MPS-302 / OSOU

MPS-302: Social and Political Thought in Modern India

Brief Contents
Block Unit
Block Unit
No No
1 Modern and Vedic Tradition 1 Indian Political Thought: Nature and
Themes
2 Political Thought of Kautilya
3 Political Thought of Manu
4 Political Thought of Dayananda Saraswati
and Swami Vivekananda

Block Unit
Block Unit
No No
2 Modern Thinkers 5 Raja Ram Mohan Roy
6 Jyotiba Phule
7 Pandita Ramabai
8 Gopal Krishna Gokhale

Block Unit
Block Unit
No No
3 Gandhi, Humanist and 9 Mahatma Gandhi: Swaraj, Satyagrha,
Socialist Ahimsa and Sarvodaya
10 M N Roy: Radical Humanism
11 Jawaharlal Nehru
12 Jaya Prakash Narayan

Block Unit
Block Unit
No No
4 Social Justice 13 Dr. B.R Ambedkar
14 Ram Manohar Lohia
15 Dr. Amartya Sen
16 Social Justice Movement in India
 ODISHA STATE OPEN UNIVERSITY, SAMBALPUR
Programme Name: Master of Arts (Political Science) Programme Code: MAPS

Course Name: Social and Political Thought in Modern India Course Code: MPS-302

Semester: III Credit: 4 Block No. 1 to 4 Unit No.1 to 16 Pages: 1-219

EXPERT COMMITTEE

Prof.Surya Narayan Misra (Chairman) Prof. Amareswar Mishra (Member)

Former HOD of Utkal University, former Professor of Political Sceince,
Bhubaneswar. Utkal University, Bhubansewar

Prof. Gitanjalii Dash (Member) Dr. Antaryami Beriha (Convener)

Former Professor, Dept. of Political Science Academic Consultant,
Fakir Mohan University, Balasore OSOU, Sambalpur

COURSE WRITERS

Prof. Dasrathi Bhuyan Dr. Jayaram Singh Samal

Professor, Berhampur University (Unit-1 & 2) Assistant Professor, Model
Degree College Nayagarh (Unit-9)

Dr. Sachitananda Mishra Dr. Ratnakar Roy

Former Reader, Ravenshaw University (Unit-4) Assistant Professor, OSOU Unit-(11, 12, 13 &16)

Dr. Prabira Seity Dr. Jaya Kumari

Assistant Professor Delhi University (Unit-5) Assistant Professor,
Netaji Subash University, Jamseshpur (Unit-14)

Ms. Sital Samal Dr. Antaryami Beriha

Academic Consultant, OSOU (Unit-6 &8) Academic Consultant, OSOU (Unit-15)

Dr. Kshipra Sharma

Assistant Professsor, Delhi University (Unit-7)

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EDITORIAL COMMITTEE

Dr. Ratnakar Roy Dr. Antaryami Beriha

Assistant Professor, OSOU (Block-1) Academic Consultant, OSOU (Block-3)

Dr. Suresh Chandra Patel Ms. Sital Samal

Associate Professor, OSOU (Block-2) Academic Consultant, OSOU (Block-4)

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 MPS-302 / OSOU

MPS-302 Social and Political Thought in Modern India

Content

Block/Unit Page No.

BLOCK-1 Modern and Vedic Tradition 1-70

Unit-1 The Features of Ancient Indian Political Thought, Modern Indian Political Thought:
Theme And Nature, The Colonial Context of Modern Indian Political Thought, Shaping Of
Modern Indian Political Thought During, Reforms Movement, Shaping Of Modern Indian
Political Thought During National Movement
Unit-2. Arthshastra: its nature and scope, Types of state, The Saptanga theory, Kautilya’s
Mandala theory, Enemies according to Kautilya , Objectives and functions of Kautilya’s state,
Duties of the kings, Position of the king or absolute monarchy, Amatayas or council of minister,
Qualification of the Amatayas/ministers, Functions of the council of ministers , Kautilya on
war,Taxation, System of law, Bureaucracy, System of spies

Unit-3. Genesis of the laws of Manu, Content and Structure of Manusmriti, Manu on creation
and the Origin of the sacred law, Nature and Purpose, Manu on Varna System, Origin of State
Manu on Kingship, Duties and Functions of King, organization of state into village, district and
provinces, Manu and Kautilya, Manu as the Father of Indian Polity

Unit-4 Life and Time, His views on God and Religion, His views on Vedic Swaraj, Dayananda’s
Concept of Dharma, Dayananda the Reformer, Dayananda’s Political Ideas, A critique, Swami
Vivekananda, Principles of social change.

BLOCK-2 Modern Thinkers 71-119

Unit-5 Introduction, Life-Sketch of Raja Ram Mohan Roy, Raja Ram Mohan Roy’s Various
Thoughts.

Unit-6 Life of Jyotiba Phule,Mahatma Jyotiba Phule: As a Philosopher, Satyashodak Samaj: The
vision of a New Society

Unit-7 The Woman and her time, What Is Patriarchy, Ramabai and the Question of Women’s
Education, Initiative in India, Christianity and Colobialism, Women’s Right, International and
National Perspective

Unit-8 Life Sketch ,Political Goals, Political Techniques

 MPS-302 / OSOU

BLOCK-3 Gandhi, Humanist and Socialist 120-179

Unit-9 Swaraj, Satyagraha, Ahimsa, Sarvodaya

Unit-10 Life Sketch, M.N.Toy Place in Indian Tradition, Humanism, Reasons for Evolution of
Radical Humanism, Philosophical Foundation of Radical Humanism, Roy’s New Humanism
Twenty-Two Theses on Radical Democracy

Unit-11 Socialism, Nehru’s Views on Secularism, Nehru’s view on Nationalism, Nehru on

Internationalism, Ideas on State-Building and Nation-Building in Post- Independence India

Unit-12 Political Life of JP Narayan, Influence of Gandhi and M.N. Roy, Nature of Movements
led by JP: Ethical undertone, Idea of Socialism, Idea of Sarvodaya Movement, JP’s Concept of
Total Revolution, JP’s Views on Communitarian Democracy, JP’s Views on Participatory
Democracy, JayPrakash Narayan and Marxism, J.P. as a Socialist Thinker

BLOCK-4 Social Justice 180-219

Unit-13 Nature and role of government, Political thought of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: views on
democracy in its socio-political-economic dimension, Relevance of Ambedkar in present times

Unit-14 Ram Manohar Lohia: A Brief Profile, Political Thought of Ram Manohar Lohia, Social
Thought of Lohia

Unit-15. Introduction, Life Sketch, Amartya Sen Idea of Justice

Unit-16 Concept of Social/ Community Justice, Ambedkar’s Views on Social Justice, Analysis
of Ambedkar’s Views on Social Justice, Estimate of Ambedkar’s Social Justice
 Block-1
Modern and Vedic Tradition

Unit-1: Indian Political Thought: Nature and Themes

Unit-2: Political Thought of Kautilya
Unit-3: Political Thought of Manu
Unit-4: Political Thought of Dayananda Saraswati and Swami Vivekananda
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UNIT-1 INDIAN POLITICAL THOUGHT: THEME

AND NATURE (ANCIENT AND MEDIEVAL)

Structure
1.1 Objective
1.2 Introduction
1.3 The Features of Ancient Indian Political Thought
1.4 Modern Indian Political Thought: Theme and Nature
1.5 The Colonial Context of Modern Indian Political Thought
1.5.1 The Phase of 'Social Reform
1.5.2 The nationalist phase
1.6 Shaping of Modern Indian Political Thought During Reforms Movement
1.6.1 Focused on the positive aspects of British rule
1.6.2 Impact of Rational Criticism of Religion and Society on Modern Indian Political Thought
1.6.3 Impact of Religious Revivalism on Modern Indian Political Thought
1.7 Shaping of Modern Indian Political Thought During National Movement
1.7.1 Impact of Nationalism on Modern Indian Political Thought:
1.7.2 Impact of Gandhian Ideas on Modern Indian Political Thought:
1.7.3 Impact of Liberalism on Modern Indian Political Thought:
1.7.4 Impact of Socialists' and Communists' Ideas on Indian Political Thought:
1.7.5 Impact of Sarvodaya and Anarchism on Modern Indian Political Thought:
1.8 Summary:
1.9 Bibliography
1.10 Exercises

1.1 OBJECTIVES

After reading this unit you will be able to understand

• The emergence of Indian political tradition
• The theme and nature of ancient Indian political thought;
• The theme and nature of modern Indian political thought;
• The Colonial Context of Modern Indian Political Thought;
• The shaping of modern Indian political thought during the reforms movement

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• The shaping of modern Indian political thought during the National

Movement

1.2 INTRODUCTION

Political thought in ancient India was a part of Hindu philosophy or Hindu religion.
Many scholars thought that the Hindu science of polity did not have a separate
identity. But if we look at the various sources available, it is clear that ancient Indian
thinkers did have a notion of politics distinct from either philosophy or religion. The
mystification arises because of the large number of similar terms used in ancient India
for politics. they were: Raja Dharma, which means duties of the ruler, Kshatravidya,
the knowledge that the ruler should have, Rajyasastra meaning statecraft or the
science of state, Dandaniti, which means the ethics of awarding punishment,
Nitisastra, which means the science of ethics regulating the lives of both the ruler and
the ruled and Arthasastra, means the art of acquisition and maintenance of the land. In
ancient India, we have a term equivalent to the Western concept of the state of nature.
There was also the concept of Matsyanyaya, the state of big fish eating greedily the
small. It is similar to the concept of the state of nature explained by Hobbles, and it is
the state of affairs in the absence of force or danda. Force is the final sanction behind
the state. But, force cannot be used unreasonably and various checks have been
introduced to see that the person who is entrusted with authority to rule cannot use
force at his will.

Both Dharma and Danda are dependent on each other. The term danda means
discipline, force, restraint, constraint or punishment. Dharma is derived from the
Sanskrit root ‘Dharma’ meaning to hold therefore, Dharma holds society together.
Society could be held together when each individual and group does their specific
duties. This was sought to be achieved by following the varnashrama dharma. Varna
dharma is adhering to one’s duties as a member of a caste group to which one
belongs. It was, therefore, the duty of the king to maintain Varna dharma.
Varnasamkara or a mixture of different Varnas, is to be avoided at any cost. A
different description of different Varna’s is explained in dharmashastras, Arthashastra
and Mahabharata. The Dharmashastra writers concentrated on exploring the dharma
of individuals and social groups, including the government. They, however, did not
attempt to provide political dharma as a distinct and autonomous subject of
investigation. What they did was to provide a code of conduct covering the entire
human life. Politics was incidental to this main concern. In contrast to the approach of
the dharmasastras, the authors of Arthasastras were interested in the organization and
mechanics of danda. The Arthasastra of Kautilya gives us a detailed account of the
nature and organization of government, the nature and method of exercising coercive

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power, how power could be acquired, strategies and mechanics of retaining power,
the possible threat to the Varna’s, Prakriti or the elements of state and the best way to
deal with them. The works of the authors of Arthasastra were specifically political.
The two approaches of dharmasastras and arthasastra differed mainly in their subject
matter. The dharmasastras were legalistic and religious, whereas the arthasastras
concentrated on institutions and politics and were secular in orientation. The two
together constitute the Hindu traditions of political thought.

1.3 THE FEATURES OF ANCIENT INDIAN POLITICAL THOUGHT

Followings are the features of Indian Political thought

Political Life is visualized within the pattern of Dharma: A supernatural
characteristic is present in all the writings of Indian Political traditions. We find in
almost all the texts that deal with the life of the people. The divine supernatural
element is omnipotent and it is visible in all structures of society and government.
The king is the representative of this supernatural element. Therefore, the divine
purpose is to be enforced by the king. Divine punishment supports earthly
punishment. The Brahminical religion, or the scriptures of the Hindu religion, was
not universal. There were non-Brahminical traditions, which were materialistic in
nature and which played an important role in guiding the activities of ordinary people.
Shamanic and Buddhist contribution is important in this respect.

Impact of Ethics and Morality: Social thought in ancient India guarantees a definite
fundamental principle of morality. It also seeks to control material life. The theory of
life proceeds to resolve itself into a theory of morality. The king must deliberately
instil virtue and act as a guide to the moral life, morality as stipulated in the
Dharmasastras. The state is important in communal life. Politics or the Raj dharma
becomes the ethics of the whole society. It is the science of the duty of man found in
the complex set of relations in society. But regarding international relations, ethics is
explained with the hard reality. Dealing with diplomacy, Kautilya becomes realistic
like Machiavelli.

The government was from the Upper Castes: In ancient India, the Kshatriyas,
Brahmans and Vaisyas together formed the ruling class. The priest held the highest
status. He was identified with the God ‘Brihaspathy’ instead of the temporal power
‘India’. His function was to interpret dharma and preside over the rituals. Coronation
by the priest was a necessary pre-requisite to the exercise of royal power. The priest
was the chief adviser to the king. Interestingly, unlike in Europe, the priesthood in
India did not contend for temporal power, a phenomenon that raged in Europe for a
considerably long period. They had the monopoly of education and were the sole

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interpreters of dharma. ‘Kashatra’- the temporal power derived its strength and
authority from ‘Brahma’- the spiritual power. The Vaisya engaged in such
occupations as agriculture and trade provided the economic basis of the state.
Symbolically, it meant that the Kshatriya derived his power from the Brahman. The
Shudras were serving the class.

The Impact of Caste and Social Structure on Politics: Caste occupied a prominent
place in all social structures during the later Vedic period. It had a direct influence on
the theory of government. There was the system of Varnashrama in the society and it
was fixed based on caste. Each Varna was to perform a specific function. Caste was
an ascribed status. Not all castes or Varna’s were equally privileged in their
enjoyment of rights and duties assigned to them. The super Varna’s Brahmans and
Kshatriyas – were the ruling class. The duty of an individual was social. Since the
Varna’s were related to each other in such a fashion that together they constituted the
social order, if an individual transgressed his duty, he not only violated the order, he,
became antisocial. It was in this way that the Hindu theory would overcome the anti-
thesis of man v/s state or society.

No Clear division between State and Society: Society was generally viewed
organically. The tendency of looking at society from a political angle was not
developed. The governmental organization and politics were a part of the whole
society. That means society was at once religious, political, economic and military.
Thus, there was no clear concept of the state or the government. Both were
interchangeably used concepts.

The monarchy was the normal form of Government: since the ruling power was
entrusted to the Kshatriya caste, the monarchy was the natural outcome. There were
also non-monarchical forms of government. Kautilya’s Arthasastra mentions
‘vairagya’ (rule by two kings) and ‘vyrajya’ (state without a king) etc., There were
also ‘ganasanghas’ which are comparable to modern republics. But monarchy was the
normal form of government. Though there were non-monarchical forms, they were
more of an exception rather than a rule.

The Government was not sovereign: the government in ancient India could not be
regarded as sovereign. It did not impart validity to the orders; rather, it shared in its
validity. On the contrary, the government had no independent existence of its own.
The sustenance of the social order was merely its function. Sovereignty was, in fact,
ultimately a source of the divine will. On the part of the individual, there was no
unified allegiance, no single loyalty except to society as a whole. Only the pluralistic
theory of sovereignty can grasp the Indian phenomenon.

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The society was in-egalitarian: Although it developed the idea of the moral equality
of all men, it never developed the social, legal and political groups.

The Hindu tradition of political thought is pluralistic in orientation: The Hindu

political writers from the very beginning recognized the autonomy of social groups.
Political thought in early India was largely uncritical and apologetic of the established
social order: Most Hindu writes justified the caste system as the caste-based
conception of dharma, the large fatalist concept of karma, the degradation of the
Shudras and the slaves, the extensive moral interference of the state and so on. It
ignored the whole area of social conflict.

