African Film
African Film
African Film:
Looking Back and Looking Forward
Edited by
Foluke Ogunleye
African Film: Looking Back and Looking Forward,
Edited by Foluke Ogunleye
All rights for this book reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system,
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Segun Ogunleye
Introduction ................................................................................................. 1
Foluke Ogunleye
Chapter I ...................................................................................................... 5
Ghanaian Cinema: A Historical Appraisal
Kwaw Ansah
Chapter II ................................................................................................... 13
Nigerian Film: Looking Backward and Looking Forward
Afolabi Adesanya
Chapter IV ................................................................................................. 35
Nollywood: The Audience as Merchandise
Hyginus Ekwuazi
Chapter V .................................................................................................. 46
Recapturing a Nation’s Fading Memory through Video: An Analysis
of ‘Chimurenga’ Videos
Tendai Chari
Chapter VI ................................................................................................. 66
Filmmaking in Kenya: An Appraisal
Foluke Ogunleye
Chapter IX ................................................................................................. 95
Women in Moroccan Cinema: Between Tradition and Modernity
Aziz Chahir
also opined that history is not only philosophy, teaching by example, but
that its true purpose is also to illustrate the general progress of society in
knowledge and the arts, and the changes of manners and pursuits of men
(Webster, 1852).
Each contributor to this volume has achieved a degree of knowledge
and has the breadth of experience to provide us with a vision of what is
needed for the future. Some have focused on history, others on theory, and
some on criticism and how film production can be improved. In all, they
reflect the film culture of a continent. In ‘Ghanaian Cinema: A Historical
Appraisal’, Kwaw Ansah foregrounds the story of the African film by
detailing the history of Ghanaian cinema. He examines the career of the
Gold Coast Film Unit and its ‘civilizing’ mission, the importance of the
first film school in Ghana and of Kwame Nkrumah’s contributions
towards the development of African film.
In ‘African Film: Looking Backward and Looking Forward’, Afolabi
Adesanya underscores the much needed synergy between the celluloid
past and the present video-film while reaching forward to the digital
future. He emphasizes the fact that stories and images are among the
principal means by which human society has always transmitted its values
and beliefs. John R. Botha, in ‘South African Film: Looking Back and
Looking Forward’, contemplates the nature and history of South Africa’s
filmic evolution. Issues discussed in Botha’s chapter include customs,
beliefs and ideologies presented as central to filmmaking, and issues of
financing. He illustrates his points by providing an exegesis of three South
African films and concludes with a prognosis of South Africa’s filmic
future.
GHANAIAN CINEMA:
A HISTORICAL APPRAISAL*
KWAW ANSAH
CHIEF EXECUTIVE OFFICER, TV AFRICA, ACCRA, GHANA
the West Africa Film Training School. Grierson noted that films made by
L.A. Notcutt, the Bantu Film Experiment and the Colonial Film Unit did
not attract African audiences enough because Africans could not identify
with them. Grierson believed that the problem of cinema in the Colonies
would be resolved, “not by projecting films from the West, but by colonial
peoples making films inside the colonies for themselves” (quoted in Van
Beaver, p. 16-17). The film school in Accra had an initial intake of six
students: three from the Gold Coast, namely Okanta, Fenuku and Aryeetey,
and three from Nigeria, namely Fajemisin, Otigba and Alhaji Auna.
The British Crown had succeeded immensely in getting many young
brave men to enlist into the West African Frontier Force, by enticing them
through the power of cinema, making them believe that they would be
honoured and rewarded as heroes on their return. After having helped to
defeat the Germans, the African soldiers found to their utter
disappointment, on their return, that a British corporal would earn far more
than an African Lieutenant. As if reneging on the pre-war promises was
not enough, the ex-servicemen, who had fought heroically on the side of
the allied forces in Burma against the powerful Japanese and in the desert
against Rommel’s army, were disappointed to find that only the Europeans
were shown in all the post-war documentary films. All the Africans’
heroic deeds, especially those of the West African Frontier Force, were
conveniently left out. It was probably a stark reminder to the African
soldiers that the war was not their war, and that the only reason they were
there was to perform their subservient duty as colonial subjects.
