one another. According to Jones, "(Rebeka) was the
one who envisioned this programme for the women in her church. She wanted
the programme In the local language, and she wanted it to involve the
preparation of women leadership,"43

The movement thus began in the Zande district of the CECA in 1970, with the
Pazande name 'Ade Wene Pangbanga' (Women of the Good News), Since then, it
has spread to other districts of the CECA to such an extent that it now
numbers between 20,000 and 30,000 women.44 The WGN has succeeded, as few
other movements have done46 in crossing mission and Church-body boundaries:
in 1985 there were an estimated 300 churches associated with Grace
Ministries which had WGN groups attached to them, and the movement was
increasingly becoming accepted in churches associated with the 'Communautd
des Eglises Baptistes au Kivu', and with the 'Communautd des Assemblies de
Dieu au ZaYre,46

Undoubtedly part of the success of the WGN is that it has been allowed to
develop within CECA as an indigenous church-women's movement, without
patterns being imposed from overseas. A few expatriate missionary personnel
are actively involved in WGN, but increasingly they have been replaced in the
key positions by nationals, and remain as 'technicians' in an advisory or
facilitatory role. Details vary from place to place, but broadly, the
activities of WGN include a characteristic range of religious and social
activities. Once a week, the women meet for Bible Study and prayer. In Bunia,

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this meeting takes place in the early morning (6.00-7,30am) before the busy
round of work in the fields or in the market begins, Included in the
devotional Bible study will be Scripture memorization, a feature of the WGN,
Prayer requests (concerning family, health, or financial needs) will be
shared, as will answers to the prayers of preceding weeks. Frequently in the
large Bunia group, the meeting will divide for prayer into pairs so as to
encourage even the most timid and inexperienced to participate in whichever
language is preferred.47 The emphasis upon member participation is further
encouraged by the dividing of the whole Bunia group into ten work and
witness sub-groups, each responsible in turn for the organising and leading
of the meeting. In this way elitism (where everything is done by the
professional few for the passive many) is avoided.

The sense of opportunity for active ministry is without question part of the
attractiveness of the movement to women. Women customarily have been
excluded from positions of leadership and active ministry in many African
churches. The WGN has provided them with openings for responsibility and
service within a parachurch organization which, far from being threatening to
the male leaders of the Church, has been welcomed as a valuable additional
dimension to the churches' vitality, Pastors sometimes lament the lack of
comparable zeal on the part of the men in the Church. Tucker46 relates the
appreciation of Pastor Kysando of Beni for the local group of WGN members
who are responsible for a large part of his church's outward ministry. For
apart from the in-church weekly devotional meeting, the Beni women, like
other WGN members elsewhere, are actively involved in various sorts of
outreach. Some of these are directly evangelistic (seeking to persuade other
women to accept the Christian message), or pastoral (visiting other women
who once were members of the Church but who have lost interest), Other
ministries express the Gospel in action, as members visit the sick in
hospital, provide firewood, food, and comfort for the weak and elderly or for
women in prison, and even contribute financially towards special needs (such
as tuition fees for local church members in training at Bible School.43

Regional conferences are organized within the broad linguistic areas

represented in the CECA territory, namely, 'Swahili-land' (to the south),
*Bangala-land' (to the north), and 'Zande-land' to the north-west. However,

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representatives from other areas are also present at each conference. Choice
of venue is dictated by facilities of feeding and accommodating a large
number as regional conferences can vary in attendance from 50 to 2,000.6°
The WGN leadership plans the programme of these conferences, and several of
the leaders (including usually a woman missionary) are responsible for
preaching and teaching. The emphasis at these conferences is on practical
Christian living, or on a major Christian doctrine such as Christ's return.61

Leadership training was part of the original vision of Rebeka, and it

continues to be an objective in the activities of WGN. Seminars for leaders
of the WGN lasting from two to five days permit the delegates to go through
the 40 lessons of the latest WGN manual. To date <1987) there have been
four or five WGN manuals each with some 40 lessons, and include: 'Women of
the Good News' (outlining the organization and aims of the movement), 'Ten
Rules of the WGN* (with each 'rule' developed over four lessons), 'Women of
the Bible', and 'Our Daily Conduct'. While the manuals are not mere
translations of material used in the West, the authors are missionary rather
than ZaYrian, although probably national women were consulted on some of
them.63 The manual 'Our Daily Conduct* was based on a Scripture Union
publication ("Our Daily Walk"), The books place much emphasis upon Bible
teaching, and each lesson has a number of Scripture references. There is thus
considerable uniformity throughout CECA of the basic material, but the
lessons are designed so as to allow local adaptation and leaders are
encouraged to apply the teaching in a way which will be relevant to local
issues.63 At the leadership training seminars, the use of the manual is
demonstrated to the regional delegates who then return to their districts
and reproduce the seminar at a more local level so that those local leaders
can return to their rural churches to teach the lessons to the WGN group, in
the weekly Bible Study meeting, In this way, a uniform but flexible programme
is adopted throughout the extent of CECA.

Although the Grace Brethren missionaries in Central African Republic

originally developed the women's movement there with the newly emerging
middle and upper class women of that country in mind64, a striking
characteristic of the movement in ZaYre is its appeal to all economic and
social classes of women, both in urban and rural areas. The movement has

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granted women a new identity and sense of belonging. To join the WGN a
woman does not have to be a baptized church member, nor does she have to
belong to a monogamous marriage (though both of these conditions would
pertain for a a WGN leader), but she should consider herself to be a
Christian66, attend 3 consecutive weekday meetings, and be willing to join in
the witnessing and other activities.66 While regular financial contribution
is encouraged, this 'cotisation* is not a condition of membership, since some
of the women live in extreme poverty. The meetings themselves have their own
character; they start by the leader shouting; "Let us teach...!", and the
members respond with "...the Good News!" The leader repeats "Let us teach.,.",
and the members shout back, ",,.to everyone!" Then in unison they all cry out:
"We, the women of the Good News!"67

Conscious group identity comes not only from attending the weekly meeting,
but also from participating in street marches, and the wearing of distinctive
yellow wrap-round dresses and headscarves. Such elements contribute to a
visible 'identity', and this is emphasised at the big regional conferences
which are for the women and by the women, In contemporary ZaYrian society,
while women have a certain economic independence (women easily predominate
as both buyers and sellers at the market) they are largely marginalized in
other domains of decision-making. The WGN provides the women with
opportunities to be liberated from their constraints within the private
domestic domain and to cross into the public domain of leadership and
authority6®, - a transfer which perhaps only a political career would
otherwise afford.63 While this is an attractive feature for the women, it is
sometimes viewed askance by husbands.60

According to Tucker, the new-found liberty and responsibility among women

has, in places, led to tensions within the Church, with women leaders of the
WGN asking for office space in the church office building. Some ZaYrians have
expressed resentment at the "emergence" of women and their subsequent loss
of passive submission to their husbands,61 In CECA the sensitive question
of remuneration of WGN officials has recently surfaced, with the
'Coordinatrice' and 'Vice-President' receiving a fixed salary, while at District
level remuneration is decided by the local District Church Council. At present
these salaries are provided by funds collected within the WGN. Dix claims63

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that within the CECA area there is little if any evidence of male disquiet
towards the WGN; while the movement provides the women with an identity of
their own, it has not created a church within a church. There does exist a
sort of low-level church discipline within the WGN, but It reinforces rather
than replaces full church discipline; for instance, it is accepted within the
movement that only those women who are communicant members of the Church
(ie, not under any sort of church discipline), are eligible to wear the yellow
'uniform1.

Church leaders of CECA are generally enthusiastic about the contribution of

the WGN to church and community life, and there is little doubt that the
movement has permitted Christian women a greater spiritual and social
maturity than would have been the case otherwise. Undoubtedly, the emphasis
of the movement is upon biblical instruction and practical evangelistic and
compassionate ministry. Much less time, If any, is spent on group reflection
on theological questions or on key issues of cultural values and practices.
If such reflection does take place, Dix suggests, it happens when women meet
informally at each other's homes or around the fires in the evening,63

4. Theological Education by Extension

Theological Education by Extension (TEE) traces its origins to an

experimental project in 1962 in Guatemala.64 It has rapidly spread to other
countries as an innovative alternative to residential, centralized theological
education.

In the CECA area, TEE has a relatively recent history, having been introduced
in early 1974.66 For an initial period, duplicated materials were produced
locally by missionaries M.Southard and E.Kuhnle. Later, it was coordinated by
AIM missionary Rev D. Langford, who quickly set about training a ZaYrian66
to assume responsibility, with Langford remaining as assistant-coordinator.

In keeping with the TEE principle, students who enroll for theological
education by extension remain where they are and In their existing
occupations rather than moving to a residential theological institution or

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Bible School. Instead, they are linked to local 'centres' each of which has a
leader responsible for guiding the students and organizing weekly seminars
relating to the studies. The movement in CECA currently has 142 of these
centres, each responsible for between eight and fifteen students, so that in
all there are approximately 1,500 students enrolled in TEE.67 All but nine
of the 39 'sections' of CECA have TEE centres,

Historically, TEE has sometimes been promoted forcefully by its proponents as

a radical solution to the inherent weaknesses of traditional patterns of
theological education. One of the founding members of the TEE movement,
F.R.Kinsler, insists that the residential theological school system is long
overdue for criticism. Such schools strive to become "exalted communities of
theological reflection and spiritual formation but:

some have suggested that our seminaries and Bible institutes are not even
appropriate places in which to carry out theological education. They may in
fact damage, thwart, and stifle the churches' natural capacity to grow and
develop their own leaders and carry out a dynamic ministry to their own
members and to society. The movement called Theological Education by
Extension has come on the horizon at this particular moment of history as
an alternative model to the traditional schools of the past 150 years.63

Kinsler goes on to list what he sees to be some of the built-in weaknesses

of established theological education: it attracts young, inexperienced
candidates who are then dislocated from their social setting and excluded
from the normal processes of leadership selection and experience; it produces
a salaried, prestigious, and professional stratum which the church finds
difficult to support financially; it induces superiority complexes in the tiny
minority who can benefit from it and inferiority complexes in the large
majority who cannot; it relies largely on the lecture method which does
little to stimulate the reflective capacity of the student.63 Kinsler
concludes:

The extension approach to theological education can and does break these
patterns of ecclesiastical and theological dependence, It reverses the
elitist tendency of the ministry. It recognises and values and elevates
local leadership in a process of con textual izat ion.70

Advocates of residential, centralized theological education have been quick

to come to the defence of the more traditional patterns of Bible teaching:

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central, residential institution permits a concentration of highly qualified
staff and better resources (library, etc,) than would otherwise be possible;
the prolonged 2 or 3-year period of teacher-student acquaintance allows more
carefully attuned nurturing than weekly 1 or 2-hour seminars; sharing life
and study with other students from different ethnic and denominational
backgrounds is an enriching and broadening experience in itself. Within
CECA, however, the two processes exist side by side, both officially approved
by the CECA Administrative Council, and there is no apparent friction between
the two.

Currently TEE in CECA operates on two levels; the first for those who have a
background of primary education in the languages of Swahili and Bangala, the
second for those beyond. While the former level is that at which the typical
weekly extension system functions, the higher (French) level is as yet
compelled to operate for concentrated periods in the two centres of Aungba
and Bunia where adequately qualified instructors are readily found. The very
large majority of TEE students are registered at the lower level.

Crucial in the TEE methodology are the programmed texts and the weekly
seminars, Each student purchases his programmed text book71 on the subject
of his choice,73 The manual acts as "teacher", guiding the student step by
step through the material, prompting, correcting, and reinforcing as the need
arises. The student is entirely responsible for organising his own timetable
but will be expected to complete five lessons of the manual within a week
(one a day), in time for the next group seminar, Upon successful completion
of the 10-week course, the student receives an attestation, and is free to
commence another course.

The weekly seminars at the centre last typically two or three hours and
provide opportunity for all the students in that locality to review the
week’s chapter and to discuss it in the light of their daily ministry. Each
centre has its leader whose task it is to help the students to maximize
their benefit from the lesson by discussing problems encountered during
study and by prompting the students to explore the contextual implications
of what they have learned. The advocates of the extension movement would
argue, probably correctly, that the TEE student is thus more powerfully

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motivated than his residential counterpart who seeks to acquire information
in the artificial context of a classroom. Not only so, but contextualization
of the material comes more easily, since learning takes place against a
background of real everyday life and ministry.73

Most of the CECA TEE leaders are local pastors who have themselves been
through Bible training and who bring to the counselling session a wealth of
experience. The pastor is incidentally stimulated and helped by having to
cover the same ground as the students and by the cross-fertilization of
ideas in discussion. Four-day training seminars for TEE leaders, with a view
to developing skills in tutoring and counselling, have been held at (among
other places) Aba, Adja, Bedu, Oicha, Blukwa, Chyekele, Bogoro, Ara, Linga, and
Beni, as well as in several Bible Schools from which, It is hoped, future
leaders for TEE may emerge. Follow-up seminars for further instruction have
been held in several of these centres, as have "inspections", in which top
TEE personnel visit the centres personally in order to ensure that full
functioning conditions are met.74

Two TEE personnel receive salaries, the Coordinator and the Secretary. Their
salaries are met partly by the CECA annual budget, and partly from overseas
funds. In an effort to become less dependent upon external funds, TEE has
purchased a small flour milling machine76, the proceeds from which are
ploughed back into the work. In the same year, a motorbike was purchased for
TEE, to enable the Coordinator or his assistant to visit the centres. While
the overhead costs of running the TEE initiative are but a small fraction of
those of a residential Bible Institute or seminary, it is clear from the
annual reports that funding is a major problem.

That both TEE and residential theological training happily co-exist in CECA
might be partly because the TEE coordinating personnel belong to both
'camps'; Southard was producing basic programmed texts while he was director
of Bunia Seminary, Langford was part-time professor at the Bunia Seminary
whilst at the same time coordinator of TEE, and both of the Zairians who
succeeded him as coordinator received their theological training at the
Seminary. It was debated in Seminary staff meetings whether it would not be
a good thing for TEE to be a department of the Seminary. Beside this

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reason, however, both 'sides' recognise that neither system on its own can
fully meet the total theological needs of the Church. TEE in CECA seeks to
cater for the many who wish to gain some sort of theological education
(either for the full-time ministry or not), but who cannot leave their homes
or places of work to move to a residential theological institution for two or
three years. Their reasons might be family (eg, children in crucial stages of
education, elderly parents needing help, etc.) or professional (eg, wish to
continue in business or secular education rather than train for a full-time
career in the Church), TEE recognises that Christian ministry involves many
more in the Church than the few who train in Bible Schools, and seeks to
equip them for their contribution.

Well over twice as many are enrolled in TEE as there are in the CECA
residential institutions, but the most important contribution of TEE is
related not to numbers but to the sort of person being reached. The
extension movement in CECA is placing theological and Bible training within
reach of many who probably will never become salaried 'Church-workers' but
who nevertheless perform a variety of important church-related ministries:
Sunday School teachers, choir leaders, youth workers, and members of the
Women of the Good News,76 TEE is thus strengthening the infrastructure of
the Church, a sector largely neglected in the traditional ephasis upon the
'61ite' conveyed by the more prestigious residential schools. According to the
Coordinator; "the reports we receive during our visits to the (TEE) centres
or from the centre leaders indicate that those doing the courses are growing
spiritually and are becoming more mature in their faith, and the quality of
their work is improving."77

With limited manuals available, priority is still being granted to those

(listed above) who have a ministry in some way directly linked to the Church.
Others, such as Christian businessmen, merchants, medical workers, and
teachers, currently accounting for a mere l%7e of all those enrolled on
extension courses, will gradually become a more important TEE student
category in years ahead. Such ones, usually totally absent among those
trained in Bible-teaching institutions, will undoubtedly strengthen the vast
lay sector of the Church.
Theoretically, 24 courses of TEE are equal to two years of Bible Institute,
48 courses equal 4 years.73 To date noone has completed the entire 24
courses, let alone the 48; indeed, there are not yet this number of courses
available. The most courses that have been completed by a student to date is
18. It is still early to know whether TEE, for all Its contribution will be
seen in the eyes of the ZaYrian Church to have the same standing as
traditional residential institutions of theological training, or whether it
will always be considered to be a poor-man's option, a second-class
alternative. However, Irrespective of whether ZaYrian perception will grant
TEE an equality-status alongside residential training, the Church in CECA
cannot but be significantly strengthened by the extension movement.

Inadequacies

The CECA Church is thus more fortunate than many ZaYrian church bodies in
having a variety of initiatives for strengthening church life, and the needs
of theChurch might appear to be catered for at every level, Yet the CECA
Church shares with many other African Christian communities weaknesses which
disturb not only some of the expatriate missionaries working there but also
many African leaders who discerningly see beyond the numerical strength of
the Church to its inner frailty. A missionary from Africa (working with a
different Church) reported to the International Missionary Council in
Will ingen in 1952:

African Christians, it is suggested, live on two irreconcilable levels.

They are members of a Church,.,, as such they subscribe to a statement
of faith. But below the system of conscious beliefs are deeply embedded
traditions and customs, implying quite a different interpretation of the
universe and the world of spirit from the Christian interpretation. In
the crises of life, - birth, marriage, death, the 'customary* matters more
than the Christian; the Church is at those moments an alien thing,00

Many African Christian thinkers would admit the problem of the "two levels",
and explain it as a consequence of a Christianity which has been imported
from the West and therefore does not fit the African context and world-view.
Eboussi Boulaga laments the rigid, authoritarian presentation of Christianity
by the West that left no room for African contribution, only unthinking

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acceptance:

Everything is 'for' the new converts, never 'by' ... (This results in)
dictated understanding, evidence acquired by proxy or substitute,
conformity to the system of unconditional acceptance,,, 01

He does not wonder, therefore, that damaging contradictions set in:

When the neophyte tires of salvation <ie, the Western Christianity

package) and begins to long for healing and physical and moral
wholeness... suddenly the ancient piety <ie. traditional African religion)
is the essential thing again... But this reappropriation is always
accompanied by a sense of shame. It is always clandestine, for it is
contraband. Now the neophyte will lead twin lives, a cloven life, a life
in twain.®3

African Christian converts have accepted from the hands of the missionaries
the 'package*, but have found that its parameters do not coincide with those
of their total needs; it meets some of these needs, but in places leaves wide
gaps. Increasingly, African Christian thinkers such as Mbiti are warning of
the inadequacy of a merely 'received' theology: "Let it be said once and for
all as loudly as technology can make it, that im p o rte d C h r is t ia n it y w i l l
n e v e rt n e v e r quench th e s p i r i t u a l t h i r s t o f A fr ic a n p e o p le s ,"sa (italics his)

While African writers disagree on the details of the remedy they envisage,
they are agreed that it needs to be more than superficial. Kwesi Dickson
expresses it with admirable clarity:

To speak of the process of doing theology in Africa as indigen izing or

translating Christian theology is to misunderstand the nature of the
theological task facing the Church in Africa; this task consists not
primarily in thinking through the theological deposit from the West, - it
consists in thinking through faith in Christ,®4

Others emphasise the urgent need to release the Christian gospel from the
theoretical hairsplitting of the West to engage the pressing practical
problems of real life in Africa:

The context of Western theology is scientific empiricism. Its modern

roots can also be traced to the intellectualism and scholasticism of the
Renaissance... Western theology emphasises the intellectual and
theoretical, (whereas) our faith must confront the issues of the day.06

Camerounian theologian, Engelbert Mveng, agrees: "For us in Africa, theology

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isn't a scholarly exercise of pedantic words and enigmatic formulas. For us,
theology belongs rather to the totality of our religious experience, to the
sum-total of our life."86

In Zaire, four aspects of the theological process combine to harden or 'set'

these observed inadequacies, making them more likely to perpetuate
themselves in coming years and push a solution yet further out of reach.
Firstly, the teachers, the agents of theological instruction, whether
expatriate or national, tend to be locked into a self-reproductive cycle that
does not address in detail some of the vital issues that lie deepest in the
minds of the African students. Admittedly in recent years the trend towards
national staff has been accelerating. Of the 43 teachers in CECA Bible
Schools today, for instance, only eight are expatriate. However, the national
teachers often do little more than repeat what they themselves received from
missionary teachers; the cycle is hardly affected. Secondly, the curriculum is
often modelled on Western patterns, and in the often overcrowded programme
of studies there just is not room to "get sidetracked". Thirdly, library
facilities, where they exist, are stocked with books from Europe and America.
Theological literature by Africans and in African languages is almost non­
existent; where there are books in Swahili or Lingala they are almost always
translated from English and French.37 Finally, the pedagogical methodology in
both primary and secondary schools (and which is carried over into Bible
Schools) favours learning by rote rather than by reflection and the emphasis
upon content memorization militates against a questioning, investigative
approach to understanding.

The *Gospel and Culture Seminars*

It is against this background that the 1983 and 1984 experimental 'Gospel
and Culture Seminars' should be seen. Involving a select number of Church
leaders in the CECA territory, the seminars were brought about by American
missionary, John Gration,3® Fifteen years of service as a missionary in
Zaire and Kenya, followed by active participation in the 1974 Congress on
World Evangelism in Lausanne33 and in the Willowbank Consultation on the
Gospel and Culture in IGZS30, permitted a combination of practical experience

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and theoretical reflexion. Looking back over his years as missionary teacher
in Zaire, Gration reflected:

"I recognized that I had delivered many pre-packaged boxes of biblical

’truth* to my Zairian students. Although the content was biblical, it did
not speak to many issues, crucial to the Zairian Church, of which I was
only dimly aware. Furthermore, the delivery system fostered a mentality
of theological dependency that matched the colonial context."30

Reviewing his previous ministry with a deepening understanding of the

implications of contextualization for missions and churches, Gration had a
sense of ’’unpaid debt” to the Zal'rian Church.9:2 He returned briefly to Zaire
in 1981, and again (this time at the formal invitation of the CECA Church) in
1983 and 1984 to meet with CECA Church leaders, some of them his former
students. The overall aim was "to encourage an active and dynamic
interaction between the context of culture and the text of Scripture".5,3
Gration determined from the beginning that the process to be employed would
have to be different from his usual. In a preparatory letter to Zal're
missionary David Langford who helped to set up the seminars, Gration wrote;

I am a lecturer by nature ... but at all costs we must avoid the lecture
method ... it is rather a consultation in which everyone invited is
expected to make significant contributions

Reporting after the event, Gration explained that the method used, far from
providing all the answers, "does not bring anything but questions. It is my
conviction, however, that there are times when asking the right questions is
more important than providing the "right” answers, especially to questions
that no-one is really asking.”3S

Indeed, it is clear from Gration's preparatory correspondence that the

process or method of the project was much more important than its content
as such: "While the end product is very important, the process itself is
crucial and lies at the heart of the learning experience,,, We must be
terribly careful that we ourselves provide a perfect model in this regard
and in no way set the agenda ... what we are really interested in is starting
a process ,"3e; Grat ion's article in Missiologv anticipates accusations that he,
as an expatriate, was inevitably manipulating or imposing the agenda, but he

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insists that his role was simply one of "active dialogue" in which there is
both receiving and offering of mutual help and correct ion ,37r

Since the process was a dynamic one, Gration was concerned to limit the
numbers in the seminars to no more than 18, so as to encourage free
discussion and corporate ref lection.33 As regards the delegates themselves,
the missionary presence was discouraged in an attempt to permit the most
uninhibited exchange of opinion possible among the Africans themselves.
During his preliminary visit to Zaire in 1981, certain African leaders had
confided in Gration that some of the subjects he was touching on were never
discussed with missionaries "because they would laugh at us"39, their minds
having been conditioned by the scientific and secular worldview of the West.
The delegates were therefore (with one or two exceptions) Zairians, chosen
by the Church itself as being in key, influential positions,100 Reflecting
Gration's conviction that theology is not the "exclusive domain of an erudite
elite"101, the first of the two seminars in 1983 was at Rethy for pastors
who had had basic Bible School training but little else. It was in Swahili,
with 16 participants. Following it, another seminar was held in the town of
Bunia. Conducted in French, it brought together a total of 17 Church
administrators, and teachers in Bible Schools, Theological College, and
secondary schools. All of the latter group had had post-secondary education
at Theological College or University, and almost without exception were
pastors.

Since the overall aim of the seminars was to permit a fruitful interaction
between gospel and culture, it was important that the delegates should be
aware of the meaning of the two constituent elements. The first question to
be asked at the seminars was "What is the gospel?" Especially at the Swahili
seminar, there was astonishment that such an elementary question even needed
to be asked. The "cascade of cliches"103 that resulted confirmed what Gration
had anticipated when, months earlier, he had written to Langford: "I rather
expect that we will not get very full-orbed answers to the first question. A
simple verse or two will probably explain it all. To my mind, this is
probably the reason why very little ethnotheology has developed. We have not
begun to explore all the dimensions of the gospel."103 Almost as if they
were in a catechism class, the delegates repeated what they had retained

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from their own training. To encourage reflection, Gration assumed the
position of "one who was not antagonistic to the gospel, but who was totally
ignorant of its special, technical vocabulary".1OA Seeking to lead the
delegates in the Swahili seminar beyond set answers, they were asked to
explain what it was in the Christian message that had attracted them, and in
what sense it qualified as 'habari njema' (Swahili: good news), In the French
seminar the same process of probing familiar terminology to deliver its
real-life meaning led one delegate (a seminary teacher) to protest that
instead of keeping to the orginal objective of defining the gospel, the
seminar was "getting into theological matters".109 The question was then
discussed as to whether theology could be avoided in a discussion of the
gospel, although it was agreed that technical language could be.

In both seminars it soon became evident that the term 'gospel1 so easily used
by the delegates in their preaching and teaching, in fact embraced a great
deal, Exploring together why the Christian message could be considered 'good
news', the delegates began to unearth new dimensions of the meaning of the
gospel. The 'good news' presupposed a lot of 'bad news' (human disobedience,
a broken law, alienation from God, divine judgment, etc.), and, as a result,
'salvation' (Swahili: 'wokovu', French 'salut') implied far more than "a
forensic justification"109; it was also "a release from the bondage of sin in
its various manifestations."107 Gration was to write later:

As the excitement produced by the discovery of the richness of this

simple term "gospel" became evident, I only wished that I had used this
approach twenty-five years earlier,10®

Having established at least partially what was meant by the 'gospel', the
next task was to consider 'culture'. Gration had anticipated103 that some
delegates would experience difficulty in distancing themselves from and
thereby objectifying their culture. From his own understanding of culture as
"the total lifeway of a people"110, Gration sought by discussion and
Illustration to guide the delegates to a perception of the various elements
of 'culture'. As a conceptual tool, Gration proposed a role-play in which a
Zairian would seek to explain to (for instance) a Senegalese the local way
of life. Another idea for facilitating the conceptualization of 'culture' was
for the delegates to contrast what they thought was "particularly African"

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with what they considered to be "European"; "anything to help bring out the
heart and essence of African culture",111

Of greater difficulty than understanding the distinctiveness of customs and

Institutions, was the concept of 'worldview* and values. Gration's task here
was helped by a "propitiously timed" thunderstorm which made it difficult for
the delegates to hear one another but which provided a helpful key to
unders tand ing ;

I immediately asked if everyone in the town heard the thunder and saw
the lightning, The answer was a unanimous affirmative. I then asked if
these phenomena meant the same thing to everyone in this cosmopolitan
town. This time there was a unanimous negative. I asked what different
meanings were attached to them. Diverse and intriguing explanations,
differing from tribe to tribe, were shared, This became a natural bridge
to a fuller understanding of the significance of worldview in the life
of a people. Worldview was thus graphically seen as the perception of
the "system" by which the world operates.113

With a clearer understanding of the meaning of 'gospel' and 'culture', the

seminars were ready to move into the third phase, namely, the interaction of
the two. The larger group subdivided into small "buzz groups" to discuss the
areas in which, according to the delegates, the gospel had touched and
transformed African culture.

It was this stage of the discussions that compelled Gration to contrast the
Swahili and the French seminars. The French group were more analytical and
perceptive, "more reluctant to be as positive or absolute"113 in their
affirmations. The Swahili group, on the other hand, were less able to engage
in reasoning dialogue or interaction, preferring rather to launch into
"sermonettes",11A One evidence of this, according to Gration, was in the
discussions on tribalism. While both groups insisted that the gospel had
transformed this issue, the French group voiced unease that tribalism was
still active in the Church beneath the surface.119 These observed differences
were confirmed by the author's own field research In January, 1987.119 Higher
level education (rather than any inherent differences in the languages) may
be the major factor for providing the developed skills of reflection and
reasoning that were evident in the participants of the French seminar. If, as
Kalilombe insists, a "higher level" facilitator Is needed for grassroots
theologizing1iy, one of his skills would have to be to control and prompt
group interaction so as to rescue discussion from 'set piece* monologues and
stimulate dynamic cross fertilization of Ideas.

Among the reasons advanced by the Swahili group as to why the gospel was
"good news" to their people were: the promise of eternal life, the ability to
approach God without fear, and the hope of heaven instead of the prospect of
eternal judgment.113 Gration conjectures that these answers possibly
reflected the orientation of early gospel preaching, Discussing further their
comments, the delegates repeatedly implied that the gospel brought release
from fear, - the fear of spirits, of death, and of misfortune,113 The French
group, for their part, declared that the gospel had satisfied the need for
forgiveness which was deeply rooted in pre-Christian African thinking. Power
over evil spirits was cited as another profound influence of the gospel.130

On the surface, the answers given as to the impact of the Christian message
seemed satisfactory enough to the delegates. However, the next question was
the negative corollary of the foregoing, and was designed to lead to the
heart of the purpose of the seminars, namely, to expose deliberately those
areas of the African context which remain untouched by the gospel, While
this could be considered the most important stage of the seminars, it was
also the most sensitive, and could easily have been construed as yet another
judgmental exercise by a Westerner, imperiously sure of his own attainments
and censorious of those of others. Gration therefore was careful to
introduce the session by illustrating from his own experience of life in the
U.S.A. facets of national, ecclesiastical, and personal life which he
recognised were not transformed by the gospel. This was:

in order both to illustrate what was specifically meant by these three

areas, and to indicate my own vulnerabilities both as American citizen
and churchman ... We missionaries have known very little of what it
means to be vulnerable in front of our African brethren. We represent
still a powerful, dominant political force. The affluence of our Western
churches represents tremendous power in and of itself even where it is
not overtly used. In maintaining a strong "testimony" before our African
brethren they have all too often seen too little of our real selves that
struggle,that hurt, and that grapple with issues where there are
sometimes more questions than easy answers. Westerners tend to maintain
a faqade of triumphalism that papers over real needs and hurts that we
share in common not only with humanity but in a special way with our

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 na tIona1 bre thr e n ,131

All that preceded was preparation for this part of the seminar, for it was
at this point that the Church began really to bring the gospel face to face
with the real world of the African context. Subdivided into three small
groups for about hours133, the delegates listed issues of vital concern
to Africans which (in their opinion) had not really been exposed to the
gospel. The three lists were then conflated by the reunited plenary group. In
the case of the French seminar, this list, "the Church's unfinished agenda"
comprised no less than 29 topics.133 Not all of the issues were directly
'cultural'; some of them related to Church practice but were understood by at
least some of the delegates as urgently needing fresh examination.