Hindu tradition mainly focuses on the rulers: Their works are largely manuals of
ethics or administration; hence, it is largely didactic and practical.

1.4 MODERN INDIAN POLITICAL THOUGHT: THEME AND NATURE

Modern Indian Political thought involves three related issues of nation, nationalism
and national identity. There are generally two specific ways in which social and
political thought in India can be conceptualized.

First, there is a simple way of expressing the thought in a chronological method. This
is a system in which the ideas are explained in a sequence displaying the importance
of ideas in a particular mould. But this chronological method is limited for three
reasons :(i) This method follows purely descriptive mode. (ii) It does not allow us to
go beyond what is visible on the surface. (iii) As it is purely descriptive, it fails to
explain the moments when new ideas emerge.

Secondly, there is another mode where the ideas are expressed as part of complex
socio-economic and political processes. Social and political thought is purely linked
with the relationship of factors involving society, economy and politics. In such a
descriptive mode, the evolution of social and political thought is visible. The purpose
is not merely to document the political ideas of those thinkers who changed the
course of India’s freedom struggle, but also to analyses the socio-historical contexts
in which these ideas evolved and also the socio-political changes that these ideas
aimed at.

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1.5 THE COLONIAL CONTEXT OF MODERN INDIAN POLITICAL

THOUGHT

Modern Indian political thought is critically influenced by nationalism in India. The

beginning of the systematic study of Indian political thought can be traced back to the
nationalist movement from 1857 to 1947. Most of the important works on Indian
political thought were written during this period. Many scholars believed that Indian
Political Thought was a part of Hindu Philosophy or Hindu religion. But, the term
'modem' is open to different interpretations. It is very difficult to trace the date when
the idea of modern Indian political thought emerged. Some scholars say that
colonialism introduced ‘modern’ values in India. Therefore they welcomed British
colonialism as an instrument of modernization. The emergence of modern ideas,
social and religious protest movements was a result of the introduction of European
ideas and institutions through colonial rule. The influence of Western education in the
development of modern ideas in the 20th century also cannot be undermined. The
elements of social movements also contributed to Indian Political Thought. The
beginning of the systematic study of Indian political thought can be traced back to the
nationalist movement from 1857 to 1947. Most of the important works on Indian
political thought were written during this period.

Thus, we can broadly divide modern Indian thought into two phases-

1.5.1 The phase of 'Social Reform':

The first phase has often been referred to as the phase of ‘Social Reform’. Thinkers of
this phase were more concerned with the internal regeneration of indigenous society.
Because its first signal occurred in Bengal; therefore it was often referred to as the
‘Bengal Renaissance’. Nationalist historians even started referring to it as the Indian
Renaissance, but this will be an inaccurate description for several reasons.

1.5.2 The nationalist phase:

The second phase was more complex in many ways. This phase we can designate as
the nationalist phase. The concerns in this phase shift more decisively to questions of
politics, power and freedom from colonial rule. There are also important currents like
the Muslim and Dalit agenda that mark the intellectual and political 'search for the
Self' in this period. The main task of the colonial rulers was the maintenance of
colonial rule. For this, they needed supporters from the people of India and it was
achieved only through cultural and ideological hegemony. Moreover, they promoted
landlords and the educated urban middle class. These were steps to meet the needs of
British colonialism. Colonial education and other cultural undertakings facilitated the
establishment of ideological hegemony.

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1.6 SHAPING OF MODERN INDIAN POLITICAL THOUGHT DURING THE

REFORMS MOVEMENT

1.6.1 Focused on the positive aspects of British rule:

In the initial stage the social and ideological context shaped the political thought
during the early colonial period. During the nineteenth century, the liberalists in
India focused on the positive aspects of British rule. Ram Mohan Roy considered
British rule a blessing to India. He saw the future benefits of British Colonialism.
Supporting the British, Keshab Chandra Sen, also supported the British rule. British
Colonialism appeared at a time when there was a social and moral crisis among the
people of India. He even held that the kings who considered themselves as God’s
representatives based on the divine theory are a sin against God. Rabindranath
Tagore, Dada Bhai Naroji, G.K. Gokhale, M.G. Ranade, Chitta Ranjan Das and Moti
Lal Nehru also praised the benefits of British rule in India.

1.6.2 Impact of Rational Criticism of Religion and Society on Modern Indian

Political Thought:
The early thinkers of contemporary India were preoccupied mainly with social and
religious issues. The political questions were paid little or no attention. Rammohan
Roy in his writings exposed the irrationality of Hindu religious rituals and dogmas,
and social evils such as sati, child marriage etc. He measured religious reform as
mainly essential for both social reform and political modernization. Therefore, the
beginning of contemporary Indian thinking is marked by a critique of the existing
social order. To Raja Rammohan Roy, human service or service to humanity alone
could bring the knowledge of God and social, moral, and religious upliftment of the
people. His life was dedicated to that notion of humanity. He knew that social
upliftment was a product of religious modernity. So, he always discarded idol
worship as he believed that it would create sectarian bias and separation of man from
man. In place of idol worship, he preferred congregational up asana. Radha Kanta
Deb, and Henry Derozio of Hindu College, despite their criticism of Rammohan for
his pro-British attitude, agreed with him on the question of rational explanations.

The Tattwabodhini Sabha or Truth Propagating/Searching Society was started in

Kolkata on 6 October 1839 as a splinter group of the Brahmo Samaj. In 1859, the
Tattwabodhini Sabha was dissolved back into the Brahmo Samaj by Debendranath
Tagore. Among its first members were the "two giants of Hindu reformation and
Bengal Renaissance, Akshay Kumar Datta and Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar- the
"indigenous modernizer. The main objective of the Sabha was to promote a more
rational and humanist form of Hinduism based on the Vedanta, the Upanishads that
form the last part of the Vedas. In 1839, he joined the Tattwabodhini Sabha and soon

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became its assistant secretary. In 1843, Tattwabodhini Patrika was published as the
mouthpiece of both the Tattwabodhini Sabha and Brahmo Samaj. Tattwabodhini
Patrika came out at the time when Christian Missionaries were trying to sow the seed
of their belief in the minds of the people in Bengal. The Patrika was brought out to
rewind the Hindu society and religion and the spirit of young Bengal. Through this
monthly magazine, Akshay Kumar Dutta first aroused the sense of patriotism in the
minds of the people. He edited the paper from 1843 to 1855. He said, "We are living
under foreign domination, getting an education in a foreign language, tolerating
foreign oppression". He further said, referring to the activities of the Christian
Missionary, that "the foreign religion might one day become the religion of this
country". When the Missionary-Hindu controversy subsided, the Patrika began to
take a greater interest in other issues

Akshay Kumar Datta was the first person in the Brahmo Samaj to boldly proclaim
that the Vedas were not unfailing. He succeeded in convincing Debendranath Tagore
in this respect and ultimately Brahmo Samaj adopted the thinking that while it
respected all religious scriptures it did not consider any as infallible. It was in this
perspective that Debendranath Tagore wrote Brahmo Dharma. His magnum opus was
the two-part Bharat barshiya Upasak Sampraday. The brilliant introductions to the
two volumes of this book evince his profound philosophical, linguistic and scientific
learning and depth. Among others, Max Muller, Monier-Williams and Rajendralal
Mitra were greatly impressed by his profound scholarship. Akshay Kumar Dutt
rejected religious supernaturalism and maintained that everything could be explained
based on cause and rationality.

Syed Ahmed Khan stood for a rational critique of Indian society. It was with this
vision that Sir Syed took upon himself the task of the upliftment of the Indian
Muslims. The most significant contribution that Sir Syed made was in the field of
education. He realized that the times have changed and the people of his community
had failed to adjust themselves to the changed situation. Ranade too stood for a
rational critique of Indian society. Ranade, a representative of the dominant liberal
thinkers, articulated the interests of the rising Indian capitalist class. The central part
of his argument was that the Indian economy should follow a capitalist path of
development if it is to solve her problems. He argued that the state must play an
active role in economic development. He disagreed with the laissez-faire concept of
state. He supported the Bhakti movement because he thought the saints asserted the
dignity of the human soul irrespective of birth.

Jyotiba Phule challenged the legitimacy of the Hindu Social order based on caste
hierarchy and pleaded for social transformation on egalitarian grounds. His objective

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was to attack on the foundations of the existing system such as caste and its related
socio-economic, politico-cultural systems without which no real reforms were
possible. Keshab Chandra Sen was more liberal in his views compared to the other
leaders of Brahmo Samaj and he was an ardent supporter of inter-caste marriage and
widow remarriage. He and his followers secretly celebrated an inter-caste marriage in
1862 and they sponsored another inter-caste marriage in 1864. This time they did it
publicly and it was also a widow remarriage. This act shocked the more conservative
and orthodox Brahmos and a conflict started to begin between Keshab Chandra Sen
and the other Brahmos. The conflict between Sen and Debendranath Tagore was
broadened in 1865 when Tagore allowed the Brahmos conducting services to wear
their sacred threads. Sen objected to this decision and withdrew from the Brahmo
Samaj along with his followers. Keshab Chandra Sen and his disciples soon
established the Brahmo Samaj of India on 15th November 1866. With this, the first
schism of Brahmo Samaj came into existence, as the loyal people to Tagore grouped
themselves into the Adi (original) Brahmo Samaj. Keshab Chandra Sen emerged as
a dramatic leader and appealed to the young Bengal Hindus to revolt against the
contemporary religion. There were about 101 Brahmo Samajes existed in India by
1872 and most of them were located outside of Bengal

1.6.3 Impact of Religious Revivalism on Modern Indian Political Thought:

The impact of Western ideas gave birth to a new awakening in India. The change that
took place in the Indian social scenario is popularly known as the Renaissance. The
central figure of this cultural awakening was Raja Rammohan Roy who was known
as the “father of the Indian Renaissance”. He was moved by a deep love for the
country and worked throughout his life for the social, religious, intellectual and
political regeneration of the Indians. Rammohan Roy fought relentlessly against
social evils like sati, polygamy, child marriage, female infanticide and caste
discrimination. He organized a movement against the inhuman custom of sati and
helped William Bentinck to pass a law banning the practice in 1829. It was the first
successful social movement against an age-old social evil. Henry Vivian Derozio's
establishment of the Hindu College in 1817 was a major event in the history of
Bengal. It played an important role in carrying forward the reformist movement that
had already emerged in the province. A radical movement for the reform of Hindu
Society, known as the Young Bengal Movement, started in the college. Derozio was
deeply influenced by the revolutionary ideas of liberty, equality and fraternity.

Debendranath Tagore, the father of Rabindranath Tagore, was responsible for

revitalizing the Brahmo Samaj. Keshab Chandra Sen carried on an intensive
programme of social reform. He set up schools, organized famine relief and
propagated widow remarriage. Pandit Iswar Chandra Vidyasagar dedicated his entire

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life to the cause of social reform which he thought was necessary for modernizing
India. Ramakrishna Paramhamsa was a great teacher who could express complicated
philosophical ideas in a simple language for everyone to understand. Vivekananda
proclaimed the essential oneness of all religions. He condemned the caste- system,
religious rituals, ceremonies and superstitions. At the Parliament of World Religions
in Chicago (1893), Vivekananda spoke about the Hindu religion at length.

Another organization in northern India which aimed to strengthen Hinduism through

reform was the Arya Samaj. Dayanand Saraswati, the founder of the Arya Samaj
started preaching his doctrine of one God. He questioned the meaningless rituals,
decried polytheism and image worship and denounced the caste system. He believed
that the Vedas contained the knowledge imparted to men by God, and hence its study
alone could solve all social problems. So he propagated the motto “Back to the
Vedas.” Jyotirao Govindrao Phule played a prominent role in bringing about reforms
in Maharashtra. He fought for improving the condition of women, the poor and the
untouchables. He started a school for the education of girls of the lower castes and
founded an association called the Satyasodhak Samaj. In 1867, the Prarthana Samaj
was started in Maharashtra to reform Hinduism and preach the worship of one God.
Mahadev Govind Ranade and R.G. Bhandarkar were the two great leaders of the
Samaj. Many Europeans were attracted towards Hindu philosophy. In 1875, a Russian
spiritualist named Madame Blavatsky and an American called Colonel Olcott
founded the Theosophical Society in America. The society was greatly influenced by
the Indian doctrine of karma. In 1886 they founded the Theosophical Society at
Adyar near Madras. Annie Besant, an Irish woman who came to India in 1893, helped
the Theosophist movement to gain strength. She propagated Vedic philosophy and
urged Indians to take pride in their culture. The most important socio-religious
movement among the Muslims came to be known as the Aligarh Movement. Syed
Ahmad advised Muslims to embrace Western education and take up government
service. The Parsi Religious Reform Association was started in 1851. It campaigned
against orthodoxy in religion. Religious and social movements among the Sikhs were
undertaken by various gurus who tried to bring about positive changes in the Sikh
religion. Baba Dayal Das propagated the Nirankar (formless) idea of God. By the end
of the 19th century, a new reform movement called the Akali Movement was
launched to reform the corrupt management of Gurdwaras. Pandita Rama Bai had
been educated in the United States and England. She wrote about the unequal
treatment meted out to the women of India. She founded the Arya Mahila Sabha in
Pune and opened the Sarda Sadan for helping destitute widows. Sarojini Naidu
inspired the masses with the spirit of nationalism through her patriotic poems. She
stood for voting rights for women and took an active interest in the political situation
in the country.

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1.7 SHAPING OF MODERN INDIAN POLITICAL THOUGHT DURING

NATIONAL MOVEMENT

1.7.1 Impact of Nationalism on Modern Indian Political Thought:

The concept of British rule being beneficial to India, could not last for long. The
colonial rule was considered an unnecessary evil and by the beginning of the 20th
century; anti-colonialism became integral to political thinking. Despite faith in
English values and institutions, the anti-colonial nationalist expressed their view that
colonial rule was dehumanizing and exploitative. Thus, the roots of the nationalist
conception of colonial rule could be traced to the liberal traditions of the 19th
century. The Drain of Wealth theory, first propounded by Dadabhai Naoroji in 1867,
was set in a much different perspective of the economic colonisation of India to
service the needs of the Industrial Revolution in Britain. Gokhale considered it an
‘enormous evil’.

Mahatma Gandhi demonstrated through a humane, non-violent, and dignified protest

that all humans were equal and should be treated equally, including their being
allowed to govern themselves. The agenda for future nationalist conceptions of
colonial rule was set by Tilak. “Swaraj is my birthright and I shall have it” were the
motivating words of Bal Gangadhar Thus the decade of the 1920s was the decade of
radicalization of anti-colonial thinking. Jawaharlal Nehru, who was very well-
educated and fully aware of the history of liberalism, seems to have had surprisingly
little faith in an individual’s ability to think and take responsibility for himself or
herself. Chakravarthi Rajagopalachari, Minoo Masani, and economists like B.R.
Shenoy advocated greater freedom. Rajagopalachari was a close colleague of Nehru
during the independence movement. By the end of 1951, the differences between
Nehru and Rajaji came to the fore. While Nehru perceived the Hindu Mahasabha to
be the greatest threat to the nascent republic, Rajaji held the opinion that the
Communists posed the greatest danger to the nation.