The above incidents, as well as general poor conditions of living, led to
the famous march of the 28th of February 1948. The march was ruthlessly
put down by a British Police Officer, Major Imray, when he ordered fire
on the unarmed ex-servicemen, who were merely seeking to present a
petition for better living conditions to the Governor at the Christiansburg
Castle in Accra. Sergeant Adjetey, Corporal Atipoe and Private Odartey
fell in the process (for more on this, see Briggs and Bartlett p.12). These
terrible events coincided with the end of the boycott of European goods,
which had been successfully organized by Nii Kwabena Bonne III, a
powerful chief of Osu Alata, as protest against exorbitant prices and illicit
activities of the Syrian and Lebanese merchants who controlled the retail
market.
Kwame Nkrumah and other members of the United Gold Coast
Convention (UGCC), obviously frustrated by the heavy-handed manner in
which the demonstrators had been treated by the colonial administration,
sent a protest telegram to the colonial office in London. Six of the political
agitators including Nkrumah were promptly arrested and put behind bars,
Ghanaian Cinema: A Historical Appraisal 7
and later became known as the “Big Six” of Ghana’s politics. This event
became a major catalyst for the attainment of Ghana’s independence.
During the same period, ex-servicemen from the French colonial
territories who had been camped in Senegal faced similar difficulties;
when they complained, they were surrounded by French soldiers with
tanks and armoured cars and several of them were killed. When Ousmane
Sembene made a film based on this event, called Camp de Thiaroye, the
film was promptly banned in France, and the usual support the French
Government gave to filmmakers in Francophone West Africa was denied
him. One may ask whether Sembene crossed the line by using cinema,
which in the colonial days was the preserve of the colonial master, to
reveal a well-guarded secret.
The British had obviously not anticipated that the submissive and
obedient Gold Coast Contingent would ever dare demand that promises,
made to them through the power of cinema as a reward for the sacrificing
of their lives to achieve victory, be fulfilled. Indeed, before Ghana got its
independence, the Gold Coast Film Unit had already produced a number
of famous short feature films, such as Progress in Kojokrom, Mr. Mensah
Builds a House, The Boy Kumasenu and Theresa. This last film was
produced to encourage young women to opt for the nursing profession – a
campaign which equally proved very successful.
Most of the films were used to educate Africans on the need to pay
taxes and respond proactively to colonial dictates, even though 60% to
80% of the tax revenue and other natural resources were sent to Britain.
The colonial authorities were mindful of the fact that resistance to taxation
had already led to the Aba Women’s riots of 1928-1930 in South Eastern
Nigeria. In that episode, Igbo women of Aba, who were already unhappy
about their husbands and sons’ over-taxation, felt that the head-count of
citizens which was taking place was a prelude to the imposition of taxes
on women for the first time. Their successful protest forced some local
“warrant chiefs” to surrender their caps (the symbol of their power) and
take to their heels, while the enumeration exercise was abandoned. To
avoid a repeat of such an event in the Gold Coast, a well-dramatized film,
featuring local artistes, became a useful tool to gradually persuade and
educate the people on the usefulness and necessity of taxation.
The Gold Coast Film Unit also produced weekly newsreels of British
news as well as news of the various colonial territories. These were shown
in the cinema houses, largely with the aim of brainwashing the colonial
subjects and reminding them that the Monarch’s authority was supreme.
After the war, the themes of the films largely changed to project British
etiquette and values, and to denigrate African religions in well-crafted
8 Chapter I
stories that created hell for non-adherents to the religion of the colonial
masters and heaven for the converts to Christianity. In all these stories,
Satan was always visually portrayed as a black person while Christ and the
angels were always portrayed as white. The effect of this psychological
orientation still lives on today among Christians who believe that God is
white, and this, in effect, negatively affects our self-esteem. In all these,
the role of cinema has been pivotal.
Apart from the above, the people of the Gold Coast also had exposure
to films made in Hollywood, Britain and other places in the Western
world. Subconsciously, many of such films were to gradually mould our
psychological orientation and lead us to see ourselves as servants of the
values of our European Masters. In such films, the best roles Africans and
people of African descent ever played were those of senseless timid
domestic servants, buffoons or cotton pickers. Many generations of African
youth found it fashionable to adopt names of characters in Hollywood
movies, and some still live with such guy names/nicknames which have no
relevance to them. This is how names like Roy Rogers, Humphrey Bogart,
Lash Larou, Kisco Kid, Doris Day and Ava Gardener found their way into
Ghanaian vocabulary.
though the script of the film had been ready before 1980, lack of both
resources and policy direction to support the film industry, and
unwillingness on the part of the banks to venture into the financing of film
in the private sector - which was new in Ghana and considered to be a high
risk business - held it up for eight years. Later, other films were produced,
such as Heritage Africa, Genesis Chapter X, Sankofa, and, much later,
Nkrabea My Destiny, Step Dad, Ghost Tears and His Majesty’s Sergeant.