The delegates were then asked why these issues had not been previously
discussed with missionaries. In his field notes, Gration lists eight reasons
suggested by the delegates which may be conflated as follows: The
missionaries did not encourage dialogue; they remained apart from the
Africans (the notes do not clarify whether this 'apartness' referred to the
location of their homes or to their attitudes; perhaps both). They were
better educated, and felt that the Africans were ignorant; thus, the
missionaries' word was considered to be final and nan-negotiable (one
delegate explained: "our fathers received their word as the final authority,
not to be discussed"). As a result, Africans expressed to the missionary not
their real beliefs and feelings, but rather what they thought the missionary
wanted to hear. The missionary attitude was that Africa was "the dark
Continent", and that everything African was "diabolical". The Belgian notion
of the "dvolue" as describing those Africans who imitated the Belgian way of
life and thought, was reinforced by a parallel missionary concept of the
"spiritual evolue", - the African Christian who reflected the missionary way
of thinking and acting, One delegate even insisted that the only reason why
the consultations had taken place was because Gration had proposed it, - had
the seminars been proposed by one of them, questions would have been asked
about the motives for wanting to discuss such matters.134- For all these
reasons (in the opinion of the delegates) such issues had not been
deliberately brought into the open, and not only were missionaries largely
unaware of their existence, but, more serious, the questions were largely

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excluded from what was considered to be the appropriate agenda of the
African Church associated with the missionaries.

So as to reduce the immediate task before the seminar to manageable

proportions, the delegates were asked to select the three most pressing
issues from the list of 29. At the insistence of the delegates themselves
this was done by secret ballot. They chose: fetishism, beliefs in dreams and
visions, and tribalism. The issue that Gration himself secretly hoped would
be chosen in fact lost by one vote,139 Each of the three groups chose a
topic that was particularly relevant to their region139, and a basic process
of reflection was suggested: First, the problem the group had chosen was to
be defined and clarified, Second, the group would go to the Bible and seek
out asmuch relevant data on the subject as they could find, using the
limited tools of concordances and Bible indexes that were at their disposal.
Again the differences between the Swahili and French seminars became
apparent: "Especially for the Swahili group this kind of dialogue between the
Bible and life situations was a new experience ... The group, composed largely
of men with pastoral responsibilities, inclined to be far more sermonic."1

The French group were guided as to their methodology by Rene Padilla's

article Hermeneutics and Culture, a theological perspective133, each delegate
having received a copy before the seminar began. The method proposed by the
author reflects the view that Scripture is authoritative for faith and
practice, a conviction shared by AIM missionaries139 and by the CECA
Church.1'
30 The article argues that the hermeneutical task requires an
understanding not only of Scripture (attained, Padilla insists, by the
'historico-grammatleal' approach), but also of the context or "current
concrete situation". Part of the reason, Padilla maintains, that the gospel
has a "foreign sound, or no sound at all, in relation to many of the dreams
and anxieties, problems and questions, values and customs of people" is that
Western missionaries have rightly insisted on the first aspect of the
hermeneutical task, but wrongly ignored the second.131 The clearer the
understanding of real issues in culture, the better the questions brought to
Scripture. Padilla thus proposes a "hermeneutical spiral" in which a deeper
understanding of Scripture permits a greater understanding of the receptor
culture, which in turn reveals new dimensions of the biblical message. The

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dynamic interplay between receptor culture and Scripture strives "for a
merging of our own horizons with those of Scripture".133 Padilla ends his
article:

The urgent need everywhere Is for a new reading of the Gospel from
w ith in each particular historical situation, under the guidance of the
Holy Spirit, The contextualIzation of the Gospel will not consist of an
adaptation of an existing theology to a particular culture ... It can only
be the result of a new, open-ended reading of Scripture with a
hermeneutic in which Gospel and culture become mutually engaged in a
dialogue whose purpose is to place the church under the lordship of
Jesus Christ in its historical situation,133

Inevitably, the results of the discussions were incomplete, but it was the
process rather than the product which excited both the Zairian delegates and
Gration himself:

I had faithfully delivered the 'product* over 15 years of teaching, often

to realise that some of the boxes had remained unopened or at best
their contents only partially used. In this new situation, Africans would
pose their own questions, discover their own answers and fill their own
boxes. In a word, they would be theologizing, The result would be an
aspect of theology that would be pastoral in nature, for they were
wrestling with issues right out of the Christian community. My
excitement was matched only by theirs ... Scripture assumed a new
relevancy as it not only provided answers to questions that were being
asked but itself raised questions,13Jl

While the Swahili groups ended up with no written statement (Gration had to
distil the essence of what the groups discussed and note key phrases on the
blackboard), the French groups were able to present their thinking more
incisively and systematically, and each produced a "working paper". In the
plenary discussion that followed Gration could note that "again and again, it
was obvious that the Africans were breaking new ground in their thinking.
The barriers between African culture and biblical truth were gradually being
broken down,"139

During the evaluation session towards the close of the French seminar one of
the delegates expressed the dangers of including certain subjects in the
Church's agenda; "Young people will applaud and clap their hands when they
see us even mentioning some of the things we have discussed here (fetishism,
etc.) ,., but they will be looking at them through another window ... these

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ideas can easily be distorted and perverted/1139 The remark betrays the
fear on the part of some Church leaders that the very discussion of certain
practices will be construed by some as implying a change of attitude by the
Church authorities which will be exploited by some and become the cause of
disorder and confusion in the Church,

The Swahili and French seminars ended differently as to proposed future

action. At the former, it fell to Gration to raise the question of follow-on
from the seminar, It was agreed by the delegates that all that had been
discussed should be shared with the local churches, although Gration was
sceptical as to how much (if at all) the method of dialogue would be
reproduced.137 As for the French seminar, the delegates lamented that most
seminars were ’one-offs' and insisted that this consultation should not share
a similar fate, Concrete proposals from the delegates included: 1) special
commissions could guide the CECA's Administrative Council in their decisions
on key issues affecting Church policy (e.g. marriage customs); 2) coordinators
were chosen to reproduce the same style of seminars with others in three
regions of CECA territory; 3) cells representative of the three sub-groups
should continue to meet in their regions (centred on Rethy, Aungba, and Bunia
respectively) with a view to producing a written document each, firstly for
initial discussion and interaction, then to be published for the benefit of
the whole CECA Church,133

Gration returned home from his seminars in ZaYre in 1983 enthusiastic about
the fresh ground that had been covered by the seminars, yet uneasy on two
counts. First, he was unconvinced that the process had gone far enough
towards being all that contextualization should be in terms of "grappling
with the religious, social, political, and economic issues and dynamics of a
society in a specific context",139 While feeling that the seminars had been
more than an exercise of backward-looking 'indigenization'1‘£to, he sensed that
they could have and should have gone further:

I see in contextualization an active, dynamic, at times even aggressive

posture on the part of the church vis-a-vls its societal context ...
meaning that the church not only applies Scripture to its total life and
context, not only engages in dialogue and interaction with its world, but
at the propitious moment actively, and dare I say even on occasion
militantly, confronts its world ... Something of this exciting mandate I

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 sensed lacked in our seminars.1* 1

Indeed, the list of topics chosen by the delegates reflects little, if any,
political awareness, although perhaps 'corruption', 'injustice', and 'fear of
speaking out against evil' point in that direction, One possible reason for
this might be the traditional (though changing) evangelical attitude of non­
involvement in politics conveyed by missionaries. Another explanation might
be the danger with which any critical interference in politics is fraught in
Mobutu's ZaYre, Secondly, Gration also feared that the seminars, instead of
signalling the start of an on-going process, would be considered merely an
end in themselves,

Meanwhile, the delegates, having returned to their respective regions and

occupations, set to work on the topic that each group had agreed to address.
The general procedure for all three groups was for the topic to be sub­
divided between the members, so that each would work separately and with
appropriate research on one aspect of the subject.143 In time, each member
would read the draft of his part to the whole group for discussion and
mod ification ,u 3

Gration returned to Zaire the year following (1984) in order to hold a

follow-up seminar in Bunia with the same (French-speaking) participants. He
found that the three sub-groups had continued to meet and had prepared a
document each on their topic. The papers were read to the plenary group who
responded to them; modifications in style and content were suggested, and
additional relevant material, both biblical and cultural, was recommended for
inclusion, with the plan to prepare a revised edition for possible
printing,1AA Over the following months, two groups produced revised editions
of their documents incorporating the recommendations made in the plenary
group. Summaries of these, and of the unrevtsed third document follow.

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The Documents

Document 1. The Gospel and African Beliefs1*B

The subtitle of this document specifies; "The case of Rethy and its
surrounding area" in order to make clear that the group were concerned to
reflect not just as Africans or even Zairians, but as members of the Lendu
and Hema tribes situated in a defined geographical locality. These two
Nilotic tribes are distinct but related, sharing a common language, Kilendu,
and both are engaged chiefly in cattle rearing on the grassland plains to
the west of Lake Mobutu.1*9 Two of the group had a background in secondary
teaching, while the third had seven years experience in Bible School
education,1*r

The group chose to widen the scope of their topic from the narrow confines
of the subject selected at the Bunia seminar (beliefs concerning dreams and
visions) to include other persistent African traditional beliefs. Then, in
order to narrow down the potentially very wide field of study and provide it
with a structure, the group chose to look at those beliefs that surround
four phases of major concern to Zairians: childhood, adult life, death, and
the after-life. With regard to the multiplicity of traditional beliefs
surrounding these, the document poses the rhetorical question: "Is it
necessary to hold that all these beliefs are false (as some evangelicals
would have)? Or all true (as some pagans would hold)?" In order to answer
the question, each area of investigation describes the traditional beliefs,
then alternative modern (medical) viewpoints, and finally any specifically
Christian position.

The document establishes that birth and childhood are of paramount

importance to the African life-view, ensuring as they do family perpetuation,
prestige, and potential economic advantage.1*® It illustrates the measures
that some parents take in the traditional society to safeguard their
offspring from illness and death by citing a case during the 1978 cholera
epidemic when a pastor, entering the home of a bereaved family, found the
corpse of the child wrapped around with charms in the form of shells,
leopards' teeth, and pieces of animal skins. The authors, drawing on their

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interviews with ZaYrian and expatriate medical staff at Rethy Hospital, refer
next to modern medicine, with its vaccinations and regular rural health
clinics, that provide "scientific protection". The authors insist that even
this medical protection, however, is not foolproof, and above and beyond both
charms and modern medicine is God, who has shown himself concerned about
health and powerful to restore and sustain it. The document then puts
forward the biblical teaching of God's care for His people, and the specific
example of the little child Samuel whose mother dedicated him to God instead
of having recourse to charms.1*9

As for adult life, the document lists and discusses at least five areas of
major concern to Africans where traditional beliefs cluster thickly: illness,
accident, failure, sterility, and dreams and visions. In all these, the
document maintains, the African traditionally looks beyond the particular
event or incident to the underlying cause for nothing can happen, especially
anything of misfortune, in and of itself.190 Behind the calamity there must
be a evil spell, or a malevolent spirit, or an offended ancestor, and it is
against these that the African traditionally must protect himself.191 For
each of the five areas, the authors give typical traditional responses which
reflect the widespread belief in sinister (supernatural) causes. For example:

1, Illness: " ... all illness is suspect, and prolonged

sickness is presumed to be from an evil spell ... "
2, Accident: " ... Why was that person at the roadside
crushed by a vehicle? Is it not because he was punished by a sorceror
or evil spirit? Can itbe simply the chauffeur's fault? ... "
3, Failure: " ... How is it that I am not intelligent at
school while my friends are always successful? Could it be because there
are some in my clan or village who are against me? ... "
4, Infertility; " ... infertility results from a curse by
relatives, following a marriage of which they disapprove ..."
5, Dreams and visions: " ... Traditional Africans take
some dreams seriously, especially if their dreams agree with ideas
current in their society ... " 193

The document does not seek to explain away these things from a scientific
point of view. Indeed, there are instances where the reality of these
malevolent causes are readily allowed. For instance:

It must, however, be recognised that certain alchemistic products such as

'rutanga', 'kisege' (comparable to electrocution), 'uu', or 'tsuu' (small
scabs or spots) are Indeed produced by malicious individuals In order to

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 harm people. Evils such as these do not yield to dispensary medicines ...
And we are aware of the fact that evil spirits can also intervene to
cause accidents,193

However, the writers do suggest other, 'neutral' explanations which could

(and, in their opinion, should) be considered, For example, having discussed
the traditional beliefs about the causes of accidents, the authors continue:
"Often, the inquest establishes that the cause of the accident was that the
driver was drunk, or he did not obey the highway code, or there was a
mechanical failure."19* Having discussed illness and sterility with a
qualified (Christian) doctor at Rethy, the group explain how modern medicine
can treat many cases yet maintain there are others of a frankly supernatural
origin which can be effectively countered only on the supernatural level: "It
(modern medicine) can calm physical and psychical disorders, but it admits
its inability when it is confronted by supernatural causes, those due to evil
spirits and sorcerors".199 The document next examines the subject of dreams
and visions, emphasising (as other students of African religion have done199)
the importance of the subject: "For the African, the dream is never
accidental; it always has a role to play. It can give information on the
future, or communicate to the living the wishes of the dead".197 Modern
psychological and medical explanations of dreams are given. Then the question
of divine revelation is taken up, and dreams and visions are emphatically
included (along with nature, conscience, the Bible, and fellow Christians) as
being among the means God uses for communicating His will to men. The
section concludes with a warning from the Bible itself (I John 4:1) about the
need to discern, or "test the spirits" in a world where "false prophets are
everywhere."

For each of the areas listed, the document seeks biblical examples of how
God is supreme, able either to overrule in protection and healing or, when he
sees fit, to use each for his own wise purposes and the good of the person
in question,193 The supernatural realm, therefore, is freely admitted, but
within that realm God is shown to be in control, and worthy of entire trust.

The ambivalent attitude in traditional African thinking towards death as

something inevitable but unthinkable is acknowledged in the document:
"L'homme salt qu'il mourra, mals il n'accepte pas la mort."1" Never sure of

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the moment of his death nor the agent by whom it will come, the
(traditional) African "surrounds himself with protective objects."190 In
connection with the subject of death, the document discusses the belief in
ancestors expressed by the Senegalese writer Birago Diop ("les morts ne sont
pas morts...") and cites examples of local burial customs:

The African believes that the deceased continues to live in the vicinity
... The ceremonies ... aim to safeguard the peace and life-force of the
family and clan, and to permit, amongst other things, the spirit of the
departed to find peace and rest in the world of ancestors, the 'after­
life', Otherwise the spirit will be condemned to wander 'outside', and
this will involve the entire clan running the risks of failed harvest,
infertility, failure, frequent illness in the family, and numerous family
deaths.191

One of the group had done his Diploma thesis at the Bunia Seminary on the
burial practices of his tribe, and had researched the whole question
thoroughly,193 The authors again (while not denying all the traditional
explanations for death) list possible other causes: foolishness, ignorance,
infection, accidents, suicide, and murder. The document, however, in contrast
to much African theological opinion which appeals for a Christianization of
existing African concepts of the "living dead"193, finds no room for the
traditional African view that ancestors return to partake unseen in clanish
life, quoting in its support several verses of the Bible194, and prefers to
explain the apparent reappearance of ancestors by demonic activity.199 In
considering the question of the after-life, the "village of the dead"199, the
general validity of the traditional belief in the hereafter (that death is
not the end of existence) is endorsed. In the opinion of the document, It is
the traditional African belief in the ready access of "the living dead" to
the present world which provokes the dread and fear lying behind a host of
rites and taboos. While Roman Catholic teaching and practice would encourage
prayers for the dead and the mediation of saints on behalf of the living197,
the authors are emphatic that according to the Bible this ready intercourse
with the deceased does not exist19®, and consequently, the African Christian
has no need to fear the anger or displeasure of his ancestors. So Christians
can attend the funeral ceremonies for the dead, but only to express their
sympathy for, and solidarity with, the bereaved.

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The paper concludes by returning to the original question as to whether all
traditional beliefs are wrong or whether they are all right. It insists to
its readers that the aim of the paper was not to repudiate all traditional
beliefs, but rather to clarify them and then see where the Christian should
stand with respect to each. Another aim was to ascertain whether the African
should respect his traditions more than the will of God, thereby coming
under the judgment that Christ reserved for the Pharisees: "You have a fine
way of setting aside the commands of God In order to observe your own
traditions!" (Mark 7:9) What is found to be not in conflict with the revealed
will of God is, however, permissible and good,

Document 2. Fetishism and Healing193

It is recognised in the CECA Church that fetish-related problems are

particularly marked in the Aungba region.170 It was not surprising therefore
that at the Bunia seminar the topic chosen by the four members of the
Aungba group171 was that of fetishism, They subsequently elected to include
in their study the allied realm of healing. While inevitably the subject
chosen by the Aungba region's delegates overlaps in places with the
preceding study, its field of investigation is narrowed to these two major
questions, both of them of concern to Africans generally and Zairians in
particular,

The document makes it clear from the beginning that its study of fetishism
concerns all the wider field of occult power-manipulation. Its origins are
sought and located with the help of many biblical references primarily in
Satan, whose existence as the personification and source of evil is assumed,
not argued, However, man himself because of his estrangement from God and
his replacement of God by objects of his own making also is responsible;
examples from the Old and New Testament as well as from traditional African
society are quoted.173 Further, it is demonstrated that repeatedly the
Israelites were contaminated by occult influences, primarily through marriage
alliances with the pagan nations that surrounded them, and the parallel with
the present-day Zairian Church is drawn: "It is exactly the same with some
Christians today. They disobey and wander from the law of God in

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establishing relations with pagans through marriage/'173 Again, many biblical
references point to the consistent and severe judgment of God upon such
practices, especially with regard to His people. Biblical examples (Elijah,
Josiah, the martyrs of Revelation 14) are cited to demonstrate that
compromise is not inevitable.

Reasons for the use of fetishes are sought and listed: to protect from the
power of evil spirits, to expose a sorcerer or evildoer, to defend against or
seek revenge against another person, to procure success in natural or
personal realms (harvest, fishing, hunting, childbirth, wealth, studies,etc),
and to recover health.17* According to the authors these are but some of
many reasons.

A distinction is made by the authors between the simple fetish-user and the
sorcerers,175 The latter are the "priests of fetishism", and are feared and
despised everywhere in Africa. The authors list the tribal names for
sorcerer: 'adjoga' (Alur), 'adroa' (Lugbara)17e, 'muraguzi' (Hema), 'ndruba'
(Lendu), They may, say the authors, be easily recognised: bizarre clothing,
unkempt appearance and life-style, terrifying voice, and strange gestures.177

Having clarified fetishism (albeit very superficially17®), the document then

proceeds to consider its encounter with the Christian Gospel. The central
purpose of the Gospel is stated: the forgiveness of the sinner through the
sacrifice of Christ, through whom also the sinner receives power to live a
new life both inwardly and outwardly: "He completely transforms the heart,
the character, and the deeds of a man,"173 Significantly, instead of
banishing the sorcerer from their Christian worldview, the group are able to
situate him or explain his existence and activity:

The Gospel affirms that all creation is the work of God; everything
visible, everything invisible, all was created by him and for him, and
therefore owe him honour. Astro log ists, magicians, diviners, necromancers,
spirits, soothsayers, sorcerers, all are the creatures of God, All should
offer him worship in sincerity and faithfulness to his glory. Why do
some become sorcerers? Because of their foolishness, says the Apostle
Paul In Romans l:22.ieo

In the understanding of the group, therefore, the sorcerers too, perverse as

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they might be, can be placed withinan integrated universe whose centre is
God; they do not have to be passed over in silence as having no place in
reality, nor do they have to be relegated to a second, non-Christian
universe. And, argues the document, if this is so, then they are within the
reach not only of the judgment of God, but also of His mercy:

Despite their attachment to fetishes, the Gospel, by its power, has

transformed many such people, and continues to this day to do so in our
churches. In the regions of Aba and Aru especially and elsewhere in the
CECA territory, there are men and women sorcerers who have been touched
and transformed by the gospel,1® 1

The section closes with a strong statement of the incompatibility of the

gospel and fetishism.1®3

The document next turns its attention to healing. It notes that traditional
healing continues to be practised widely even where modern medicine is
available. It is often more immediately effective, and sometimes less
expensive. Although the Gospel "stifled"1®3 such practices, the document
claims that they are on the increase again. The ingredients of traditional
healing are listed as including: roots, bark, leaves, flowers, certain fruits,
seeds, excrement, feathers, blood, bones of certain animals, soil, ashes,
locally made salt, water, stones, and fire. The paper states that some of
these are useful under certain conditions and if they are used "without
superstition or rites",1®*

The disadvantages of traditional medicine are listed: lack of hygiene,

arbitrary dosage, uncertain diagnosis, difficulty in longterm conservation of
medicines, secrecy surrounding practice, exorbitant charges by some healers,
Christians are warned about these risks. But the document puts its Christian
readers on guard against the greater danger of the fetisher-healers who use,
in addition to their natural medicines, supernatural powers. It is probably
because of the close association between much traditional healing and occult
spiritual powers that the two subjects were linked together for study by the
same group.

The document concludes with a summary which attempts to distinguish clearly

between what is acceptable for the African Christian in the light of biblical

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teaching and what is not. Detailing no fewer than 8 biblical examples (mainly
from the Old Testament)1eB,the document is intended to leave the reader in
no uncertainty as to the absolute opposition of God to all expressions of
fetishism since it is a form of idolatry, and anyway, the Christian does not
need to have recourse to it as the power of God available to him is greater
than that of fetishism.

For traditional medicine, however, a less clear-cut conclusion is drawn:

"Wisdom is called for. Nothing need prevent its use, as long as it is used
wisely and for the glory of God,"1se Christians are urged to develop
("create") non-Western methods of healing, and to "teach positively on the
subject, using the Word of God."1®7

Document 3. Tribalism133

The Seminar members constituting the Bunia group were easily the most
numerous of the three groups.133 Appropriately, since the group of eight
members represented no fewer than five different tribes, it was decided at
the Seminar that theirs would be the topic of tribalism. The group produced
both the longest130 and the most academic document of the three.

After a preliminary section outlining the major ethnological and linguistic

categories of the African continent, the authors go on to examine the
strengths and possible dangers of tribal consciousness. On the positive side
can be listed tribal solidarity, shown especially at times of burial,
marriage, hospitality, and (formerly) war. Tribal identity also preserves
customs and traditions which would otherwise be lost. However, the document
argues that there are more disadvantages than advantages, and shows how
tribalism easily and frequently expresses itself in egocentrism that compels
the individual to push himself and those of his clan or tribe forward at the
expense of others. It blinds the offender to his own faults and those of his
fellows, It sacrifices competence in the interests of favouritism, it
dissembles the truth where it might be prejudicial to 'the group', it breeds
pride and therefore jealousy, and, because it is suspicious of others, seeks
to surround itself with only those closest related and most trusted.131

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The document seeks to identify the 'door' through which these tribalist
tendencies entered the Christian Church, and places the blame on the early
missionaries and their choice of the first collaborators. On any given
mission station in a multi-tribal region, the missionary chose the first
pastor and/or the first house helper from the dominant tribal group, It was
from this same dominant tribe that candidates were chosen for secondary,
technical and Bible schools, and the process has continued ever since by
imitation.133 The paper unfearingly insists that the CECA itself (particularly
in its upper echelons) is full of tribalist tendencies, and lists examples
while not revealing names: favouritism in appointment of personnel, biased
church discipline, preferential selection for grants for further study, and
par tia1ity in promo tion.133

With the contemporary reality of tribalist tendencies both inside and outside
the Church clarified, the document then seeks to establish what the Bible has
to say on the subject. At first view, the Bible could even be thought to
promote tribalism since it was God, according to the Bible, who chose one
tribe Israel, to be his own people. The document argues, however, that this
preferential election of the Jews was never intended by God to be an end in
itself, but always a means to an end, namely, the bringing of blessing to all
the nations of the world, (Genesis 12:iff), If God insisted that His tribe be
distinct and separate from others, it was so that the light might shine
undimmed from the one to the many, Everything the people of God did should
come within the boundaries of 'holy', and the detailed sacred laws and the
'Holiness Code* in the Pentateuch spell out what that holiness means:

"not a collection of moral virtues, but a total belonging to God, a

complete consecration to God. The life of the people of God cannot be
divided into religious acts and secular acts. Everything is sacred, even
questions of food and drink. With regard to the distinction to be
observed between clean and unclean animals, one reads repeatedly in the
Old Testament: 'You must be holy, for I the Lord am holy.' The Christian
life cannot be other than a thorough-going belonging to God, otherwise
it is a lie."13*

God's sovereign decision to use one tribe to reach the many is accomplished
in Christ, through whom present-day believers become the posterity of
Abraham and partakers of the blessing that was his. Several New Testament
references are quoted to support the point that present day Gentile (and

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therefore ZaYrian) believers are, by their faith, recipients of the divine
blessing promised through Abraham:

So is proved the impartial attitude of God, so different from our human

clanishness and prejudices; despite a diversity of cultures, of nations,
of tribes, and of social classes, God forms a united and harmonious
people in Christ.139

However, while tribalism is nowhere condoned in the Bible, it is seen in the

mistaken pride of the Jews in being the chosen people of God and being the
trustees of the Law. While Jesus might have had every cause to share the
prejudices of tribalism (being a Jew of Davidic descent and of the royal
tribe of Judah) he chose instead to live as a servant. He was sensitive to
the needs of non-Jews, even if he understood his first responsibility to be
towards his own race. At the end, he specifically commissioned his followers
to go into the entire world and preach the Gospel to every tribe and nation.
A few weeks later, on the day of Pentecost, they had opportunity to proclaim
the message to hundreds in Jerusalem from many different parts of the world,
and many non-Jews believed the news about Jesus and the Kingdom.139

The document admits that even in New Testament times tribalism reared its
head. The Hellenistic widows were discriminated against (Acts 6) and even the
Apostle Peter had his prejudices about what (and who) was "clean" and
"unclean" (Acts 10), and on one occasion gave in to hypocrisy under pressure
from the Judaistic Christians from Jerusalem (Galatians 2), Each time,
however, the error was exposed and dealt with. The New Testament writers are
shown to be of one mind on the question:

Paul follows the example of James in not ceasing to remind Christians of

the doctrine of their unity within the 'ekklesia* (Church) ... Being sons
and daughters of the same Father, all barriers fall. It is the love of
God that binds them together. So tribalism should give place to
brotherly love ... This love that the believer receives from God knows no
racial, ethnic, or tribal barrier.137

The document ends with an expression of hope that the readers, as children
of God, will be compelled and provoked by it into examining their daily
1iving.

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The three documents are unequal in depth of analysis, but seem to share
certain characteristics. Firstly, all three deal with areas of ethical or
cultural concern which are central to African thought and life and yet which
are rarely dealt with in normal Bible school or seminary curriculum. They go
part way towards facilitating an encounter between Christianity and African
world-views. Secondly, there is no doubt that each group was at pains to
test everything by the norms of the Christian Scriptures as they understand
them. Areas which normally are reserved for a separate conceptual
compartment (hence the "two levels") have been deliberately brought within
the circle of the biblical worldview and examined there.

The investigations may have proved rewarding for the participants themselves
who brought their draft documents to the second seminar in 1984 where they
were read and amended, and two of the documents were rewritten accordingly,
but the plan to use the documents for the benefit of the entire Church did
not succeed. For want of follow-through and capital1363, the documents were
not printed and remain in the files of their group leaders. Not only so, but
the plan to hold replica seminars at the different centres never came to
anything, To all appearances, and indeed to Gration himself133, it seemed
that the bold experiment was of limited impact and its effects very
circumscribed.

With a view to exploring at a deeper level the effects (if any) of the
seminars, a period of fieId-research was undertaken, Correspondence with
participants in the seminars confirmed that the twin objectives of further
locally-organised seminars and the publishing of the three documents had
encountered discouraging problems. The aim of the field work was to
investigate participant response to the methodology used in the seminars and
to establish to what extent, if at all, the process used then had had any on­
going results in other directions. The basic method of field research was
personal interview using a questionnaire (see Appendix III).200

Some 2J£ years had elapsed since the last seminar had been held. In a sense,
this distance aided the objective of the research as it provided adequate
time for participants to reflect upon and put into practice what had taken

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place In the seminars. However, It did also constitute a problem, Insofar as
detailed memories of the discussions were beginning to fade, although the
majority evidenced little difficulty in answering the questions.

Participants* appraisal

1. The Seminars

In an attempt to assist the delegates to recall to mind the methodology and

content of the seminars, the questionnaire asked the participant to give his
appreciation of the meetings in fairly general terms.201 The almost
unanimously positive response to the question was probably predictable, given
that the interviewer was a missionary,202

Of greater interest (because less predictable) were the different reasons

advanced to substantiate their enthusiastic appraisal. The admired feature
most frequently stated (56%) was that the seminars encouraged the delegates
to be discerningly critical of their world instead of simply letting things
be, A variety of actual expressions was used: "to judge for onesself"203, "to
understand the old ways which persist even today, some of which are good",
"to distinguish between the good and the evil", "think for ourselves",
"discovery (as opposed to being told) permits deeper understanding", "helped
to reappraise some of the good things that missionaries had rejected off­
hand; some were bad, but some were good", "the seminars opened our eyes to
discern", "helped us to acknowledge the mistakes of the past". Whatever the
actual wording used, mostf1of the delegates seemed to agree that the
seminars, by their methodology, had stimulated a sifting or distinguishing of
the diverse elements of behaviour and thinking characterizing their religious
and cultural situation. One participant saw in the process a means to deeper
maturity; instead of remaining with a passive, receptor attitude the
delegates found themselves developing an active, enquiring approach.