1.7.2 Impact of Gandhian Ideas on Modern Indian Political Thought:

Gandhian philosophy of Truth, nonviolence, Sarvodaya, Satyagraha, Swedish, Swaraj
and Trusteeship has a great impact on modern Indian political thought. Gandhian
ideology is the set of religious and social ideas adopted and developed by Mahatma
Gandhi, first during his period in South Africa from 1893 to 1914, and later in India.
Gandhian philosophy is not only simultaneously political, moral and religious; it is
also traditional and modern, simple and complex. The philosophy of Gandhi is
spiritual or religious, moral, political, economic, social, individual and collective.
Gandhi was both a man of action and a philosopher. The originality and depth of his
political thought were closely connected to action.

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1.7.3 Impact of Liberalism on Modern Indian Political Thought:

Liberals advocated a wide range of views such as free and fair elections, civil rights,
freedom of the press, freedom of religion, free deals, and private property.
Liberalism rejected the notions of hereditary privilege, state religion, absolute
monarchy, and the Divine Right of Kings. Those who learnt English quickly became
aware of Western political thought. This greater awareness of the advances in
freedom laid the seeds for the demand for self-rule. With liberal ideas, they
demanded greater freedom in India. The liberals of 19th-century India included Raja
Ram Mohan Roy, Dadabhai Naoroji, Mahadeo Govind Ranade, Gopal Krishna
Gokhale and Pherozeshah Mehta. M.G. Ranade Ranade, a representative of the
dominant liberal thinkers, articulated the interests of the rising Indian capitalist class.
In contrast, Jyotiba Phule (1827-90) and B.R. Ambedkar (1891-1956) presented the
other pole of liberal thought. The predominant power of Phule was the revolutionary
liberalism of Thomas Paine. He maintained that all men and women are born free and
equal. Ambedkar's approach to the upliftment of the 'untouchables' was to improve
their education. Phule's and Ambedkar's liberalism therefore despite a chronological
gap, provided a counterpoint to the elite liberalism.

1.7.4 Impact of Socialists' and Communists' Ideas on Indian Political Thought:

Another trend of political ideas was represented by the Socialists and Communists.
The party was born in Tashkent in 1920 as the brainchild of M.N. Roy. One of the
foremost important Communist figures from India was Naren Bhattacharya. Later on,
he became famous by the name of Manbendra Nath Roy.

They considered that Congress was at present under the influence of bourgeois
leadership from which it should be liberated. In 1926, Communists decided to work
under the guidance of the Comintern (Communist International) and some
Communist leaders even attended the Sixth Congress of Communist International
held in September 1928. The Communists criticized the Gandhian philosophy of the
Civil Disobedience movement for being not a struggle but a manoeuvre of the Indian
bourgeoisie to obtain concessions from imperialism. They believed that the Gandhian
programme diverted the attention of the workers and peasants from their main
struggle against landlords and capitalists. M.N. Roy's “India in Transition” and Rajni
Palme Dutt's “India Today”, both stressed the integration of Indian possessions and
economy with the British colonial economy to use India's raw materials. The
Congress socialist thinkers, particularly Jaya Prakash Narayan, Rammanohar Lohiya
and Acharya Narendra Dev, made an effort to synthesize socialism with nationalism
and to Renaissance and Social Reform.

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The communists wanted the free India from the imperial yoke. But at the same time,
they believed in the Marxist principles that said that all the workers of the world unite
against the capitalist (and feudal elements). The CPI declared that its goal was to
establish socialism in India through revolution. The Communist Party put forward
several demands including the abolition of Zamindari, nationalization of banks, tea
gardens and shipping industries and a host of other radical programs. The communists
became active in the All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC) and All India Kisan
Sabha. The communists were able to build up powerful peasant movements in Kerala,
Andhra, Bengal and Punjab.

1.7.5 Impact of Sarvodaya and Anarchism on Modern Indian Political Thought:

The practical difference between socialism and anarchism, at the purely local level, is
small. Gandhi saw an India with a plethora of local problems, and for them, he
prescribed local solutions. In this respect, his thinking and philosophy most closely
resemble Western anarchism than any other political philosophy. He acknowledges
Tolstoy, especially his spiritual anarchist treatise The Kingdom of God Is Within
You, as an influence. But Gandhi’s political thought is not derivative; it originally
combines his Hinduism and his thoughts of non-violence. Nevertheless, many
concepts familiar to the student of Western anarchism are also present in the
philosophy of Sarvodaya. Following Gandhi, Vinobha Bhave articulated this location
as a leading exponent of Sarvodaya ideology. Vinobha visualized a total revolution
transforming all features of life. The goal for him was to mould a new man, to change
human life and create a new world. Subsequently, Jayaprakash Narayan accepted
forward the Gandhian Sarvodaya conception of politics. J.P. as a national leader
remained primarily concerned with the abuse of political power in India and therefore
establishes himself perpetually in opposition to the Congress. He, too, was a strong
advocate of decentralization of power and expanded and propagated the concept of
party-less democracy.

1.8 SUMMARY
Political thought in ancient India was a part of Hindu philosophy or Hindu religion.
a large number of terms used in ancient India for politics were similar to Western
political thought. They were: Raja dharma, which means duties of the ruler,
Kshatravidya, the knowledge that the ruler should have, Rajyasastra meaning
statecraft or the science of state, Dandaniti, which means the ethics of awarding
punishment, Nitisastra, means the science of ethics regulating the lives of both the
ruler and the ruled and Arthasastra, means the art of acquisition and maintenance of
land. In ancient India, we have a term equivalent to the Western concept of the state
of nature. There was also the concept of Matsyanyaya, the state of big fish eating
greedily the small. It is similar to the concept of the state of nature explained by

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Hobbles, and it is the state of affairs in the absence of force or danda. Force is the
final sanction behind the state. But, force cannot be used unreasonably and various
checks have been introduced to see that the person who is entrusted with authority to
rule cannot use force at his will.
Modern Indian political thought is critically influenced by nationalism in
India. The beginning of the systematic study of Indian political thought can be traced
back to the nationalist movement from 1857 to 1947. Most of the important works on
Indian political thought were written during this period. The first phase has been
referred to as the phase of 'Social Reform'. The second phase we can designate as the
nationalist phase. But, the work and thoughts of Dalit leaders like Jyotibha Phule,
Ramaswamy Naicker and B.R. Ambedkar are also crucial for enriching modern
Indian Political Thought. The development of Islamic political thought is in the same
way important in the history of India. Therefore we cannot overlook the contribution
of Islamic thinkers in India.

1.9 EXERCISES
1. Discuss the distinguishing features of Hindu political thought.
2. List the important characteristics of ancient and medieval Indian political
thought.
3. Discuss the Features of Ancient Indian Political Thought:
4. Discuss the themes and nature of Modern Indian political thought
5. The colonial context of modern Indian political thought
6. How the modern Indian political thought was shaped during the reforms
movement-Discuss.
7. How the modern Indian political thought was shaped during the national
movement-Discuss.

1.10 REFERENCE

• Altekar, A. S., 1958: State and Government in Ancient India, 3rd Ed. Motilal
Banarsidas: Banaras
• Beni Prasad, 1927: Theory of Government in Ancient India (Post Vedic), Indian
Press: Allahabad
• Gharhal, U. N., 1959: A History of Political Ideas, Rev. Ed. of History of
Hindus’ Political Theories, O.U.P.: Bombay.
• Sharma, R. S., 1959: Aspects of Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient
India, Motilal Banarasidas: Delhi.
• Appadorai, A., 1992: Indian Political Thinking Through the Ages, Khanna
Pub.: New Delhi.

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UNIT-2 POLITICAL THOUGHT OF KAUTILYA

Structure
2.1 Objectives
2.2 Introduction:
2.3 Arthshastra: its nature and scope
2.4 Types of state
2.5 The Saptanga theory
2.6 Kautilya’s Mandala theory
2.7 Enemies according to Kautilya
2.8 Objectives and functions of Kautilya’s State
2.9 Duties of the kings
2.10 Position of the king or absolute monarchy
2.11 Amatayas or council of minister
2.12 Qualification of the Amatayas/ministers
2.13 Functions of the council of ministers
2.14 Kautilya on war
2.15 Taxation
2.16 System of law
2.17 Bureaucracy
2.18 Summary
2.19 Exercises
2.20 Reference

2.1 OBJECTIVES

After reading this unit you will be able to understand

• The ideas on political thought principles of administration.
• The Structure and pattern of government machinery in Kautilya’s time.
• The concept of Saptanga theory and Mandal Theory.
• Kautilya’s model of statecraft.

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2.2 INTRODUCTION

Kautilya is the greatest person with wisdom and knowledge He was a key advisor and
councilor of Chandragupta Maurya, the founder of the Mauryan Empire. Kautilya
was the chief architect of his rise to power so he is called a kingmaker too. Kautilya
was a professor at the University of Takshashila which is located near Peshawar in
Pakistan. He was the first man to envision the first Indian Empire through the
unification of the various small kingdoms in the Indian subcontinent. His major
works are Nitishastra, Chanakya Niti and Arthasastra. Kautilya is India’s most
illustrious political economist of all time. Kautilya was a true statesman who bridged
the gap between experience and vision.

2.3 ARTHSHASTRA: ITS NATURE AND SCOPE

Kautilya's Arthasastra is one of the most influential treatises in Political Science in

the Indian Civilization. This work deals with virtually all aspects of governance in a
monarchical state. Arthasastra visualizes a huge bureaucratic structure, a complex tax
structure, and an intricate intelligence system. Arthshastra contains 32 paragraphical
divisions and adhikaranas (sections). The first section is concerned primarily with
how the King must proceed if he is to choose competent and reliable ministers and set
up effective internal and external security systems. While the second adhikarana
deals with political and economic regulatory agencies, the next two focus on family
regulations, criminal justice and norms of public service. The rest of the arthshastra
take up other issues of state and sovereignty, international relations and war. In brief,
the Arthshastra deals with the political, social and economic management of the state.
At the time of Kautilya there were several types of states, which are the following
way;

2.4 TYPES OF STATE

a) State: Such a state in which the rule was based on conflict. Kautilya says that
this conflict is natural because of heredity. In this two persons might be two
brothers or the father and the son. He suggested that the problem could be
solved by the minister’s suggestions.
b) Vairagya: Such type of state was not appropriate for people, because in such
conditions a king could exploit the people by ruling on them.
c) Dualism (Sangh Rajya): There was a miniature of republic states. These
states had adopted dualism. These were independent and self-reliant but could
not face the larger enemies. In such dualistic states, the king was not
permanent and used to get together on critical occasions. In his time Magdha
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was also a dualistic state. Therefore, he presented his views for making strong
these states. The integration method was good for these states. He says that
the king should appoint a detective for getting information, and he (the king)
should do everything with his best approach and ability.

Kautilya supports the comprehensive function of the state. He says that the function
of it is not only to secure but also to develop the all-round development of its people.
A state can fulfil all its needs when it has economic backbone strength. Only based on
economics citizens can get their aims in life. A state should be adopted such policies
by which export may be more than import and makes a happy human being with his
glorious future. A man may be got religion, work. He (man) may be led a happy life.
Taking nature and functions there were two kinds of principles. One was non-
materialistic and later one was materialistic. The former principle is emphasized on
the salvation of being life and the latter one is on luxury life. Kautilya selects the
mixture way of dual above and gives importance to meaning, religion and work.

2.5 THE SAPTANGA THEORY

In his Saptanga Theory, Kautilya enumerates seven Prakriti or essential organs of the
state. They are Swamin, Amatya, Janapad, Durga, Kosha, Danda and Mitra.

1. The Swamin: The first and foremost organ of the state is the king. All other
organs of the state can prosper only if the king is good, able, effective and
resourceful. The king should be born into a high family and pursue the
qualities of virtue, truthfulness and enthusiasm. He should not always be
accessible to the people. He should not entrust his work to his immediate
officers. He should be the foundation head of justice. Kautilya gives wide-
ranging powers to the king, along with a broad list of duties which he must
perform for the welfare of his people. The king should preferably belong to
the nobility, be a native of the land and follow the teachings of the Shastras.
Kautilya emphasized the King’s training in philosophy, economic sciences
and political science, therefore expecting every King’s legitimacy to rest on
education and training. The King’s foremost duty is the rakshasa (protection)
and plane (nurture) of his subjects. He is also asked to ensure their Yoga-
Kshema, a broad term implying the idea of welfare, well-being, prosperity and
happiness. The king was the head of civil, judicial and military administration.
Appointments to the most important offices were to be made by him, though a
rigorous method of training was also mandatory for his civil and military
personnel to be trained for their tasks. The King would lay down the broad
outlines of public policy and protect the social order based on the

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varnashramas. Religion was not meant to interfere in matters of state and

administration. The subjects were to be protected from natural calamities and
anti-social elements. It was the duty of the King to provide social security for
the minors, the sick, the aged and the unemployed
2. The Amatya: The Ministers and officers constitute another element of
Sovereignty. Kautilya says that for the success or failure of the king, Amatya
plays an important role. Kautilya felt that in the absence of the strong Council
of Ministers, the king couldn’t attain anything even if his defence force is
strong. The Ministers are like the eyes and ears of the king. Kautilya sets a set
of qualifications for a person to be a minister. His character has been tested
under the pursuits of religion, wealth, love and fear. He should possess sharp
intellect, strong memory power, energy and training in kinds of arts. He must
be a man of proven administration capability. He should have controlled
greed, anger, haste, and fickleness. He should be a man of dignity and self-
possessiveness. The Prime Minister and the High Priest are the most important
ministers. In times of emergency, Kautilya asks the king to consult the
members of a wider council of ministers. The Inner Cabinet assists the king to
appoint the ministers and the executive heads of departments. The important
ministers in Arthshastra include the priest, the prime minister, the commander
of the Army, the Treasurer General and the Collector General.
3. The Janapada: ‘Jana’ means population and ‘Pada’ means territory. Janapada
is another important element of the state. Without the Janapada there is neither
the king nor the kingship. The people should possess the qualities of
patriotism and be loyal to the king as well as to the kingdom. They also should
have the qualities of heroism, superior talents and skills. They should be
capable of bearing the burden of taxation. The state should be full of
intelligent masters and servants. Kautilya favoured vast territory for an ideal
state, which gives military as well as economic advantages. The territory
should have no muddy, rocky and uneven barren soil. Enough food grains and
minerals must be available in the state. Kautilya points out that the territory
of the state should be devoid of rocky, saline, uneven and thorny tracts, be
free from wild beasts and abound in fertile lands, timber and elephant forests.
The land should be watered by rivers and there should be suitable places for
establishing villages and cities and should be provided with all means of
communication. The people should be industrious and followers of dharma.
The king has to protect both land and the people from external aggression and
make all possible efforts to promote the economic prosperity of the state.
4. The Durga: Kautilya is considered a strong fort that is necessary for the
protection of a state. The fort is vital to the existence and survival of the state.
If the fort were secure, people would also be secure. Kautilya has referred to

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only four types of durgas, they are as under: audaka durga (surrounded by
water), parvata durga (made of rocks) Bhavana – durga (surrounded by desert)
and Vana-Durga (surrounded by forests). The first two types of durgas were
useful for protecting Janapada in case of emergency and the following two
types provided shelter to the king in the event of any emergency. It has also
been said that on the frontiers of Janapada on all four sides, the king should
get such natural forts erected which may be suitable, particularly from the
defence point of view.
5. The Kosha: The treasury should be a permanent source of revenue for the
state. The king was advised to take 1/6 part of the produce as tax and there
must be sufficient currency and valuable minerals, like gold. The king should
collect taxes through his officers for the maintenance of the state. Kautilya
went to the extent of saying that in case of great financial troubles, the king
could collect taxes by demand. He advocated severe punishment for those
who avoided the payment of taxes. He advised the king to use the people’s
money wisely and keep proper accounts. All the activities of the state depend
on finance and therefore foremost attention should be given to the treasury.
The state treasury should be a permanent source of revenue for the state. The
king is advised to take one-sixth of the produce and there must be sufficient
reserves of currency and valuable minerals like gold. In case of emergency,
particularly in times of war, the king was at liberty to collect heavy taxes from
his subjects. The chief sources of income of the state were the King’s share of
the land produced, customs duties and the amount collected as fines. The main
taxpayers were the farmers, traders and artisans.
6. The Danda/ Bala (Army): The king ought to have at his command a
commendable military force. The army must be well-versed in military arts,
and be loyal and patriotic. Kautilya said that only people belonging to the
Kshatriya community were eligible to join the army and it was a hereditary
profession. It was the primary responsibility of the king to keep the army
under his control. Kautilya recognized nine types of spies. There should
always be spies at important places, such as street corners, market places and
places of worship. The spies should be sent to other states in the guise of
traders and businessmen. He made a special mention of women spies. The
King should have at his command a strong military force. The army ought to
be well versed in military arts, contended and therefore loyal and patriotic.
The soldiers recruited in the) Maula (recruited on hereditary grounds) army
must belong to one of these seven categories) amitraz (soldiers ) Mitra
(soldiers of friendly kings) ) shrine (well trained) brataka (paid) ) autsahika
(leaderless and ) Batavia (tribal soldiers) or of conquered or hostile
territories) invaders). The Kshatriyas are best for military service and the

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Senapati (commander-in-chief) should generally belong to this caste. Under

him, there are two branches, one in charge of actual defence forces controlling
strategy and tactics on the field and the other in charge of supplies. A good
fighting and loyal army is an invaluable asset to the King.
7. Mitra: Kautilya considered the role of Mitra very important in times of
critical conditions. The Mitra should be one who was an independent king.
The king as far as possible should try to build good friends. The friendship
lessens the work of the king because the friend didn’t pose any security threat
to the state. The friend was to be time-tested. Kautilya contended that
friendship should be established with powerful and trustworthy nations.