A Hollywood film produced in Ghana called Contact and others were shot
with the infrastructural support of the GFIC.
During this period, stakeholders in the film industry were excited about
the prospect of a new beginning for the Ghanaian Film Industry. Things
were beginning to take shape. The cinema houses were regaining
patronage, and a new crop of young talented actors and actresses began to
emerge on the scene. At the same time, with the advent of video
technology with its instant nature and low budget, video film pirates got a
step ahead of the local filmmakers, making their work quite challenging. It
turned out that pirates were making more profit than video film producers
who soon began to incur losses. When the film industry was vibrant,
Ghanaian producers offered technical assistance to Nigerian Film makers
like Ola Balogun with his Cry Freedom, Eddy Ugbomah and others. But
now, arrears of artist fees began to mount and disillusionment set in for
young artists and filmmakers who had hoped to earn a reasonable living
out of the film industry.
It is worth mentioning that, in 1978, the Ghana National Film and
Television Institute (NAFTI) was established in Accra, Ghana. It is
gratifying also to note that NAFTI, this time, was not set up with the main
objective to entice our youth to enlist in the colonial West African Frontier
Force but to train Africans to know who they are, where they are coming
from and where they are going. It has so far trained filmmakers, not only
from Ghana but also from Nigeria, Ethiopia, Botswana, South Africa,
Gambia, Sierra Leone, Lesotho and other countries.
In the late 1990s, our brothers from Nigeria, armed with video
technology, penetrated the Ghanaian market and overran it. While it took
the average Ghanaian production company a minimum of six months to
one year to produce capital intensive celluloid films, it took our Nigerian
counterparts a maximum of six weeks to complete a whole video film,
post-production included. This made Ghanaian movies instantly
uncompetitive financially because of the sheer cost of production. Many of
the Ghanaian filmmakers soon went out of business, while others became
agents of Nigerian production companies. Our good artists and technicians
began to seek roles in Nigerian-made films, which provided some of them
Ghanaian Cinema: A Historical Appraisal 11
with instant success in Ghana. As a result, most of our cinema houses went
idle and were taken over by charismatic Churches.
While one is happy that the Nigerian film industry has significantly
reduced the influence of Hollywood culture on African TV screens, one is
also quite concerned with the technical quality of a number of productions,
and with storylines which seem to confirm Western stereotypes of Africa.
While some Nigerian films have told good and relevant stories, I am
equally concerned about the portrayal of almost every successful African
entrepreneur as either a corrupt politician or an occultist. Yet there are
countless successful hardworking Nigerians making it through honest
means. Frankly, that stereotypical portrayal of African success is
worrisome. I grew up in the Western part of Ghana, where the people
engaged in petty trading which grew into big businesses were often
Nigerians. There was a popular saying at the time, that any Ghanaian
village which did not have a Lagosian petty trader called Papa or Mame
Lasisi was not commercially awake. We called the Lagosians Mame and
Papa Alata. I later learnt from a Nigerian High Commissioner that ‘Alata’
in Yoruba means ‘pepper’. This was a pleasant reminder that when Mame
or Papa Alata came, they started their business with pepper on a small
table, and then added charcoal and later sardine until it grew into a kiosk
and eventually into a supermarket. It is therefore no accident that the
biggest markets in Ghana are now called Makola Number one and Makola
Number two, named after a popular market in Yorubaland (specifically
Ibadan) in the Western part of Nigeria.
In the midst of all these, all hope is not lost for the movie industry in
Ghana. In the last two to three years, a number of new producers have
come up with a revived determination to give our Nigerian brothers a good
run for their money. It is worth mentioning that a number of them have
had very good productions which have been accepted beyond the shores of
Ghana. The ones which I can immediately mention are Run Baby Run,
Scorned, Life and Living it, Things We do for Love, Home Sweet Home
and many other feature-length productions. We still have a long way to go
in order to be able to produce six hundred movies per annum as obtains
with our competitors in Nigeria. But it is heart-warming to know that these
are largely young people who are making this immense effort, which
means that we can expect far more inspiring African stories from Ghana
and Nigeria.