Of the remaining reasons given for the positive assessment of the seminars,
the most important (26%) was that real, burning issues came to the surface

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for consideration. One Bunia pastor emphasised that the issues discussed
were major controversies, urgently needing the attention of the Church, All
the other four participants who expressed the same conviction were members
of the Swahili seminar, and three of these explained that the seminars came
at a time when the issue of tribal burial practices Cmatanga') was causing
major concern in the Church, with Christians participating in pagan
ceremonies without discerning the danger. Other minor reasons for approval
of the method adopted at the seminars included: the "exceptional" openness
and frankness of discussion, the "multi-departmental approach" which brought
together for a single task leaders of different departments of the
Church20*, and, finally, since the seminar did not depend upon the teaching
of someone from "outside" but rather upon a method that the delegates now
possessed, the discussions could be self-perpetuating.

2- Grat ion's role

In an attempt to establish to what extent the 'success' of the seminars

depended upon the personal contribution of Gration, the delegates were asked
to comment on what they perceived to be his role, and, separately, whether
they felt he was personally qualified in some special way. In answer to the
first question, the most frequent answer (56%) stated that Gration simply
asked questions. Most of those who gave this answer specified further that
this was in contrast to the lecture method, in which the speaker transmits
information to passive hearers. Almost a half (47%) of the delegates also
gave the opinion that Gration's role was to "activate" the delegates: he
"stimulated discussion instead of passive listening", "he didn't teach; it was
we who did the discussing", "he oriented us, rather than imposed his ideas on
us", "he guided the debate", etc. One delegate stated that Gration's
contribution to the seminar was to provide "a formula which facilitated
discernment"209, but that "he let people talk". It was this non-self imposing
aspect of the methodology that the delegates most appreciated as
contributing to the fruitfulness of the discussions. Referring to the list of
29 topics that the French seminar delegates produced, one participant stated:
"If, instead, Gration had listed in a lecture the areas of weakness which he
observed in the CECA Church, and if, by coincidence, his list comprised

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exactly the same items that we came up with, - we would not have accepted
££'11206

Asked as to the personal qualities that made Gration a good one to lead such
seminars207, one delegate stated that age (and thereby respect) was
important. Another felt that Gration's academic training helped him to know
the right questions to ask (although his rusty French, according to another,
was not an asset), while several believed that years of experience in Africa
were important, It was clear, however, that these qualifications were not
nearly as important in the eyes of the delegates as manner. Over half (56%)
of the delegates specifically chose to mention Gration's "vulnerability"203:
"he accepted criticisms about missionaries", "acknowledged his weaknesses",
"admitted his errors", "not oversure of himself, someone who is overconfident
would not succeed", "often his questions bounced back on him, but he wasn't
offended; he was there to repair", "honest", "open", humble". These qualities
in turn enabled the delegates to lower their own defensive barriers and be
open and honest. Several stated that in addition Gration had the right
motives: he was not there as a judge or critic, but as a "brother", "one who
was suffering alongside us", "wanting to put right errors of the past",
"caring", Again, this created a spirit of trust which made it easier for the
participants to be open with him and with others, rather than defensive and
self-justifying, Gration was not the only missionary known to the delegates
to posses these traits, but the fact that such qualities were so conspicuous
would seem to indicate that they are not perceived by the delegates to be
general or even common among missionary personnel,

Follow-on from the Seminars

1. Replication of the Gospel and Culture Seminars

The seminar participants stated that apart from the discussions on their
designated subjects with a view to producing the three documents, they had
not had similar seminars in their own areas. The questionnaire did not ask
them the reasons for this, but several volunteered the information: "too
busy", "practical problems of transport", "lack of financial means",

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"coordination problems"203, and "preoccupation with administrational matters
within the Church",

Of the two seminar groups, it was the Swahili delegates who understood it to
be their responsibility to report back to the churches that they represented:

i. The 'pasteur responsable' of the Rethy area210, and member of the Swahili
seminar, saw it as his duty to convey to the pastors and elders of the local
churches under his auspices something of what the seminar had covered, -
especially since the issue of burial practices Cmatanga') was causing
widespread confusion among Christians at the time. Minutes of by-gone Rethy
Church Councils witness the recurrent concern which traditional 'matanga'
customs cause the church and its leaders,21 1 The major problem concerned
with mourning customs is the 'enlevement de deuil' (literally, 'lifting of
mourning'), a second ceremony held some months (sometimes even years) after
the decease and burial of a clan member. The practice Is common among
several ZaYrian tribes.212 While exceptions cannot be ruled out213, the
custom is genera 1ly ■observed out of fear of ancestral spirits21*. The
traditional conception is expressed by Nkongolo wa Mbiye:

Our fathers, mothers, and brothers are still members of our family ... If
you neglect your fathers and mothers who have died, the spirits will
turn their back on you. Of such an evil-hearted egoist the spirits
declare: ‘This one doesn't know his parents any more; he has forgotten
us, So now, we also will forget him,'219

Consequently, the custom is frequently observed of taking a portion of soil

from the grave and an item of clothing from the deceased to bury nearer to
home, and of placing eating utensils beside the grave for the hungry
returning spirit. Some church members similarly wish to observe the
traditional customs out of fear of ancestral spirits; others perform certain
duties, not from fear of the spirits, but from the desire to express their
respect for the departed by honouring their memory. Church Council minutes
In the past have simply outlawed the customs for Christians, with little or
no evidence of tackling the underlying thinking from a theological
standpoint. One Council minute states: "We forbid the Church to bury earth or
clothing after a funeral, or to walk in front of the corpse, or to place a
plate and fork. All this is lies (Swahili; uwongo'). For this is not Church

- 24-8 -
practice."31 G The Rethy pastor visited all 14 of the local churches within
his oversight317, explaining to elders and pastors what had been done at the
seminar, and discussing particularly the question of 'matanga',

ii. The current CECA director of radio spoke of a seminar of about 15

pastors and elders held towards the end of 1984 at Bogoro. In the seminar,
he sought to reproduce what he himself had participated in several months
previously, but adapted it to a lower educational level. The delegates
considered the culture of which they were part and especially those aspects
of it that the Gospel had not yet touched such as marriage, and funeral and
burial practices. Discussion established distinctions between practices which
were not in conflict with their understanding of Scripture and others that
were.21 e

While it was obvious that very little of an organised seminar nature (apart
from the above examples) had taken place following Gration's visits, the
questionnaire sought to probe further in order to ascertain whether in the
delegates' individual ministries the seminars and their methodology had
exerted an influence. While the large majority of the participants are
pastors, their particular occupations may be summarised as follows:

Bible and theological teaching 7

CECA administration 4
pastors in local churches 4
chaplains in secondary schools 2
evangelism
coordinator Christian Education
editor of CECA publishing house
director of CECA printing
radio programme producer
coordinator TEE (see pp,21ff.)

23

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The questionnaire asked: "Have the seminars influenced your ministry in any
of the following areas: preaching, Bible teaching, hymn composition, seminars
for youth, elders, deacons, etc), publication, others ... ?" Participants were
asked to furnish concrete examples in their answers,

2. Preaching

Several participants indicated that they had already been in the habit of
contextualizing their preaching and were not aware that they had changed
their pratices because of the seminars, One admitted frankly that certain
issues, such as tribalism, were so "hot" that he felt it wiser to steer away
from them in preaching,319 Over half of the seminar-participants responded
positively with examples of sermon subjects or applications more oriented
towards the real African world as a result of their discussions in 1983 and
1984. Examples include:

i. Death and the hereafter

a). The Legal Representative of the CECA (French seminar) was invited to
preach on the occasion of the funeral of the father of the Commissaire Sous-
R6gional (Bunia's leading political figure). He preached in the open air in
front of the Commissaire's residence in Bunia, and in the presence of a "very
large crowd." The sermon sought to explain the Biblical view of what happens
at death and was based on Psalm 23, with special emphasis on v. 3a, "He (God,
as opposed to spirits) restores my soul".330

b). Re thy's leading pastor (Swahili seminar) sought to address the

question of death and the hereafter in a sermon which was based on Jesus'
words to the dying thief: "Today you will be with me in paradise" (Luke
23:43), From the text he taught that Scripture leaves no room for ancestor
activity, and that the repentant criminal had nothing to fear beyond death.
He further illustrated the error of pagan burial rites and the placating of
spirits by citing the example of David who spent seven days and nights
praying and fasting to save his child's life but when he realised that it was

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dead, knew he could do nothing more for it: "Now that he is dead, why should
I fast? Can I bring him back again? I will go to him, but he will not return
to me." <2 Samuel 12 23).331

ii, Tribalism

a). A Bible Institute teacher (French seminar) preached a sermon at the

CECA centre of Linga333, where tribal tension has for several years hindered
harmony and progress in church work, he chose as his text for the Sunday
service I Corinthians 12:13333, and in the application spoke of Christian
unity in a context of tribal conflict.33"1

b). The leading pastor of CECA station Linga (Swahili seminar) was among
the hundreds that converged on Bogoro33S for the funeral of a well-known
pastor/evangelist in 1986. Because of tribal tension in the area, the women
from one village refused to partake of the meal which had been prepared by
the women of the deceased pastor's village, lest it had been poisoned in a
spirit of revenge. The interviewee chose to preach on the subject of
tribalism and Christian unity, and later persuaded the women to eat together
so as to put the message preached into action.33*5

iii. Fetishism (protective witchcraft)

a), In a sermon at the CAFEZA centre of Lolwa337, the same pastor as in

iii.(above) sought to counsel the newly-converted by deliberately discussing
some of the real-life features of village life which would severely test the
new believers, such as fetishism and pagan dances.33®

b), Another Rethy pastor (Swahili seminar) stated that he was seeking to
make his preaching more penetrating both inside the church and by the
graveside. At one service, preaching about witchcraft and faith, he testified
that when three of his own children were gravely sick one after the other, a
family member urged him to consult the ’nganga kisi', but he refused, quoting

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Philipp Ians 1:20-21: "I eagerly expect and hope that I will in no way be
ashamed, but will have sufficient courage so that now as always Christ will
be exalted in my body, whether by life or by death. For to me, to live is
Christ, and to die is gain."333

iv. Sorcery (destructive witchcraft)330

a). A seminary teacher (French seminar) related a recent fireside sermon

and discussion that took place at Bogoro on the occasion of a funeral of a
Sunday School teacher, The wife of the deceased, shortly before his death,
had a vivid dream in which she saw a woman approaching, armed with a large
stick, She woke to find that her sleeping husband had a woven grass string
around his throat, and concluded that it was the work of the woman she had
recognised in her dream, Alarmed, they woke the rest of the village, but the
woman strenuously denied the accusations which the couple made against her.
The following night, the man found a second string like the first, inside his
bed, Convinced of the inevitability of his doom, he committed suicide.331 At
the public 'palabre' the woman eventually admitted she had conspired with two
other men to kill the deceased. Her added confession that she had tried to
kill the elder brother of the interviewee "on several occasions", but had
never been able to, gave the intended victim opportunity in the fireside
discussion to explain that a truly committed Christian need fear nothing
from sorcery,333

v. Sermon illustrations from traditional culture

a). One of Re thy's pastors (Swahili seminar), in his capacity as

'Inspecteur de finance' for the Church, endeavoured to educate local church
congregations to be better stewards not only of their money, but also of
their other forms of wealth. To illustrate his point and enable his hearers
to relate to it, he reminded them how their predecessors offered all manner
of things to their 'miungu* (Swahili, gods): samples of their crops, libations,
choice parts of animals they had killed, etc. To an even greater extent, they
should recognise that the true God has claims not merely on their money, but

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rather on all that they possess, (With much of the rural population involved
in subsistence farming, the pastor was attempting to encourage his church­
goers that not only monetary offerings but also gifts of livestock, poultry,
vegetables and grain would all help in providing for those who serve the
churches),333

b), The elderly Honorary President of CECA (Swahili seminar) related a

sermon he was invited to preach at the burial of Chief Uchama of Anbake,
north of Lake Mobutu. In his sermon he contrasted the inevitably transitory
nature of human chieftainship with the permanence of Christ's: "Jesus Christ
is the same yesterday and today and forever." (Hebrews 13:8) 33-*

3. Teaching

Of the seven involved in Bible teaching or theological education, six gave

examples of how they felt the seminar methodology had helped in their
classroom ministry, Only one, a Seminary teacher, specified that he had not
been consciously helped in his teaching by the meetings.333

i. Teaching methodology.

The Coordinator of Theological Education by Extension (French Seminar)

spoke of the 142 centres in the CECA region at each of which an average of
between eight and fifteen students meet once a week to discuss the
questions in their programmed texts (for discussion of TEE, see above,
pp,216ff). The TEE system, with its less formal approach to teaching,
favours discussion rather than lecture for Its weekly meetings, and this was
reinforced for the coordinator by the methodology used in the Gospel and
Culture seminars. A workshop was held in order to initiate all group leaders
in the skills of stimulating reflection and discussion about the daily
realities of ZaYrian life, in an attempt to root the teaching firmly in the
soil of the local context.336.

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ii, Homiletics,

In his preaching classes, a teacher at Linga Bible Institute favoured the

"problem-solution" method of sermon preparation, A problem of contemporary
ZaYrian society, such as polygamy, was chosen for consideration by the class
and led to a "vif d6bat", Then a student was designated to prepare a sermon
addressing the problem and proposing a Christian (biblical) solution. Other
examples of problems included: corruption, discouragement, sorcery,
immorality, divorce, juvenile delinquency, and the generation gap. Sermons
were delivered first to fellow students for further discussion before being
used in local churches.337

ill.Theology,

a), The official Bunia Seminary curriculum233 stipulates that the subject
of Biblical Anthropology should cover "man, his original nature, the image of
God, the Fall, sin, Satan, and the angels". The Seminary teacher responsible
for Systematic Theology (French seminar), regularly goes beyond the stated
limits of the subject in order to discuss in depth the question of evil
spirits which he perceives to be of major importance in the society from
which the students come and to which they will be ministering.333

b). The Oicha2"10 Bible Institute director (French seminar), responsible

for some of the theology classes in his institution, chooses to probe not
only orthodox definitions of, for instance, 'faith1 and 'prayer', but also what
these things really mean in everyday life and typical crises of the ZaYrian
situation. In his interview he cited the example of a 'case study' discussion
in class about a church member being treated in hospital and praying for
healing while also secretly contacting a 'nganga kisi' because he suspects
that he is the victim of sorcery. The class then discussed his actions,
motives, and fears, and their relation to faith and prayer

iv. Practical theology.

a). Every year as part of their practical training, Bunia Seminary 2nd-
year students complete a month-long apprenticeship with an experienced

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pastor in a local church, being exposed to a wide variety of activities
(preaching, committees, counselling, youth groups, etc). The Seminary teacher
(French seminar), designated to counsel the students before they set off for
their practical 'stage1, also chooses to discuss with them as a group after
their return, and includes suitable issues in his 3rd-year Ethics course. Two
examples of such issues were cited:
1. In the Adi-Abedju area near the frontier with Sudan it is
customary for the brothers of a deceased to pay the maternal uncles as
"compensation for lost benefits"; if they fail to do so, they can be cursed.
What should the Christian attitude be towards such family obligations?
2. In the Oicha region, fashion dictates that girls should plait
their hair; the Church, however, forbids the practice. Is it the girls who
should change their ways, or the Church its rules?342

b). Another Seminary teacher (French seminar), responsible for the course
on Christian Home, not only includes the wives of the men in his course, but
integrates them fully in the discussions by dropping French in favour of
Swahili,343 The course is designed not only to help the student couples
themselves in a society where marital and sexual questions are seldom
discussed openly, but also to address questions that they will be having to
deal with in their practical church ministry upon leaving the Seminary. The
Seminary has from its inception emphasised that the training it provides is
intended to equip the wives of the students for ministry alongside their
husbands. Thus among the questions covered is that of 'trial marriages',
increasingly common among Zaire’s young people. Underlying reasons are
sought for the apparent turning from both traditional and Church weddings,
including: reluctance of long-term commitment, fear of the shame of the
marriage not lasting, the desire to ascertain fertility before life-long
commitment to a partner, and the unreasonable bride-price demands that are
made. The interviewee stated that the course was always a most lively and
enjoyable one, and that when the reasons were carefully sought behind
certain traditional practices and attitudes, then appropriate guiding
principles from the Bible were not difficult to discover.344

- 255 -
4. Hymns

The generally scant response to this question from the participants revealed
that few of the leaders of CECA have yet realised how important hymns are
in both expressing and influencing belief patterns. Most of those interviewed
expressed that they either lacked the time or the gifts to involve
themselves in choirs. Yet the importance of choirs groups in current church
liturgy is indicated not only by the number of groups (the Re thy Section
alone has about 30 choir groups)345, but also by the proportion of time
given to them in regular church services.

i. Of all the participants questioned, it was the leading pastor at Rethy who
spoke most enthusiastically about the role of choirs in communicating the
Christian message. In his own Rethy region, most of the 30 choral groups are
regularly involved in the Sunday worship services. At the central Sunday
morning service lasting two hours, just over half the total time was taken
by choral groups singing, some of them accompanied by locally-made harps of
different sizes. The interviewee was eagerly anticipating a forthcoming
seminar at Rethy, intended in part for choir leaders and members.345

ii, The Rethy Christian Education Seminar, February 4 - 8, 1987. One of the
four days was designated for instructing and exhorting choir members. The
duplicated hand-out intended for the delegates (two sides of closely typed
foolscap paper) represents probably the most serious attempt to impress upon
the choir members the purpose and importance of their contribution. It was
prepared by the CECA Department of Christian Education in Bunia, intended not
only for the Rethy seminar, but for others in different regions of CECA
territory. Liberally supported in its various guidelines by Bible references,
the document establishes that the personal life-style of the singer must in
no way contradict what he sings about. The various objectives of any choir
are listed (praise, worship, repentance, comfort, prayer, edification, etc.) and
the delegates are solemnly reminded that no song should be devoid of
teaching or meaning.347 The rightness of all and any instruments for choir
purposes is affirmed (supported by the reference to the exhaustive list in
Psalm 150, and by Psalm 33 which, with its mention of harps and lyres, would
be particularly appropriate for the Rethy area), but it is emphasised that

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they should never just be played for their own sake, nor should they ever
drown the words. Further, the rhythm should be moderate so as to avoid
causing some to tap their feet or move their bodies in an unseemly way.34®
Beyond this, the document does not directly address the sensitive question of
dance; CECA policy is to discourage it as too close to practices which it
considers to be incompatible with Christian behaviour.34® Sundry details as
to posture, dress350, and gestures are added in the document, as well as
exhortations about personal conduct. While the document does mention in the
briefest possible way that choirs may have a role of comforting the sad and
paying "courtesy visits", it surprisingly does not explore at all the possible
role of choirs or hymns in the work and witness of the Church outside of
services, at birth celebrations, weddings, times of drought or harvest,
funerals, etc.351

iii. The Coordinator of Christian Education (French Seminar) reported that

during the one year of 1984 there were no fewer than 46 marriage ceremonies
in the church at Aru-Ania. Songs were specially composed to be sung at some
of those weddings, with the express purpose of conveying Christian teaching
on the subject of marriage,353

5, Seminars

While, as we have seen, the three regional groups as such did not organise
seminars in their areas, several individuals who had participated in the
seminars have sought to lead seminars on given subjects:

i. Aungba353 seminars on fetishism. The Bible School director of Aungba

(French seminar) held a series of monthly seminars, first for church members
of the immediate locality, and then for wider participation by leaders of
different church organisations in the whole Aungba 'District*. Both seminars
were on fetishism, and included both talks and lively discussions. A
duplicated handout was prepared for the latter seminar.354

ii. The current Administrative Secretary for CECA (formerly teacher at Rethy
secondary school, French seminar) and co-author of the document 'The Gospel

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and African Beliefs', led a seminar for pastors in his area of Rethy in 1984,
In which he sought to reproduce the non-lecture method of stimulating
reflection. It concerned some of the areas covered in the document. This in
turn led to being invited by the CECA Coordination d'Education department to
lead a series of seminars for primary and secondary school directors355 on
the general subject of syncretism in the Church. The seminars took place at
important CECA centres of Rethy, Kasengu, and Watsa. In 1986 he was further
Invited by the Church to hold seminars in two widely separated centres of
Beni355 and Djugu357. In these latter two, the delegates themselves
discussed and then listed what they felt to be the "illnesses" of the Church,
One of the striking things to emerge from the exercise was that while there
was some duplication of items, the two lists were far from identical. The
Beni group placed as their priority the evils of sorcery and fear of spirits,
while the delegates at Djugu (situated as it is in an area interpenetration
of the Bahama, Walendu and Alur tribes) placed 'tribalism' and 'fear of
speaking out' as the most important weaknesses in the Church. The
interviewee stated that the contrast between the two lists had shown him
that people's needs were not the same everywhere, and that preachers and
teachers needed to understand this fact if they were to have a message that
penetrated by meeting real needs. The participants of the two seminars,
having identified the various ills of the Church on the one day, returned the
next day to search together for "remedies".35®

iii. Two Bunia pastors (French seminar) reported on an experiment in the five
local churches in and around the town of Bunia, In an attempt to encourage
active reflection about burial practices (an area in which the leading
pastors considered there was compromise or, at best, lack of discernment on
the part of church members), a list of typical activities was sent to each
local church. These included the wearing of a straw in the hair by the (male)
mourners, the sounding of car horns 50 metres from the cemetry, and the
washing of hands after the return from the cemetry, The local church elders
were asked to discuss why these practices were observed, and whether the
reasons advanced were compatible with Christian belief. At a subsequent
meeting, the delegate(s) reported on their discussions, where it became
evident that while some traditions were incompatible with Christian belief
(for instance because of the implicit fear of ancestral and other spirits),

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other practices were positively good, while still others were not wrong in
themselves, but meaningless and serving no useful purpose, It was then urged
by the leading pastors that sermons should then be preached on the subject
to share with the church members the conclusions arrived at.25®

iv. The Oicha Bible Institute director (French Seminar) conducted a seminar
(talk followed by discussion) on the subject of fetishism at Oicha. The day
following the seminar, a youth came to him and declared that he had sensed
during the seminar that all that the director had said was aimed at him, as
he possessed and used an aphrodisiac powder, He wanted the pastor to witness
his throwing away of the powder as a determined break with his former
practices. The director, however, insisted rather that the youth take the
powder back to the one who had provided him with it, so that his
renunciation of the powder might (hopefully) have a positive influence on the
supplier,250

v. The director of 'Editions CECA' (French seminar) was invited by the

organisers of the 'Ligue pour la lecture de la Bible'251 to hold seminars on
the subject of tribalism for a youth camp at the CECA centre of Linga. Over
the years Linga has shared with Rethy the tribal tensions which have been
the cause of serious difficulties in the Church. Between 70 and 80 campers
were present, drawn from all over the CECA territory,252

vi. The same director spoke of weekly seminars held at Rethy and regularly
(and, by all accounts, eagerly) attended by between 50 and 80 young people,
mainly from the secondary school. A speaker is proposed for a subject of
current importance in society; examples included sex and marriage, bride-
price, the home. The 'exposd' is followed by an open discussion after which
the speaker will attempt to summarise what was discussed and suggest
biblical principles which might guide thought on the subject. Those who
attend do so of their own volition as the seminars are not an obligatory
part of the school curriculum,253

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6 . Writing and Publishing

As would be expected, It was the delegates of the French seminar that were
the more concerned about the importance of exercising an influence through
publishing, At the close of the 1984 seminar in Bunia, it was agreed that
each of the three groups should amend their documents in the light of
comments and criticisms by the plenary group. The intention was that the
revised documents would be printed, although Gration's field notes record
that at least one delegate, aware of the realities of limited means within
the country, suggested that printing would depend upon outside funds (from
Gration or someone else), The three documents, as has already been stated,
have not been published, for a variety of reasons (see p,244 above).

However, apart from the three documents, certain publishing has taken place
in line with the interests of the seminar:

i. 'Cheka na Fikiri' (Swahili: Laugh and Ponder). A small monthly foolscap

paper, produced at Rethy, aimed at a wide rather than an intellectual
readership, with an emphasis upon light-hearted but thought-provoking
articles, seeking to penetrate key areas of thought and behaviour. The
producer, one of the participants at the French seminars, had had training in
literature and communications in Nairobi.254 Sales were encouraged by the
offer of a monthly prize for correct answers to a quiz. A promising
initiative was brought to an end after an article (illustrated by, but not
written by the producer) provoked a storm of protest. It was entitled 'Sheria
za dawa' (Swahili: The laws of medicine), and targetted corruption and
bribery in hospitals (eg. monetary incentives for proper treatment, etc.).
Although their own hospital was not mentioned by name, medical personnel at
the Rethy Hospital had little doubt that the accusations were levelled
against them, and that it was the personal work of the producer. They
reacted violently, insisting that the producer retract the article. Their
behaviour was so threatening that the producer had to send his wife to
another hospital for the birth of their child. Publication of the sheet
ceased soon after, subsumed by the magazine 'Tujenge',255

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ti. 'Tujenge' (Swahili: Let's build). This biannual magazine was launched
towards the end of 1984 as the official Editions CECA publication, aimed
generally at 15 to 35-year-olds. On the back cover of the magazine the
objectives of both Editions CECA and of the magazine 'Tujenge' were
listed355, the former including the aim: "To penetrate structures of ZaYrian
belief and culture with the living truth of God's word", and the latter that
of: "addressing difficult questions of our time in the light of the word of
God", both goals coinciding exactly with those of the seminars. The magazine
was on an altogether more ambitious scale than the leaflet 'Cheka na Fikiri',
comprising about 20 pages of letters to the editor, news items of current
interest, topical articles, and cartoon and/or photo stories. It was published
simultaneously in French and Swahili and French and Lingala, The chief
editor of the magazine was the same as for 'Cheka na Fikiri',

The magazine sought to be faithful to its stated objectives by addressing

important issues in society and in the church, including abortion, drink,
marriage, divorce, polygamy, and corruption.357 Vo 1.1 No.2, for instance,
chose the subject of fashion among young people and the dangers
accompanying an obsessive attitude towards it. Illustrated by several photos
and with examples with which any young person in ZaYre could readily
Identify, its appeal would have been considerable. A photo comic-strip story
dealt light-heartedly but thought-provokingly with attitudes towards
marriage among young people. Finally, an article presented both sides of the
question of whether or not the CECA should break from its traditional past
and adopt an episcopal system, quoting proponents and opponents, some of
them highly-placed in the Church. At a time when the issue was causing
tension in the CECA, the article sparked strong reaction in the leadership of
the Church. After just two numbers, publication of the magazine was ordered
to be suspended by the Administrative Council on the grounds that it was not
the correct forum for sensitive Church issues to be discussed,355 Later, at a
journalism seminar in 1986, advisors from Nairobi suggested that (in addition
to the other reasons) 'Tujenge' had been too ambitious from the start, and
that the producers would have been wiser to start with something more
modest and gradually expand as their readership stabilized and grew, The
first issue had 1,900 printed, the second 1,000.3S® The Director of 'Editions

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CECA' is convinced that 'Tujenge' has only temporarily halted production and
predicts that it will one day recommence.

iii. One of the authors of the Rethy document on 'Gospel and African Beliefs'
prepared a substantial article on syncretism (the fruit, in part, of his
seminars on the subject, see p.257). The article was too long to be published
in 'Tujenge', and may be published as a separate booklet in its own right.270

iv. Writers Clubs. While there was no formal link between the Gospel and
Culture Seminars and the recently established Writers Clubs, both initiatives
share a similar spirit and vision. Missionary David Langford, who was
involved in both the seminars and the Clubs states: "The 'philosophy' of the
Writers Clubs is to develop ZaYrian writers who can address ZaYrian needs
and problems."271 There was partial overlap in the delegates at the two
initiatives.

Delegates who were at the two Gospel and Culture Seminars and who worked on
the three documents saw a strategic relationship between their work and the
'Editions CECA' printing and publishing house. According to Kwany, "right from
the first seminar, the participants hoped that Editions CECA would be the
outlet of the seminar. The reason why Bura Thenga was chosen to be the
executive coordinator of the follow-on from the seminars was that he was
(then) the only one working in the editorial bureau of the Press."272

Two journalism seminars were organised at Rethy, Delegates to the first

(October 3-6, 1983) were chosen by Bura and Langford, with recommendations
from others at Blukwa and Bunia. Selection was guided partly by the
participants' recognized ability (or promise) in the area of communication,
and partly in terms of centres which would later serve as nuclei for
eventual working together, The centres in mind at the time were: Aungba,
Rethy, Blukwa, Bunia, and Oicha. It was Kwany (by then chosen to be director
of the 'Editions CECA' who was responsible for selection of participants at
the second journalism seminar (July 1-3, 1986), Fewer were invited to the
second seminar in an effort to keep costs down; of the twelve who attended,
five had taken part in the first seminar and had demonstrated their
enthusiasm by having done some writing. For both seminars, journalism

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experts were invited from Kenya: Haron Wachira, then assistant editor of Step
magazine attended both seminars, and he was joined for the second seminar by
Tim Stafford 273

At the close of the second seminar, the participants themselves suggested a

list of some 39 topics of vital concern or interest to ZaYrians,274 Many of
the topics suggested were identical to those proposed at the Gospel and
Culture Seminars. Each delegate left with a copy of the list, which had below
it certain remarks from the seminar leaders concerning the prioritization and
categorization of the topics, and also advice concerning establishing clearly
before writing the 'target readership* (youth, church workers, etc,)

About six weeks after the second seminar, Kwany sent out a letter to all
those who had attended, informing them that they constituted the new "Clubs
d'Ecrivains", that they could associate others who shared the basic aim of
the initiative, and urging them to get to work without further delay. The
letter included simple guidelines: the clubs should meet together once a
month for sessions no shorter than 3 hours in order to read, discuss, and
critique each others articles. Each club should choose a leader who would be
responsible for calling the meetings and for constantly encouraging the
members to write. Each member was sent a copy of the objectives of the
'Editions CECA', and they were reminded that their articles should correspond
with these objectives, the most pertinent of which would be no.4:

Help believers to deepen their spiritual life

a) by penetrating the structures of beliefs and customs of ZaYrians,
b) by seeking to correct social evils (such as corruption,
immorality, polygamy, drunkenness, etc.)
c) by providing tools for the ministry of pastors.373

The articles deemed best by each group were to be returned to Rethy for
possible printing.275

By July 1987, there were four such Clubs functioning more or less regularly:
Napopo, Aungba, Rethy, and Bunia, with two others (Blukwa and Oicha) seeking
to become established. From the work of these Clubs has come a modest
publication 'Cahiers d'Auteurs* as an outlet for the articles written. The

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•Cahier' is a three-page double-sided duplicated document, stapled together
in one corner. The selection and editing of the articles has been entirely
Kwany's work, Articles include: a true story of a schoolgirl pregnancy,
abortion, and death; a two-part article taking a critical look at pastors'
attitudes and life-styles; another on the folly of smoking; one by Kwany
himself entitled 'One baboon mocks another'377; one on the use of time;
another by a ZaYrian doctor at Nyankunde on marital fidelity.