Kautilya describes six types of friends i) traditional ii) permanent iii) those who could
exercise restraint upon themselves iv) not of hostile attitude v) endowed with courage
and ability to offer worthy advice and vi) those who could help in times of need. A
friend (inside or outside the state) equipped with all these qualities was indeed a real
friend. It was indispensable for a king to make friends and enjoy the confidence of
allies to achieve the goal of a prosperous state. Each of these seven components is
organically linked. The king however remains the most important of all the prakritis.

2.6 KAUTILYA’S MANDALA THEORY

One of the most important theories given by Kautilya is the Mandala theory. It deals
with interstate relations and the foreign policies of that period. Kautilya always
remained with the viewpoint that there could be any harmonious relationship between
two neighbouring states. Kautilya wanted the expansion of the empire with harsh
measures. His Diplomacy was just another weapon used in the prolonged warfare
that was always either occurring or being planned for.

Your neighbour is your natural enemy and the neighbour’s neighbour is your friend.”
This was the basic thought behind Kautilya’s Mandala Theory. And it is the very first
thought that comes to one’s mind when we read the texts of Kautilya. Mandala is a
Sanskrit word which means ‘circles’. Mandala's theory of foreign policy is based on
the geographical assumption that the immediate neighbour state is most likely to be
an enemy (real or potential) and a state next to the immediate neighbour is likely to be
one friend after a friendly state comes to an unfriendly state (friend of the enemy
state) and next to that a friendly state (friend of a friendly state) and so on i.e.,
"Concerning the middle king [he], the third and the fifth constituents are friendly
elements. The second, the fourth, and the sixth are unfriendly elements." However, he
also recognized the existence of neutral and mediating states. To understand it easily,
imagine a series of states to one's west, and then number them starting with oneself.

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States numbered 1, 3, 5, 7, and so on will likely be friends, whereas states 2, 4, 6, 8,

and so on will probably be enemies. (The same thing can be done with concentric
circles, which would look more like a mandala, but it is difficult to envision these
circles as states.) Kautilya put this basic principle in several different ways, but most
simply as, "One with immediately proximate territory is the natural enemy."

The Mandala concept is one in which there are circles of friends and foes with the
central point being the King and his State. This embraces twelve kings in the vicinity
and he considers the kingdoms as neighbours, the states which are the enemy's
neighbours are his enemies’ friends and the next circle of states are his friends. He
also believes that the states which are his neighbours and are also neighbours of his
enemies are neutral and should always be treated with respect. He believes that this
circle is dynamic and the King should strive to be expanding his central position and
reduce the power of the other kings in the vicinity. He also proposes to build alliances
with states which are two degrees away from the centre to create a balance of power.

The mandala, comprising 12 types of kings/states, is classified as follows:

1. The would-be conqueror, at the centre of the mandala. ((Vijigishu)
2. The enemy whose territory borders on that of the would-be conqueror, i.e., the
hostile neighbour.
3. The ally’s territory lies immediately beyond that of the hostile neighbour.
4. The enemy’s ally is the neighbour of one’s won ally.
5. The ally’s ally who is territorially distant.
6. The ally of the enemy’s ally who is also territorially distant.
7. The rear of the would-be conqueror, i.e., rearward enemy

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8. Rearward friend
9. Friend of the rearward enemy
10. Friend of a friend is the rearward friend
11. A neutral king/state neighbouring both the would-be conqueror and his/its
enemy but is stronger than both.
12. The king is very indifferent towards all other kings/states but is more powerful
than the would-be conqueror, his enemy and the neutral king/ state.

Who are all these?

• Vijigishu is the potential conquerer-King. Kautilya would call a king only if
he has the will & potential to go on a conquest
• Ari is the enemy in the south
• Mitra is the king’s enemy’s enemy & so a natural friend & this pattern goes
on in the south.
• Parashanigraha is the enemy on the back & the above-mentioned pattern
continues on the north
• Udasina is a neutral king out of proximity but is powerful & important for
King. Ex from India’s perspective, the USA
• Madhyama is a Buffer state between King & the enemy. It is important for the
king & plays a strategic role. Ex from India’s perspective, Nepal

In a system of mandala, Kautilya advocated a six-fold policy to interact with the

neighbours, which included co-existence, neutrality, alliance, double policy, March
and war. To achieve this he advised the king to resort to five tactics: conciliation, gift
and bribery, dissension, deceit and presence, open attack or war. As such on the
question of treaty and alliance, he suggests: “A King should not hesitate to break any
friendship or alliances that are later found to be disadvantageous.”

In the whole range of Mandal, the Vijigishu functions as a sort of balance of power
by asserting his supremacy. It is assumed that the two adjacent states are normally
hostile and consequently, two states with another intervening between them would be
friendly, being common enemies of the latter. The neutral is the strongest power in
the neighborhood. The intermediary is intermediate in strength between the neutral
and the other powers.

2.7 ENEMIES ACCORDING TO KAUTILYA

Potential enemies were those to whom one showed a friendly face. They might be
your ally or there might be no particular relationship between your country and theirs.
But eventually, they would become enemies or so. Kautilya assumes, After all, his

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politics were aimed at conquering the world, which can only be done by taking
control of all other territories, most of which will fight to retain control.

Let us assume that the Country is an enemy too powerful to take on immediately. In
such a case, it would be in the king’s best interest to be friendly toward them until
they grew weaker. But Kautilya didn’t suggest the king sit passively by and wait for
this to happen. Instead, it was his duty to make it happen. And, since states always act
in their self-interest, moral principles and obligations carry little or no weight in the
actions between states.

“A neighbouring prince possessed of the excellences of an enemy is the foe; one in

calamity is vulnerable; one without support or with weak support is fit to be
exterminated; in the reverse case, fit to be harassed or weakened. These are the
different types of enemies.”

When Kautilya described exterminating an enemy, he meant killing only the leaders.
He believed that the best policy toward enemy soldiers and citizens was to treat them
well…and then recruit them. A conquered people are much more likely to look
favourably at the conqueror if he acts benevolently toward them. Act despotically and
you lose the support of the people.

2.8 OBJECTIVES AND FUNCTIONS OF KAUTILYA’S STATE

The objective of a state is not only to secure but also welfare works for people. For
completing objectives he integrated many institutions. The objectives are to secure
people, preserve them from natural calamities, and kill enemies’ detectives who may
be harmful to the state. Kautilya thinks that for a king state is everything with it a
king is nothing. According to Kautilya state is not only materialistic but spiritual
also. The objective of a state is not only to manage religious, means and work for
people but to create such situations also such like, without colour, creed, and caste.
For comprehensive objectives, he emphasizes on state’s scope.

Kautilya says that a state should do work in the following way:-

a. Agriculture: - It is the backbone of a state’s economy. A state has cultivated
land which can fulfil the need for food. Plantation should be started. Transport
may also be managed for it.
b. Administrative Appointments: -For a good administration there should be
essential appointments. It is the king’s responsibility.

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c. Military Function: - The state’s safety is also a major concern. For it, an
integrated and powerful military is essential which may be able to face an
outsider’s attack.
d. Judicial Function: - Such a judicial function may be punished prisoners.
e. Economic Function: - The state’s strength is based on treasury and trading. It
should be fulfilling its meaning.
f. Diplomatic Function: - Kautilya was not known for internal management.
Ambassador should be appointed based on the neighbour’s behaviour.
g. Industrial Function: - capital and labour should be selected in industries for a
state.
h. Luxury: - Luxury was also involved by Kautilya in his working function of the
state. He says that for the security of the state, employees should be appointed,
by which the other streams would be uninvolved in such luxury life.
i. Business Function: - Trades should be under control. For it, things should be
sold in the market and measurements should also be corrected.
j. Spiritual Function: - Kautilya expects the king to appoint Brahman and
manage the state according to Dharmasastra and protect the Dharma/religion.
He says that a state must develop the spiritual field of a human being, not a
materialistic world.
k. Social Welfare: - Kautilya says that the objective of the state is not only
prosperity but also social welfare because a prosperous person can build a
prosperous nation. Kautilya says, “A king checks the famine at all. Who serves
the grain even in famine days, he is real a king.” A state should provide work to
widows, the handicapped and others. Kautilya emphasized all the streams of
state by which religion, means, and work/activities affect. For religion, a state’s
those works emphasize, which may be helpful for people and securing for
people. For getting economy he emphasizes industriousness, agriculture and
trade-fair, and for working on luxury. Thus, in such a way, based on various
objectives and works, State called the state a secular and welfare state. Robson,
“The idea of welfare state must be as old as the history of mankind and it is
certainly much older than the state.”

2.9 DUTIES OF THE KINGS

According to Kautilya, the king is the first and foremost organ of the state. Without
him the state is nothing. This type of state is harmful to its people. He says without a
king there was nothing, there was corruption everywhere. Thus, the king emerges for

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protecting the people. Thus, a king should be such who can get religion, economy and
work. He may have specific abilities. Kautilya says, “The miseries of Demons
(people) lie in the king. A king should not be selfish. He should think about his
people.” Kautilya says he extraordinary person to him, Kautilya emphasizes on
specific merits of the king and says, “Because the king is best in himself. He may
have the virtue of Rishi/saint as well as a human being.” He considers the nature of
Saptang of the state and the king as the central point on whom all organs revolve. He
says, “These organs are essential. Effect and importance are depended on the task that
how he is using these organs.12 Qualifications and Qualities of the King:-
1. A king should be perfect physically, mentally, and intellectually.
2. He should be punctual.
3. He should have control own senses.
4. He should complete the objectives of religion, economy and work.

Privileges of the king:-

1. He is the supreme power.
2. No tax can be imposed on him.
3. He is the owner of the non-relating money.
4. He is the owner of hidden money.
5. He can’t be called for witness in court. He had been provided with these
privileges such that he can follow his duty very well. He can’t use these rights
for luxury. So, for checking luxury life, he had been imposed some social and
religious traditions, which can’t be opposed by the king.

The routine of the king:- Kautilya divided his routine into eight parts Routine of the
day:-
• To investigate secured organizations for protecting the people.
• To do personal work.
• To solve the riots of people.
• To get information about treasury and give instructions.
• To discuss with ministers and detectives.
• To recreate and study.
• To investigate the army with their weapons.
• To discuss with the commander-in-chief.

The routine of the night:-

• To get information and instruct detectives.
• To do personal work.
• Recreating work.
• To feel relaxed and sleep

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• To prepare time-schedule for the next day.

• To discuss with intellectual people.
• To do religious work.

Thus, Kautilya discusses his routine on the principle of religion, economy and work.
Security of the King Kautilya has emphasized of security of the king and explained
the economy.

A king should suggest the following ways by which he can get security:-
• The king accomplishes arms/weapons persons with him.
• Army should be appointed inner and outer of the palace.
• To investigate the food before serving it to the king.
• The king should remain kept away from multi- forms persons.
• Don’t go to the crowded place.
• While supervising the army he should use ridding.
• To be cautious while hunting time. Succession Kautilya has expressed
succession in these ways;
• The Elder son of a king.
• The able prince lacking the virtue in the king.
• The merit of a prince- to able son.
• The able son of the king’s daughter.
• The king’s daughter.

The Group proved the Empire dynasty. Thus, Kautilya described succession. But he
stressed Ability. Although he prefers a monarchy system but does not compromise
with the merits of a king. He says that an unable person while a king’s son should not
be appointed as succession of the throne.

2.10 POSITION OF THE KING OR ABSOLUTE MONARCHY

Based on the study of Arthasastra, a contradiction emerges that in which aspect his
Arthasastra lays and what proves. Had he supported welfare monarchy or absolutism?
This question emerged because as he described the king’s privileges, it can become
him absolute/despotic and he did not think about citizens’ rights. There are some
symptoms which show the king as absolutism:- Elements of Absolutism The king is a
supreme power. The king has the right to endow, made, and explain laws.
1. Kautilya has not explained citizens’ rights.
2. The security system of the king is more emphasized than a common man.
3. All appointments should be accorded the king’s opinion.

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4. In succession dynasty system is preferred.

5. The king should be provided privileges but Sastra and customs are unclear.
6. The whole administration and its member are responsible towards the king.
7. The king can do everything even in battles, it also shows his absolutism. Thus,
his king (Kautilya) is absolute.