The Ghanaian Film Industry began in pre-independence days, when the
colonial authorities saw film as an important tool for the colonial
orientation process. It was transformed in the days of Kwame Nkrumah
into a tool for creating what the visionary called the “African personality
12 Chapter I
and identity” with the establishment of the GFIC. However, the industry
took a downward turn due to lack of attention from successive
governments after Nkrumah and is now largely in the hands of private
producers who do not always appreciate the power of the tool they work
with. That notwithstanding, the end of the once vibrant Ghana film
Industry is far from sight. ‘Film Africa’, the producers of Love Brewed in
the African Pot and Heritage Africa and promoters of Television Africa
have put together a well-equipped five-studio complex called ‘Film Africa
Studios’, to support the re-emergence of the Ghanaian Film Industry. Even
though we might not be able to produce the same number of films as our
Nigerian counterparts produce per annum, we are determined to ensure
that the stories we bring out are very strong and inspirational. The doors of
Ghana’s ‘Film Africa Studios’ are now open to our Nigerian brothers for
us all to tell stories together.
In conclusion, filmmakers must be cognizant of the very powerful tool
at their disposal. The negative image associated with Africa today is
largely a creation of the Western audiovisual industry. Fortunately now,
technology has put the tool at the disposal of very capable and thoughtful
African filmmakers. What we do with this tool is entirely within our
control. We could choose to use it to reverse Western stereotypes, which
have created an inferiority complex for our continent and its people, but
we could also use it to reinforce those negative views. The caution is that,
if, for purely commercial reasons, we do not tone down excessive
projection of occultism and Juju, the obsession with nudity and the blatant
copy of decadent Western values, we may be sowing the seeds of
perpetual psychological damage to future generations, something which
may not be easy to reverse.
Bibliography
Briggs, Philip & Bartlett, Mary-Anne, 2006, Malawi. Malawi: Bradt
Travel Guides.
Van Bever, L., 1952, Le Cinéma pour Africain, Brussels: G. Van
Campenhout.
CHAPTER II
NIGERIAN FILM:
LOOKING BACKWARD AND LOOKING FORWARD
AFOLABI ADESANYA
MANAGING DIRECTOR, NIGERIAN FILM CORPORATION
Preamble
This chapter is an attempt to focus attention on the need to reappraise
the reasons for the disconnect, if any, between the African cinema heritage
of Ousmane Sembene, the godfather of the African film industry, Hubert
Ogunde, the doyen of the industry, Adeyemi Afolayan, (of blessed
memory) and forerunners from Nigeria (Francis Oladele, Ola Balogun,
Eddie Ugbomah, Moses Olaiya Adejumo - Baba Sala, Newton Aduaka),
Senegal (Moussa Sene Absa), Congo (Balufu Bakupa-Kayinda),
Cameroun (Jean Marie Teno), Burkina Faso (Fanta Regina Nacro), South
Africa (Ramadan Suleiman), Kenya (Judy Kibinge), Ghana (Veronica
Quarshie), Mali (Abderrahmane Sissako) on the one hand, and the current
wave of video filmmaking, championed by Nigerians, on the other.
According to Olivier Barlet, this last one, which leaves much to be
desired, has nevertheless come to be accepted as a model worthy of
emulation.
On another level, the focus also goes to underscore the much-needed
synergy between the celluloid past, the video present and the digital future,
though not in any chronological sequence. The structure of this chapter is
therefore intended to stimulate both critical analysis and discussion. I
would rather move forward by looking back, through an interactive
historical journey covering five obvious sub-themes:
Film directors are undoubtedly the owners of the film because the film
cannot be complete without them. They call the shots. And in the same
vein, film directors are storytellers! It is their responsibility to create a
story that others will see as they see it. They must have a deep
understanding of the essence of the story, which they have been given the
mandate to make into a movie, taking into account the visuality of films.
The hallmark of African cinema then is this: stories steeped in African
mythology, folklore and ancient beliefs, full of superstition, exotericism,
empiricism and sourced from our cultural background. We love stories of
conquest and mysticism, uniquely told, aided by aesthetics of beautiful
landscapes and scenery, echoing the peculiarity of the African experience,
cultural heritage, philosophy and mode of governance, and displaying a
different orientation altogether.