The Clubs are still in their early days and it is impossible to know at
present if they will continue and grow or otherwise, although with a Director
of 'Editions CECA' who has considerable organising skill and has benefitted
from further technical skills training in Nairobi, the outlook is promising.
Of considerable importance is the fact that of the seven contributors of the
articles in the first two issues, only two are pastors. The opportunity for
lay Christians (school teachers, doctors, administrators) to contribute to the
spiritual and reflective life of the Church represents an encouraging
departure from the monopoly held to date by ecclesiastical "professionals".

7, Other

i. Radio

The recently appointed Director of Radio for CECA (French seminar) has been
set aside in order to prepare programmes for transmission from the local
national radio station, CANDIP.37® The multi-language transmissions from the
station are listened to by many hundreds of thousands in N-E ZaYre (as far
away as Kisangani, 700kms to the west) for entertainment, agricultural,
educational and medical information, as well as for national and
international news. The CECA is accorded two half-hourly religious broadcasts
each week. The director of CECA radio programmes, Seminary-trained and for
several years coordinator of evangelism, seeks to produce programmes adapted
to the ZaYrian scene, not only by addressing some of the issues of
contemporary society, but also by taking as his starting point for the
Christian message any national events on the calender (eg, 30th June,

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Independence Day, ... freedom, search for liberation, ... freedom in Christ;
January 1, New Year's Day, ... joy of new beginnings, new birth in Christ,
etc). The interviewee explained how Gration's seminars had only served to
underline and clarify previous insights, acquired in Nairobi and Kinshasa,
years before.27®

ii. Cassettes

Two of the French Seminar participants250 are actively working on exploring

the use of cassettes for evangelism and Christian teaching, Although the
project is still in a pioneer stage, the experiment proceeds on the basis
that the oral method of teaching/learning is closer to traditional African
ways than the literary and residential methods imported from the West.
Cassette programmes in the trade languages of Swahili and Lingala (or
Bangala) and perhaps even in local tribal languages, would seek to teach
groups gathered informally in the shade of a tree or around the fire in the
evening. The cassette of 'real life' drama stories portraying typical ethical
or religious predicaments could be interrupted by the pastor/evangelist to
give time for listeners to suggest what might happen next, or what they
themselves would do in the given crisis, and why. The recording could then
be resumed, with heightened interest on the part of the listeners, and the
cassette would end with appropriate biblical principles to guide a Christian
seeking to lead a consistent Christian life in the contemporary (ZaYrian and
village) community,251 The two initiators of the method expect that the
process will facilitate an integrated thought-behaviour pattern. In contrast,
the method of knowledge-acquisition which characterizes residential
theological institutions (artificial, classroom context and emphasis on
success in examinations) can easily result in an accumulation of factual,
cerebral theory divorced from the issues of the real world (cf, the 'two
levels', pp,221ff).

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Conclusion

Superficially, the seminars appear to have fallen short of their goals. Three
years after the second seminar one of the three documents has still not been
revised following the discussions in plenary session, (May, 1984) and none of
the documents has been printed in any form. The three groups have not
continued to meet as such to explore other issues, and the entire group-
reflection process has virtually ceased. The reasons for this lack of success
would include the following:

a) Loss of coordination. For various reasons the coordinator chosen by the

delegates in 1984 no longer exercises that role, No successor was appointed.
Without the prodding and encouragement of a coordinator, delegates quickly
became fully reabsorbed in their usual heavy round of immediate duties,352

b) Practical and financial problems. The 1984 seminar in Bunia raised the
unavoidable practical questions of transport, feeding, and materials, each
with accompanying financial implications. The decisions made then displayed a
continuing dependence upon external funding (with its accompanying negative
implications on ’ownership') but even this was hampered by departure from
ZaYre of expatriate personnel.353

c) Ecclesiastical problems. Several delegates expressed awareness of the

sensitivity of the Church hierarchy to certain issues. One of the factors is
the difficulty of sifting and selecting elements of the cultural complex.
Culture may be compared with a web in which strands are not only many and
varied, but also interconnected in such a way that it is impossible to pull
one free without affecting the others.254 For this reason, many church
leaders would prefer to make a clean break with certain practices simply
because they are part of the traditional scene which they feel is already
too compromised. Early undiscerning missionary attitudes, rightly castigated
by many African thinkers as dismissing whole areas of traditional African
life as evil, now reappear among African church leaders themselves.
Paradoxically, it is often missionary thinkers who are the most radical in
their concern for contextualisation, A distinct problem which was cited by

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more than one delegate was that new preoccupations within the church (for
instance, the episcopacy issue) had distracted the participants from the
areas discussed by the seminars.

For these reasons, the seminar process foundered, at least temporarily.

However, closer examination would suggest that at a deeper level more has
been achieved, Despite apparent lack of success of stated aims, the seminars
have created or given fresh impetus to the delegates' concern to engage the
real social, cultural, and religious issues of life in ZaYre with the
Christian gospel. As individuals, many of the delegates have readjusted their
preaching and teaching to be more pertinent to the concerns and ways of
thinking of their hearers and students. That the seminars have had these
positive results may be attributed to certain factors:

a) Delegate calibre, Gration himself was encouraged with the maturity of

reflection of the ZaYrian delegates, especially those of the French seminar.
In 1984 he had conducted two similar seminars in Kenya (at Kapsabet and
Machakos) which he sensed were not as fruitful. A possible reason for the
deeper discernment of the ZaYrian delegates could be due to the fact that,
bereft of expatriate help during the troubled years of 1964-67, the African
leadership of the Church in ZaYre was compelled to stand on its own in a way
which the Kenyan church has not known,353 Of the two seminars, it was the
French one where, in Gration's opinion, reflection was more penetrating.
Further education (secondary and university) permitted the French seminar
delegates to conceptualize, analyse, and express themselves in a way which
was apparently denied the members of the Swahili seminar, This does not deny
the profitability of the Swahili seminars; it does imply that the two levels
proceed at different speeds and according to different dynamics.

b) Gration's role as 'facilitator'. Interviews with the participants made it

clear that they perceived Gration's role to have been crucial to the success
of the initiative (see pp.246ff). While none ruled out that another
missionary or national leader could help in such seminars in future, it was
made clear that for such a one to succeed, he would need a comparable
combination of humility ("vulnerability"), sensitivity, and wisdom. These
qualities were perceived to be of greater importance than age or experience,

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although these too helped. Only In a setting of transparent honesty could
there be a true sharing of attitudes, prejudices, and failings; a facilitator
whose attitudes and manner failed to portray and encourage such frankness
could not be expected to succeed. This is the "one small point" isolated by
Barrett as having too often been absent in Western missions, - "love as
listening, sharing, sympathizing, and sensitive understanding in depth between
equa Is",3®5

c> Seminar methodology. The large majority of the delegates readily recalled
and appreciated the methodology of the seminars as being one that permitted
and prompted them to do the talking, reflecting, and problem solving. This
was in contrast to many seminars where the delegates do little more than
passively absorb new information. Of importance to the success of the
methodology is the choice by the facilitator of key questions which, far from
dictating the course and outcome of the seminar simply permit the delegates
to establish their own priorities. In the particular case of the Zaire
seminars, the key questions were: "How has the Gospel touched and changed
African culture", and perhaps more penetrating still, "What areas of African
culture has the Gospel not transformed?"357 The process is thus open-ended,
as opposed to closed (as in the case of content-transmission), and as such
requires and encourages a certain maturity on the part of the participant.
One Swahili seminar delegate proposed that the methodology should be used
far more in theological education at all levels; for lack of mature
discernment the present sytem of theological education has produced church
leaders who are dogmatic about what they have learned but unsure of
anything beyond ("pastors who know all and who dislike questions and who
mistrust research and initiative").3®5

d) Issue-consciousness. The seminars took place at a time when various

problems were 'outcropping* in the CECA scene, particularly those of burial
practices and tribalism, The delegates were aware that certain issues were
threatening the life and health of the Church. The seminars, therefore, were
not mere academic exercises, but a genuine urgent grappling with critical
questions. The seminar methodology of delegate agenda-setting was flexible
enough for the real issues to be located and discussed. In a tranquil church
situation it is unlikely that the discussions would be as productive.

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It should not be assumed that the methodology can only succeed In
centralised meetings with all the implied expense of transport, feeding, and
accommodation. Nor should it be perceived as an alternative to residential
theological and Bible School practice; the latter would be made more
effective if it incorporated the former, that, is, instead of the teacher
relying exclusively on the lecture method of content-transmission, due place
should be given to student participation, personal research, and group
discovery,253 Clearly, certain theological subjects lend themselves more to
discussion than others, while disciplines such as biblical languages and
Church History still of necessity demand a larger proportion of content
transmission. Theological curriculum should not only address but also be
informed by the socio-cultural milieu in which the education takes place to
ensure it is answering questions that are really being asked.

If, as Dickson says, the quest for African Christian Theology is "To bring
faith in Christ to bear upon the African life-exper ience230 then discursive
theological reflection such as that done in and since the Gospel and Culture
seminars is an important means to that end, By deliberately pursuing an
Integrated Christian understanding of real-life issues where there is no
discrepancy between belief and behaviour, the seminar delegates were looking
for and discovering a theology to live by.

- 269 -
 References

1. A preliminary ’scouting' trip into North-Eastern Congo had been made 18

months earlier, in 1910, by Messrs, Stauffacher and Gribble. The first party
to settle in the Congo was led by C.E.Hurlburt (appointed General Director of
the Mission in 1897, missionary in Africa from 1901 to 1925) and consisted
of Dr. Florence Newberry, John and Florence Stauffacher and two sons, Mr, and
Mrs. Haas and baby, and Miss Harland. They landed at Mahagi Port (on the
shores of Lake Albert) on April 20th, 1912. Historical details in: K,
Richardson, Garden of Miracles: the story of the Africa Inland Mission. AIM,
London, 1968, C.E.Hurlburt's own description of the arrival in Congo is in
Hearing and Doing (magazine of the AIM, Vol.17, No,2, 1912, - archives AIM, 2
Vorley Rd., Archway, London), Also of historical interest but in popular style,
M.S.Grimes, Life out of Death, the story of the Africa Inland Mission, AIM,
1917.

2. Peter Cameron Scott, Founder of the Africa Inland Mission, Born in Glasgow,
March 7, 1867. Emigrated with his parents to Philadelphia, USA. After two
critical spiritual experiences, Scott dedicated himself totally to God's
service, entering the New York Missionary Training College. Feeling the divine
call to serve in Africa to be too persistent and urgent, he did not complete
his 3-year training. His first attempt to reach the Interior of the Continent
was from the west, landing at Banana on the mouth of the Congo River, in
January, 1891, Only months after arriving he was compelled to bury his own
brother John who had joined him, and soon after he himself was evacuated
from the country unconscious. During a convalescent period based in Scotland,
Scott visited Westminster Abbey and, as he knelt beside the tomb of David
Livingstone, he received a "vision" of missionary stations reaching across
Africa from the East, Scott returned to the United States, where a committee
was formed to plan towards the fulfilment of the vision. The first party of
eight left America in August, 1895, and eventually arrived in Zanzibar in
October. The coastal areas of Kenya were already occupied by other missions
such as the Church Missionary Society, the German Lutheran Mission, and the
Methodist Mission, Scott, however, made his ambition that of St, Paul: "to
preach the Gospel where Christ was not known, so that I would not be
building on someone else's foundation," (Rom. 15:20), Within less than one year,
Scott had opened three stations, travelled 2,600 miles on foot, built six
houses, planted gardens, tended the sick, and tended to correspondence as
well as keeping a diary. Barely a year after landing in Kenya, Scott
contracted blackwater fever and died, December 4th, 1896, aged only 29. cf:
K.Richardson, op clt. pp 21 - 36, T.H.Cope, 'The Africa Inland Mission in Kenya.
Aspects of its history, 1895-1945, M.Phil thesis, London Bible College, 1979,
pp.13-16, Also; C,S.Miller, The Unlocked Door. - the life of Peter Cameron
Scott. Parry Jackman Ltd., London, 1955,

3. The difficulties related primarily to the mistrust or hostility of the

people of the area, inter-tribal warfare, uncooperative porters, thieving
which no precautions seem to have been able to thwart, storms which
demolished the missionaries' accommodation, and illness, cf. S. Stir ton,
Changing Scenes among the Alur. AIM, n.d., pp,4-6., and K.Richardson, op cit,
pp. 138ff.

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4. The original party were forced to relocate their first settlement from
lakeside Mahagi Port to Kasengu in the hills overlooking the lake, the
relocation compelled primarily by "illness, due in large part to our sixteen
days' sojourn on the unhealthful lake shore"; letter by Florence A, Newberry,
in Hearing and Doing. Vol.17, No. 3, (July - September, 1912) p.10,

5. Letter from J.Stauffacher, quoted in K. Richardson, op cit. p, 143.

6 . The direct distance on the map between Kasengu and Dungu is about 300kms
(almost 200 mis), but this cannot convey the difficulty of the terrain that
had to be crossed, and the problems of travel. For instance, Richardson (op
cit, p. 142) writes that the initial party that travelled from Kasengu to
Dungu "found themselves only two or three days away from Kasengu after two
weeks of travel."

7. The hazards of illness in the early years of missionary endeavour are so

well known as to hardly require examples; Miss Newberry reported that most
of the initial Congo party had suffered from "serious illness", and "Mr, Haas
nearly succombed to that dread disease hemoglobinuria (blackwater fever)"
(letter, Hearing and Doing, July - September, 1913, p. 10), and in a later
letter: "Hardly one of us has escaped from the ravages of the most deadly
foe of the health of the missionary in Africa - malaria ..."(ibid. November
1913, p, 15), The August 1913 edition of Hearing and Doing announced the
death of missionary Frank Millen, who had barely started his work in Africa.
Similarly, the May 1914 edition of the same magazine reports the death of
missionary Tom Hannay; he sailed for Africa immediately after getting married
in July, 1913, the telegram announcing his death arrived in the United States
on February 9th, 1914.

8 . Statistics for CECA, in letter from Etsea Ang'apoza, Legal Representative

of CECA, 7th Sept, 1987:

Catech ists 1,790

Evangelists 782
Deacons 1,889
Deaconesses 2,316
Pastors 496
Communicant members 155,302
Non-communicant members 54,649

9, Statistics of CECA evangelistic campaigns (Jan, 1983 - June, 1987) in

letter from Atido Kunde Dong, dated 3rd Aug, 1987, including an up to date
report just submitted to the CECA Administrative Office, dated 14th July,
1987. In the 414 years covered by the report, 21 evangelistic projects had
been completed (some involving as many as 70 team members), including four
to Kenya, two to areas covered by Church bodies other than CECA (at their
invitation), and four to secondary schools in CECA. Not all the campaigns had
returned statistics, but for the 18 that did, an estimated total 816,138
people heard the preaching, 149,231 conversions were registered, and 18,648
indicated their intention to return to Church fellowship. The report
realistically prefaces these amazing statistics with the caution: "NB, ceci
c'est la cons ta tat ion humaine; c'est Dieu seul qui connait LE VRAI RESULTAT"
(capitals in original).

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10. Table of AIM missionary occupations for ZaYre, 1987, Statistics furnished
by AIM International, 17th June, 1987. Not included are missionaries
temporarily home on furlough,

occupation no. percent occupation no. percent

medical 19 23,5 homemaker 3 3.7

theol.educ. 15 18.5 developmt, 3 3.7
secondary ed, 11 13.6 church ed. 2 2.5
missionary ed. 11 13.6 TEE 1 1.2
church work 10 12.3 translation 1 1,2
field admin. 3 3,7 other 2 2.5

total 77 100.0%

11. The readjustment was less traumatic than for some other Missions because
by the time the presidential decree was made, the CECA/AIM field constitution
had already been rewritten so as to place "the whole government of the
Church into the hands of the Congolese," K. Richardson, op cit, p.246.

12. The decree in 1973 (14th February) that effectively terminated the
independent existence of missionary societies in ZaYre came at a time of
heightened nationalistic feeling, and the sensitivity (and often stress) in
Church/Mission relations is clearly seen in contemporary writings, both
missionary and national; cf, Makanzu M, L'hlstoire de l'E.C.Z.. Kinshasa, n.d.,
but written in 1972 with the 1973 decree appended. In his 'CECA Report1 to
the International Council of Africa Inland Mission, Nairobi, 9th May, 1985,
CECA Legal Representative Etsea Ang'apoza can look back positively on the
events; "In 1973, God didn't want the two organizations (ie. CECA and AIM) to
work back to back but rather hand in hand. Accordingly, the two were joined
and were recognised to have but one legal identity under the present name
C.E.C.A. The Council became one and the missionaries are working under the
direction of the Administrative Council."

13. Statistics from Etsea Ang'apoza, 'CECA Report' op cit, p.2.

14. While this may have been the case with regard to the strictly "spiritual"
(ie. Church) domain, missionaries were less unanimous about the desirability
of 'secular' education and training for the Africans, cf. Makanzu, op cit, pp
11-12. Cope, M.Phil thesis, op cit, ch,3, explores the reasons for the
missionary reluctance in providing education for the Africans. Missionaries
generally believed that their vocation was to evangelism and church-plan ting.
If schools were started, it was largely because they proved to be a very
fruitful means to gain converts (p.45). The pre-war years saw increasing
pressure for education being put on the Mission by Africans (p,145>, but this
pressure was resisted, particularly, according to Cope, by the American side
of the Mission (p.147), However, at the end of World War II there was change
in the American Home Council of the AIM, and with it a more positive
attitude towards secular education as a corollary to evangelism and medical
work (p.152).

15. see above, note 8.

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16. Source; Etsea A., 'CECA Report', op cit, p.3.

17. The five ZaYrian Church bodies and their associated missionary societies
responsible for the Bunia Theological Seminary are;
1. Communaut6 Episcopale Evang<§lique au ZaYre (CEEZ)/ Unevangelized
Fields Mission (UFM), (the UFM ceased working as a Mission in ZaYre in 1978,
although several UFM personnel continue working in ZaYre under the auspices
of other missions),
2. Communaut6 £vang61ique au Centre de l'Afrique (CECA)/ Africa Inland
Mission (AIM),
3. Communaut6 des Eg Uses Baptistes au Kivu (CEBK) / Conservative
Baptist Foreign Missions Society (CBFMS),
4. Communaut6 Evang61ique du Christ au Coeur de l'Afrique (CECCA) /
Worldwide Evangelization Crusade (WEC),
5. Communaut& des Fr6res Evangeliques au ZaYre (CAFEZA) / Christian
Mission in Many Lands (CMML)

18. Banjwade, is centrally situated in the territory formerly served by the

Unevangelized Fields Mission, one of the two original Missions involved in
the creation of the higher-level seminary,

19. It is an indication that the vision of the founders of the Banjwade Bible
Institute (to develop indigenous Church leadership) was not Illusory that one
of the three first students, Dr, Marini Bodho, has since become President of
the CECA Church and Vice-President of the national Protestant Church, the
'Eglise du Christ au ZaYre'.

20. Source: 'Self-Evaluation Report', Bunia Theological Seminary, 1985, p,5, and
letter from Acting Director, Alo Dradebo, 2nd Sept, 1987,

21. AIM missionary David Langford and family; they lived among the BaHema at
Lonyo, one hour's drive north of Bunia,

22. 'Course Description', Bunia Theological Seminary, 1982.

23. For example, the Academic Secretary of the Kinshasa Protestant Faculty of
Theology wrote to the director of the Bunia Seminary in 1982 expressing
congratulations to Bunia on the results of the Faculty entrance examination
for 1982-83, at which the candidates from Bunia had excelled themselves. One
of those candidates went on to do doctoral studies in Belgium, Two years
later the same Academic Secretary wrote again about another Bunia graduate
who had finished the year at the Kinshasa Faculty as top student,

24. The Seminary's self-evaluation was carried out In partial fulfilment of

requirements for accreditation under the Accrediting Council for Theological
Education in Africa (ACTEA), - a body related to the Association of
Evangelicals in Africa and Madagascar (AEAM).

25. ACTEA recommendations were that the Seminary take determined steps to
reduce the number of classroom (lecture) hours and to increase the number of
hours for self-directed learning such as library research and project
assignments.
26. Minutes of Commission for Degree Programme, Bunia Theological Seminary,
2nd and 25th Jan, 1985, p.l.

27. Information provided by Interim Director of Bunia Theological Seminary,

Alo Dradebo, 18th Aug, 1987,

28. Minutes of Commission for Degree Programme, 2nd and 25th Jan, 1985, p.l

29. ibid, p.l.

30. An example would be the 2-day seminars for pastors and deacons held at
Bunia and Chyekele <40 mis from Bunia) in 1979 and again in 1980. A team of
three national and expatriate pastors met with groups of about 20 and 30
men respectively in the two places, for sessions of expository devotional
teaching, methods of Bible study, and discussions led by the ZaYrian team
member of "ills in the Church", in which the delegates themselves identified
weaknesses in Church life and then proposed solutions, The team submitted a
report to CECA Administrative Council of 1980, in which they enthused about
the reception the pastors had given the seminars, butexpressed their regret
that their multiple responsibilities prevented them from attempting to repeat
such seminars in the future. The report urged the Council to release one or
two CECA personnel for such ministry throughout CECA. The Council accepted
the report, but felt unable at the time to make the suggested appointments,

31. Of Richardson, one ZaYrian pastor has remarked: "God has given you the
long claws of a mother hen, to scratch deeply and uncover the insects for us
to eat," Letter to the author from D, Richardson, 7th Aug, 1987,

32. Travel costs are assumed by Richardson, but he allows the host-church to
contribute his food and accommodation costs. In some of the larger
gatherings, the churches have also contributed to his travel costs.

33. Letter from Richardson to author, 7th Aug, 1987,

34. Included among the sects present in North-East ZaYre are: Jehovah's
Witnesses, (and a related group, Kitawala), Branhamists, the "Good God" sect
(Swahili: Mungu Mwema, Lingala: Nzambi Malamu), Colossians is recognised to
have been written against a background of religious pluralism. The emphasis
on the centrality of Christ was considered by Richardson to present the
surest remedy for a similar pluralistic situation in the ZaYrlan context: "I
tell them that the first question to ask about the other teaching <ie, of the
sect in question) is: 'what do they say about the person and work of
Christ?"'. Letter from Richardson to author, 7th Aug, 1987.

35. Initially, the second exposition was In the afternoon, but It became
evident that the delegates were fighting drowsiness; they themselves
requested that the two exposition sessions be in the morning when they
would be at their most alert, and that the afternoons be reserved for
discussion sessions,

36. According to Richardson, the women are much freer in prayer if they can
meet on their own, apart from the men; "their prayer times are enthusiastic
and non-stop." Letter to author, 7th Aug, 1987

- 274 -
37. Source: Richardson, Letter to author, 7th Aug, 1987.

38. Many of the older pastors understandably feel uncomfortable with a

youthful, self-confident graduate of a theological seminary, brimming with
neat solutions to all the Church's complex ills.

39. Richardson, Letter to author, 7th Aug, 1987.

40. ibid.

41. The emphasis, in Richardson's own words, is: "coming apart to meet with
the Lord and have prayer together in a 'non-council', 'non-comm ittee’
atmosphere. Letter to author, 7th Aug, 1987.

42. Swahili: 'Wanawake wa Habari Njema'; Lingala/Bangala: 'Basi na Nsango

Malamo',

43. VJones, 'Women In the ZaYre Church', Inland Africa. Summer, 1981, quoted
in Tucker R., 'African women's movement finds massive response', Evangelical
Missions Quarterly. 22:3, July, 1986, p,284

44. V.Jones, in 'A sketch of the Women of the Good News', unpublished paper,
May, 1985, suggests that the number exceeds 30,000 (quoted in Tucker R., op
cit, p.284). Alene Dix ventures a more cautious estimateof 20 - 25,000,
Conversation with A. Dix, London, 14th Aug, 1987,

45. Exceptions would include: 'La Ligue pour la Lecture de la Bible' (a world­
wide Bible-reading and youth movement, known in Britain as Scripture Union),
and 'Gideon's International' (a lay and businessman's organization for the
free distribution of NewTestaments). Although rivalry between the different
Protestant Church-bodies is largely a thing of the past,thereis still
relatively little inter-Church cooperation, partly because the Church-bodies
work within clearly defined geographical areas.

46. The CEBK is the ZaYrian Church-body associated with the Conservative
Baptist Foreign Mission Society (CBFMS); it has Its headquarters in Boma,
Kivu. The CADEZA Church is the ZaYrian Church-body associated with the
Assemblies of God, and is based in Isiro, Haut-ZaYre,

47. While Bunia is set squarely in the Swahili-speaking region of ZaYre, it

is a cosmopolitan centre, attracting people from many different commercial-
language and tribal-language zones.

48. R. Tucker, 'African women's movement finds massive response', Evangelical

Missions Quarterly. 22:3, July, 1986, p. 286,

49. Tucker was told of women's contribution to a local student's Bible school
tuition fees by Pastor Kysando of Beni, 'African women's movement', op cit,
p.286,

50. A. Dix related that at Todro in the north of CECA territory, there were
2,350 women officially registered for the February, 1978 conference, while at
the Sunday service, taken and addressed by the women but attended also by

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the men, the numbers were about 5,000. Conversation with A. Dix, London, 14th
Aug, 1987.

51. A. Dix, conversation, London, 14th Aug, 1987.

52. A. Dix, communication by tape, received 29th Sept, 1987.

53. ibid.

54. Tucker, op cit, p.285.

55. Within CECA 'being a Christian' would be understood to mean not simply
church-attendance but a personal faith-commitment to Christ as Saviour and a
desire to live according to His example and teaching,

56. Consecutive attendance and participation is ideal, but a certain

flexibility is allowed, given the African woman's frequent duties of
hospitality to visitors and care for sick family members.

57. R, Tucker, op cit, p.288. Correspondence with A, Dix confirms that this is
the pattern for most of CECA. Tape received 29th Sept, 1987.

58. cf. M.Z.Rosaldo, ed., Women. Culture, and Society; a theoretical overview.
Stanford University Press, 1974, p,3, who says; "A universal asymetry of the
sexes has developed from the association of women with the maternal role
and associated duties, this is regarded as the private domain, and of men
with those activites and roles taking place outside this sphere in the public
domain". My attention was drawn to the above work by Sarah Taylor's paper
presented to the MA Seminar, SOAS, Feb, 10th, 1986: 'The relationship between
women's religious roles in Yoruba Orisa worship and their authority in the
public domain', In her paper, Taylor speaks of a comparable (though in detail
very different) transference by women from the private to the public domain
by means of initiation into the 'Orisa' cults in Yoruba society,

59. Zaire has actively encouraged the 'liberation de la femme' and there are
currently several women in prominent political positions.

60. Tucker, op cit, p,289, relates a WGN skit in which a man rebuffs WGN
members who request that his wife joins them in the movement, saying that
her joining would "make her smarter than me".

61. Tucker, op cit, p,288, quotes an American missionary's conversation with

her students, one of whom told her; "If I treated my wife as a friend, she
wouldn't respect me."

62. A. Dix, tape received 29th Sept, 1987.

63. A. Dix, conversation, London, 14th Aug, 1987, and tape, 29th Sept, 1987.

64. An account of the origins of the extension movement is anthologized in

R.D.Winter, Theological Education by Extension. William Carey Library, South
Pasadena, 1969, and a report of the first international workshop on the
subject held at Armenia, Colombia, is to be found in the same publication,
pp.148-178.
65. Probably the initial trigger was a seminar held at Bunia, 24th-27th Aug,
1973, addressed by Dr. P. White on the subject of TEE, and attended by about
35 missionary and expatriate delegates from several church bodies in the
North and East of ZaYre.

66. Initially Lomago Kali, who then left for further theological studies and
then returned to direct CECA's 'D6partement de rEnseignement Biblique’; Kana
Muruo took over from Lomago and is currently TEE Coordinator,

67. Information supplied by Coordinator of TEE, Kana Muruo, conversation,

Bunia, 21st Jan, 1987.

68. F.R.Kinsler, ’Extension; an alternative model for theological education', in

Learning in Context; the search for innovative patterns in theological
education. Theological Education Fund, New Life Press, Bromley, 1973, pp.27-
28,

69. ibid, pp. 30ff.

70. ibid, p.31

71. Manuals cost about $2 to produce, and the students are asked to pay
approximately 70p = $1 each, The price per volume was almost halved by
having the books printed at the mission press at Kijabe, near Nairobi,
instead of in the West, Annual TEE Report, 1982-83, submitted to CECA by Rev.
D.Langford, then TEE Coordinator, Despite the very low, subsidized cost of the
TEE manuals, the annual reports frequently mention the price as a reason why
many are excluded from benefit ting from TEE.