Monarchy is not absolute but Welfare Robson, “The idea of welfare state must be as
old as mankind as it is certainly much older than the state.” Because as Kautilya
supported to absolute monarchy system but he did not ignore the welfare system of
the citizens. In one place, he says, “A king should think about his people, its people
are sad, he would also be unhappy. He feels relaxed and happy when citizens lead a
peaceful life.” He (the king) leads the responsibility of the handicapped and widows
and their works. He also preserves the citizens from natural calamities. The king of
Kautilya was not an absolute monarchy. For checking absolute monarchy on him
Kautilya had but some checks on him;

1. Religious Check: For collecting money, luxury life and self-security he has
been checked based on religion. M.V. Krishna Rao, “Kautilya’s attitude to
religion was secular and not apathetic. As Sen says Kautilya is not immoral
but immoral in his politics; he is not irreligious but unreligious in his politics
and he is prepared to use religious sentiments and religious institutions for
political expending and the noble ends of the state.
2. Check on Appointments: The king is not independent to select his ministers.
According to Arthasastra, only virtual people can get jobs.
3. The king is not Supreme: The king has to obey in religious work. He is
compelled towards saints/purohit. He should honour him as a pupil who
honours his Guru, a son to his father and a servant to his master. Saint is
supreme to him.
4. Equal objectives of People, King and State: He has not to fulfil the
objectives for himself but also for the citizens. When there are equal rights
between the king and people there is no question of absolutism.
5. Succession is based on Merit: Although Kautilya refers to heredity
succession, but also ability. He says that a king should be physically,
mentally, intellectual, punctual, courageous etc. full of virtues. Such a virtual
king would not be absolute.
6. Moral Checks: The king should follow some moral values. There are six
moral obstacles (i) work, (ii) annoy, (iii) greed, (iv) Ego, (v) ugly, and (vi)
happiness. It is only when the king can control his senses.
7. Spiritual Checks: Although Kautilya is considered a rational thinker. He says
that the result of work has also to be realized not only in the supernatural but

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also in this world. So, with it, he suggests also to the king by which in both
worlds religion, economy and work can be got.
8. Right of the People: He accepts that in the feeling of anger, people may get
murdered by the king. Thus, his Arthasastra neither king nor his ruler system
accepts.
9. Training of the Successor: Kautilya’s king is not despotic, because he refers
to the training of the successor by which he can get the knowledge of
Dharmasastra, Political Science, Vedic etc.
10. Check of Ministers: The king cannot be despotic, because he does the work
with the advice of ministers. In Arthasastra, after advising ministers he can
take decisions independently.
11. Rights of the King are not unlimited: The king has the right of making and
endowing a law but these should be according to Dharmasastra and customs.
He has the right to punish but it should be according to religious rules. Thus, a
king has limited powers. Thus, he is not absolute. King’s powers have been
checked. He (Kautilya) does not encourage him towards a tyrant attitude
toward citizens. His (king’s) all works are for people's welfare. For fulfilling
his responsibilities he has comprehensive rights. Thus, his throne is a symbol
of pride and importance.

2.11 AMATAYAS OR COUNCIL OF MINISTER

Kautilya’s Arthasastra is an important epic by attitude of art. In it he accepts the

principle of Saptang for administering a state on his throne there are seven organs. In
this, the king is first and the council of ministers comes after one organ. In the sixth
agency of Arthasastra “Mungleyoni” has been explained about the council of
ministers. He should organize a council of ministers for his help. Kautilya
understands the council as important for the king, state, administration and the
people. Kautilya suggests king that he should not start work whenever the council is
not agreed. Composition of the Council of State/Amatayas:

The king should appoint ministers looking at time, situation, management and state
and should be numerous. Thus, ministers maybe 12-20. According to him, 3-4
ministers should be selected for discussion in critical situations. There should be more
than 2 ministers in discussion. Salary of the Ministers: Kautilya’s Arthasastra is said
that the king should provide salary to ministers according to their post and abilities,
by which they lead their life. The king should give 4800/-annual. It is the peak point
of best ability. They should be got a proper salary because due to lack of money, they
do corrupt work.

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2.12 QUALIFICATION OF THE AMATAYAS / MINISTERS

Before defining his views he gives a place to think of saints and educationists.
Kautilya Bhardwaj has emphasized on king’s old colleagues, but Vishalash ignored it
at all. Parashar emphasizes loyalty to ministry. But in his view, Kautilya says that a
minister should be intelligent, skilled, courageous, loyal, pious, self-patience and
fearless. Beni Prasad expressing Kautilya’s ministers’ abilities says, “An excellent
intellectual grounding, a blameless private life, a sound judgment, a high sense of
duty and a certain amount of popularity are deemed essential qualification.” Thus,
Kautilya emphasizes the following qualities of a minister; i) autocratic ii) socialized
iii) intelligent iv) skilled v) language-literature vi) memory-power should be strong
vii) skill-management viii) patience ix) patriotic x) courtesy xi) courage xii) egoless
xiii) static xiv) attractive xv) aesthetic xvi) popular xvii) disinteresting xviii) pious
xix) not greedy xx) religious-follower

Religious Function: - Purohit/Saints, ministers have the responsibility not to misuse

their life and not miss-guided by the king.
Security of the State: - Ministers should be cautious and think about the security of
the state and after concluding they endow it strictly. 6 Unity and Secrecy: - Ministers
should not quarrel and interfere with each other. Maintain secrecy about the working
of the council of ministers. The king’s routine, security, demerits etc. should be
secreted. 7 Security of Successor: - It is also the responsibility of ministers not only to
think about the king and state but also about successors and other members and their
security. Thus, the second organ of the Saptang Council of Minister/Amatayas is
considered. The king and state and their planes and endowed it, is the responsibility
of ministers. It does not mean that in Kautilya’s Arthasastra the king is a puppet.
Kautilya suggests and is cautious to the king that he should appoint detectives who
inform him about ministers with their activities.

Based on the above qualities and abilities of ministers there are three categories have
been divided, those who have all these qualities may be first, those who have ¾ of
these qualities may be second and those who have ½ from above may be in third
category respectively. Working of the Council of Ministers: The meeting authority
should be in the hands of the king. A prime minister should be appointed for leading
meetings. Decisions should be taken by the majority. The working of the council of
ministers should be in a mysterious way. There should be unity in the council
Kautilya seems very important to the mystery of the council. It should be organized in
secure places. There may not be any chance of leakage of secrets. Such events may be
harmful both for the king and the state.

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2.13 FUNCTIONS OF THE COUNCIL OF MINISTERS

Kautilya emphasizes on various kinds of works and responsibilities of ministers;

1. Advisory Function: - while organizing a meeting they should suggest their

views with their best intelligence power.
2. Security of the King: - Ministers should manage the security of the king.
3. Administrative Function: - However king appoints the administration to
endow the decision of ministers and the king is the administrative function of
ministers.

Kautilya did not subscribe to the theory of the 'Divine Origin of the Monarch'. King
was not the vicar of the god. 2 9 Monarchy, in his view, was a human institution and
therefore manned by a human being. However, the king was expected to be more than
a mere human being since he was the protector of the dharma of the whole society.
He had to observe exemplary conduct himself. He had no private life and all his
actions were subject to public scrutiny. The King had to follow his raja dharma. This
included a thorough knowledge of the four branches of knowledge. The King was
expected to display Atma vrata (self-control) and for this, he had to abandon the 'six
enemies - kama (lust), krodha (anger), Sobha (greed), mana (vanity), mada
(haughtiness), and Harsha (overjoy). Kautilya expected very high standards from the
rulers. This is in contrast to the realistic model of the citizen on which he based so
many of his laws. The King had a fairly regimented daily routine. His day and night
were divided into eight likes (one and a half hours) each. The King was assigned
specific tasks for the specific alike.

2.14 KAUTILYA ON WAR

“Kautilya did not say to himself, "Prepare for war, but hope for peace," but instead,
"Prepare for war, and plan to conquer.”

As a political realist, Kautilya assumed that every nation acts to maximize power and
self-interest, and therefore moral principles or obligations have little or no force in
actions among nations. While it is good to have an ally, the alliance will last only as
long as it is in that ally's as well as one's self-interest, because "An ally looks to the
securing of his interests in the event of simultaneity of calamities and the event of the
growth of the enemy's power." Whether one goes to war or remains at peace depends
entirely upon the self-interest of or advantage to, one's kingdom: "War and peace are
considered solely from the point of view of profit."One keeps an ally not because of
goodwill or moral obligation, but because one is strong and can advance one's self-

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interest as well as the self-interest of the ally, for "when one has an army, one's ally
remains friendly or (even) the enemy becomes friendly." As said once by Chanakya,
“There is some self-interest behind every friendship.

There is no Friendship without self-interests. This is a bitter truth.” Because nations

always act in their political, economic and military self-interest, even times of peace
have the potential to turn abruptly into times of war, allies into enemies, and even
enemies into allies.

In the world of international politics, it is only "natural" that nations interact with
each other through "dissension and force." A political realist typically argues that
there will always be conflict in international relations and, in effect, rule by the
strongest. Kautilya, in the boldest of his promises, claimed that one who knows his
science of politics can conquer the world, that "One possessed of personal qualities,
though ruling over a small territory. Conversant with (the science of) politics, does
conquer the entire earth, never loses." There is no modesty here. Kautilya's science
brings an abundance of wealth and details correct strategies in politics and war. With
this science, anyone can succeed: "And winning over and purchasing men of energy,
those possessed of might, even women, children, lame and blind persons, have
conquered the world." Kautilya did not see this conquest as something unjust. A king
who carries out his duties, rules according to law, metes out only just punishment,
applies the law equally "to his son and his enemy," and protects his subjects not only
goes "to heaven" but "would conquer the earth up to its four ends." Whereas Kautilya
did not talk of glory, he thinks of something one might call "greatness," but this
would come only with social justice and the morally correct ordering of the world.
The king, "after conquering the world, should enjoy it divided into varnas and
ashramas [Hindu stages of life] by his duty."

In his section on foreign policy, Kautilya wrote a startling sentence: "Of war, there is
open war, concealed war and silent war." Open war is obvious, and concealed war is
what we call guerrilla warfare but silent war is a kind of warfare with another
kingdom in which the king and his ministers—and unknowingly, the people—all act
publicly as if they were at peace with the opposing kingdom, but all the while secret
agents and spies are assassinating important leaders in the other kingdom, creating
divisions among key ministers and classes, and spreading propaganda and
disinformation. According to Kautilya, "Open war is the most righteous type of war
and it does include all types of concealed warfare; that which concerns secret
practices and instigations through secret agents is the mark of silent war." In silent
warfare, secrecy is paramount, and, from a passage quoted earlier, the king can

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prevail only by "maintaining secrecy when striking again and again." This entire
concept of secret war was originally with Kautilya.

One thing that one should keep in his mind while reading Kautilya’s texts on war is
that when Kautilya was describing a foreign policy not of a great empire like that of
the Mauryas, but of small warring states in incessant conflicts, such as India
experienced before the Mauryan Empire. Kautilya probably assumed that peaceful
empires cannot last forever and that conflict among smaller states is more common in
history. Thus, India does not want peace as it follows the idealism of Kautilya.

2.15 TAXATION

Kautilya visualized a 'dharmic social contract' between the King and the citizens.
Taxes were levied for the maintenance of the social order and the state-run welfare
apparatus. 32 In case of aggression by an outside agency, the janapads (districts)
could ask for tax remission as the King had failed in his duty to protect the citizens.
Kautilya realized the critical role of the tax system in ensuring the economic well-
being of society. The hallmark of his tax system was 'certainty' - of time, of rate and
the mode of payment. Stability in the tax regime was an important factor in ensuring
active trade and commerce in the Mauryan empire. This in turn strengthened the
revenue base of the state and enabled it to maintain a huge standing army and the
welfare apparatus.

The state was overzealous in the collection of taxes and tapped virtually every source.
Citizens paid a toll tax. Farmers (households as the unit of assessment) had to pay
one-sixth of the produce as the land tax. There was a land census at periodic intervals
and land records were scrupulously maintained. This database enabled the assessment
of the taxable capacity of the household. Traders had to pay one-tenth the value of the
merchandize as tax. There was an entry tax to enter the fort, a tax on the use of roads
and waterways, and for getting a passport. Even the hermits living in the forest had to
part with one-sixth of the grain gleaned by them as they too needed the protection of
the King. The service industry was also taxed - actors, dancers, soothsayers,
prostitutes, and auctioneers were subjected to taxation. Pilgrims had to pay a Yatra
Vetna (pilgrimage tax). Citizens had to pay a tax (Pranaya Kriya) for acts of
benevolence.

2.16 SYSTEM OF LAW

Kautilya did not view the law to be an expression of the free will of the people. Thus
sovereignty - the authority to make laws, did not vest with citizens. Laws were

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derived from four sources - dharma (sacred law), vihara (evidence), charita (history
and custom), and rajas asana (edicts of the King). In case of conflict amongst the
various laws, dharma was supreme. The ordering of the other laws was case specific.
Raja's asana ordered the relationship between the three major social groupings - the
citizen, the association, and the state. The constitutional rules at the state level were
specified in the rajas asana but the constitutional rules at the level of the association
were to be decided by the members of the association. The collective choice and the
operational level rules of the association were also decided by the members of the
association though the state did promulgate laws to safeguard the individual member
from the tyranny of the majority in the association. Arthasastra outlines a system of
civil, criminal, and mercantile law. For example the following was codified: a
procedure for interrogation, torture, and trial, the rights of the accused, what
constitutes permissible evidence, a procedure for autopsy in case of death in
suspicious circumstances, what constitutes defamation and procedure for claiming
damages, valid and invalid contracts.

2.17 BUREAUCRACY

Kautilya had organized a huge and intricate network of bureaucracy to manage the
Mauryan empire. This also reflected the centralized character of the state.
Bureaucracy had thirty divisions each headed by Adhyakshas (Chiefs). Reporting
relationships were specified.

Kautilya had visualized the necessity of state provision of public goods which
strengthened trade and commerce. The bureaucracy was involved in the provision of
three of such goods - the 'quality control machinery', the system of currency, and the
system of 'weights and measures'. Quality control was a revolutionary concept for that
era. This suggests that the Mauryan empire had an active trading sector and the
buyers (domestic and exports) were discerning. As a mark of quality, merchandise
had to be marked with the Abhigyan Mudra (state stamp) in singular (vermillion).
Counterfeiting was strictly punished.

Bureaucrats received fixed pay and were also eligible for state-subsidized housing.
This is an example of Kautilya's deep understanding of statecraft as even in later
centuries (in other empires), officials were expected to compensate themselves by
retaining a part of revenue extracted from the people (a kind of ad-valorem
compensation). The ad-valorem arrangement provided an incentive for the official to
squeeze the taxpayer as much as possible (a short term on the part of the bureaucrat)
as the bureaucratic tenure was not hereditary. Kautilya, given his experience as a
Chief Minister, probably realized the peril of such an (ad valorem) arrangement and

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created a fixed pay compensation structure for the bureaucracy. Huge bureaucracies
invariably result in a principal-agent problem. Kautilya sought to tackle this issue
through three means - elaborately monitored standard operating procedures (SOPs),
spies/intelligence organizations, and decentralization of authority.

SOPs minimized the room for subjective interpretation of the rules by the
bureaucrats. The superiors carefully monitored the performance of the officials under
their control. However, this system of close monitoring must have resulted in
enormous transaction costs. It was therefore supplemented by the intelligence
organization which kept a watch on the corrupt practices of the officials. The exploits
of the spies in catching corrupt officials were given wide publicity and this made the
officials careful in their dealings with the citizens. Another measure to keep a check
on the bureaucracy was decentralized-polycentric political arrangements which
resulted in empowering the local guilds. Thus the bureaucrats had to reckon with an
effective local power centre who were aware of the royal edicts and prevented the
bureaucrat from substituting his/her objective function for the royal edict.
Interestingly, Kautilya did not take recourse to ideology to discipline the bureaucracy.
Probably he realized that if a bureaucrat is violating the standard operating procedures
(he/she is already going against his dharma.

2.18 SUMMARY

Kautilya defeated Alexander of Macedonia and the Nanda king (the most powerful
Indian empire of that era) based on military prowess and political craft. According to
Kautilya, the King has to guard against intrigues from internal and external sources.
Internal sources include the inner cabinet, the autonomous associations/ guilds,
religious orders and the personality of the king himself (atma-dosa). External sources
refer to hostile foreign powers.

The intelligence apparatus was very elaborate and had infiltrated virtually every
institution and profession - especially the institutions of mass participation like
religion. Spies could be under the following guises - karateka chhatra (fraudulent
discipline), udasthita (recluse), grihapalka (householder), vaidehaka (merchant), tapas
(ascetic practising austerity), satire (a classmate), Mishna (a firebrand), Masada (a
poisoner) and a bhikshuni (a mendicant woman).