The early films shown [to] the African audiences before locally made films
were available were those made in Europe, England and United States.
These films were sent by the colonial government “as a benevolent gesture
of tutelage to the colonial people”.
Examples of these films abound in the few books and many other
scholarly works published on the industry by both foreign and
indigenous authors.
the people’s ability to pay for outdoor entertainment, while the rising
profile of insecurity kept people at home. Robbed of the prospect of
financial assistance, optimistic Nigerian filmmakers dumped the expensive
celluloid medium in favour of a cheaper alternative - video - with
disastrous consequences (Ademiju-Bepo and Okpodu, 2006: 23).
African films certainly cut across the entire film genre, with stories
including witchcraft, romance, some action, horror, comedy, opera, and
drama - a carry-over from the postcolonial heritage. Nigeria, known for
the ingenuity of her film practitioners, led the way in re-inventing the
video format across the continent.
through the Film Divisions of the independent nations, to the present day
Ministries of Information or Culture, Broadcasting or Communications,
African film has passed through a series of policy evolutions aimed at
strengthening the industry towards achieving the goals and aspirations of
its founding fathers.
Successive governments in Africa have ensured that a conducive
atmosphere is provided and guaranteed for the practice, production,
distribution and marketing of films to meet global demand for Africa’s
stories. From investment, tax incentives and infrastructural development to
research, training, capacity building and professionalism, appropriate
legislations are continually put in place to maximize the potentials of the
film medium to the advantage of Africa.
In the future which begins today, African filmmakers should strive for
global best quality and standard – from scripting and directing, through
shooting to editing and sound – which will make our films admissible into
international film festivals across the continents, and ultimately bring
annual harvests of laurels. This is without prejudice to the indigenous
viewership, which we must sustain through an edifying content that could
be the pride of every African at home and in the diaspora. The government
of the day would also support these efforts with the patriotic intention of
placing our continent on the world map.
Concluding Remarks
Every average African has either gone through the experience of going
to the cinema and watching films or watching videos at home. The revival
of the cinema theatre culture among Africans is now gaining momentum.
This is influenced by the mass appeal enjoyed by our home videos and the
desire to go back to the celluloid production. However, the challenge of
investment in the sector still stares practitioners in the face daily. But we
must hope for a change.
The African film industry cannot be relevant until it defines its image
without ambiguity. Can donor-funded films still provide a platform for the
stories our filmmakers really want to tell? Do the issue-led films of today
hark back to the propaganda of the 1960s and 1970s or is there a real need
and desire to make this type of film? Filmmakers are warriors and history
makers. It is in discovering your own problems, telling your own stories -
those that are under your nose, that you become a better person. Stories
and images are among the means by which human society has always
transmitted its values and beliefs, from generation to generation, with
Nigerian Film: Looking Backward and Looking Forward 19
JOHN R. BOTHA
NORTH WEST UNIVERSITY, REPUBLIC OF SOUTH AFRICA
Introduction
When contemplating the nature and history of a country’s film
evolution, the task is made a great deal easier when such developments are
characterized primarily by stylistic idiosyncrasies rather than linguistic and
racial differences. It is, for example, a matter of simple academic analysis
to peruse the early development of film in France, and to describe it in
terms of technical achievements and the eventual divergence towards, on
the one hand, films of a more narrative and sometimes historical approach,
such as the films by Louis Gance, Jean Renoir and Marcel Carné, where
the epic and reflective storytelling nature of French film is clearly visible
(Peacock: 2001: 555). On the other hand, France’s film history could just
as easily be described in relation to the experimental approaches used by
Georges Méliès and later René Clair, Fernand Léger, Louis Buñuel and
Jean Cocteau (Bordwell, 1997: 18), leading to the French New Wave
(Bawden, 1976: 265-266). Germany is immediately identified with
Expressionism, Italy with Neo-Realism and so forth (Bordwell &
Thompson, 2003: 103-109, 359-366).
In a country such as South Africa, it is on the one hand very easy, for
anyone looking at it from a primarily political point of view, to establish
the main stream of filmic developments, for there can be no doubt that the
Golden Era of South African film, between 1960 and 1980 (Botha in De
beer, 1998: 192-196) was directly linked to the demand of the apartheid
society for primarily Afrikaans language films. English films were
however seen as an acceptable alternative, since the largest number of
South African filmgoers, whether English or Afrikaans, grew up under the