72. TEE courses existing in Swahili and Bangala:

1. Talking with God (prayer)

2 . Bringing people to Jesus (evangelization)
3. New Testament Survey - Part I
4. The Pastor and his Work
5. Old Testament Survey - Part I
6 . Seven Letters to the Churches
7, Old Testament Survey - Part IV
8 . New Testament Survey - Part II
9. Effective Bible Teaching
10. Life of Christ - Part I
11. Life of Christ - Part II
12. Acts of the Apostles - Part I
13. Acts of the Apostles - Part II
14, Christian Family Life
15. Old Testament Survey - Part II
16. Old Testament Survey - Part III
17. Genesis - Part I
18, Genesis - Part II
19. Bible Study Methods
20. I Thessalonians

- 277 -
 TEE courses in French:

1. Old Testament
2. Introduction to the New Testament
3. Introduction to the Bible (Hermeneutics)
4. New Testament Church
5. The Apostolic Age
6. Doctrine (theology for everyday life).

73. TEEmethodology, however, cannot guarantee freedom frommaking some of

the samemistakes that characterize most residential theologicalschools.
Even Kinsler himself admits: "it would be dishonest to pretend that the
extension movement has broken with all that is domesticating and irrelevant
in theological education. There Is, in fact, some evidence that the extension
approach is being used to indoctrinate and control more efficiently and
widely than ever before..." op cit, p.37.

74. For instance, the Annual TEE Report for 1984-85 states that the centres
of Oicha, Adi, Bogoro, Blukwa, Lona, and Djugu had been inspected.

75. Stated in the Annual Report for 1984-85, 30th May, 1985.

76. List furnished by Kana Muruo, letter 19th October, 1987.

77. ibid,

78. ibid.

79. ibid,

80. Quoted in Ram Desai, Christianity in Africa as seen by Africans, Denver,

1962, p.125, cf. Bishop P, Kalilombe, referring to the "fateful dichotomy"
occurring when theology is reduced to a marginal role as the Word of God is
excluded from certain real-life areas: "Thus life is split. The 'religious'
areas are accepted as being under God's influence and judgment, while the
rest of human life, the profane is, for all practical purposes, outside God's
Kingdom." 'Doing theology at the grassroots: a challenge for professional
theologians.' Part I, AFER, Vol.27, No.3, 1985, pp.150-151.

81. Eboussi Boulaga, Christianity without Fetishes. Orbis, New York, 1984,
p,24.

82. ibid, p.9.

83. J. Mbiti, PACLA Conference lecture, 1976, reviewed by T. Tienou,

'Christianity and African Culture' in Evangelical Review of Theology. Vol.3,
No.2, p,198,

84. Kwesi Dickson, Theology in Africa. Orbis, New York, 1984, p.8.

85. B. Simbo, Evangelical Review of Theology. 1983, Vol.7, No.l, pp,30-31

86. E. Mveng, editorial article in Bulletin de Thdologie Africaine. Vol. 1,

1979, p,6.

- 278 -
87. The relevant statistics for the Bunia Theological Seminary library, for
instance, are as follows:

Total number of library books: 4,600

books on African theology 25
books on African philosophy 20
books on African religions 8
books on African Church 106
total on African religious context 159 ie, 3.5%

total in African languages 22 ie, 0.5%

source; letter from Librarian, Ndagijimana B., 12th May, 1987.

88. John Gration, born May 25, 1926, In Princeton, N.J., USA, (PhD, New York
University). AIM missionary in ZaYre 1953-64, first In schools and with local
churches, then (for 6 years) in theological education and church work, From
1964 to 1967 he worked in Kenya as principal of a Bible school. In 1967
Gration returned to the US to be Associate Home Director and Candidate
Secretary for the AIM, Since 1975 he has been Professor of Missions at
Wheaton College Graduate School, and is currently Department Chairperson,

89. Lausanne International Congress on World Evangelisation, July 1974.

Organised by the Billy Graham Evangelistic Association, the Congress was a
major meeting of evangelical leaders of the world, It convened 2,430
delegates and 570 observers for 10 days. Over 150 nations were represented.
It was considered by many to be a historic landmark for giving fresh impetus
to world mission, and for giving a more fully-orbed understanding of
evangelism as addressing the whole (ie, social and material as well as
spiritual) needs of man. It resulted in a 15-point 'Lausanne Covenant'.

90. Willowbank Consultation. As one of the many projects to carry further the
processes set in motion at the 1974 Lausanne Congress, the Lausanne
Committee's Theology and Education Group convened a consultation on the
general topic of trans-cultural communication of the Christian Gospel. It
took place 6th - 13th January, 1978, at Willowbank, Somerset Bridge,
Bermuda. The Consultation convened 33 theologians, anthropologists, linguists,
missionaries, and pastors from all six continents. The resulting 'Willowbank
Report' includes chapters on culture, revelation, conversion, Church, and
ethics, each chapter ending with questions for discussion. Lausanne
Occasional Papers. No. 2. The Willowbank Report. - Gospel and Culture.
Lausanne Committee for World Evangelization, Wheaton, 1978.

91. J. Gration, 'Willowbank to ZaYre', in Missiologv. July, 1984, p,297.

92. ibid, p.297, Gration adds; "Through my deepening understanding of what

contextualization was saying to missions and churches alike, it was as if the
Word of the Lord was coming to me a "second time" as it did to Jonah (3:1). I
had no choice but to return to the Church in ZaYre with this new "word"."
(p.297)
93. Gration to Dr. Richard Anderson, AIM International General Secretary, 12th
June, 1984, ie,, upon completion of the second seminar, Quoted with
permiss ion.

94. Gration to D. Langford dated 26th Feb, 1983, prior to the first Gospel
and Culture Seminar. Photocopied by author at Rethy, Jan, 1987.

95. Gration to Anderson, 12th June, 1984.

96. Gration to Langford, 26th Feb, 1983,

97. J, Gration, 'Willowbank to Zaire', op cit, p,298.

98. It appears from Gration's correspondence with Langford that he was

helped in his preparatory thinking by his associate, Dr. Lois McKinney,
Gration to Langford, 26th Feb, 1983.

99. Gration to Anderson, 12th June, 1984,

100. Gration emphasises that the choice of delegates was by the ZaYrian
Church in 'Willowbank to ZaYre', op cit, p, 299: "The participants, by the way,
were chosen by the Church, Though I led eachseminar, there was never any
question as to ownership." D.Langford specifies that"a smallorganizing
committee" decided who should be invited to participate, D.Langford, 'Report
concerning the consultation on the Gospel and African culture', prepared for
the Theological Study Committee of AIM, 1984, Report photocopied, Rethy, Jan,
1987,

101. J.Gration, 'Willowbank to ZaYre', op cit, p, 298. cf. P. Kalilombe: "The

main challenge that confronts professional theologians when they attempt to
do theology with ordinary people comes from the fact that their training has
cut them off from the community. The seminary, theological college or
university programmes are geared towards the production of professionals who
may theologise a b o u t or f o r the people, but really not w i t h them. (Italics
his), P. Kalilombe, 'Doing theology at grass-roots', in AFER. Vol,27, No.4, 1985,
p.236.

102. J.Gration, 'Willowbank' op cit, p.298,

103. Gration to Langford, 26th Feb, 1973.

104. 'Willowbank to Zaire', op cit, p.299,

105. ibid, p. 299.

106. Gration uses the expression "forensic justification" in the article to

summarize what is the predominant pauline conception of salvation, re­
emphasised by the Reformation, and the one most widely shared by
evangelicals. He points out in the article that the technical term was
avoided in the seminars, however.

107. 'Willowbank to ZaYre', op cit, p.299.

108. ibid, p.299.

- 280 -
109. cf, Gration to Langford, 26th Feb, 1983i '’This may be difficult for those
who have never learned to take an objective look at their own culture,”

110. Gration takes the definition from C. Kluckhohn, Mirror for Man. the
relationship of anthropology to modern life. New York, McGraw Hill, 1949,
p.17.

111. The ideas are suggested in Gration to Langford, 26th Feb, 1983. It is
not clear in the literature whether these ideas were actually used in the
seminars.

112. 'Willowbank to ZaYre', op cit, p. 300,

113. ibid, p.300.

114. Gration's field notes, June 16, 1983, photocopy received 15th June, 1986,

115. 'Willowbank to ZaYre', op cit, p.300.

116. My personal field research in the Rethy area in January 1987

encountered the same problem. Questions which required but a brief answer
elicited an almost verbatim reproduction of a by-gone sermon or
conversation.

117. Conversation with Bishop Patrick Kalilombe, Selly Oak Colleges,

Birmingham, April 24, 1986. Kalilombe discusses the role of the 'facilitator'
in his article, op cit, p. 229ff.

118. 'Willowbank to ZaYre', p. 301.

119. ibid, p.301.

120. ibid, p.301.

121. Gration to Anderson, 12th Jan, 1984.

122. Gration's field notes, June 1983, p,7,

123. The expression "The Church's unfinished agenda" is used by Gration in

'Willowbank to ZaYre', p.301. In fact, Gration speaks in 'Willowbank' of 28
items, but in his field notes he lists 29 (two no, 28s) from the French
group. The Swahili group proposed 13 issues. In both cases, the lists
represent issues which, in the delegates* opinion, need fresh, critical
examination. The two lists are here conflated; for sake of completeness, all
42 items are listed, although some of the issues obviously overlap:

Issues common to both groups: French group only:

tribalism adultery
marriage, bride-price drunkenness
fetishism corruption
ancestor pratices fashion
fear of speaking out (against evil) chief enthronement
stewardship of money/possessions name of God

- 281 -
 sorcery attitude to commerce
taboos
injustice
Swahili group only: rites and ceremonies
sex
lovelessness attitudes to illness
nominalism attitudes on 'honour'
paganization of Christian practices social conformity
false teaching paternalism
purses untouched (= stewardship?) infer ior ity/super ior ity
error <= false teaching?) accumulation of jobs
by one person
baptismal practices
church discipline
totems
dreams.

124. Gration's field notes, p.7., - the thought was probably that if one
leader proposed, for instance, a seminar on tribalism he would be
misunderstood as wanting a forum for accusing others of tribalism,

125. Judging by a margin comment in his field notes, p,9, the issue with the
most votes was 'tribalism', then 'fetishism', then 'dreams and visions'.
'Ancestor practices' was just out-voted,

126. Letter from Alo Dradebo, member of the Bunia group, to Molyneux, 5th
Dec, 1985.

127. Gration, 'Willowbank to Zaire', p.303.

128. R. Padilla, 'Hermeneutics and Culture, a theological perspective', in Down

to Earth, ed, J.R.W.Stott and R.Coote, Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1980,
pp.63-78.

129. cf, AIM Doctrinal Basis (with which AIM missionaries must agree): "The
divine, verbal inspiration, infallibility, and inerrancy of the .Scriptures of
the Old and New Testaments as originally given, and their absolute and final
authority in all matters of faith and conduct," (Section 5 of Article III
(Doctrine) in AIM Constituion, ratified May, 1986).

130. CECA Doctrinal Basis (April, 1959): "Article 5. L'inspiration pl6niaire

divine et l'infaillibilitddes Ecritures de l'Ancien et du NouveauTestament
dans leur formeoriginale et leurautorit6 absolue et definitive en tout ce
qui concerne la foi et la conduite."

131. R. Padilla, op cit, p.77. Kalilombe agrees: ''The matter which should
spark off theologizing is the life experience of the persons and communities
involved; the total life, with its many facets, aspects, and dimensions1', op
cit, p,150.

132. ibid, p.77.

133. ibid, p.78.

- 282 -
134. Gration, ’Willowbank to ZaYre', p.303. On the last point (that Scripture
not only answers questions posed by the contemporary situation but itself in
turn raises questions) Gration and Padilla agree. A hermeneutic in which the
agenda is set by contemporary cultural issues alone is incomplete, cf. R,
Padilla: "The hermeneutic task is not limited in dealing with the questions
raised within the historical context; it must also communicate the questions
that the Word of God poses to the situation. Only when the whole situation
is placed under the Word of judgment and grace is the interpretive process
complete."

135. Gration, 'Willowbank to ZaYre', p.304.

136. ibid, p.306.

137. ibid, p,306,

138. ibid, pp.304-305,

139. The definition of contextualization is that of C.Taber,

'Contextuallzation: Indigenization and/or Transformation', in The Gospel and
Islam. D, McCurry (ed.), MARC, 1979, pp 144, 146,

140. Gration here alludes to Shoki Coe, one of the first to introduce the
term 'contextualization' into the missiological debate, who states that the
"backward look" is one essential characteristic of indigenization that
distinguishes it from contextualization, cf, S.Coe, 'In search of renewal In
theological education', in Theological Education. Vol.9, No,4, 1973, p.240, The
debate on contextualization has produced a very extensive literature, For the
discussion about terminology, cf, among others: J.O.Buswell III,
'Contextualization: Is it only another word for indigenization?', in
Evangelical Missions Quarterly, Jan, 1978, pp,13-20; F.R.Kinsler, 'Mission and
Context: The current debate about contextualization', in Evangelical Missions
Quarterly. Jan, 1978; C.Taber, 'Contextualization: Indigenization and/or
transformation?', Lausanne Committee for World Evangelization, the North
American Conference on Muslim Evangelization, October, 1978; B,Fleming,
Contextualization of Theology. William Carey Library, Pasadena, (1980);
R.Gehman, 'Guidelines in Contextualization', in East Africa Journal of
Evangelical Theology. Vol.2, No.l, 1983, pp.24-36; S.Kaplan, 'The
Africanization of Missionary Christianity: History and Typology', in Journal of
Religion in Africa. Vol.16, No,3, 1986, pp,167-186.

141. Gration, 'Willowbank to ZaYre', pp.307-308.

142. For instance, Amula, a Rethy group member, spoke of a consultation with
doctors serving at the Rethy Hospital, as part of their group's research into
modern medical opinion, Conversation, Rethy, 22nd Jan, 1987.

143. Conversations with Amula, Bura, and Kwany, ZaYre, January, 1987.

144. Gration to Anderson, 12th Jan, 1984

145. Unpublished manuscript, 'Evangile et croyances africaines, - cas de Rethy

et ses environs', (revised) 1984. Unless otherwise stated, all excerpts quoted
in this section are from this document,

- 283 -
146. For situation of ethnic groups: Q. Boone, Les Peuplades du Congo-Beige.
Tervuren, Belgium, <1935), pp.64-65, and pp.95-97, For discussion on language
classification: A.N.Tucker, and M.A.Bryan, in Linguistic Survey of the Northern
Bantu Borderland. Vol.I, Part III, Oxford University Press, London, <1956) p.98,

147. The Rethy group consisted of;

Name (yr.of birth) tribe occupation

Bura Thenga (1945) Hema sch.teacher, editor

Amula Djang'etambe (1955) Lendu sch. teacher, chaplain,
Bura Ngaba (1955) Lendu Bib. school teacher

148. "Dans le concept traditionnel africain, les enfants constituent une

security familiale face a regression exterieure. Aussi sont-ils au sein d'une
famille un potentiel 6conomique. Les enfants font encore le prestige ou la
valeur d'un couple dans notre society traditionnelle. Un homme sans
prog£niture meurt sans suite, Mais un fils assure la perpetuity paternelle
ainsi que clanique." p.l

149. "La Bible nous pr£sente Dieu, le Tout-Puissant, comme le parfait

protecteur des enfants face aux diff£rents dangers qui les guytent." p.2.

150. Concerning the quest for the cause: "Toujours, l'Africain se demands:
'Pourquoi suis-je tomby malade? Pourquoi ... l'ychec? Pourquoi suis-je stdrile?
Pourquoi ai-je connu cet accident? Pourquoi? Pourquoi? Pourquoi?" p,2.

151. This African perception has been widely noted and commented on, both by
non-African and African writers; cf, E. Evans-Pritchard, 'Witchcraft (mangu)
amongst the Azande', Sudan Notes and records, vol.12, 1929, pp.163-249,
excerpts in Max Marwick <ed), Witchcraft and Sorcery. Penguin Books, 1970,
including: "It is strange at first to live amongst the Zande and to listen to
their nal've explanation of misfortunes with the most obvious origin as
products of witchcraft" (p,31), cf. also J.Mbiti: "African peoples feel and
believe that all the various ills, misfortunes, sicknesses, accidents,
tragedies, sorrows, dangers, and unhappy mysteries which they encounter or
experience, are caused by the use of this mystical power in the hands of a
sorcerer, witch, or wizard," in African Religions and Philosophy. Heinemann,
London, 1975, p.200, Also, T.O.Beidelman, 'Witchcraft in Ukaguru', in Witchcraft
and Sorcery in East Africa. Middleton and Winter (eds.), Rout ledge and Kegan
Paul, London, (1963): "Kaguru believe most misfortunes, however small, are due
to witchcraft, Most illness, death, miscarriages, sterility, difficult
childbirths, poor crops, sickly livestock and poultry, loss of articles, bad
luck in hunting, and sometimes even lack of rain, are caused by witches."
pp,93-64,

152. pp,2-5.

153. p.3.

154. p,3. The traditional African, of course, would not deny these scientific
reasons, but see them as inadequate and go on to ask "Yes, but why me rather
than him? Why here rather than there?"

- 284 -
155. p,3

156. Among an abundant literature on dreams and visions in Africa:

E.G.Parrinder, African Traditional Religion, Sheldon Press, London, Third
Edition (1974), pp.27,61,131,135; B.G.Sundkler, Bara Bukoba, C.Hurst, London
(1980), chap,4 'On dreams and faith', pp.98-112; K.Laman, The Kongo III. Studia
Ethnographica Upsaliensa, XII, Lund, Sweden, 1962, pp,7-13

157. cf, J.Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy, op cit p,81, 235; E.E.Evans-
Pritchard, Nuer Religion. Oxford (1956), pp.161-162.

158. For example, the document insists that infertility may be explained by
the will of God, and quotes Isaiah 54:1 to support the contention that God
may have in mind for the childless parents something better, namely, "faith-
sons" or "spiritual children", (ie. people brought to faith), pp.4-5,

159. p.6.

160. p,6,

161. ibid, Amula gives the French names for these ceremonies: 'enlevement de
deuil' (lifting of mourning), and 'retrait de deuil' (withdrawal of mourning).

162. Amula Djang'etambe, Diploma of Theology dissertation,'Etude ethno-

pastorale sur la pratique de I'enlevement de deuil chez les Walendu-Watsi
(dans le Zone de Mahagi)', Bunia Theological Seminary, 1982.

163. On the Christianization of ancestor beliefs, cf: B.Bujo, 'Nos anc§tres, ces
saints inconnus', in Bulletin de Theologie Africaine, Vol.l, No.2, 1979, pp,166~
178; C.Nyamiti, 'New theological approach and new vision of the Church in
Africa', in Revue Africaine de Theologie. Vol.2, No,3, 1978, pp,33-54;
F.Kabasele, 'Le Christ corame Anc£tre et Aln6', in F.Kabasele, J.Dore, and
R.Luneau, Chemlns de la Chris to log ie Africaine, Desclde, Paris, 1986, p,127ff.

164. Jeremiah 22:10, 2 Samuel 12:23, Ecclesiastes 9:5-6, 10.

165. La Bible n'ignore pas 1'existence des anges dychus, lesquels sont
toujours en action dans cet univers (Ephysiens 6:12), IIs pourraient se
dyguiser en esprits des morts, pour syduire les vivants. C'est alors que l'on
a la vision des fantOmes ou des revenants, dits, 'esprits des morts'",p.7.

166. "'Village des morts' ou monde des anc§tres," p,7.

167. For appeal to Roman Catholic dogma for support for African concepts of
'free access' between the living and the departed, see Ch,3 above, p. .

168. "La Bible nie le fait que les morts reviennent parmi les vivants." For
biblical references to support their contention, see note 164, above,

169. Unpublished manuscript, 'Le fytishlsme et la gudrison A la lumiAre de

l'Evangile', Unless otherwise stated, all quotations in this section from this
document.

- 285 -
170. The author remembers remarks made by Bunia Seminary student Ayibho
(formerly chaplain at Aungba secondary school), and by Pastor Uchanda
(Aungba Bible Institute director), both emphasising the prevalence of
activities related to sorcery and fetishism in the Aungba region, and in the
early 1980s prayer was requested among the missionary personnel for the
serious situation in the Aungba region and its secondary school because of
similar reasons.

171. The Aungba group consisted of:

Name (vear of birth) Tribe Occupation

Ofeni Kanda Logo Bib .Sch. teacher, pastor

Uchanda Unen Alur Sec.sch.chpl,, Bib.sch.tchr
Atido Kunde Alur Coordinator evangelism
Angu-andla Gonde Lugbara Sec.sch.tchr,, Christn.Ed,

Aungba itself is set squarely in Alur territory (lang: Dho Aluur); Lugbara
territory adjoins It to the north (lang: Lugbara); the Logo tribe occupy a
large territory considerably further north again, centred on the town of
Faradje (lang: Logo-ti). cf. O.Boone, op cit., pp,16-18, pp.254-256, and pp.251-
252 resp., and A.N.Tucker, and M.A.Bryan, op cit, pp.90&94, pp.92-94, and
pp,91&114, resp,

172. Egyptians (Exodus 7, 8), Canaanites (Deuteronomy 7, 8, 20), Assyrians

(Nahum 3), Babylonians (Daniel 1, 2), Greeks (Acts 17), then: "Nos ancAtres
sont aussi A l'origine du fAtishisme car ils consid&ralent comma sacrAes
certaines choses; les montagnes, les forAts, les arbres, les animaux, les
chutes d'eau, les tombes et certaines plantes," p.2.

173. p.2,

174. Cf. discussion of use of fetishes in E.E,Evans Pritchard, Nuer Religion,

op cit, p.101, where fetishes among the Nuer appear to have more aggressive
uses than those discussed by the document's authors.

175. The same general distinctions are made in E.G.Parrinder, African

Traditional religion, pp. 116ff. cf, "Magic is offensive as well as
protective." p.l 16,

176. Middleton, in discussing such practitioners in Lugbara religion, speaks

rather of "'ba enyanya beri" (people with poison), J.Middleton, 'Witchcraft and
Sorcery in Lugbara', in Middleton and Winter (eds.) Witchcraft and sorcery in
East Africa, op cit, p,264,

177. p,3,

178., The document sets out to address fetishism which it defines as

"L'adoration d'un materiel auquel on attribue des pouvoirs surnaturels", but
rather loosely includes under the same definition such distinct occult
phenomena as astrology, spells, magic, divination, necromancy, foretelling,
spiritism, idolatry, and sorcery, p.2,

179. ibid, p,2.

- 286 -
180. Ibid, p.4. The Bible passage referred to by the authors, Rom. 1:22-2 3,says:
Although they claimed to be wise, they became fools and exchanged the glory
of the immortal God for images made to look like mortal man and birds and
animals and reptiles.

181. ibid, p,4. Aba and Aru are specially mentioned presumably because the
former (in Logo and Kakwa territory) is particularly known to Ofeni, and the
latter (in Lugbara territory) is familiar to Angu-andia.

182. "II n'y a aucune place pour le fAtichisme dans l'Evangile. S'il y a des
gens qui le font, qu'ils sachent que c'est une inspiration purement diabolique
qui lutte contre l'Evangile." ibid, p.4.

183. The fact that the authors say "stifled" rather than "stifles" implies
that they do not mean that the Gospel 'per se* opposes traditional healing,
but rather that the historical presentation of the Gospel (by missionaries
and subsequent African Christian leaders) rejected it,

184. At this point in the document there is a marginal correction, probably

made at the time of the second seminar in 1984, Where the original stated:
"These elements are useful on condition etc,", the amendment reads: "Certain
of these elements are useful on condition etc", and specifically excludes
'bones' and 'excrement'.

185. 1, Idolatry of the Israelites reproved by the prophets (Jer,14:12-16,

Is.42.17-22, Ezek.6:l-7, Hos.13.1-9),
2. Saul consulting the witch of Endor (I Sam,28 and 31)
3. Solomon's disastrous consultation of pagan gods (I Kings 11:4ff.)
4. The idolatry of Jeroboam which led eventually to exile. (II Kings 15
and 17).
5. The idolatry of King Nebuchadnezzar resulting in madness (Dan,3-5).
6. Pharaoh hardened by the trickery of his magicians (Exod.7,8,12, and
14)
7. Idolatry listed among the sins which separate man from God (II
Cor,5:11, and ch.8.(sic) - I Corinthians in both cases is surely meant),
8 . Idolatry excludes from the Kingdom of God (Eph.5;5)

186. "Rien ne peut Atre un ostacle pour son exercice si on l'emploie sagement
et pour la gloire de Dieu." p.6.

187. "Conner un bon enseignement pour hausser sa valeur A la lumi&re de la

Bible", p.6,

188. Unpublished document, 'Le tribalisme'. Unless otherwise stated, all

quotations In this section taken from this document.

189. The Bunia group consisted of;

Name (year of birth) Tribe Occupation

Djawotto Kisa (1945) Alur Seminary teacher,

Kana Muruo (1945) Kakwa TEE coordinator
Okuonzi Amandru (1935) Lugbara Finance advisor,
Sumbuso Bamaraki (1956) Hema Seminary teacher,

- 287 -
 ,Ufoyuru Kpathi <1941) Alur Evangelism coord in, radio
Alo Dradebo <1941) Lugbara Seminary teacher,
Kwany London! (1943) Lendu Educ.coord, CECA Press

For Alur and Lugbara, see above, note 171; for Hema and Lendu, see above,
note 147; the Kakwa territory sits astride the Zal're-Sudan border, to the
north and east respectively of the Lugbara and Logo, Clang: Kakwa), Details
in O.Boone, op cit, pp,242-244, and A.N,Tucker and M.A.Bryan, op cit, p.91,

190, The respective lengths of the documents:

'Tribalisme' - 25pp., (one-and-a-half spaced)
'Evangile et croyances africaines' - 8pp,, (single spaced)
'FAtishlsme et guArison' - 6pp., (single spaced)

191, pp.6-9,

192, p.13.

193, pp,10-12.

194, p,19,

195, p.19.

196, p,22.

197, p.24.

198, The coordination problems referred to were created because the one
chosen by the delegates to be responsible for liaising between the groups
was compelled by personal problems to relinquish his post. The financial
problems arise when a centralised meeting is proposed: distances are such
that transport is costly, communication difficult, and feeding and housing
expensive. The Aungba group never produced a revised document, partly
because two of the three members moved from Aungba: Uchanda went to
Kinshasa for further education, Anguandia was called to Bunia to coordinate
the Christian Education Department.

199, Gration repeatedly expressed misgiving in letters as to the 'success' of

the process: "Maybe deep down I am fearing (and to this I must admit) that
you will really find very little as a result of the seminars ... I fear that
the byproduct (namely the three excellent papers that were produced, of
which you have copies) have alas become for the most part the product. As
you know, I intended it otherwise, and wanted the reproduction process to be
the main product of my seminars. This unfortunately has not taken place."
(Letter to the author, Aug,21, 1986), Or again; "I fear that not much has
happened in terms of follow-up or implementation, or what is a special
concern to me, the replication of the seminars," Letter to the author, Feb.12,
1987,

200. Field research methodology. Field research was undertaken in the CECA
area of North-East Zaire January 16 - 28, Prior contact by letter with the
participants was considered but rejected on the grounds that the letters
might exert pressure on them to undertake projects that would not otherwise
have taken place. The research was divided into two distinct periods:
a) Rethy area. January 16 - 21. The objective was to contact and interview
as many participants as possible at the Swahili seminar held at Rethy in
1983, The use of time was maximized by the help of Rethy-based AIM
missionary, Rev,D.Langford, who had been instrumental in setting up the
seminars in 1983 and 1984, and who helped in locating the participants for
interviews, although he did not share in the interviewing, Gration's.field
notes (photocopy in author's possession) indicate that 16 men took some sort
of part in the Swahili seminar, but that their attendance was "intermittent".
Of the 16, seven were Interviewed, the others either being away from home
and unattainable or deemed to have had minimal Involvement in the seminars.
Interviews were conducted in Swahili. While most were located in and around
Rethy itself, three others were found in their home villages in Linga and
Huu, some 40kms from Rethy.
b) Bunia area, January 21 - 28. Gration's notes indicate that 17 men took
part in the Bunia (French) seminar (with D.Langford, the only missionary
participant, the number came to 18). Since I taught at the Bunia Seminary
1978-1984, all the participants are personally known to me. The majority
were to be located in and around the town of Bunia. Eleven interviews were
held in and around Bunia. One participant agreed to travel by truck from
Oicha, 170kms from Bunia for his interview. Another was later interviewed in
Kinshasa where he was receiving further theological education. Five other
participants were unavailable, being away on further study in Kinshasa,
Bangui, Nairobi, and USA. They were sent the questionnaire to complete and
return. Four have done so. In this way, all but one of the 17 ZaYrian
delegates have been included personally in this analysis, Interviews were
always done individually, and lasted an average of H6 hours, permitting
participants to enlarge unhurriedly on their answers, At the end of both
periods of investigation, group meetings were held to permit cross­
fertilization of ideas,

Swahili seminar delegates interviewed; Buchu, Ukelo, Groche, Laleni, Djaldero,

Balonge, Lainya,
French seminar delegates Interviewed; Bura Thenga, Kana Muruo, Amula
Djang'etambe, Okuonzi Amandru, Etsea Ang'apoza, Bura Ngaba, Sumbuso Bamaraki,
Ufoyuru Kpathi, Alo Dradebo, Kile Kpala, Kwany Zaabu (at Rethy), Uchanda Unen
(in Kinshasa),
French seminar delegates who responded by questionnaire; Ofeni Kanda (Todro),
Djawotto Kisa (USA), Atldo Kunde Dong' (Isiro), Angu-andia Gonde (Nairobi)

201. see Question 12 on questionnaire. To assist recall, the participants

were often asked to remember where the seminars were held, how many fellow-
delegates there were, what the major theme was, etc,

202. One delegate, Pastor Ofeni Kanda, who filled in a questionnaire but was
not interviewed because of distance from Bunia, stated that since he was
unable to get to the second seminar (1984) he was not in a position to
comment on the usefulness of the initiative, Indeed, the interviews were far
more productive than the questionnaires, which tended to elicit only an
essential minimum of information, and sometimes not even that,

203. The actual expression used was "faire l'autocritique" (judge onesself),
but the context indicated that what was meant was "judge for onesself"
instead of simply having to accept someone else's opinion.