Monks and the sanghas (association of monks) were actively used to gather
intelligence. Kautilya even suggested that to assassinate a rival King, weapons may
be kept inside an idol and be used when the King comes for worship. Thus Kautilya
did not hesitate to use the institution of religion for statecraft. For him, the most

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important condition for the practice of dharma was not the institution of religion but
the institution of the state.

Intelligence operations were greatly aided by the maintenance of a 'national citizen

register' and a system of passports and visas. The register was updated by regularly
conducted censuses and by the compulsory registration of births and deaths.

2.19 EXERCISES
1. Discuss Kautilya's view on the Theory of State.
2. Discuss the nature and scope of Arthshastra.
3. Critically examine the Saptanga theory of the state.
4. Write an essay on Kautilya’s Mandala Theory.
5. Discuss the objectives and Functions of Kautilya’s State.
6. Discuss the Duties of the Kings prescribed by Kauitilya.
7. Write an essay on the functions of Amatayas or Council of Ministers.
8. Write an essay on the Western perspective on Kautilya's Arthashastra.
9. Write a short note on the relevance of Arthsashtra in modern time

2.20 REFERENCES
• Mackenzie Brown D., Indian Political Thought: From Manu to Gandhi,
Berkeley, University of California Press, 1958.
• Maheshwari S., Administrative Thinkers, Delhi, MacMillan, 2003
• Mehta, V.R., Foundations of Indian Political Thought, Delhi, Manohar, 1999.
• Parmar, A., A study of Kautilya’s Arthshastra, Delhi, Atma Ram & Sons,
1987.
• Prasad Beni, Theory of Government in Ancient India, Allahabad, Central
Book Depot, 1968.
• Prasad & Prasad, (ed) Administrative Thinkers, Delhi, Sterling Enlarged,
Edition 2010. Rangarajan L.N, Kautilya: the Arthshastra, New Delhi,
Penguin 1992.
• Ray, B.N., Tradition and Innovation in Indian Political Thought, Delhi, Ajanta
Books International, 1999. Boesche Roger, The First Great Political Realist:
Kautilya and His Arthshastra, Lanham, Lexington Books, 2003. Sapru R.K.,
Administrative Theories and Management Thought, Delhi, PHI, 2008
• Sen Sarma Sunil, Kautilya’s Arthshastra: In the Light of Modern Science and
Technology, New Delhi, D.K. Print World, 2001.
• Shamasastry R, Kautilya’s Arthshastra, Weslevan, Mission Press, Mysore,
1929.

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UNIT- 3 POLITICAL THOUGHT OF MANU

Structure
3.1 Objective
3.2 Introduction
3.3 Genesis of the Laws of Manu
3.4 Content and Structure of Manusmriti
3.5 Manu on creation and the Origin of the sacred law
3.6 Nature and Purpose
3.7 Manu on Varna System
3.8 Origin of State
3.9 Manu on Kingship
3.10 Duties and Functions of King
3.11 organization of state into villages, districts and provinces
3.12 Manu and Kautilya
3.13 Manu as the Father of Indian Polity
3.14 Summary
3.15 Exercise
3.16 Reference

3.1 OBJECTIVE

After reading the unit you will be able to understand

• The idea of law according to Manu.
• Manu concept of Varna System.
• The concept of the origin of the state.
• The political thought of Manu.
• The duties and functions of the king.

3.2 INTRODUCTION

Dhasamshastras occupy center importance in Hindu political thought, especially

about the regulation of life in the entire sphere of political, economic, domestic,
religious, legal and cultural. Dharamshastra refers to the “science of dharma” and are

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series of texts which teach the eternal immutable dharma found in Vedas. The
Dharma Shasta expanded and remodelled in Vedas from the Dharma Shasta. The
most succinct statement on dharma is found in Dharma Shasta and Dharma sutras
which can be divided into three categories.

• Rules for good conduct

• Rules for legal procedures
• Rules for penance

The Dharma Shasta prescribed rules for all of society so that each person might live
according to dharma. These texts are attributed to the ancient rishi or sages. Manu
was the most important of these and is the most famous and his Manav dharmasastra
(Laws of Manu) is the most famous of all the texts. It is also called Manusmriti
(smriti means what is remembered ) it is in the form of dharma revealed by Brahma to
Manu, the first man, and passed on through Bhrigu one of the ten great sages. The
divine origin is claimed for all the Dharma shastras to facilitate their general
acceptance.

Manu smriti is one of the 18 Dharmashastra which constitute part of smriti literature.
It is one of the oldest texts and is believed to have been written at the time when
Brahman tradition was under serious threat from non-vedic movements. Although
this work has been criticised by British scholars, socio-religious reformists and
feminists. Manu’s work takes a foremost place because this work is based on the
Vedas.

Manu, the ancient Indian thinkers have given us their rich political and administrative
ideas and policies. Manusmriti holds a position of pre-eminence in Hindu literature. It
is the oldest and most well-known smriti. Manusmriti or Manava dharmasastra is a
“work of encyclopedic scope.” Manu was one of the original thinkers of ancient
Indian political thought. Most of the commentators on ancient Indian thought are of
the view that Manu belongs to the fourth century B.C. Manusmriti is a storehouse of
information on the social, judicial and political life of that period. It contains the
social obligations and duties of various castes of individuals in different stages of life.
The Manusmriti is the most authoritative work on Hindu Law and presents the normal
form of Hindu society and civilisation. So, it is Manu who gave the stamp of sanctity
and permanence to the socio-political institutions of the land and provided the first
code of civil and criminal law.

Manusmriti, translated as "Laws of Manu" or "Institutions of Manu," is the most

important and authoritative Hindu Law Book (Dharmashastra), which served as a

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foundational work on Hindu law and jurisprudence in ancient Indian society. Until
modern times it was the standard reference for both the rulers who patronized the
Vedic faith and the people who practised it.

Manu in Hindu tradition is considered to be the first of Brahma's sons and a

progenitor of the human race. Therefore, it is difficult to determine the age of
Manusmriti. The laws of Manu might have been known to the Vedic people for a long
time before they were codified into their present form sometime during the post-
Vedic period. The work that we have today as Manusmriti might have reached its
final form through the contribution of many by 200 BC.

Manusmriti projects an ideal society and ideal human conduct as the basis to establish
an orderly society and divine-centred life. To promote those ideals and enforce divine
will, it proposes numerous laws to minutely govern human life and conduct as
applicable to each individual according to her or his social class, duties and
responsibilities. Their purpose is to inculcate discipline, provide a basis for the rulers
to enforce lawful conduct, and ensure the orderly progression of the world through
righteous conduct and observation of obligatory duties by individuals who have
chosen for themselves the life of a householder, or that of a renunciant. The power to
enforce the laws is carefully distributed among the rulers and the guardians of society
who assist him in decision-making. Manusmriti recognizes the corrupting and
deluding influence of power over the mind and cautions the kings to exercise their
judgment with great care to avoid sinful karma and harmful consequences for
themselves and the world.

The laws that were proposed by Manu to govern human conduct and society reflect
the conditions, needs and values of the times in which they were formulated. Most of
them do not fit into the present-day value system. They acknowledge prevailing
social and gender inequalities as natural conditions of human existence and propose
laws to govern the behaviour of individuals without providing scope for any changes
that time may bring in the conditions of society or the lives of people. Hence, today
we may find many laws of Manu archaic, outdated, and even primitive.

The laws favour a paternalistic society and family system, vesting the authority to
regulate them with men, and proposing rather a subordinate status and subservient
role to women. They also betray a clear lack of trust in the integrity and sexual
choices of women, thereby suggesting that they should always be guarded by men
and should never be left alone in the presence of men outside their families.

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At the same time, they do not ignore or undermine the role of women in family and
domestic matters, and urge men to treat them with honor and respect and not let them
suffer. The British who ruled India used Manusmriti as the standard to settle disputes
among Hindus about matters of inheritance, family disputes, marriage, and royal
succession.

3.3 GENESIS OF THE LAWS OF MANU

It is believed that Manu, the ancient teacher of sacred rites and laws, is the author of
Manava Dharma-shastra. The initial category of the work narrates how ten great
sages appealed to Manu to pronounce the sacred laws to them and how Manu fulfilled
their wishes by asking the learned sage Bhrigu, who had been carefully taught the
metrical tenets of the sacred law, to deliver his teachings. However, equally popular is
the belief that Manu had learned the laws from Lord Brahma, the Creator, and so the
authorship is said to be divine.

3.4 CONTENT AND STRUCTURE OF MANUSMRITI

The first chapter deals with the creation of the world by the deities, the divine origin
of the book itself, and the objective of studying it.

Chapters two to six recount the proper conduct of the members of the upper castes,
their initiation into the Brahmin religion by sacred thread or sin-removing ceremony,
the period of disciplined studentship devoted to the study of the Vedas under a
Brahmin teacher, the chief duties of the householder - choice of a wife, marriage,
protection of the sacred hearth-fire, hospitality, sacrifices to the gods, feasts to his
departed relatives, along with the numerous restrictions - and finally, the duties of old
age.

The seventh chapter talks about the manifold duties and responsibilities of kings.

The eighth chapter deals with the modus operandi in civil and criminal proceedings
and the proper punishments to be meted out to a different caste. The ninth and tenth
chapters relate the customs and laws regarding inheritance and property, divorce and
the lawful occupations for each caste. Chapter eleven expresses the various kinds of
penance for the misdeeds. The final chapter expounds the doctrine of karma, rebirths,
and salvation.

The original treatise consisted of one thousand chapters of law, polity, and pleasure
given by Brahmā. His son, Manu, learns these lessons and proceeds to teach his

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students, including Bhrigu. Bhrigu then relays this information in the Manu Smriti, to
an audience of his pupils This original narrative was subdivided later into twelve
chapters. There is debate over the effects of this division on the underlying, holistic
manner in which the original treatise was written. The book is written in simple verse
as opposed to the metrical verse of the preceding Dharmasutras. Manu also
introduced a unique "transitional verse" which marked the end of one subject and the
beginning of the next.

The treatise is written with a frame story, in which a dialogue takes place between
Manu's disciple, Bhrigu, and an audience of his students. The story begins with Manu
himself detailing the creation of the world and the society within it, structured around
four social classes. Bhrigu takes over for the remainder of the work, teaching the
details of the rest of Manu's teachings. Dharma Shastras is the collective name for the
various law books of the Hindus, which regulate their political, religious and social
life. According to one authority, 47 ancient sages have given laws to the Hindus.

All of them, however, have not been recognised as such by all sects. Yagnavalkya,
himself a law-giver mentions twenty law givers including him. They are: (1) Manu
(2) Yagnavalkya (3) Atri (4) Vishu (5) Harita (6) Usanas (7) Angiras (8) Apartambha
(9) Yama (10) Brihaspati (11) Parasara (12) Samvarta (13) Katyayana (14) Daksha
(15) Vyasa (16) Likhita (17) Sankha (18) Gautama (19) Shatatapa (20) Vashishta.

Of all the law books, the code of Manu is the most ancient, comprehensive and
authoritative. Manu is a mythical personage, believed to be the progenitor of mankind
and the originator of law. The code of Manu is of great antiquity, only less ancient
than the three first Vedas. Later writers made additions in the name of Manu and
some passages in the code beneath the spirit of medieval writers.

The social theory on which the code is based is founded on caste. The whole design
of the code is to perpetuate the supremacy of the Brahmins to whom even kinship is
subordinate. The discipline imposed on Brahmins themselves by Manu is very rigid
and the life of a Brahmin is to be a duty towards him and to others. Next in
importance to Manu comes Yagnavlkya. Parasara is however considered the most
reliable authority for the Kaliyuga. Says the code of Parasara: The laws of various
ages are different, Manu's law book belongs to the Kritayuga, Gautama's to the Treta,
that of Sankha and Likhita to the Dwapara and Parasara's code to the Kaliyuga.

Commentaries on Manu:
There have been numerous commentaries written on the Manu Smriti. Two of the
major commentaries are listed below:

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Bharuci
Bhāruci is the oldest known commentator on the Manu Smiṛti. Kane places him in the
late 10th or early 11th century Olivelle places him in the 8th century, and Derrett
places him between 600–650 century From these three opinions we can place Bhāruci
anywhere from the early 7th century to the early 11th century. The surviving portion
of Bhāruci's commentary that we have today deals mostly with the duties of the king
and whether or not the king can be a source of dharma.

Medhatithi
Medhātithi is one of the most famous commentators on the Manu Smṛti, and there is
some debate regarding the location in which he was writing, but scholars such as
Buhler, Kane, and Lingat tend to believe he was from Kashmir or the area around
Kashmir. The exact date that Medhātithi was writing is also unclear, and he has been
placed anywhere between 820C and 1050C.

3.5 MANU ON CREATION AND THE ORIGIN OF THE SACRED LAW

The Manusmriti begins with the concept of Nirguna Brahma, the unmanifest,
supreme cosmic reality; to be experienced with the aid of practices in breath
regulation (Pranayama), prayer (Japa) and meditation on the fundamental syllable,
Aum (Dhyana)
• The cosmos came into existence when God awakened from primaeval sleep.
• Nirguna Brahman becomes manifest in the endless cosmic cycles, the rest of it
remains unmanifest.
• According to Manu karma-yoga is the most important yoga as it includes both
Pravritti (regulation of desires) and Nivritti (total eradication of desires).

A. TEN CHARACTERISTICS OF DHARMA

• Patience • Forgiveness • Restraint • Not steal • Cleanliness • Keep in mortify •
Wisdom • Knowledge • Truth and • Do not be angry (be angry).

Five Basic Rules of Dharma Vedah Smritih Sadacharah Swasya cha priyamatmanah
Atachchaturvidham pariah Sakshaddharmasya Lakshmana (II.12) The Vedas, the
Smriti, good conduct, and self-complacency of one‟s own conscience – these four are
the positive proofs of virtue. • Not to indulge in violence [mental or physical] against
others; • Truthfulness; • Not to acquire illegitimate wealth [by methods such as theft,
robbery, cheating, bribery, making undue profit in trade or business, exploiting the
needs of others, unreasonable professional charges, commercialization of service-
oriented professions, such as Lawyers, Doctors and Teachers etc. by resorting to
professional exploitation]; • Cleanliness in thought, word and deed [Trikarana

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Shuddi]; and • Control of senses. The conflict between good and evil is a fact of
nature. And good implies participation in the cosmic process in our effort to move
Beyond. The doctrine of repayment of debts to Gods, teachers, parents and society at
large. To pay back this debt is a human endeavour. The first stage in this endeavor is
to serve one’s immediate superior that is one’s master and one’s mother and father.

3.6 NATURE AND PURPOSE

The Manu Smriti is written with a focus on the "should" of dharma rather than on the
actuality of everyday practice in India at the time. Still, its practical application
should not be underestimated. Through intermediate forces, such as the instruction of
scholars, the teachings did indeed have indirect effects on major segments of the
Indian population. It is also an invaluable point of common reference in scholarly
debates. It seems likely that the book was written in a manner which was very
mindful of the dangers facing the Brahmin community during a time of much change
and social upheaval. A renewed alliance between the Brahmin and Kshatriya
communities is a goal reflected in the introduction of the vyavahāra padas. The
principal objectives of Manusmriti seem to be to generalize and systematize the rules
of conduct that had come over from previous “ages” to reconstruct or reorganize the
Hindu society. It is considered to be the most authoritative text of human religious,
social and political organization. The same when reproduced can be studied under the
broad heading as follow:

3.7 MANU ON VARNA SYSTEM

Manu Smriti starts with a certain view of the man-cosmic relationship. It gives a
profound account of the creation of work as well as details of ordinary daily life. He
suggested the classification of society into four varnas namely Brahamanas,
Kshatriyas, Vyashyas and shudras in order of their superiority, Brahmans were said to
originate from the head of the creator Brahma and hence occupy the highest place and
are conceived as incarnations of the law. Because of this purity or ‘Origin’ he
deserves to. do “everything” in the world be it learning, agriculture etc. Manu said
“Whatever exists in the world was the occupation of Brahmins. Learning was their
pre-dominant occupation Manu allows him to take agriculture also.