- 289 -
204, Thus going at least part way towards the desirable "interdisciplinarity"
that Kalilombe discusses, op cit, p.150,

205, The remark was made by Seminary teacher, Pastor Sumbuso Bamaraki,
interviewed 24th Jan, 1987, in Bunia.

206, Remark made by Oicha Bible School director, Pastor Kile Kpala,
interviewed 25th Jan, 1987, in Bunia,

207, see Question 14 on questionnaire.

208, "Vulnerability" is the word that Gration himself chose (see p, ) as

being of basic importance. The delegates did not use the word, but clearly
meant the same thing.

209, See note 198, above,

210, Pastor Laleni Ugentho, head-pastor of Rethy Section, interviewed 17th

Jan, 1987, in Rethy.

211, Pastor Laleni furnished details of minutes of by-gone Rethy Church

Councils where the question of 'matanga' was raised; 29 Sept, 1982, 14-17
Dec, 1982, 28 Nov. 1983, 25-28 June, 1984, 15 Aug. 1986.

212, cf. Amula D ., Dissertation, op cit, p. 16, cites as examples of tribes

that practice the 'enlAvement de deuil' the BaKongo, the Alur, the Lugbara."
E.E.Evans-Pritchard describes something very similar which he terms the
'mortuary ceremony* designed to "clear the debt"; it is performed four to six
months after burial, Nuer Religion, op cit, p,146ff.

213, Amula (Dissertation, op cit, p,16) states that the Lugbara tribe observe
the practice for reasons other than the fear of spirits (does not specifiy),
but that this is an exception to the rule,

214, Examples to substantiate this are given in Amula, op cit, pp.33ff,

215, Amula quotes from Nkongolo wa Mbiye, Le culte des esprits. Kinshasa,
Centre d'Etudes Pastorales, 1974, pp,16-17, In his 'Dissertation', op cit.

216, Minutes of Rethy Section Council, 28th Nove, 1983, para 2. The minute
also refers the reader back to a similar decision in 1977, It is clear that
the problem is a perennial one,

217, The 14 local churches in the Rethy region visited by Pastor Laleni were;
Baidjo, Goika, Kwandroma, Djubate, Budza, Lokpa, R'kpa, Nola, Kokpa, Tsangu,
Bwaa, Nalepu, Zali, Rethy. Conversation with Laleni, Jan, 17, 1987, at Rethy,

218, Conversation with Pastor Ufoyuru, 22nd Jan, 1987, in Bunia.

219, Remark made by Pastor Kana Muruo, Bunia, 22nd Jan, 1987.

220, Conversation with Pastor Etsea Ang'apoza, Legal Representation and Vice-
President of CECA, in Bunia, 21st Jan, 1987.

- 290 -
221. Conversation with Pastor Laleni Ugentho, 17th Jan, 1987, in Rethy,

222. Linga, CECA centre, not far from Rethy, and about 120 miles from Bunia,

223. I Cor, 12:13, 'For we were all baptized by one Spirit into one body
whether Jews or Greeks, slave or free, - and we were all given the one
Spirit to drink.'

224. The sermon in question was preached 12th Dec, 1985, Conversation with
Pastor Bura Ngaba, 24th Jan, 1987, in Bunia.

225. CECA centre Bogoro, 25kms east of Bunia, overlooking Lake Mobutu.

226. Conversation with Pastor Buchu, 19th Jan, 1987, in Linga,

227. Lolwa, CAFEZA (Brethren) centre, about 120kms west of Bunia on the road
to Kisangani,

228. Conversation withPastor Bura Ngaba, 24th Jan, 1987, in Bunia.

229. Conversation withPastor Lainya Ngadyuwa, 18th Jan, 1987, in Rethy.

230. For distinction between 'good' and 'bad' magic, cf. J.M.Mbiti, African
Religions and Philosophy, op cit, pp,198ff.

231. For the widely acknowledged power of fear, cf. G.W.B.Huntingford: "A spell
is effective through fear because the victim believes that the 'ponindet'
(sorcerer) has the power to do him harm." 'Nandi witchcraft', in Witchcraft
and sorcery in East Africa, op cit, pp.178-179

232. Conversation with Pastor Sumbuso Bamaraki, 24th Jan, 1987, in Bunia, For
Christian protection from the harm by evil spirits, cf. J.Mbiti, African
Religions and Philosophy, op cit, p.86,

233. Conversation withPastor Djaldero, 17th Jan, 1987, in Rethy.

234. Conversation withPastor Balonge, Hon. President of CECA, 17th Jan, 1987,
in Rethy,

235. Letter from Pastor Djawotto Kisa, completing PhD studies in USA. He
insisted that before the recommendations made at the seminars could be put
into effect there should be concensus of opinion in CECA; without this
official approbation, pastors who acted on what the documents suggested
could be "subject to church discipline and even banishment". (Letter to
author, of 12th June, 1987). While other participants expressed the possible
dangers of contextualized theology encouraging syncretism, Pastor Djawotto
was the only one to state openly that the main danger was from opposition
by the leadership of CECA.

235. For discussion of Theological Education by Extension (TEE) and its

development in CECA, see above, pp.216ff.

236. Conversation with TEE coordinator for CECA, Pastor Kana Muruo, 21st Jan,
1987.

- 291 -
237. Conversation with Pastor Bura Ngaba, 24th Jan, 1987, in Bunia.

238. ISTB S6rle Programme d'Etudes - Introduction. (Revision, 1978) p,2,

239. Conversation with Pastor AIo Dradebo, 27th Jan, 1987, in Bunia,

240. Oicha, CECA centre near the town of Beni, mainly Nande tribe; about
170kms south of Bunia,

241. Conversation with Pastor Kile Kpala, 25th Jan, 1987, in Bunia,

242. Conversation with Pastor Alo Dradebo, 27th Jan, 1987, in Bunia, Pastor
Alo did not elaborate on the answers to the problems discussed,

243. While all the courses at Diploma and BA level are in French, the courses
for the wives are provided in both Swahili and French.

244. Conversation with Pastor Sumbuso Bamaraki, 24th Jan, 1987,J?in Bunia, The
reasons for polygamy, and Christian answers for the problem, ardf/also
discussed, The CECA's position on polygamy would probably not be as
sympathetic as that of E.HIllman, Polygamy reconsidered: African plural
marriage and the Christian churches. Orbis Books, Maryknoll, New York, 1975,
cf. also, J.Yego, 'Polygamy and the African Church', in East Africa Journal of
Evangelical Theology. Vol,3, No.l, 1984, pp.60-84, Yego stands within the CECA
tradition, but his article reflects the complexity and sensitivity of the
question of polygamy in Africa. Also J.Mbiti, African Religions and Philosophy,
op cit, 142-145, Mbiti sets out reasons for polygamy, while abstaining from
judgment as to "right or wrong, good or bad",

245. According to Pastor Laleni, each of the choral groups has its 'composer'.

246. Conversation with Pastor Laleni, 17th Jan, 1987, in Rethy,

247. The document reads; "Wimbo isiwe bila mafundisho! Usitunge wimbo isiyo
na maana kwa kanisa (Doctrine EvangAlique)." (Swahili: A hymn must not be
without teaching! Do not compose a hymn that has no meaning for the Church
(Evangelical Doctrine),)

248. It is not uncommon in the CECA churches to see members tapping their
feet in rhythm with the music; in Kimbanguist services (from observation in
the Kinshasa churches) this is strikingly absent.

249. Dance is one area where biblical precedent (for instance King David's
example in 2 Samuel 6:14, and even the command in Psalm 150:4, a psalm that
is quoted in the document to support the use of local instruments) is not
followed because the cultural associations are considered to be too
compromis ing.

250. The document permits the use of choir robes; the symbolic colours are
given as; white = holiness, glory; blue = heaven; yellow = riches, blessing.

251. Unpublished duplicated document produced by the 'Ddpartement de

1'Education ChrAtienne', CECA, Bunia, n.d.

- 292 -
252. Questionnaire reply from Angu-Andia, Coordinator of CECA's 'DApartement
de l'Education ChrAtienne', 15th Aug, 1987.

253. Aungba, CECA centre about 200kras north of Bunia, see also above, note
171.

254. Conversation with Pastor Uchanda Unen, 1st Feb, 1987, in Kinshasa, I have
not been able to obtain a copy of the handout, and enquiries at Aungba have
failed to locate one. Letter to author from AIM missionary, Ian Campbell,
19th June, 1987.

255. Education was taken over by the State in the 1970s but later returned
to private (largely Church) management, although the State determines the
curriculum. The CECA, therefore, has 'its' schools, and is able to appoint the
staff. The directors (and many of the teachers) would be Christians.

256. Beni, pop. 32,000, in North Kivu region, 125 mis south of Bunia and at
the very southern tip of CECA territory. The population is almost entirely of
the industrious Nande tribe.

257. Djugu, small commercial centre, pop. 8,000 (?), about 50 mis. north of
Bunia, and near the territorial intersection of the Alur, Lendu, and Hema
tribes.

258. Conversation with Pastor Amula Djang'etambe, 22nd Jan, 1987.

259. Conversations with Pastors Kana and Okuonzi in Bunia 21st and 23rd Jan,
1987, respectively.

260. Conversation with Pastor Kile Kpala, 25th Jan, 1987, in Bunia.

261. 'Ligue pour la Lecture de la Bible', - an international organisation

promoting the dally study of the Bible, known in the UK as Scripture Union,

262. Conversation with Kwany Zaabu, 20th Jan, 1987, in Rethy.

263. idem.

264. Bura Thenga, see above, note 147.

265. Conversation with Bura Thenga, 23rd Jan, 1987, in Bunia.

266. The complete 'Editions CECA' objectives state:

1. Inviter les gens A Atre rAconciliAs avec Christ (AvangAlisation).
2. Edifier les croyants dans la foi (croissance chrAtienne).
3. PAnAtrer les structures de croyance et coutume zaYroise par la vAritA
vivante de la Harole de Dieu.
4. Combattre et corriger les maux sociaux (tels que: corruption,
immoralitA, fraude, cupiditA, polygamie, sorcellerie, etc...) sans s'ingArer dans
les affaires politiques,
5. Encourager le devAloppement communautaire,
6. Alimenter les catechistes et les pasteurs en outiis pour leur
m In 1stAre.
7. Faciliter le dAvAloppement et la distribution de la littArature pour

- 293 -
les diffArents dAparlaments de la CECA.
8. Adrsser aux AvoluAs les requAtes d'Atre disciples.
9. DAvAlopper un sens d'identitA dans la CECA (comme par les biographies,
This to ire de la CECA, etc,)
10. Servir la communautA locale dans ses besoins d'impression.

The complete 'Tujenge' objectives state:

1, EvangAliser les jeunes.
2, Aider les jeunes de nos Aglises: a) A croitre dans la foi, b) A
affronter les questions difficiles de nos jours A la lumiAre de la Parole de
Dieu, c) A dAvAlopper leurs facultAs de communiquer par Acrit aussi.
3, Stimuler une Atude sArieuse de la Bible.
4, Encourager l'Aducation personnelle et le service personnel.
5, Informer sur les activItAs de la communautA,

267. Conversation with Cit. Ukelo, who helped with the artwork of some of the
articles in 'Tujenge', 18th Jan, 1987, in Rethy,

268. Conversation with Bura Thenga, 23rd Jan, 1987, in Bunia. Also letter
from Kwany London!, 25th July, 1987.

269. Letter from Kwany Londoni, Director 'Editions CECA', Rethy, 25th July,
1987.

270. Conversation with Amula Djang'etambe, 22nd Jan, 1987, in Bunia.

271. Langford to Molyneux, 12th July, 1987.

272. Kwany Londoni to Molyneux, 25th July, 1987.

273. Langford to Molyneux, 12th July, 1987.

274. List of topics at second journalism seminar, Rethy, 1st - 3rd July, 1986,
(no attempt has been made to categorize them):

healing poverty church finance

death marr iage offerings
mourn ing mixed marriages corruption
sorcery betrothal financial autonomy
wealth polygamy the pastorate
evil spells divorce immorality
sickness the home alcoholism
venereal disease faith smoking
illegitimacy youth dancing
unmarried mothers choirs family devotions
wedding ceremonies vocation love
boy-glrl relationships infertility prayer
preaching and hearing church administration sex

275. 'Les Objectifs des Editions CECA', dated 1st July, 1986, in letter from
Kwany Londoni, 25th July, 1987.

276. Letter from Kwany to members of Writers Clubs, dated 22nd Aug, 1986.

- 294-
277. The title is a Lendu proverb 'Nja ngri gbo nja ngri'; as one baboon
mocks another for his ridiculously coloured posterior but cannot see his own
which is just as ludicrous, so Christians can be critical of others while
totally unaware that they have the same faults. The article exploits the
African predilection for proverbs as an avenue of communication. Several of
the dissertations and theses at the 'Faculty de Th6ologie Catholique de
Kinshasa1 concern proverbs.

278. Radio CANDIP <= Centre d'Animation et de Diffusion Pddagogiques), set

near the College of Education, Bunia.

279. Conversation with Pastor Ufoyuru Kpathy, 22nd Jan, 1987, in Bunia.

280. Pastor Kile Kpala and Rev. D.Langford,

281. Conversations with Langford and Kile, 17th Jan, 1987 (Rethy) and 25th
Jan, 1987 (Bunia), respectively,

282. Among the pressures of duties for the Zairian Church leader is the
struggle (shared with almost all his fellow-citizens) for survival. Salaries
are so inadequate that the pastor has to devote a considerable and
increasing proportion of his time to cultivation and harvesting, cf, the
remark made by Pastor Djaldero (Swahili seminar): "When I began my work as a
pastor, I had my Bible in my right hand and the hoe in my left hand. Now I
have had to put my hoe in my right hand, and my Bible in the left."
Conversation, 17th Jan, 1987,

283. Rev. D.Langford left ZaYre for furlough in August, 1984, and the author
(latterly seeking to encourage the process, although never directly involved
in it) unexpectedly had to leave ZaXre in December, 1984,

284. I owe this suggestive simile (already used in Ch.l) to Dr. P.Bowers,
course on contextualisation, Jan.7-18, 1985, in Nairobi, Kenya.

285. Conversation with J.Gration, July, 1984,

286. D.B.Barrett, 'Interdisciplinary theories of religion and African

independency', in African Initiatives in Religion, (ed, D.B.Barrett) Nairobi,
East African Publishing House, 1971, p.153,

287. Gration wrote in his field notes for the Swahili seminar in Rethy, 1983,
"If one good question is asked (and it elicits a good response) stick with
it."

288. The discerning remark was made by Cit. Ukelo, the only participant of
the Swahili seminar at Rethy with post-secondary education. At the closing
group session at Rethy (Jan.18, 1987) one participant expressed that it would
be far better if the Church committees and councils simply made the
decisions (on such subjects as burial customs, fetishism, etc.) and then just
applied the laws; the church members would know where they stood. Others
disagreed, arguing that it is exactly this unthinking passivity among church
members which leads to external conformity without inner conviction.

- 295 -
289. The heavy reliance upon lecture method in CECA Bible schools is
illustrated by Gration's findings at the Swahili seminar (Rethy, 1983): "I am
tempted to feel that for some of the older men the damage may be permanent
and to a measure irreparable. During our last session together we actually
discussed the lecture vs. dialogue method. We quickly counted up the number
of hours in which they had been lectured or preached to during their two
years of Bible school, Then counting all the hours spent in taking exams (a
most inadequate form of dialogue and not worthy of the term), we found that
they were lectured to about 97% of the time,.. I am still actively seeking
some form of penance for my large part in the creation of this model,"
'Willowbank to ZaYre', op cit, p, 302,

290. K. Dickson, op cit, p,8,

- 296 -
 Appendix I
Central and Eastern Africa

e
*
V
V If

S
$
a*^
s
° °?o ?9 n b + ~ \
“ < tS -O

B
<
S 297-

\
 APPENDIX II '
DISTRIBUTION & STATUS OF AIM PERSONNEL 1956 - 1986

1956 1961 19 66 1971 1976 ' 1981 1982 1983 1984 1985 1986

MISSIONARIES ON THE FIELD, BY STATUS

FULL TERM 366 452 363 423 372 387 391 451 481 469 440
SHORT TERM -
3 30 48 76 69 91 88 82 84
ON LOAN - - - - - - - - \6
ASSOCIATE - 10 18 22 47 71 53 65 50 66
VOLUNTEER (9MO-1YR) ~ - - - - 17 27 28\
TOTAL 366 452 376 . 471 442 51 0 531 595 651 628 624

MISSIONARIES ON FIELD, BY LOCATION

INTERNATIONAL. OFFICE 2 2 7 ■ 12
7 14 18 8 8
INT’L SERVICES - - - - 4
25 25 39 37 46 31
CAR (FEA/CAE) 11 8 14 13 10 13 • 11 18 16 16 14
'■'= KENYA 120 144 185 194 197 207 227 247 299 291 272
. SUDAN 12 16 ■13 • 29 23 34 29 20 15
,' TANZANIA 71 88 60 57 31 21 20 25 18 25 28
UGANDA 24 30 39 29 17 11 11 12 16 18 18
• ZAIRE 124 133 28 108 • 83 76 74 73 83 81 81
academies - 31 40 61 71 85 89 RVA81 85 84 87
: ' USA URBAN - - - - 2 5 6 8 9 11 14
COMORO ISLANDS . - - - - 5 11 11 14 15 17 20
MADAGSCAR ■ - - - - 4 2 2 4 2 4
NAMIBIA - - - . - -_ 2 2 3 4 5 5
..REUNION ■ - - - - - 2 3 0 0 0 0
rr.,-;. SEYCHELLES - . - - - 6 6 9 5 4 3
;i LESOTHO - - - - - - - - - - 2
MOZAMBIQUE ■- - . - - - - - - - - 3

STUDYING EN 'ROUTE 4 (5) 9 7 2 6 9 13 10 19

ASSIGNMENT PENDING - - •- - - - 5 0 0 0

FIELD TOTALS 366 452 376' 471 442 510 531 595 651 638 624

MISSIONARIES IN SENDING AREAS

; ON FURLOUGH 102 86 133 168 161 147 108 104 97 132 166
■ ON HOME STAFF:
1 AUSTRALIA 2 2 2 2 2 3 4 3 3 3
3 ;CANADA • 1- 1 3 5 8 11 10 16 13 13 15
‘ SOUTH AFRICA - 3 3 2 2 4 4 1 1 1 1
UNITED KINGDOM - 5 6 . 9 7 12 ■ 14 6 12 12 12
UNITED STATES AMERICA - - 19 26 30 35 36 41 37 40 58
. . MISSIONARY APPOINTEES 63 33 34 . 30 ■48 30 57 88 72 71 94
RETIRED 8 29 66 ■76.. 115 145 146 135 153 139 148
MISSIONARY TOTAL 539 6.11 642 789 815 896 909 990 1039 1049 1121

SENDING COUNCIL MEMBERS

AUSTRALIA 2 - 2 2 2 11 14 11 17 15 16 15
CANADA 2 3 6 5 14 15 15 14 17 19 20
SOUTH AFRICA - 2 - - 5 9 11 13 13 13 16
UNITED KINGDOM 4 4 5 5 13 14 13 14 14 15 11
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA 19 16 16 18 15 16 12 15 15 15 13

MEMBERS TOTAL 566 638 671 819 873 963 971 1063 1113 1127 1196

- 298 -
 Appendix III

Questionnaire for participants of Gospel and Culture Seminars

used during field research, January 1987

1. Horns (en majuscules, svp, ) .,.................. ..........

2. Lieu et date de naissance ....................... ..................

3. Dernidre annde d'etudes prlmaires: ........... ..........

Dernidre annde d'dtudes secondalres: ..... ,.............

4. Etudes post-secondaires: ................. .........................

5. Postes, avec le nombre d'anndes <ex. Prof. Ecole Bibl,, Todro, 3 ans)

6. Avez-vous participd A la idre Consultation, Bunla, 1983? Oui / Non

7. Avez-vous participd A la 2dme Consultation, Bunla, 1984? Oui / Non

8. Avez-vous participd aux discussions qul ont suivi les Consultations I

et II et qui ont about 1 A la redaction des trois documents? Oui / Non

9. Si votre rdponse A la question 8 est Oui, dans quel groupe

participiez-vous?: 1. Evangile et Croyances (Rethy) .....

2. Fdtichisme et Croyances (Aungba).....

3. Triballsme (Bunia) .....

10. Depuis la redaction de ces trois documents, votre groupe a-t-il

essayd de continuer ce genre de discussion? Oui / Non.

11. Si Oui; 1. Sur le mdme sujet? ........

2. Sur un autre sujet? Lequel? (lesquels?): .............

3. Avez-vous essayd d*y associer d'autres gens du milieu

(ex. femmes, jeunes, vieux, non-chrdtiens, etc) Si Oui, lesquels?:

12. Les Consultations, les avez-vous trouveds utiles? SI Oui, prdcisez

ce que vous en avez apprdcid: ...... .............................

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13, Quel dtait le r61e de Dr. Gratlon dans ces Consultations?:

14. Pensez-vous que Dr. Gration dtait particulidrement bien placd pour
diriger ce type de sdminaire A cause de son Age, de son expdrience,
de sa manidre? ou n'imports quel autre missionnaire, visiteur, ou
pasteur africain aurait-il pu faire de mdme? Donnez vos raisons;

15. Pensez-vous que d'autres gens de l'Eglise pourraient prof iter de ce

genre de sdminaire? Si Oui, qui? ................................

16. Les Consultations, ont-elles influencd les domaines sulvantes? (NB,

indiquer seulement les domaines oh vous constatez que les
Consultations vous ont accordd quelque chose de nouveau. Pour chaque
rdponse, pridre de citer des examples concrets. avec lieu et date.
Merc i);

a) Votre prddication (ex. choix de sujet, texte, illustrations,

appl icat ions)?......... . .........................................

b) Votre enseignement biblique (ex. aller plus loin que le programme

officiel, aborder les questions que posent les dtudiants, etc.)?..

c) Composition des chants de circonstance (naissance, mariage,

deuil, etc, )?.............................. ............. .

d) Sdminaires des jeunes, des anciens, des diacres, etc,?.,.,.

e) Publications, articles?......... ..........................

f) Autres (ex. radio, camps de la Ligue*, etc,)?.............

17, Avez-vous des projets pour l'avenir dans un (ou plusieurs) des
domaines citds ci-haut? (Aussi de ddtails que possible svp.).,

18. Serait-il souhaitable que Dr, Gration revienne pour une Consultation
de plus? Si oui, pour quoi faire?,................ ...............

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 CONCLUSION

A Continuing Odyssey

The initial chapter of this thesis sought to identify and discuss the
numerous and diverse factors contributing to the emergence of 'Theologia
Africans1 as a recognisable phenomenon of the last three decades. While the
theological search has been distinct from the political, educational, and
literary quests in Africa, it nevertheless has shared with these the same
basic concern, To some extent at least they have travelled in a similar
direction, like leaves borne along by the same current, This 'current* is the
common quest for African self-hood or identity. Emerging from long years of
colonial experience which allowed the African little pride in his world,
African Christianity has sought to find a place where, both in its experience
and its understanding (theology), it can 'feel at home',1

The results of this quest are still unfolding. There is, to date, no
'commodity' which one might call 'African Christian Theology'. While there are
certain themes which are prominent, such as the reality of the spirit world,
the question of ancestors, the meaning of community, wholeness and healing,
there is no clear unanimity on these topics and their detailed relation to
the Christian Gospel. This thesis, therefore, has been concerned to explore
not so much a p ro d u c t as a p ro c e s s , a quest. What is emerging is not some
multi-volume work of theology which will accurately express the theological
consensus of Christian thinkers in Nigeria and Tanzania, Botswana and Zaire,
To expect such a product is to suppose that all of Black Africa shares an
identical world-view, whereas the reality is one of considerable diversity.
In the words of John Mbiti:

It is all too easy to use the phrase 'African Theology', but to state
exactly what that means, or even to show its real nature, is an entirely
different issue. And certainly it cannot be expected that such a theology
would be uniform throughout the continent of Africa,2
The present thesis has been more concerned, therefore, with the varied
processes involved in expressing the understanding of faith, rather than with
any end-product. The research undertaken and discussed within these chapters
has implications in three distinct realms; the first relates to the nature of
theology itself, the second to the field of theological education, the third
to the question of theological educators in Africa,

'Theology' in Africa

The three case-study chapters which constitute the central body of the
thesis illustrate just how varied are the processes that contribute to that
quest for religious and theological self-hood. The chapter relating to the
Faculty of Catholic Theology in Kinshasa explores one (arguably Black
Africa's most prominent) example of theology's academic and literary sector.
Characterized by the continuing legacy of scholarly thoroughness inherited
from its parent University of Louvain, it has nurtured and attracted a
number of erudite African theologians. Their university education and
subsequent post-graduate studies in Europe (primarily in Louvain/Leuven or
Rome) have equipped them to engage the debate about the nature and methods
of theology and to argue for a more positive, integrated theological
alternative to the (as they see it) speculative and rationalistic systems of
the West. During the 1960s, as we have seen, the Faculty was the arena where
the serious debate as to the legitimacy or otherwise of 'African Theology'
was staged. That such a debate could take place at all in any meaningful
way, pre-supposed a conceptualization and an articulation of African
religious and theological understanding.

It was the argument of that chapter that the literary, published nature of
the theological task of the Faculty has been integral to its influence and
success. The Faculty has not only debated, but it has published those
debates, and by publishing it has widened the arena and made the debate more
Lmportant. It has hosted conferences and it has Inevitably published the
proceedings of the conferences; by doing so Lt has made the conferences more
significant, to be taken more seriously by both speakers and other
participants, It set up the 'Centre de Recherches Africaines' as a resource

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centre for the study of the cultural, religious, linguistic and philosophical
heritage with which Christianity is interacting, and publishes its findings.
The Faculty’s unwritten policy (inherited from Louvain); "on ne croira pas A
une recherche qui n'aboutit A une publication" (no-one will take seriously a
piece of research which does not end up published) has resulted in a growing
list of serious scientific works as well as the establishing of the Faculty's
three major journals (RAT. CRA. and RPK). Publication has permitted a literary
marketplace for the contributors and emphasised to them and to their readers
the significance or 'seriousness' of their research. Undoubtedly, this has
made the painstaking labour of research that much more worth the trouble.
Had the Faculty not had this emphasis upon publishing, it is unlikely that
its importance as a theological research centre would have been recognised
except locally.

If African theologians are to succeed in conceptualizing the culturo-

religious heritage into which they were born and their own understanding of
the Christian Gospel, and if they are to communicate credibly that
understanding to others outside Africa, it is difficult to see how they can
do it except by developing theological skills using scientifically rigorous
methods. Mgr. Tshibangu, one of Africa's most important contributors to the
debate on 'African Theology' would insist:

Theology is actually a scientific or scholarly act of commitment, Defining

it in precise and dynamic terms, we can say that it is 'the science dealing
with the divine destiny of humanity. This science is grounded on God's
revelation in Christ' and it is also based on 'deep, thorough-going
knowledge of human beings and the factors that condition their lives'. Such
knowledge comes to us from philosophy, the human sciences, and the basic
sciences dealing with the universe,3

Publication will carry the results of that sort of theological thinking to

the international forum, permitting cross-fertilization of ideas and mutual
enrichment.

That the published output from the Faculty has entitled and permitted the
FTCK to communicate meaningfully with others in the international academic
sector is beyond question. What is more difficult to determine is the extent
to which the Faculty engages influentially with the non-intellectual sector,

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even within its own country of ZaYre. It may be presumed that the many
Catholic priests and Church leaders in Zaire who subscribe to the FTCK's
periodicals are influenced in their thinking by what they read, While the
theologians inform themselves in their research from what is going on at the
'grassroots', there is little to suggest that their findings return again to
those grassroots to affect belief and behaviour. The direction of the debate
would seem to be 'up and away' from the oral sector, which in fact
represents the large majority of Africa's church members, and where dynamics
are at work which are very different from those in the literary domain,

It has been one concern of the thesis to argue that although the
academic/literary sector is the most recognisably 'theological' in the usual
Western sense of the word, theology in the wider meaning as reflection about
God and human destiny cannot be confined to this one sector. At different
levels of the Christian Church in Africa, African Christians with or without
formal educational background are expressing verbally and behaviourslly their
beliefs about God, Jesus Christ, the Holy Spirit and the spirit world, the
Church, and how these affect their everyday lives individually and as a
community. The chapter on Kimbanguist hymns illustrates just one example of
how this unselfconscious, unsystematic expression of belief takes place. The
hymns are not for private, intellectual meditation, but rather for repeated
singing by choirs and listened to by the hundreds of Kimbanguist faithful
gathered for worship. For the worshippers the choir renditions constitute a
highlight of the meetings. Whereas in the literary domain an article or book
will be 'important' or 'influential* by virtue of its careful background
research and well-reasoned argument (and, to some extent, by the stature of
the academic journal in which it appears, or of the publishing house), the
hymns are 'effective' in their ability to "excite the heart" and to capture
the religious imagination by expressing some aspect of the Kimbanguist
identity. In this, a hymn's official approval by the 'Bureau des Chants
Kimbanguistes' plays its part, but so also does the technical precision and
communicated sincerity of the choir.