According to Manu second in the hierarchy were to be Kshatriyas They originated

from the arms of Brahma and are put into the category of warriors. their duty was to
protect society.

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Manu was in favour of co-cordial relations between the two upper varnas for the sake
of the welfare of the world. Vashyas, Originated from the thighs of Brahma, were to
include in trade and business whereas shudras, originated from the feet of Brahma,
had to confine to an occupation of serving the first three Varnas, barred from all
sacred learning and were held in a low Profile by Manu.

Manu insisted all the four varnas need to confine themselves to work meant for them
lest the world should be thrown into confusion. The social organization was thus, ‘
Chatur varna theory’ which was supposed to be maintained for the harmonious
functioning of society, According to Manu, therefore varna system was not optional
but an integral part of the socio-political setup and the same should be firmly
enforced.

Thus, Manusmriti acknowledges and justifies the caste system as the basis of order
and regularity in society. It recognizes four classes of people (Brahmanas, Kshatriyas,
Vaisyas and Sudras), and their respective roles in the preservation of dharma.

Brahmanas and Kshatriyas are given many privileges and greater leniency in matters
of punishment for misconduct, while Sudras are given the least number of privileges
but the harshest of punishments even for minor misdemeanours. Hence, it is
important to study Manusmriti with an open mind to understand its historical and
religious significance in the evolution of Hinduism from its early days to its present
form.

3.8 ORIGIN OF STATE

According to Manu, before the Origin of the organized state people lived in the state
of nature. There were no legal rules or regulations to govern their conduct hence it
was a state of confusion and anarchy. This was considered to be the darkest period in
human history. In such a situation people approached Brahma, the creator, to relieve
them from tortuous life. Thus creator gave them a king to maintain law and order and
punish the wicked. Thus according to Manu the state as an institution was not evolved
gradually but was of a sudden creation. Then Manu goes on to state that apart from
the divine origin of the state, the need for the state was not out of the economic needs
of a man but out of the basic nature of evil Intentions and uncontrollable habits of
mankind.

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3.9 MANU ON KINGSHIP

Manu propagated the divine origin of Kingship According to him, it was God, who
created an entity called the king to save the people of the region it is this position held
by the king that made people express their obedience to him. Though the king
appeared in human form yet he possess the qualities of God. Again, he said that The
King possessed the qualities and power of eight guardians (Gods) of the earth i.e.
Indra, Vaayu, Yama, Ravi, Agni, Chandra etc. Thus the king was a divine creation to
promote social harmony peace and welfare.

3.10 DUTIES AND FUNCTIONS OF KING

A good Kingdom is one in which many saintly people reside, people are healthy and
fruits and vegetables are grown in plenty, people are polite and fearless and there are
good crops and easy commerce. The main duty of the king is to protect good people
and punish bad ones. There is no place for offenders like smugglers, profiteers or
black marketeers. The whole idea again is an emphasis that community cannot be
divorced from cosmic- relationships. Again supreme duty of the king is to protect the
weak especially orphans widows and old.

The five functions of the king according to Manu are as follows:

1. Dandaneeti
2. Taxation
3. Justice and Judicial System
4. Inter-State Relations
5. Morality and Religion.

One of the important functions of the king, according to Manu, was that of
chastisement. As a king, he was expected to protect his subjects and in return, receive
food grains, some amount of merchandise and a pretty girl in marriage; make sure
that one caste does not interfere with the other; and also curb corruption.

He has to regulate the social lives of the subjects, protect them from aggression and
promote safety. He must also maintain law and order, keep the kingdom free from
robbers, accord protection to private property, bestow favours on deserving persons,
control the prices of commodities, prevent food adulteration, control weights and
measures, provide security to traders coming into the kingdom and finally encourage
trade and agriculture.

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The following is a brief explanation of some of the other functions of the king.
I. Dandaneeti:
Hindu polity laid considerable emphasis on Dandaneeti. ‘Danda’ means punishment
and ‘neeti’ means law. So, Dandaneeti refers to the laws that are to be followed to
punish a person for the crime committed by him or her and also in the proper
administration of state affairs.

According to Manu, human nature is evil and corrupt and he believed that danda
alone would bring about discipline. Manu, however, stated that Danda must be used
sparingly and to be avoided as far as possible. Even though Manusmriti has twelve
chapters, it could be divided into four viz. Acara, Prayascitta, Vyavahara, and
Rajadharma, depending on the variety of topics. In Manusmriti references to legal
procedures could not be seen up to the eighth chapter, we received a clear perception
only after that. In chapter eight, Manu’s expertise in giving direction regarding the
maintenance of law and order was seen and he appeared as a clever advocate capable
of managing the disputes of the common man. The word danda is very
comprehensive in connotation. In a general sense, danda as punishment means
coercion. Manuwas of the opinion that the king must know two things, namely,
dharma and danda or chastisement; as the proper maintenance of the rules of dharma
and punishing those who violate the rules of Dharma. Manu followed up his account
of the obligations of the king to protect the lives and property of his people by
applying the theory of Danda. Manu assigns to it the same high divine origin as to the
office of kingship. The lord created Danda or punishment, before he appointed a king,
to make the discharge of duties properly and efficiently. Danda is considered the
protector of all creatures and laws. According to him, Danda rules all people and
protects them. Through the fear of danda, criminal tendencies were prevented even
when the public was asleep. Thus it was the danda (punishment ) that kept all classes
of the society or Varnas and the ashrams within the limits of the discipline. Moreover,
psychologically the fear of danda was the grand motive for the fulfilment of
individual obligations. Manu applied the doctrine of universal jurisdiction of the
king’s danda over his subjects. Thus Manu laid down the principle of the king’s
unlimited jurisdiction over offenders irrespective of their rank or status or
relationship. Manu felt that the king’s mode of application of danda was the key to
the prosperity and destruction of the individual and the community.

He believed that Danda keeps the people in society within their sphere of activity. It
ensures that the people perform those functions that are ascribed to them as per their
caste in society. It also protects weak people from the arbitrary activities of the
strong. In the end, Danda helps the king in the preservation and promotion of dharma
or righteousness.

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II. Taxation:
Manu also talked about state finances. According to Manu the system of Taxation
should be such as to enhance the nation’s wealth He also empowered the king
with the right to collect taxes for protecting the people. Thus, taxation was linked
to wage theory. He also mentioned very clearly that the tax must be collected
from both lands as well as cattle. Manu also talked about state finances.
According to Manu the system of Taxation should be such as to enhance the
nation’s wealth He also empowered the king the right to collect taxes for
protecting the people. Thus, taxation was linked to wage theory. He also
mentioned very clearly that the tax must be collected from both lands as well as
cattle.

He also stated that if the subjects are overburdened with tax payments, it would
lead to a great amount of frustration and discontentment among them and would
eventually result in national calamities. Manu also advised the king that the entire
amount collected through taxes must be used for the welfare activities like helping
in agriculture, promoting trade and industry, etc.

III. Justice and Judicial System:

Manu was the earliest of the ancient political thinkers of India to have emphasized on
the need for fair justice and proper judicial administration. He claimed that a king
cannot rule without justice. He believed that a good ruler would always ensure quick
and cheap justice to the needy and those who deserve it.

Manu’s ideas of Social organization are aimed to establish order and justice, Justice
being very significant had to be performed by Judges who are appointed based on
their character and experience and decision should be based on equity as well taking
into account diverse customs and social practices prevalent in society.

Manu thought that the king must pay more attention to the entire judicial system.
Manu, however, did not support equal treatment to all castes in the society, and, in
fact, greatly favoured Brahmanas. He also linked justice to dharma and that justice
must be provided based on righteousness.

He emphasized reformatory theory in punishment rather than retaliatory.

He expected the king to be well-versed in Dharma Shastras and other literature for the
proper pronouncement of justice as per the well-established customs and practices.
Manu also clarified that if a wrong judgment is given, it must be reversed. He also
suggested corporal punishment and fines.

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JURY SYSTEM
It was found that a jury system existed in Manu’s period and Manu recommended the
king to give the power of judicial administration to Brahmins in his absence. It was
also surprising to note the juries in the court of the Brahmin judge were also
Brahmins. Manu had described such a court where three Brahmins versed in the
Vedas and the learned judge appointed by the king as the court of four-faced
Brahman. The jury system, as it now prevails in European countries, was somewhat
different from what prevailed in Ancient India. The three or five members of the
judicial assembly acted as jurors as well as judges, but the final decision rested with
the Chief Justice. The Chief Justice decided cases with the assistance of learned
Brahmins and by the law.” The Adhyaksa decided cases with the assistance of three
members of the judicial assembly. The Chief Justice and the puisne judges were
chosen given their eminent character and deep learning. They were, as a rule,
Brahmins, but sometimes a few of them were selected from the other castes.

Manu had provided the qualifications of the king who could be the judicial
administrator. The truthful one, acted after due consideration, was wise, and knew the
respective value of virtue, pleasure, and wealth could be the Judicial administrator. A
king who properly inflicted punishment prospered concerning those three means of
happiness; but if he was cunning, partial, and deceitful he was to be destroyed, even
through the unjust punishment, which he inflicted. Manu felt that the judicial
administration should not rest in the hands of a feeble-minded king. If judicial
administration were given to such a king he would destroy the whole country. The
King’s Court, it seemed, had two sorts of jurisdiction, namely, original and appellate.
As an original court, it tried all cases which arose within the boundaries of the capital.
On its appellate side, it was the highest Court of Appeal for all cases which were put
on trial in the first instance by the inferior courts. The King’s Court also exercised a
sort of general supervision over the administration of justice throughout the country.

Next in importance to the King’s Court were the principal courts held in the important
centres and the larger towns forming the headquarters of districts or sub-districts. The
constitution of these courts was very similar to that of the King’s Court. Royal
officers, assisted by persons learned in the law, administered justice in these courts.
They were presided over by Adhyakshas appointed by the Central Government. They
had original jurisdiction in respect of all cases arising within the boundaries of the
towns in which they sat, and also of the more important civil and criminal cases
occurring in the neighbouring villages. And it seemed that they had a sort of appellate
jurisdiction over the decisions of the lower courts within the districts or sub-districts
of which the towns formed the headquarters.

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IV. Inter-State Relations:

Another significant issue discussed by Manu was the problem of inter-state relations,
which were largely based on political expediency and established righteousness.
Manu was in favour of war under two conditions, when there is a threat to one’s
kingdom and secondly to the expansion of territory.

The king according to Manu was like a weedier, which removes the weeds and
protects the plants. So, the primary duty of the king is to protect the kingdom and the
people therein and destroy the enemy. For this purpose, Manu suggested certain
techniques which he called Chaturopaya. They are conciliation, dissension, bribery
and force to tackle the opponents. Manu was in favour of the first and the last
technique. He further stated that force should be the last resort.

The Mandala concept is thought of as n aggregate of Kings, Friendly, hostile, and

neutral where efforts are made to increase the number of friendly states with the help
of six types of foreign policy (gunas). These are Sandhi (Peace) War (vigraha)
attacking the enemy (Yana) neutrality (asana) & Seeking protection from the
Powerful king (sampradaya) and the dual polity (dvaidhabhava). The Dharamshastra
advocates the ‘ DharamYudha’ the war fought to accomplish the value of dharma.

V. Morality and Religion:

Ancient Indian political thought gave great credence to the religious basis of human
existence and acceptance of traditional morality. Manu rejected cruelty and deceit. He
emphasized on the rule of law and code of conduct to the Kshatriyas. Manu, however,
permitted a departure from such a code of conduct in the interests of the king.

3.11 ORGANIZATION OF STATE INTO VILLAGES, DISTRICTS AND

PROVINCES

The larger unit must deal with a problem only when a smaller unit fails to solve it.
That’s Manu’s dictum, of decentralization that the larger and more diverse country
cannot be governed except by organizing it in them of the smaller unit”.

3.12 MANU AND KAUTILYA

Although political speculations in ancient India are older than Manusmriti and
Arthashastra yet in the absence of written records it is difficult to trace the political
and administrative ideas of the thinkers of the pre-Manu period. So, Manu is
responsible for tracing the history of ancient thought before them. while Manu

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adopted the sacred character of the law. Manu made it clear that it was trying (Three
Vedas) that kept the mind steady and firm while Kautilya laid more emphasis on
Anvikashaki (Philosophy).

Although the idea of the state found mentioned in the work of Manu as well as
Kautilya yet the nature of the state was not the same. Manu was concentrating more
on problems like the duties of Varnas, the purity of family life, and the sanctity of
social institutions and social life as laid down in the dharmasastra while Kautilya
discussed more realistically and as a matter of fact problems like battles, war, the
conduct of government departments, internal and external dangers to the state and
espionage.

Manusmriti refers to the sacred character of the laws in the four castes and four orders
to the ancient customs and duties of the king. Kautilya did not condemn the moorings
of the ancient Dharamasastras, but he added some new political ideas for the political
institutions and also re-interpreted some existing ones. He also mentioned the relative
importance of the sacred law and the state law but he put greater stress on the state
law.

Manu and Kautilya have given us comprehensive political and administrative ideas.
They both believed in the Vedas and the goodness of human nature. But they also
believed that the common man could be kept under control, and on the path of truth
by the fear of punishment. To maintain peace and order in the state both believed in
Dandaniti.

3.13 MANU AS THE FATHER OF INDIAN POLITY

Manu is considered the father of Indian polity due to the following reasons:
1. Manu was profoundly influenced by Hindu traditions and philosophy in
writing the Manusmriti.
2. He presented, in his smriti a picture of the socio-economic, cultural and
religious environment prevailing in ancient India.
3. He focused on the institution of kingship.
4. Based on Hindu religious traditions he presented a rigid social framework of
the chatrurvarna system consisting of Brahmana Kshatriya, Vyasa and shudra.
This hierarchy of social castes and their relations formed the integral theme of
his political philosophy.

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5. Manu exhibited a deep concern for the protection of the ethical autonomy of
society.
6. Manu had not attempted the political phenomenon as a distinct identity the
had discussed it in the context of wider social purposes connected with
religion and morality.
7. Manu has not presented a theory of state but provided an account of
government and its functions.
8. Manu laid stress on the division of power and discrimination of functions.
9. Manus Smriti deals with judicial administration, the evidence the procedure of
court different types of courts etc

3.14 SUMMARY

Manu was the most important figure of his times and his Manava Dharma-shastra
(Laws of Manu) is the most famous of the texts. It is also called the Manusmriti. It is
in the form of the dharma exposed by Brahma to Manu, the first man, and passed on
through Bhrigu, one of the ten great sages. A divine origin is claimed for all the
Dharma-shastras to enable their general acceptance. The Manusmrti designates the
creation of the world by Brahma, Manu's birth, the sources of dharma, and the main
ceremonies of the four stages of life. This was to develop into the successive stages of
life. To reach the fourth stage of renunciation, it was necessary to pass through the
other three stages. The people of ancient India believed in the order and regularity of
the world as the manifestation of God's will and intent, and the clear victory of the
divine forces over the demonic. Hence, the laws governing the conduct of individuals
and the order and regularity of Hindu society were formulated by many scholars and
sages in ancient India since the earliest times. Their works are today available to us as
18 Dharmashastras, of which the work of Manu.