Hymns represent but one of the many dimensions of 'oral theology'. Another
important element is preaching. To date there have not been many studies
made of sermons in the African churches. For the researcher, hymns have the

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advantage of being learnt by heart by choirs, sung repeatedly, and even noted
down in choir-members' exercise-books; they are also more popular material
for the increasingly ubiquitous tape-recorder. The material is thus readily
obtainable for analysis. Sermons, by contrast, are more likely to be 'one-
offs', and although many rural churches keep meticulous records of the
preacher and his text4 , they would not, of course, possess copies of the
sermons themselves. It is probably for this reason that H.W,Turner's study of
preaching in Nigeria's independent churches concerns choice of Bible text
rather than sermon content.® A researcher would have to spend many months
in attendance at several local churches to build up an accurate picture of
sermon-con tent. In addition to sermons, drama is a widely used means of
expressing and communicating beliefs. It would share, for the researcher, the
same practical difficulties as sermons. Prayers, liturgy, and informal
fireside conversations, are other elements of unwritten theology, disclosing
attitudes and opinions regarding man and his world and their relation to God,

Such elements may not enjoy the privileged status of traditional 'theology',
and yet they reflect more closely the real beliefs and attitudes of the
great majority in the African Church (as elsewhere), Parratt has correctly
insisted about 'oral theology':

This sort of theology has been regarded as much closer to the heart of
the Church's spiritual life in Africa as it struggles to relate the
Christian faith to African experience,®

However, because these elements are not the usual ingredients of a theology
which at least in the West has come to be an increasingly academic,
theoretical subject, their importance is not often recognised, either in the
West or in Africa, This thesis seeks to emphasise their proper place within
the realm of 'theology'. Indeed, it is precisely because these dimensions are
ignored that 'theology' easily becomes an elitist pursuit, out of touch with
the majority in the Church with whom it should interact.

The final chapter of the thesis, relating to the Gospel and Culture Seminars
in North-East Za*ire, concerns an experiment to encourage just such an
interaction. The Seminars were not actually doing 'grassroots theology' for
the participants were church leaders with at least some backround in Bible

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School or Theological Seminary, Nevertheless, the methodology was one which
sought to ensure that the questions that theological reflection addressed
were truly pertinent ones, arising from daily real-life experience of
Christians in Zaire, with its complex overlap of traditional and modern
values. Furthermore, the intended direction of the group reflection was not
'up and away' but rather 'to and from' the grassroots. The seminars sought to
bring the sum total of life-experience (the context) into the open for
discussion and critical appraisal (although in the event, as we observed,
directly cultural and religious topics received more attention than political
issues). The process involved a deliberate and detailed (but not necessarily
technical) understanding of the customs, institutions, and values that
together make an African who he is and give him a distinct identity, Rather
than deny that identity or submerge it as being not the proper material for
Christian reflection, the seminars became theological workshops where the
different contextual elements were identified, described, and critically
appraised. This 'standing back and describing' involves a certain distancing
of the participant from his context and is an essential part of the process,
without which there can be little critical appraisal, Since the delegates
shared the evangelical conviction that the biblical revelation is "the
absolute and final authority in all matters of faith and conduct", they
sought to expose the cultural elements (or at least the three major topics
they had time to discuss during the seminar) to what they understood to be
the relevant teaching of Scripture. In several cases (for example, tribalism,
burial practices, traditional medicine) there was little direct teaching found
in Scripture, Closer attention, however, revealed that even where explicit
biblical instructions lacked, it was possible to discover principles in the
Bible which addressed the underlying moral or spiritual issues.

The findings of the seminars and the documents that resulted from them
reflected the approach of critical discernment that the delegates adopted.
They sought to avoid the opposing errors of over-eager endorsement of the
indigenous socio-cultural heritage on the one hand, and its blanket rejection
on the other. Charles Nyamiti (Tanzania) would support such an approach:

Up to recent times, the general approach among Christians towards African

religions and cultures tended to be negative. A more positive appreciation
of African tradition is now widespread, but as often happens, this can

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 sometimes go to the other extreme. Today one hears much of African
wisdom, religiosity, philosophy and the like, but little mention is made of
the deviations in the African cultures, The truth lies between these two
extremes: each culture and people have both their positive and their
negative qualities, and the wise theologian will be able to profit from
them both,7

Seeking to appraise cultural elements in the light of their understanding of

Scripture, the documents, as we have seen, affirm certain traditional African
values and behaviour, while rejecting others as incompatible with the
Christian Gospel, Such theological reflection is not speculative or abstract;
it is practical and situational. It seeks to effect an integrated world where
identity is not lost but it is purified by the light of Christ,

The two theologies Coral and literary) need each other, whereas all too often
they are mutually out of touch. Where 'oral theology' remains unassisted by
critical discernment and hermeneutical skills of biblical interpretation, it is
likely to fall prey to certain excesses or weaknesses, especially where a
dominant personality is present. De Craemer's study of 'Jamaa'3 provides one
example within Africa, and the same can be argued concerning certain beliefs
expressed in the 'oral theology' of the Kimbanguists. Certainly Church History
outside of Africa provides many examples.

It is also true, however, that academic, literary theology, divorced from the
vital 1ife-experience of the vast majority in the Church can become
fascinated by the abstract and speculative, debating questions that few are
really asking, having little to contribute that is relevant either to its
members or to those to whom it should be ministering.

Theological Education In Africa

The recognition of the non-literary sector in theological reflection

necessarily has at least two implications for theological education and
Church ministry in Africa. Firstly, it indicates the importance of every
educational level, Since gaining independence African nations have rightly
put much emphasis upon the expansion of tertiary education. The establishing
and expanding of university institutions is part of a nation's dignity of

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non-dependency, and constitutes an essential element in national maturity.
Theological education in Africa has been caught up in the same drive, rightly
believing that it should not get left behind, but should rather be able to
provide for the increasing numbers of urban and educated citizens. Numerical
growth and academic improvement are often assumed to be the twin barometers
of success. The emergence of prestigious residential theological institutions
attract funding and personnel. Their 'high profile' attracts candidates from
near and far, and returns them to their society after three or four years as
members of an elite minority. 'Lower-level' Bible Schools suffer by
comparison, receiving little encouragement and working under the most
difficult conditions. Yet these schools are much nearer to the grassroots
community who constitute the large majority of the total membership of the
churches and they should be considered important potential workshops where
theology is less far removed from everyday life.

Yet whatever the academic level of the Bible or theological schools, they are
there to train a (relatively) small minority of the total membership of the
churches. The inherent dangers of this 'specialist* training both to the elite
themselves and to the rest, have been pointed out by Kinsler:

It forms in the mind of the pastor complexes which are difficult to

surmount; a sense of trying to be something that he is not, of having to
justify his role, of attempting to carry out all the functions of the
ministry, of being the one who is called and trained and paid to do the
job. And it forms in the mind of the members the inverse complexes which
are so prevalent; a sense of being less capable than they really are, of
not having an essential role, of not possessing the gifts of the ministry,
of not being really called - because they are not trained or paid or
ordained.3

The emphasis in recent decades of the importance of the lay membership of

the churches has gone some way towards redressing this imbalance and
creating a healthier understanding of church leadership and ministry.
Innovative patterns of theological education such as TEE (see pp.216ff.) seek
to break from the high-profile patterns of institutionalized theological
education and reflect the healthy awareness that ministry within the Church
is the prerogative of the many rather than the few. The research into
Kimbanguist hymns would suggest that far more could be done to encourage
the use of the various means available to the oral sector as avenues of

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theological education. The acceptance and popularity of hymns and drama as
part of the liturgy in most rural and urban churches in Black Africa cannot
be questioned.10 Within the Church, however, these traditional media suffer
from two weaknesses. Firstly, such activities are usually more noteworthy for
their enthusiasm and style than for their theological content, Church leaders
who recognise the potential of hymns and drama could encourage competent
personnel in the Church to provide such creativity with theological direction.
To this end, music and drama could be included in theological school
curricula. Secondly, such activities are almost always restricted to church-
service liturgy, whereas their most effective contribution would be out of
doors, communicating Christian values in the context of events of central
importance to African society. For example, hymns (and even where
appropriate, drama) could be commissioned to celebrate a marriage or the
birth of a baby, to express grief and also Christian hope by the grave-side,
or to contrast corruption and honesty in the market-place,

Judging from both observation and what many have written, traditional
patterns of theological education in much of Africa suffer additionally from
the fact that the educators are themselves trained in theology but have
often received little help in developing pedagogical (or, better,
androgogical) skills for communicating their theological knowledge to their
students. Peter Savage, while writing primarily with Latin America in mind,
describes theological education in many other areas of the Third World when
he says;

Few current faculties provide training in education, pedagogy, instructional

principles and techniques. Many theologians have an adequate grasp of
their subject but cannot communicate it. Many theologians have the
subconscious goal of making men just like themselves. Instead of producing
pastors and church planters, they are instead producing maladjusted
theologians in a pastoral context,11

Expatriate theologians who received their own education at universities in

the West in which the lecture method predominated, perpetuate similar
patterns in Africa, Their national colleagues who studied outside of Africa
are sometimes just as conservative in their methods as the expatriates,12
Both expatriate and national may be unaware that there might be different
styles of learning and that teaching methods can and should adjust

-309-
 >

accordingly.131 In other words, there must be contextualization not only of

the content of theological education, but also in teaching methods.
Educationalists would not necessarily argue for the replacement of the
lecture method, but underline its limitations when used to the exclusion of
other methods. Harrison maintains that the lecture is as effective as other
methods for the transmission of information, but it is less effective than
more active, participative learning methods in promoting thought, and that it
is ineffective in changing attitudes.1A Yet it is probably true that the
lecture method is still the predominant one used in theological institutions
in Africa, The students who sit under that methodology during their time at
theological school, graduate to become in their turn theological educators
and unconsciously reproduce the same patterns of theological education in
which the transference of knowledge and its memorization by the students is
the accepted norm of theological education. Komfield, reflecting on Postman
and Weingartner's point that students learn what they do (rather than what
they hear) asks:

Now what is it that students do in a classroom? Typically they sit and

imbibe information. What they will remember years later is not that
information but the method or medium through which it was communicated.
And because they will remember what they did, not particularly what was
done for them, they will remember very little.1®

Deliberate attempts at a more contextualized curriculum can go part way

towards a more relevant theology, but as long as the methodology remains one
of straight instruction it will be self-limiting, ending when the subject
matter has been 'covered' or the examination completed, and doing little to
develop reflective skills in the students for their future years of ministry.

In-course field education undoubtedly does much to break the artificiality of

a residential theological education, for it places the student back into the
real world of church and society, at least for a month or two, Serving
alongside a pastor in his everyday ministry, and exposed to as wide a range
as possible of all that is involved in the pastoral round of duties, the
student is reminded of the practical questions and problems of ordinary
people, and he is able to benefit from the experience and skills of his
senior pastor. However, the periods of practical 'apprenticeship' are brief,

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often lasting only three or four weeks of the total, and representing only a
fraction of the total training period.

Educationalists advocate frequent alternation of information and

reinforcement-by-doing. Ward1® has proposed the analogy of a "split-rail
fence", in which one rail represents cognitive input, another parallel to it
which represents field experience, connected at frequent and regular
intervals by support posts, such as seminars, designed to integrate the two.
The analogy suggests the need for students in theological training to
interrelate frequently with church and society.

The various elements of the theological scene in Zai're, whether in

residential centres or decentralised cells or in para-church organisations,
have this in common, - they are primarily I n s t r u c t io n a l . They rely heavily
upon teacher-to-student transfer of knowledge. It would be wrong to suggest
that there is no place for 'content' in Christian theology. The historical
dimension of the 'Christ-event', of the Christian Scriptures, and of the birth
and development of the Christian Church in the world, all produces a certain
'givenness* which simply cannot be ignored. However, as far as Africa is
concerned, too often this 'content' has been selected and packaged in the
West and its detailed inventory reflects centuries of the West's gradually
evolving understanding of the Christian message within the context of
Western society and its values. Consequently, many of the constituents of
African perceptions of reality have not been addressed by the theological
process.17 As a result, Christianity has been perceived as being alien, a
religion of the Whites, and the Church a place where any African fense of /
A
'ownership' is low. >

The Gospel and Culture Seminars which took place in 1963 and 1984 were
notable not because of the new people they involved in the theological
process but because they proposed a different approach to 'doing theology'.
Their methodology promoted r e f le c t io n rather than additional information.
Instead of working to a 'closed curriculum* in which a set 'content' was
transmitted to the students by the teacher, the agenda was open-ended. The
methodology of discussion rather than lecture shifted the responsibility of
©
reflection from the teacher to the students, from the one to the many, from

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the expatriate to the nationals themselves. Consequently, the role of the
students changed from being passive to being active, and their mental
process from being one of consuming to one of producing or discovering,
•Discovery' is, in fact, a feature which much so-called theological reflection
lacks in the CECA Church and probably in much of Zaire and Africa. If it is
true that whatever a student learns he must learn for himself (no-one can
learn it for him), then this sort of participative rather than passive
methodology should be encouraged at every level of theological education.

It was argued in the final chapter of the thesis that the methodology of
discovery from within the real socio-cultural world of the student, can and
should take place within the residential theological institutions and
programmes. This will furnish the students with tools of enquiry and
reflection which will transform the student's 'theological period' from three
(or however many) years to the span of his entire ministry. More than this,
however, theology will no longer be made up of a list of esoteric subjects
which seem quite alien to the Church in its particular socio-cultural
context. For as Dickson has rightly said:

The Church should be able to recognise itself in the theologian's theology

which may have repercussions for the society for which the Church prays.13

All too often, as the Church has looked at the theological seminary's
curriculum it has recognised little that it can call its own.

In the emphasis upon reflection, however, theological education (especially

that which is done with pastoral ministry in mind) cannot afford to forget
spirituality. The balance between the training of the mind and the nurture of
the spirit constitutes one of the most difficult tasks in any Bible or
theological school and the higher the academic level the easier it is for the
one to eclipse the other. Perception is not merely intellectual, it is also
spiritual, A man who undergoes conversion 'sees things differently' from
before, This change, gradual or sudden, cannot be explained away in a
reductionist way. The kind of transformation that Saul of Tarsus experienced
as recorded in Acts 9 upon encounter with the risen Christ may not occur
with the same dramatic intensity for all or even the majority of Christians,
but the difference is one of degree rather than nature. Bishop Tshibangu's

-312-
assertion that it is spiritual renewal which does most to purify and enrich
Christian living, and that through the work of the Holy Spirit the simple
come to an understanding and discernment that surpass those of the learned
(see above, p,108) could be borne out by numberless uneducated village
Christians who display an integrated 'from-the-heart' faith that no academic
education can bring about. While the 'two conflicting levels' of conception
and experience noted and regretted by many African or Africanist authors
accurately describes part of reality, it does not tell the whole story, If it
be asked how it is that for many Christians in Africa the Gospel has
penetrated to the heart and transformed from the centre out, the answer is
not to be found only or even primarily in Christian education but rather in
depth of spiritual experience which touches the affections and the will, It
is one thing to achieve understanding of biblical teaching relating to a
certain subject, it is another to interiorize its teachings by willing,
wholehearted appropriation. In this respect, retreats for deepening the
spiritual life (such as those organised for pastors in the CECA Church) have
their undeniable place, and provide reflection with an essential dynamic.

It is argued in this thesis that theology can have a wide definition, and
that understood in this way, it is being done, not only by an elite minority
using specialist intellectual and literary skills, but also among a largely
oral majority. Theological education does well to recognise the importance of
the whole range of theological reflection, and to acknowledge the different
dynamics involved in the different types or levels. It will be most effective
when it succeeds in interrelating the one to the other and both to the real,
perceived needs of the total context.

Theological Educators in Africa

The foregoing has its implications for theological educators in Africa, If

theological education in Africa is to move beyond the mere transference of
knowledge, then those Involved in theological education must be more than
lecturers. They must rather be facilitators, stimulating and enabling the
process of reflection in such a way that wherever possible it is the
students or participants (be they in the classroom, in a seminar, in a
church, or around a fire in the evening) who bring their world with its real-
life needs and problems to interact with the Gospel. It is very unlikely that
the oral sector itself will initiate such a process. Kalilombe argues that in
the history of ideas the 'masses' rarely have It within themselves to
initiate and carry through projects of socio-economic and political change,
and that almost always facilitators are needed who are closely in touch both
with the 'masses' themselves and also with the sectors the masses would wish
to influence. But for this to happen fruitfully, Kalilombe argues, the leaders
or specialists need themselves to undergo a 'conversion' of attitude and
relationship, as indeed do the non-specialist members of the Church:

They need to learn to respect the other members of the Church as fellow
servants of the Lord, and not treat them as mere 'subjects' or clients. For
the common members, a conversion is also necessary. They must regain
confidence in themselves as full citizens of Christ's Church ... they should
learn to value and use the special contribution that the leaders and
experts bring with them for the common task.13

Once these attitudes have been established, Kalilombe believes, the

facilitators can begin the process of 'conscientization' by which the ordinary
people can be "helped to see reality" and can start to understand that "in
God's plan they are corresponsible agents of their own history",20 Those who
have written the most about these processes of conscientization of the
masses have done so from the viewpoint of liberation theology in Latin
America, and often from a Marxist analysis of society and its injustices. But
the process is valid without the same politico-philosophical assumptions,
wherever there are passive majorities dependent on decisions made and handed
down from a specialist minority.

The Gospel and Culture Seminars were part of the conscientization process,
and Gration sought to act as facilitator, awakening an awareness in the
delegates that there was theology needing to be done and that they were the
ones to do it, Ideally that same process should have self-reproduced in other
places and at other levels, with the original participants becoming in turn
facilitators. To a limited extent this happened as the follow-up research
revealed. Gration's experience was that the process was far harder to achieve
with the Swahili-speaking seminar at Rethy in 1983 than at the French-
speaking level (see p,227). Secondary education encourages a questioning

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mind, and brings about an increasing ability to conceptualize, permitting the
student to distance himself from the subject he is studying and look at it
from different angles and analyse it, Those who have not benefited from
such education are generally happier following directives 'from above*. Thus c
in a discussion with the Swahili-speaking participants at Rethy during my
fie Id-research in 1987, one delegate expressed severe misgivings about the
wisdom of letting the members of his local church congregation air their
beliefs and questionings: "Let the decisions rather be made at the top, by
the Administrative Council; we will then announce those rules to our church
members. Then they'll know exactly where they stand (Swahili: "wataogopa",
they will fear)," Although some other delegates present sought to convince
him that this would likely produce little more than unthinking (perhaps even
hypocritical) conformity, he remained sceptical,21

Despite prevailing attitudes which encourage passivity and conformity with

little inner understanding, a skillful facilitator well versed in both the
local and biblical 'worlds' can so encourage open expression of inner thought
and opinion that when biblical principles are eventually sought and found,
they are perceived to address the questions directly. This may be part of
the vital, first-hand (rather than mediated) interchange that Dickson refers
to in saying:

It is essential that Africans should be in a position to express in a vital

way what Christ means to them, and to do so in and through a cultural
medium that makes original thinking possible Christ must be heard to
speak to Africans direct.22

For a theological teacher to be an effective facilitator, he must be in touch

with both 'horizons', the contemporary African one and the biblical one,
permitting and encouraging the interraction of the two, Most theological
teachers in Africa are more or less well trained in the one world of Biblical
knowledge, but are less well-equipped, less aware in the other world. The
expatriate is clearly at a disadvantage in comparison to his national
colleague, for he has little insight into the ways and values of the
nationals and might even feel that there is little to be gained by trying to
penetrate a world which is so different from his own, or even more
regrettably, he might consciously or unconsciously believe it to be inferior

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to his own and not worth bothering to understand, Such an expatriate teacher
might have some success as an instructor, conveying information to his
students, but he will be unsuccessful as a facilitator of theological
reflection.

The thesis has incidentally provided examples of expatriates who, in their

different ways, revealed attitudes which took seriously the Bantu world,
Tempels' gradual change from an attitude of aloof paternalism to one of
respect and encounter provides what is perhaps an unusual and even extreme
example of seeing as the African sees. His interest in the people he worked
amongst was evident from the beginning as he collected proverbs, songs, and
riddles in the Karaina region of South-East Zallre, After ten years of labour
Tempels, according to Smet, "found his way, becoming interested in the
(Bantu) man himself".23 Tempels recalls how it happened:

I looked at this man, then, and asked him: 'What do you have? What do you
lack? Who are you? What do you think? What is it that you desire above all
else? Why do you use magical remedies? What do they mean? How do they
opera te?2'1-

The Franciscan missionary found to his astonishment that at the deeper level
the Bantu's aspirations were much his own, and that it was the Bantu who
helped him discover himself:

It was a new delight for us both to discover that we were alike, and
futher, that we were beginning to encounter one another in our very
souls ,2S

Tempels was accused in subsequent years of taking the idea of 'encounter'

too far, to the point of encouragingdeviations which were of discredit to
the Jamaa movement that he foundedlater,2*5 This does not, however,
invalidate Tempels' genuine quest to understand sympathetically Bantu
ontology. Although he was not a fully-trained philosopher, Tempels knowledge
of philosophy was undoubtedly a help in his task, but of greater importance
were his long years of patient and sympathetic observation and understanding
of Bantu ways of thinking and acting.

In a different way, an honest encounter or interaction of the African world

and the Gospel was facilitated by Gration's approach. In this case, it was

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not so much that Gration himself had penetrated and conceptualized African
values and behaviour. His years of experience in Zaire undoubtedly provided a
good background to the discussions, but Gration was self-confessedly only
"dimly aware" of many of the crucial issues facing the African Church,27
Lack of detailed acquired knowledge, however, was not an insurmountable
obstacle to Gration, because his objective was not to do the work himself,
but simply to ask questions and encourage the participants to seek for
possible answers. That the participants were willing to do so was largely, by
their own accounts, because Gration helped to create an atmosphere of
openness; he acknowledged his own fallibility and that of his own culture,
and was honestly respectful of the African heritage. This sort of frank
discussion about African ways had not taken place before, stated one
participant, because "the missionaries would have laughed". And, as has
already been remarked, the fact that this aspect of Gration's character was
considered so noteworthy by the participants would seem to indicate its
relative rarity among expatriate Church workers.

An indigenous facilitator would need just as much openness of character, for

his motives in encouraging the exposure of certain controversial issues
might be more open to misinterpretation than those of a 'neutral' foreigner.
He would obviously have the advantage of closeness to attitudes and values
of the African context, but for that very reason he might more quickly jump
in with the 'answers' and short-circuit the process of promoting discovery.
He would have to exercise even more patience and caution than his expatriate
colleague in order to allow participants to verbalize their feelings, beliefs
fears and questionings. As someone with, it may be supposed, a certain
theological and biblical training, he would have to resist the temptation to
dominate the discussion by his erudition, choosing rather to point the
participants themselves towards a discovery of possible answers to their
questions, He would guide but not pre-empt the search.

The quest of African Christian Theology is thus complex and open-ended. It

represents the task of Africans of both oral and literary sectors to
understand their faith from within their 'african-ness', - being faithful
both to Christ and to their identity, without denying either,

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 References

1. The expression "a place to 'feel at home'" was first used in this context,
to my knowledge, by F.B.Welbourn, in his book on religious independency in
Africa, East African Rebels. SCM Press, London, 1961, p,202. The expression
subsequently became the title of a book that Welbourn co-authored with
B.A.Ogot, A place to feel at home; a study of two independent churches in
Western Kenya. London, Oxford University Press, 1966, Ihe frequency with
which the expression has been used since by other authors implies that it
accurately expresses reality. This was confirmed to me during my field
research in Kinshasa while talking with a Kimbanguist choir member. In the
mid-1950s he had left the Salvation Army to join the still-clandestine
Kimbanguist Church, despite the risks. As we walked, he spoke of the delight
he experienced when, as a new Kimbanguist, he was able at last to sing hymns
which were "our own" in "my own language of Kikongo", I ventured: "Lorsque
vous 6tes devenu Kimbanguiste, alors, vous vous sentiez 'chez vous' (at
home)?" He stopped in his tracks and exclaimed excitedly: "Oui, c'est
exactement $a! Je me sens maintenant 'chez moi'." Conversation with member of
'Bolingo 56' Choir, Kinshasa, 11th Feb, 1987,

2. J. S, Mbiti, New Testament Eschatologv in an African Background, S,P.C.K.,

London, 1978, p, 185

3. T. Tshibangu, 'The task and method of theology in Africa,' in Appiah-Kubi

and Torres, eds., African Theology en route. Orb is Books, Mary knoll, NY, 1979,
p.73.

4. In the author's seven years of experience in the Kisangani area,

particularly, it was the practice of the Church Secretary to note details of
every service: date, attendance, preacher, text, response, etc.

5. H. W. Turner, Profile through Preaching. Edinburgh, 1965.

6. J. Parratt (ed.), A Reader in African Christian Theology. SPCK, London, 1987,

pp.143-144 . Parratt recognises the importance of 'oral theology', but
mentions it only very briefly in his conclusion,

7. C, Nyamiti, African Tradition and the Christian God. Eldoret, Gaba

Publications; excerpt quoted in J. Parratt, op cit, p.58-59.

8. W, de Craemer, The Jamaa and the Church, Oxford University Press, Oxford,
1977.

9. F. R. Kinsler, in Learning in Context, op cit, p.31.

10. Concerning drama, I am indebted to veteran missionary H.H.Jenkinson for

the following account of an indigenous work in the Bopepe region (80 mis,
north of Kisangani) in 1948: "The new believers grew in grace and knowledge
at a most encouraging rate, and the reason was obvious. After a service,
instead of rushing home to get a meal, the congregation split up and
gathered in shady places, under trees, etc., in study groups of 15 to 20

-318-
people, not to criticise the sermon but to digest it. If the message had been
based upon, say, a parable, miracle, or scene which could be dramatized, they
would act it out spontaneously. Thus their knowledge of the Word of God
grew very quickly, and they searched the Scriptures with profit." Jenkinson
to Molyneux, 1st Dec, 1987,

11. P, Savage, 'Four crises in third world theological education*, in

Evangelical Missions Quarterly. Fall, 1972, p,30.

12. Dickson quotes with some agreement an English theological educator in

Ghana who stated: "I can see no reason why a black African will necessarily
encourage the Africanization of (the Seminary). Many black Africans,
particularly black African priests are much more conservative than their
white counterparts," Dickson, op cit, p, 212.

13. For instance, Dorothy and Earle Bowen, (teachers at the Nairobi
Evangelical Graduate School of Theology), write: "Our theological students
have simply had to adapt themselves to the teaching methods used by the
instructors whether they fit their learning styles or not, For the most part,
those methods used have been Western, whether or not the teacher was a
Westerner," According to the Bowens, cognitive styles tests in Nigeria and
Kenya (though not necessarily elsewhere in Africa) clearly indicate a
preponderance of 'field-dependent* (as opposed to 'field-independent') styles
of learning. The Bowens append to their article a list almost 20 contrasting
preferences of 'field-dependent' and 'field-independent' styles that might be
taken into account by the (theology) teacher. Among the preferences for
'fieId-dependent' students are: visual orientation (as opposed to auditory),
working in groups rather than solitarily, and viewing new knowledge with
reference to the global totality of life and experience rather than 'for its
own sake'. D. and E. Bowen, 'Theological Education and Learning Styles in
Africa,' in Theological News, incorporating Theological Education Today. Vol.
18, No.l, 1986, pp.5-9.

14. P. J, Harrison, 'Using the lecture method to best advantage', in

Theological Education Today. Vol,9, No.2, May, 1979.

15. D. Kornfield, 'A working proposal for an alternative model of higher

education', in Theological Education Today. Vol.15, No.3, Sept. 1983. The work
Kornfield refers to is, N. Postman and C, Weingartner, Teaching as a
subversive activity. Dell Publishing, New york, 1969, pp.17-19.

16. Ted Ward, 'The spilt-rail fence: an analogy for the education of
professionals', East Lansing College of Education, Michigan State University,
1969.

17. A notable exception and a striking example of contextualized 'systematic'

theology is Donald R. Jacobs' 'Christian Theology in Africa', collated lecture
notes given at the Mennonite Theological College, Musoma, Tanzania, in 1963-
64. In the preface of the xeroxed copy in my possession, Jacobs explains that
the work is "an experiment in the examination of some problems in Theology
assuming the presuppositions of African traditional religion ... It is not an
attempt to produce a Biblical theology, but simply an honest effort to
examine some of the theological problems which perplex the Church in Africa
today." Jacobs organises his material around the central concept of 'power',

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and each 'lecture* Is Interspersed with the questions which the students
raised and which contributed to the "excitement and ferment" of the
discussions. To my knowledge, the work has not been published.

18. Dickson, op cit, pp.205-206,

19. P. A. Kalilombe, 'Doing theology at the grass-roots: a challenge for

professional theologians', in AFBR. Eldoret, Kenya, Vol.27, No.4, 1985 p.233.

20. ibid, p,234.

21. The exchange took place during the final (group) session of my field-
research at Rethy, 18th Jan, 1987,

22. Dickson, op cit, p.6.

23. A. J, Smet, 'Le PArePlacide Tempels et son oeuvre publiAe', in RAT. Vol.l,
No.l, 1977, p,8Q,

24. P, Tempels, Notre Rencontre. Limete-Leopoldville, p,36, quoted in Smet, op

cit, p,80: "Je regardais done cet homme en m'adressant A lui: 'Qu'avez-vous?
Que vous manque-t-il? Quel homme Ates-vous? Que pensez-vous? Que dAsirez-
vous par-dessus tout? Pourquoi vos remAdes magiques? Que sign ifient-ils?,
comraent s 'opAren t- iIs?"

25. P. Tempels, ibid, p.38. Quoted by Smet, op cit, p.81: "Ce fut une nouvelle
joie pour nous deux de dAcouvrir que nous nous ressemblions et que, de plus
en plus, nous commencions A nous rencontrer jusque dans l'Ame."

26. The story of the 'Jamaa Movement* is told In de Craemer, The Jamaa and
the Church; A bantu Catholic movement in Zaire, op cit.

27. J, Gration, 'From Willowbank to Zaire', op cit, p.297.

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Oosterval G., 'Modern messianic movements as a theological and missiological

challenge', in Missionary Studies 2 . (Elkhart), 1973.

Qosthuizen G. C., 'Causes of religious independent ism in Africa', in Ministry.

Vol.11, No.4, 1977.

Pope John-Paul II, AFER, Vol.25, No.5, 1983.

Pottmeyer, 'Vatican II, - 20 years on', in Pro Mundl Vita. Bulletin 102,
1985/3,

Ranger T. 0., 'Medical science and Pentecost; the dilemma of anglicanism in

Africa', in Shiels W. J. (ed.) The Church and healing. Blackwell, Oxford, 1982.

Ranger T. 0., 'Religious movements and politics in Sub-Saharan Africa', in

African Studies Review. Vol.29, No.2.

'Report of the Second Conference of the Organisation of African Independent

Churches', Nairobi, 1982.

Ruch E. A., 'Philosophy of African History', in African Studies. (Johannesburg),

Vol.32, No.2, 1973,

Savage P., 'Four crises in Third World theological education', in Evangelical

Missions Quarterly, Fall, 1972.

Smet A, J., 'Le P&re Placide Tempels et son oeuvre publide', in Revue
Africaine de Th^ologie, Vol.l, No.l, 1977,

'Speaking for Ourselves', report by members of African Independent Churches

on their pilot study of the history and theology of their churches. Publ. by
I.C.T., Braamfontein, South Africa, n.d,

Sprunger A. R., 'The contribution of the African independent churches to a

relevant theology for Africa', in Becken H-J (ed.), Relevant Theology for
Africa. Durban, 1973.

Turner H. W., 'The place of independent religious movements in the

modernization of Africa', in Journal of Religion in Africa. Vol.2, No.l, 1969.

Turner H, W., 'The approach to Africa's religious movements', in African

Perspective. No.2, 1977,

Turner H. W., 'African independent churches and economic development', in

World Development. Vol.8, 1980.

Tutu D,, 'Th6ologie africaine et th£ologie noire; la qu&te de l'authenticitd et

la lutte pour la liberation', in Flambeau. Vol,49, 1976.
Walls A, F,, 'Africa and Christian identity', in Mission Focus. Vol.6, No.7,
1978.

Ward Ted, 'The split-rail fence; an analogy for the education of

professionals', East Lansing College of Education, Michigan State University,
1969.

Theses;

Bediako K, 'Identity and integrity: an enquiry into the nature and problems of
theological indigenization in selected early Hellenistic and modern African
Christian writers', PhD, Aberdeen University, 1984,

Tienou T., 'The problem of methodology in African Christian Theologies', PhD,

Fuller Theological Seminary, School of World Mission, 1984.

B. FACULTY OF CATHOLIC THEOLOGY. KINSHASA (Chapter 2)

Abbreviations; FTCK; Facultd de Thdologie Catholique de Kinshasa.

Books;

Atal D. et al (eds.), Christianlsme et identity africaine. Actes du Premier

Congrds des Biblistes Africa ins, Missionwissenschaftliches Ins titut Missio-
Aachen, Faculte de Thdologie Catholique, Kinshasa, 1980,

Bimwenyi Kweshi, Discours theologique ndgro-africaln: problems des

fondements. Presence Africaine, Paris, 1981.

Bontinck F., Aux orlgines de la Philosophie Bantoue: la correspondence

Tempels-HuIstaert. FTCK, Kinshasa, 1985.

Hountondji P. J., Sur la 'philosophie africaine': critique de rdthnophilosophle.

F, Maspdro, Paris, 1977.

Mulago gwa Cikala, Un visage africain du christianlsme, Paris, 1965,

Des prdtres nolrs s'interrogent. Editions du Cerf, Paris, 1956,

Tempels P., La philosophie bantoue. Presence Africaine, Paris, 1949; 2nd Edit,
1961; 3rd Edit, 1965,

Yakemtchouk R., L'Unlversitd Lovanium et sa Facultd de Thdologie, Chastre,

1983,

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 Articles

Abbreviations; CRA (Cahiers des Religions Africaines)

RAT (Revue Africaine de Thdologie)

Andrews M. E., 'The Old Testament as Israelite theology, and its implications
for a New Zealand Theology', in South East Asia Journal of Theology. No.17,
Issue 2, 1976.

Basinsa N., Review of Hountondji's book, Sur la 'philosophie africaine*. in RAT.

Vo 1.3, No.5, 1979.

Buakasa T., 'Le projet des rites de reconciliation', CRA. Vol.8, No.16, 1974,

Buetubela B, 'Le produit de la vigne et le vin nouveau', RAT. Vol.8, No,15,

1984.

'Discours du Pape aux evdques du Zaire, Kinshasa, May 3, 1980', RAT, Vol.4,
No.7, 1980.

Ladridre J., ‘Perspectives sur la philosophie africaine', RAT. Vol.5, No,10,

1981.

Laleye I-P,, Review of work by Diemer, Symposium on philosophy in the present

situation of Africa. RAT, Vol.6, No,12, 1982.

Lodewyckx H,, 'Philosophie Africaine, origines et perspectives', in Bildragen,

ti.ischrlft voor filosofie en theologle, No.47, 1986.

Malula J., 'L'ame bantoue face A l'Evangile', in Vivante Afrique. 1958,

Mampila A., 'Une eucharistie sans pain ni vin? Une question thdologique', RAT.
Vol.8, No.15, 1984.

Mbonyikebe S., 'Brdves rdf lex ions sur la conception trad itionne lie du pdchd en
Afrique Centrale', CRA. Vol.8, No.16, 1974.

Mbonyikebe S., 'Faute, pdchd, penitence et rdconciliation dans les traditions

de quelques socidtes en Afrique Centrale', CRA. Vol. 14, No.28, 1980,

Monsengwo P., 'L'exdgdse biblique et questions africaines', RAT, Vol.6, No.12,

1982.

Mulago V., 'Le probldme de la thdologie africaine A la lumidre de Vatican II',

in Renouveau de 1'EgUse et Nouvelles Eg Uses, Colloque sur la thdologie
africaine, Kinshasa, 1967.

Mveng E., 'Editorial', Bulletin de Thdologie Africaine. Vol.l, No.l, 1979.

Ngimbi-Nseka, 'Thdologie et anthropologie transcendentale', RAT. Vol.3, No,5,

1979.

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Ngimbi-Nseka, 'Esquisse d'une dthique de l'intersubjectivitd', RAT. Vol.3( No.6.f
1979,

Ngindu M,, ’La Quatridme Semaine Thdologique de Kinshasa et la probldmatlque

d'une thdologie africaine', CRA, Vol.2, No,4-, 1968.

Ngindu M., 'Le propos du recours A 1'authenticitd et le christianlsme au

Zaire', CRA, Vol.8, No.16, 1974,

Nkeramihigo T,, 'La probldmatique de la transcendance chez Ricoeur', RAT.

Vol.5, No.9, 1981,

Nothomb D,, 'Ordonner prdtres des animateurs (marids) de communautd de

base?', RAT, Vol,7, No,14, 1983,

Ntedika K,, 'Adresse d'quverture; Religions africaines et christianlsme', CRA.

Vol.11, No,21, 1977. '-Q

Smet A. J,, 'Le Pdre Placide Tempels et son oeuvre publide', RAT. Vol.l, No.l,
1977.

Tshiaraalenga N., 'La vision 'ntu' de l'homme; essai de philosophie linguistique

et anthropologique', CRA. Vol.7, No.4., 1973.

Tshiamalenga N., 'La philosophie de la faute dans la tradition luba1, CRA,

Vol.8, No.16, 1974.

Tshibangu T., Revue du Clergd Africain, Vol.2, No.4. 1960.

Ukachukwu M,, 'The subordination of women in the Church; I Cor. 14: 33b-36
reconsidered', RAT. Vol.8, No.16, 1984,

Vanneste A., 'Une facultd de thdologie en Afrique?', Revue du Clergd Africain,

May, 1958.

Vanneste A., 'Bilan thdologique d'un voyage apostolique', RAT. Vo 1,4, No.8,
1980.

Vanneste A., 'Une eucharistie sans pain et sans vin?', RAT. Vol.6, No.12, 1982,

Vanneste A., 'La thdologie africaine; discours de l'dpiscopat zalrols et de

Jean-Paul II', RAT. Vol,7, No.14, 1983.

C. KIMBANGUISM AND ORAL ITY (Chapter 3)

Books:

Asch S,, L'Eglise du Prophdte Kimbangu; ses origines. A son r61e actuel au
Zaire, Editions Karthala, Paris, 1983.

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Bena-Silu, Simon Kimbangu libdre et rdhablilte la race noire. Editions
Kimbanguistes, Kinshasa, 1981.

Boka S. and Raymaekers P., 250 Chants de TEgllse de Jdsus-Christ sur la

terre par le Prophdte Simon Kimbangu; Premidre Sdrie; 85 chants de Nsambu
Andrd. Institut de recherches Economiques et Sociales, Universitd Lovanium,
Ldopoldville, 1960,

Chome J,, La passion de Simon Kimbangu. Prdsence Africaine, Brussels, 1959.

Dialungana Kiangani, Biuvu ye Mvutu (Catechism in Kikongo, Lingala, and

French), 31 July, 1970, Nkamba-Jerusalem.

Diangienda K,, L'his to ire du kimbangu isme, Editions Kimbanguistes, Kinshasa,

1984,

Finnegan R,, Oral Literature in Africa. Clarendon Press, Oxford, 1970,

Heintze-Flad W., L'Eg lise kimbangu iste. une dg lise qul chante et qui prie.
Interuniversitair voor Missiologie en Oecumenica, Leiden, 1978.

Luntadila L., Liberation et ddvdloppement du kimbangu isme. Kinshasa, 1971.

Luntadila L., Kimbangu isme. un rayon d'espoir. Editions CEDI, Kinshasa, 1974.

MacGaffey W., Modern Kongo Prophets; Religion in a plural society, Indiana

University Press, Bloomington, 1983,

Martin R. C. (ed,), Approaches to Islam in Religious Studies. University of

Arizona Press, 1985.

Martin M-L., Simon Kimbangu. un prophdte et son dg lise. Editions du Soc,

Lausanne, 1981.

Ong W. J., Orality and Literacy; the techno log iz'ing of the word. Methuen,
London and New York, 1982.

Oosthuizen G. C., The Theology of a South African messlah, E.J,Brill, Leiden /

Koln, 1967.

Raymaekers P., His to ire de Simon Kimbangu. Prophdte. d'aprds les dcrlvains
Nfinangani et Nzungu. 1921. B.O.P.R,, Kinshasa, 1971.

Sundkler B. G. M., Bantu Prophets in Southern Africa, Lutterworth Press,

London, 1948 (rev.ed, 1961).

Sundkler B. G. M., Zulu Zion and Some Swazi Zionists, Oxford University Press,
1976.

Sundkler B, G. M., Bara Bukoba. C. Hurst, London, 1980.

Ustorf W., Afrlcanlsche Initiative: das aktlve Leiden des Propheten Simon
Kimbangu. Herbert Lang, Bern and Frankfurt, 1975.

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Ware T., The Orthodox Church. Penguin, Harmonds worth, 1963.

Articles:

Asch S., 'Contradictions internes d'une Institution religieuse', in Archives de

Sciences Sociales de Religions. No.52.26 (1), 1981.

Droogers A., 'Kimbanguism at the grassroots; beliefs in a local Kimbangu 1st

Church', in Journal of Religion in Africa. Vol.l 1, No.3, 1980.

Dubois J, and Gourbin A., 'A propos de 'L'essence de la thdologie

kimbangu iste", in Telema. Vol,3, No.19, 1979.

Hollenweger W., 'The 'What' and the 'How'; Content and communication of the
one message', in Expository Times. Vol,86, No,12, 1975.

Martin M-L., 'Essai d'interpretation thdologique de la vie et de

I'enseignement de 1'Eglise de Jdsus-Christ sur la terre par le Prophdte Simon
Kimbangu', in Le monde non-chrdtien. 1968.

Masson J., 'Simple reflexions sur des chants kimbanguistes', in Devant les
sectes non-chretiennes. Desclde de Brouwer, Louvain.

Mbasani Mbambi, *L'imp lantat ion de l'Armde du Salut au Congo-Beige et au

Congo-Fran9 ais', Kinshasa, n.d. <Fr. Bontinck's library).

Raymaekers P., in Zaire. (Brussels), 13.7, 1959, pp,675-756.

Theses and Dissertations:

Kadi B., 'La confession dans 1'Eg lise kimbangu iste', Mdmoire de fin d'dtudes,
Facultd de Thdologie Kimbanguiste, 1976,

MacKay D. M., 'The once and future kingdom. Kongo models of renewal in the
church at Ngombe Lutete and in the Kimbanguist movement', PhD,, Aberdeen
University, 1986,

Mfinda Luhunakio, *La thdologie d'intercession dans 1'Eglise kimbanguiste',

Mdmoire de fin d'dtudes, Facultd de Thdologie Kimbanguiste, Kinshasa, 1982.

Wono K, T., 'La thdologie kimbanguiste dans les chants captds en 1921',
Mdmoire de fin d'dtudes, Facultd de Thdologie Kimbanguiste, Kinshasa, 1982.

Tshibola D, M., 'Esquisse d'une thdologie kimbanguiste autour des cantiques

captds entre 1956 et I960', Mdmoire de fin d'dtudes, Facultd de Thdologie
Kimbanguiste, 1982,

-331-
 Unpublished Documents

Beguin W, and Martin M-L., 'Study report on the EJCSK, its present situation
and its ecumenical relations', unpublished, 1968. (In Study Centre for New
Religious Movements, Selly Oak Colleges, Birmingham.)

Bena-Silu, 'A propos de 'L'Eglise du Prophdte Kimbangu' de Susan Asch;

illustration de falsification de l'histoire et des prdjugds', Direction
Internationale de l'Eglise Kimbanguiste, Kinshasa, 1984. Copy sent to Molyneux
by author, June, 1987.

Diangienda K., 'Nouvelle disposition relative au programme cultuel pour

l'encadrement spirituel des fiddles', Nkamba-Jerusalem, 29th April, 1985. Copy
given to Molyneux by Nsambu, Kinshasa, February, 1987.

Mithridate R, B,, 'Histo ire de 1'apparition de Simon Kimbangu, Tome I', Editions
Notre Kongo Dieto, R.D.C., stencilled, n.d. (In Fr. Bontinck's Library, Kinshasa.)
The document contains the text of many council minutes and letters written
by Belgian colonial officials in the early 1920s.

Nsambu T., 'Expose sur le mobile des chants kimbanguistes'; stencilled

document, Kinshasa, dated 6.10.1981, Copy given to Molyneux by Nsambu,
February, 1987, Kinshasa.

Nsambu T., Autobiographical notes, typed, dated 10th February, 1987, Copy
given to Molyneux, February, 1987, Kinshasa.

D. THEOLOGICAL EDUCATION. CONTEXTUAL IZAT ION, etc, (Chapter 4)

Books:

Boone 0., Les peuplades du Congo-Beige. Tervuren, Belgium, 1935,

Dickson K., Theology in Africa. Darton Longman and Todd, London, 1984; and
Orbis Books, Maryknoll, 1984.

Fleming B., Contextualization of Theology. William Carey Library, Pasadena,

1980.

Grimes M. S., Life out of Death: the story of the Africa Inland Mission. AIM,
1917,

Hillman E., Polygamy reconsidered: African plural marriage and the Christian
churches. Orbis Books, Maryknoll, 1975.

Kluckhohn C., Mirror for Man; the relationship of anthropology to modern life.
McGraw Hill, New York, 1949,

Laman K., The Kongo 111. Studia Ethnographica Upsaliensa, XII, Lund, Sweden,
1962.

-332-
Makanzu M,, L'His to ire de l'ECZ. Kinshasa, n.d, (1972/3?)

Warwick M. (ed.). Witchcraft and Sorcery. Penguin Books, Harmondsworth, 1970,

Mbiti J., African Religions and Philosophy. Heinemann, London, 1969.

Middleton and Winter (eds.), Witchcraft and Sorcery in East Africa. Rout ledge
and Kegan Paul, London, 1963,

Miller C. S., The Unlocked Door - The life of Peter Cameron Scott. Parry
Jackman Ltd,, London, 1955,

Parrinder E, G,, African Traditional Religion. Sheldon Press, London, 1974.

Richardson K., Garden of Miracles: the story of the Africa Inland Mission.
AIM, London, 1968,

Rosaldo M. Z,, Women, Culture, and Society: a theoretical overview, Stanford

University Press, 1974.

Stirton S., Changing Scenes among the Alur. AIM, n.d.

Sundkler B. G, M., Bara Bukoba. C, Hurst, London, 1980.

Tucker A. N. and Bryan M, A., Linguistic Survey of the Northern Bantu

Borderland. Vol.l, Part III, Oxford University Press, London, 1956.

The Willowbank Report; Gospel and Culture: Lausanne Occasiona 1 Papers No.2,
Lausanne Committee for World Evangelization, Wheaton, 1978.

Winter R. D., Theological Education by Extension. William Carey Library, South

Pasadena,

Articles

Bujo B,, 'Nos ancAtres, ces saints inconnus', Bulletin de Thdologie Africaine.
Vol.l, No.2, 1979,

Buswell III J, 0., 'Contextualization; Is it just another word for

indigenization?1, in Evangelical Missions Quarterly. Jan, 1978.

Coe S., 'In search of renewal in theological education', in Theological

Education. Vol.9, No.4, 1973.

Gehman R., 'Guidelines in contextualization', in East Africa Journal of

Evangelical Theology. Vol,2, No.l, 1983,

Gration J,, 'Willowbank to Zaire', in Mlssiology. July, 1984.

Harrison P. J., 'Using the lecture method to best advantage', in Theological

Education Today. Vol.9, No.2, 1979,

-333-
Hurlburt C. E., 'Arrival in Congo', in Hearing and Doing, (former magazine of
the Africa Inland Mission), Vol,17, No.2, 1912. (AIM archives, Archway, London.)

Jones V., 'Women in the Zal're Church', Inland Africa (current magazine of
Africa Inland Mission), Summer 1981. (AIM archives, Archway, London.)

Kabasele F., 'Le Christ comme ancAtre et alnA', in Kabasele F., Dore J., and
Luneau R., Chemins de la chris to log ie africaine. Desclde, Paris, 1986.

Kalilombe P., 'Doing theology at grassroots; a challenge for professional

theologians', Parts I and II, African Ecclesiastical Review. Vol,27, No.3 and 4,
1985.

Kaplan S., 'The Africanization of missionary Christianity; History and

Typology', in Journal of Religion in Africa. Vol.16, No,3, 1986,

Kinsler F. R., 'Mission and context; the current debate about

contextualization', in Evangelical Missions Quarterly, January, 1978.

Kinsler F, R., 'Extension; an alternative model for theological education', in

Learning in Context; the search for innovative patterns in theological
education. Theological Education Fund, New Life Press, Bromley, 1973.

Newberry F. A,, Letters published in Hearing and Doing (former magazine of

Africa Inland Mission); Vol.17, No.3, 1912; Vol.18, No.3, 1913, Vol.18, No,4,
1913, (Archives of AIM, Archway, London.)

Nyamiti C.t 'New theological approach and new vision of the Churchin Africa',
in Revue Africaine de ThAologie. Vol.2, No.3, 1978,

Padilla R., 'Hermeneutics and Culture, a theological perspective', in Stott

J.R.W. and Coote R., Down to Earth. Hodder and Stoughton, London, 1980.

Simbo B., 'An African critique of Western theology', in Evangelical Missions

Quarterly. Vol,7, No.l, 1983,

Taber C., 'Contextualization: Indigenization and/or Transformation?', in

McCurry D. (ed.), The Gospel and Islam. MARC, 1979.

Tucker R,, 'African women's movement finds massive response', in Evangelical

Missions Quarterly. Vol,22, No.3, 1986.

The Willowbank Report - Gospel and Culture. Lausanne Committee for World
Evangelization, Wheaton, 1978. (Reprinted in Stott and Coote (eds.), Down to
Earth; Studies in Christianity and Culture. Hodder and Stoughton, London,
1980.)

Yego J., 'Polygamy and the African Church', in East Africa Journal of
Evangelical Theology. Vol.3, No.l, 1984.

-334-
 Unpublished material

Africa Inland Mission: a) Doctrinal Basis (from AIM Constitution, Article III,
Section 5, ratified May 1986, Provided by AIM, Archway, London.

b) Minutes of AIM International Council, Nairobi,

6-10th May, 1985,

c) Statistics of missionary personnel and

occupations. Provided by AIM, Archway, London.

Bun la Theological Seminary (Institut Supdrieur Thdologique de Bunia):

a) Minutes of Commission for Degree Programme, 2nd

and 25th August, 1987. Bunia.

b) Course Description, 1982, Bunia,

c) Course Programme, (Revised, 1978), Bunia.

c) Self-Evaluation Report, 1984-85. Bunia.

Communautd Evangdlique au Centre de i'Afrique (Bunia):

a) CECA Doctrinal Statement (from Constitution,

April, 1959).

b) Editions CECA. Objectives (1st July, 1986), Rethy,

Copy sent by Kwany L., 25th July, 1987.

c) Manuscripts (copies received from Bura T., Rethy):

a) Document 1 - 'Evangile et Croyances Africaines* (produced by Rethy
group),
b) Document 2 - 'Fdtishisme et gudrison* (produced by Aungba group),

c> Document 3 - 'Tribalisme' (produced by Bunia group),

d) Report on evangelization, (1983-1987), submitted

by Atido K. to CECA Office, 14th July, 1987. Copy sent to Molyneux, August,
1987.

e) Stencilled document, undated, produced by the

CECA Department of Christian Education, on Seminars held at Rethy, February
1987, on Choirs, Christian Home, Sunday School, Leadership. Procured at Rethy,
January 1987.

f) Theological Education by Extension (TEE) Annual

Reports: 1982-83; 83-84; 84~85; 85-86; 86-87. Copies supplied by Kana M.,
19th October, 1987.

g) 'Tujenge' objectives (printed on back cover of the

'Tujenge' magazine). Rethy.

-335-
 SOURCES

The following are the more important of the non-literary sources used in
this thesis:

Faculty of Catholic Theology. Kinshasa

Atal sa Angang b. in Bandundu, 1934. Professor of New

Testament FTCK. Conversation concerning
'African Theology' and hermeneutics, at the
Faculty, 4th February, 1987.

Mudiji Malamba b.1941. Professor of Metaphysics and

Contemporary Philosophy FTCK. Conversation
at FTCK on philosophy programme.

Mulago gwa Cikala b, in Birawa (Kivu, Zaire) in 1924, Studied

in Zaire, Rwanda, and Rome. He was a
principal contributor to the seminal work:
Des prdtres notrs s'lnterrogent. After
several periods of pastoral office, he joined
the FTCK, the Faculty's first African teacher,
In 1966 he was appointed Director of the
'Centre d'Etudes des Religions Africaines' and
of Its related journal, Cahiers des Reli­
gions Africaines. Author of several books
and numerous articles relating to 'African
Theology*. Lengthy conversation at Mulago's
residence in Kinshasa, 1st Feb, 1987,

Tshibangu Tshishuku b. in 1933 in Shaba (Zaire). While still a

student at the Theology Faculty in 1960,
opposed Vanneste in the debate on
'African Theology'. Author of, among other
works, Thdologie positive et thdologie
spdculative, and of numerous articles.
Made Bishop in 1970, Rector of National Uni­
versity of Zaire, 1971-1981. Conversation,
Rdsidence Cardinal Malula, Limete, Kinshasa,
2nd Feb, 1987.

Alfred Vanneste b, 12th Aug, 1922, Courtrai, Belgium.

Professor of Dogmatic Theology at FTCK. Dean
of FTCK 1957-1971; Assistant-Dean 1978-1985.
Author of many articles on 'African
Theology. Numerous conversations In his
Kinshasa home, 28th Jan.- 6th Feb, 1987.

-336-
Kimbangu Ists

Bena-Silu Director of the 'Cabinet du Chef Spirituel',

and one of the leaders of the EJCSK.
Conversation on theological and admin istra~
tional matters. Bongo lo, Kinshasa, 26th Feb.
1987,

Mapeka ma Kisonga Director of the 'Bureau Technique', Bongo lo,

where 'inspired* hymns are processed. With
his colleagues, answered many questions
during a work session at Bongo lo, 18 th Feb,
1987,

Mabika Masala Unfailingly cheerful Secretary of the

'Ddpartement des Chants', Bongo lo, Kinshasa,
and himself a receiver of 'inspired hymns'.
Accompanied me on several of the choir
visits, Interviewed (Bongolo) 13th Feb, 1987.

Marie-Louise Martin Dean of the Kimbanguist Faculty of Theology

at Lutendele, Kinshasa (soon to leave there
to devote herself to theological education
by extension among Kimbanguist leaders),
Correspondence on several occasions. Arranged
informative visit to the Faculty , 21-22nd
Feb, 1987. Many conversations about
historical and theological matters relating
to the Kimbangu ists.

Mfoko Ndombala Fwasi's nephew, now a Kimbanguist pastor.

In conversation at Bongo lo, 16 th Feb, 1987,
he related much about his famous uncle.

Nziama Kimbanguist bank employee in Kinshasa, made

redundant just before my arrival, and thus
able to spend every day working with me on
the translation of hymns from Kikongo into
French, February, 1987.

Nsambu Twasilwa Director of the 'DApartement des Chants',

Bongo lo, Kinshasa. His friendliness and
knowledge of the story of Kimbanguist hymns
from the beginning, and his co-operation
in making available archive material, proved
to be of invaluable assistance. After Mista
Fwasi, the most prolific 'receiver' of
'inspired hymns'.

-337-
Gospel and Culture Seminars. CECA

a? Members of the French-speaking Seminars:

Alo Dradebo b,1941. Graduate of Bunia Theological

Seminary, Kinshasa Protestant Faculty
of Theology, and University of Geneva,
Assistant Director of Bunia Seminary.
Interviewed 26th Jan, 1987.

Amu la Djang'etambe b.1955. Graduate of Bunia Theological

Seminary. Chaplain and secondary school
teacher at Rethy. Recently appointed as
Administrative Secretary of CECA. Highly
articulate member of the 'Rethy Group'.
Interviewed 22nd Jan, 1987.

Angu-Andia Gonde b.1944. Bunia Theological Seminary Graduate.

Secondary school teacher 7 yrs. Assistant
Coordinator of Christian Education, CECA,
7 yrs. Absent for interview; questionnaire
returned July, 1987,

Atido Kunde-Dong' b.1935. Eight years of service as Coordin­

ator of Evangelism, CECA. Absent for
interview; questionnaire returned July, 1987.

Bura Ngaba b.1955, Bunia Theological Seminary graduate.

Seven years as Bible School teacher,
Interviewed Bunia, 24th Jan, 1987.

Bura Thenga b.1945, Post-secondary studies in Nairobi

in communications, journalism, etc. School
teacher for many years, then Chief Editor
at 'Editions CECA', Rethy. Interviewed in
Bunia, 23rd Jan, 1987.

Djawotto Kisa b.1945. MTh. at Vaux, Paris. Pastor in Bunia

1979-1986, and part-time teacher of Old
Testament at Bunia Theological Seminary
1979-1986. Currently completing PhD studies
(USA). Absent for interview; questionnaire
returned June, 1987.

Etsea Ang'apoza b.1935. Post-secondary studies at Vaux,

Paris. Currently Legal Representative of
CECA. Interviewed Bunia, 21st Jan, 1987.

Kana Muruo b.1945. Graduate of Bunia Theological

Seminary. Teacher in Primary and Second­
ary schools, Since 1982 Coordinator of

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 Theological Education by Extension (TEE).
Interviewed in Bunia, 21st Jan, 1987.

Kile Kpala b.1935. Bunia Theological Seminary graduate.

Some 20 years in secondary and Bible School
teaching, the last 4 years as Director of
Oicha Bible School, Colourful and
enthusiastic, Interviewed 25th Jan, 1987.

Kwany Zaabu b.1943. Following post-secondary education

in mathematics/techno logy, spent many years
as teacher, director, and Education Co­
ordinator for CECA secondary schools.
Currently Director of 'Editions CECA' based
in Rethy, where interviewed, 20th Jan, 1987.

Okuonzi Amandru b.1935, Graduate of Bunia Theological

Seminary, and for many years its Admin­
istrative Secretary, A man of many gifts
and shrewd perception. Interviewed 23rd Jan.
1987, Bunia,

Sumbuso Bamaraki b.1956, Bunia Theological Seminary graduate,

further studies in Bangui, CAR, Currently
Academic Secretary, Bunia Theological Sem­
inary. Interviewed Bunia, 24th Jan, 1987.

Uchanda Unen b,1938> Bunia Theological Seminary graduate.

Thirteen years in Bible School teach­
ing, eight as Director of Aungba Bible School
Currently doing further studies in Kinshasa's
Protestant Faculty of Theology, where I
interviewed him, 1st Feb, 1987.

Ufoyuru Kpathi b.1941, Bunia Theological Seminary Graduate.

Served as chaplain (4 yrs.), Bible School
teacher (4 yrs.), Evangelism Coordinator
(4 yrs.), and currently Director of Radio
Programmes CECA. Interviewed 22nd Jan, 1987.

b) Members of the Swahili-speaking seminar. Rethy

Balonge b,1916. Honorary President of CECA.

Interviewed at Rethy, 17th Jan, 1987.

Buchu Head Pastor, Linga, Pastor since 1962.

Interviewed at Linga, 17th Jan, 1987,

Djaldero b,1928. Pastor since 1964. Interviewed

at Rethy, 17th Jan, 1987.
Groche b.1942. Pastor for 20 years, Interviewed at
Rethy, 17th Jan, 1987.

Lainya Ngadyuwa b.1945. Pastor for over 20 years. Not a

participant of the Rethy Seminars, but
one who heard the report of the Seminars
and who shared their findings with the
elders of his church. Interviewed at
Rethy, 18th Jan, 1987.

Laleni Loquacious and energetic head pastor at

Rethy, Interviewed 18th Jan, 1987.

Ukelo b.1952. Attended some but not all of the

Seminar sessions. Secondary school teaching
(4 yrs.); currently engaged in Bible trans­
lation into the Alur language,

c) Others

John Gration American AIM missionary 1953-64 in secondary

and Bible teaching. Sometime Associate Horae
Director and Candidate Secretary for AIM
(USA). Since 1975 Professor of Missions at
Wheaton College Graduate School. Initiator of
the 'Gospel and Culture Seminars' (Chapter 4).
Frequent correspondence since 1985. I am
indebted to him for photocopies of relevant
letters, field notes, etc.

David Langford Helped Gration set up the 'Gospel and

Culture Seminars'. Was of great assistance
in enabling me to contact the Swahili-speak­
ing participants in the Rethy and Linga
areas for interviewing. Frequent correspond­
ence. Currently researching innovative meth­
ods of theological education in the CECA
area, such as use of tape-recordings. For
several years a colleague at the Bunia
Theological Seminary; now based at Rethy.