(Manusmriti) is considered the most important and widely used. Unlike the Vedas,
Hindu Law Books fall into the category of intellectual or scholarly works (smritis).
They are distilled and codified through observation, experience, analysis, and the
study of the Vedas, keeping in view the best interests of humanity and society. Hence,
they are not entirely without the flaws of humans. They are also not free from caste or
racial bias. Hence, they are vulnerable to criticism from the modern standpoint.

Manusmriti wrote about the practicalities of life and is largely a textbook of human
conduct. After Manu came Dharma-shastras attributed to Yajnavalkya, Vishnu,
Narada, Brhaspati, Katyayana, and others. The later Dharma-shastras are nearly pure
legal textbooks. The Manusmrti is considered superior to the other Dharma-shastras.

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3.15 EXERCISE

1. What is Manu's idea of polity?

2. What is Manu's concept of law?
3. What is the Varna system of Manu?
4. What are the duties of the king in the concept of Manu?

3.16 REFERENCE

Chattopadhyay, Kanal Lal (1996), Address of the Sectional President: 19th Century
Social Reform Movement in India: A Critical Appraisal, Proceedings of the Indian
History Congress, Indian History Congress, Vol. 57, pp. 415-439.

Khilnani, Sunil (2016), Incarnation: India in 50 Lives, UK: Penguin Random House.

Mohanty, D. K. (2007), Indian Political Tradition: From Manu to Ambedkar, New

Delhi: Anmol Publications Pvt. Ltd.

Mukherjee, Subrata (2017), “Rammohun Roy: Ideas and Relevance” in Vedabati

Vedic (ed.), Modern Indian Thinkers, Dr. Jagannath Vidyalankar Commemoration
Volume, New Delhi: Sanjay Prakashan.

Patnaik, H. S., Mahanti, K. and Mohanty, R.N. (2011), 3rd Edition, Indian Society
and Culture, Cuttack: Kitab Mahal.

Saraswati, C. M. (1989), Modern Indian Political Thought, Vol. 1, Meerut:

Meenakshi Prakashan.

Varma, V. P. (1995-1996), Modern Indian Political Thought, 11th Edition, Vol. II,
Agra: Lakshmi Narain Agarwal.

Yadav, Sushma (1998), “Ram Mohan Roy: Colonial Encounter and His Modernism”
in Mahendra Prasad Singh and Himanshu Roy (ed.), Indian Political Thought, New
Delhi: Jnanada Prakashan (P & D).

Noted Indians of Modern Times (Compiled from Various Sources) (1993), New
Delhi: Sagar Book House.

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UNIT-4 POLITICAL THOUGHT OF DAYANANDA

SARASWATI AND SWAMI VIVEKANANDA

Structure
4.1 Objective
4.2 Introduction
4.3 Life and Time
4.4 His Views on God and Religion
4.5 His views on Vedic Swaraj
4.6 Dayananda’s Concept of Dharma
4.7 Dayananda the Reformer
4.7.1 Institution of Marriage
4.8 Dayananda’s Political Ideas
4.9 A critique
4.10 Swami Vivekananda
4.11 Principles of social change
4.11.1 The political philosophy of Swami Vivekananda
4.11.2 Forms of Government
4.11.3 Vivekananda as a nationalist
4.11.4 Vivekananda as a socialist
4.11.5 His concept of internationalism and universalism
4.11.6 Ramkrishna Mission
4.12 Summary
4.13 Exercise
4.14 Reference

4.1 OBJECTIVE

After reading this unit you will be able to understand:

• Life and vision of Dayananda Saraswati and Swami Vivekananda
• The concept of Dharma of Dayananda Saraswati.
• The political idea of Dayananda Saraswati and Swami Vivekananda

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• The concept of social change given by Vivekananda.

• The contribution of Ramakrishna Mission in Indian Society.

4.2 INTRODUCTION

Swami Dayananda Saraswati, one of the significant figures of nineteenth India

contributed a lot to the social and religious developments of modern India in the early
stage. Like Luther in the Christian world, he fought against superstitions and evil
customs in Hindu society. He acted like a torch bearer in the Indian Renaissance
movement. He once declared “World in fettered by the Chain forged by superstition
and ignorance. I have a core to snap asunder that chain and to set slaves at liberty.”
JTF Jorden in his book “Dayananda Saraswati his life and Idea” has pointed out that
most of the works on Swami had failed to give a clear picture of his personality.
These had failed to place Dayananda in the proper historical context in different
stages of his life. The proper study and analysis of the first edition of Dayananda’s
most important work Satyarth Prakash written in 1874 reveals the dynamic trends in
his ideas and ideologic, like the idea of God and Soul, Vedic revelations and Hindu
nationalism. Dayananda’s social and religious reform laid the foundations for Indian
Political independence.

4.3 LIFE AND TIME

The information on the early life of Swami Dayananda is down from his revelations
such as a lecture of Poona in 1874 and a biographical note he wrote for The
Theosophist. The Biographers of the Swami and the ‘Arya Samaj’ have come to a
generally accepted conclusion that Dayananda was born in 1824 at Tankara in the
state of Morvi in Gujrat. His biographers could establish from some sources of
information that he was the first-born of a Brahmin of the Samvedi branch of the
Audichya caste in Morvi. His father was a great devotee of Shiva. Dayananda early
name was Mool Shankar. At the age of five, he read Sanskrit and learn Devanagari
scripts. He had gone through the Vedas and other Hindu scriptures. In his childhood,
two incidents had deeply changed his approach to life the two successive deaths one
of his sister and the other of his uncle. He said ‘The purpose of my life is the pursuit
of truth in thought, speech and deed’. Once on the occasion of Shivaratri, he was
keeping vigil in the temple of Lord Shiva under the direction of his father. During that
night he noticed that mice ran over the idol of Lord Shiva. He started doubting the
power of the idol. He told his father ‘I feel it impossible to reconcile the idea of an
omnipotent living God with his idol which allows mice to run upon its body and these
suffers its image to be polluted without the slightest protest’.

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In 1846 one evening he slipped away from his home in search of the secret of the
Moksha – i.e. the liberation of the soul from the cycle of transmigration. He was in
search of a preceptor (Guru) for about fifteen years and found in Virjananda
Saraswati, a Sanyasi from Madhura his Guru. Mool Shankar assured his near name,
Dayananda Saraswati. Dayananda was a person with strong willpower and
determination. He throughout his life was in search of the essence of religion beyond
its outer practices. He had a passion for action. He was a pragmatist without
compromising with principles. He was a stubborn individualist but still receptive to
many old and new ideas. He was written several books, palmslets and commentaries
where his philosophy was reflected. ‘Vedabhasya’, Bhagavata khandanam,
Advaitamata Khandanam, ‘Vedantaprakosh’ and Satyarth Prakosh’ is his magnum
opus.

4.4 HIS VIEWS ON GOD AND RELIGION

Dayananda Saraswati was against polytheism. He was critical of the concept of

multiplicity of Gods. He believed in the oneness of God. In the early days, the Saivite
tradition of his family dominated his thinking but later Advaitic nations influenced his
views. His study of Avait Convinced him of the identity of Brahman and Atman. He
was opposed to the agnosticism of European Philosophers Kant and Spencer who
hold that nothing can be known of God. He had faith in a God who can be felt and
perceived in the transcendental state. He is Sat-Chit-Anand. One important point to be
noted here is that the two doctrines upheld by him i.e. the doctrine of fundamental
identity between the Brahman and the Atman and the doctrine of the ultimate reality
of the world here repudiated by him during his years in the Doab. He maintained that
the soul retained its identity. In his Traintavada, he maintained the independent
realities of God, Soul and Prakriti (Nature) are eternal entities. He became a realist
like the Nyaya Philosophers.

In his first edition of Satyartha Prakash with the help of the monotheism of
Debendranath’s Brahma Dharma, Sami Dayananda clarified his autism. The Gradual
development of his concept of God reveals his basic inclination towards monotheism.
Dayananda’s exposure to Christian missionaries and the study of Samkhya and Nyaya
Vaisheshisk also influenced him in his explanation of God. He maintains that
Creation, preservation and salvation are the natural functions of God. He fulfils his
power over the world. Dayananda tried his utmost to develop his idea of God which is
all perfect and this is one of the reasons for the retention of his concept of Sat-Chit-
Anand.

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4.5 HIS VIEWS ON VEDIC SWARAJ

The four Vedas have a deep influence on the philosophical assertions of Dayananda.
During their youth he memorised Yajurveda. Shaivite tradition had strengthened his
inclination towards Hinduism. Aurobindo Ghosh has remarked, “Dayananda accepted
the Vedas as his rock of firm foundation, he took it for his guiding views of life, his
rule of inner existence, his inspiration for external work, but he regarded it as even
more, the word of external truth on which man’s knowledge of God and his relations
with the Divine and with his fellows can be rightly and securely bounded’. In his own
words – “God has given us the way to happiness in the Vedas. As the great Vedic age
demonstrates. Why have we Aryans changed so much? By going against the Vedas.
The way to recapture that ancient glory is to act by the Vedas. He has attached
supremacy and infallibility to the vadas. The Vedas are of sacred origin. They are
words of God. He maintains that the original relation of God was contained in the
four Samhitas – The Rig, The Jajur, The Sama and the Athorba.

According to him, the Vedas contained the totality of knowledge. All types of
knowledge – spiritual, moral, social and political find a place in the Vedas. Only by
using the Vedas the social and political system can be perfected. He passionately
wanted self-rule i.e. Swaraj for Indians. He was against foreign rule. In his
masterpiece ‘Satyartha Prakash’ he has written “Say what you will indigenous rule in
by for the best. A foreign government perfectly free from religious prejudices,
impartial towards all the natives and the foreigners, kind, beneficent and just to
natives like their parents though it may be can never make the people perfectly
happy”.

Dayananda was not an active participant in politics but was an activist and social
reformer. He sincerely wanted that Indian political life should be guided by the Vedic
way of life. His concept of Vedic Swaraj was designed not to remain a mere theory
but to be manifest in the social, political, economic and religious life of the Indian.

Swarajya is a regime of peace, prosperity, freedom and abundance as described in

Vedic literature. Dayananda gave the Slogan of ‘Vedic Swaraj’ when India was under
British rule. He also gave the slogan ‘Chakravarty Samarjya’. He did not advocate
dominance over other nations but rather obedience to the laws of God. The ‘The Arya
Samaj’ established by Swami Dayananda Saraswati spread the glories of Vedic
Swarajya which was meant to generate freedom, purity, strength and national unity.
The slogan ‘Vedic Swaraj’ gave a national character to Arya Samaj. This idea of
Vedic swaraj is associated with a sense of patriotism. According to him unity and
fellow feeling are the bases of nationalism. He stood for Vedic Aryan culture. His

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Vedic revivalism emerged as a counterpoise to the challenges of Semitic culture. He

stood for Vedic Aryan culture. As Jawahar lal Nehru commented in his ‘Discovery of
India’ – ‘The Arya Samaj’ was a reaction to the influence of Islam and Christianity,
more especially the former. It was a crusading and reformatting movement from
within as well as a defensive organisation for protection against external attacks”. The
concept of Swadeshi also goes side by side with his idea of Swaraj. He was a strong
critic of the British lifestyle. By Swadeshi, he did not only mean the use of things
made in India but also the use of Indian languages. He was using Sanskrit in his
speech and writings. He demanded that Hindi in Devanagari script be given the status
of the national language. After 1872 being influenced by Keshab Chandra Sen and
other leaders of Brahmo Samaj he used Hindi as a medium of his public speech. The
vernacular movement gave the necessary impacts on the freedom movement in India.
He views the prevalent caste system in the then-Indian society as an evil system and
found in it the cause of disunity. He advocated a Vedic Varnashrama Dharma which
was different from the Hindu caste system. He was convinced that unless reforms are
made in the caste system social reforms are not possible. He argued that ‘birth; should
not be accepted as die basis of ‘caste’. The guna (Character), karma (action) and
Swabhav (nature) should be taken into consideration while determining one’s caste.
He observed that Hindu orthodoxy, caste system and idolatry use factors responsible
for India’s decline. Dayananda had made a synthesis of religion and nationalism in
his concept of ‘Vedic Swaraj’. He could prepare a mouse and intellectual foundation
for independence. The slogan ‘Vedic Swaraj’ made him a prophet of nationalism.

4.6 DAYANANDA’S CONCEPT OF DHARMA

Dayananda is meant by dharma the complex duties man performs for his fulfilment.
In the field of personal and social morality, he follows Manu’s Varnashram Dharma!
He has primacy to the Vedic rituals Dayananda’s Kanpur declaration is crucial. It
speaks of the significance of the moral attitude of the individual. Everyone must lead
a morally perfect life. Dayananda moral man is self-controlled and always active. The
moral man always seeks knowledge and his social relationship re controlled by truth,
justice and tolerance.

According to Dayananda, it is the primary duty of the state to enforce morality. Social
life must be regulated by the Vedic norms. The effectiveness of the state depends of
course on the sense of morality of the members of the State. He emphasized that even
the ruler is not above it. The only king that can distinguish Sanyasi from other human
beings is a greater dedication to life to the uplift of humanity. Dayananda expressed
more concern for the Sudras and advocate the rights of Sudras to read the Vedas.

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Perfect median must percolate to all the ranks of society. Dayananda’s moral man is
fearless whose basic duty is to uphold righteousness, justice and truth.

4.7 DAYANANDA, THE REFORMER

Dayananda advocated reforms in the sphere of social organization, education, ritual

and marriage. He advocated the complete abolition of certain social customs which he
considered evil.

The caste system: Even though Dayananda upheld the Vedic Varnashram Dharma
he was a strong critic of the prevalent caste system which was the root cause of social
disunity and disintegration. One’s ‘Varna’ was to be determined by his nature,
qualities and action, not by his birth. In his ‘ Satyartha Prakash’ he mentioned if
somebody born in a high caste does something lowly, he should be reckoned in the
low caste. And the low-born whose nature and actions are of a higher kind is entitled
to be in the caste group. He maintains that all the castes are functionally important
and interdependent. All must perform their appointed functions. He had secularised
the concept of caste. He had to face the wrath of high-caste members particularly the
Brahmin who were justifying the prevalent caste system for their selfish interest.

Untouchability: Dayananda considered the practice of untouchability as a social evil.

This practice is irrational and inhuman. The Vedic religion never supports such
practices in society. He argued that a Chandal (low-born) has every right to become a
Brahmin if his character and actions justify it. He devoted his life to the upliftment of
the downtrodden.

Education: Dayananda was fully aware of the importance of Education as far as

character-building is concerned. Education forms an indispensable and significant
part of society. He was a bitter critic of English education. He recommended an
Education system based on Vedic Values. His concept of education found its place in
chapter -3 of ‘Satyartha Prakash’. He had given a comprehensive scheme of
education. In his opinion education is one of the powerful instruments the attitude and
activities of the individuals can be moulded. Like Plato, he advocated compulsory
education of children by the state. In Satyartha Prakash he writes, “ It was the duty of
the kind to arrange that girls and boys both should practise brahmacharya (celibacy)
and receive an education. The recalcitrant parents should be penalized. Nobody
should be allowed under state rules, to keep his daughter or son at home after the age
of eight years. .”. It is only through education though that evil terms ignorance and ill-
feeling can be fought. He was opposed to lord Macanly’s system of British education
in India. Dayananda’s curriculum of study includes grammar, philosophy, science and

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the Vedas. Both men and women should receive proper education. He tried to revive
the Gurukul and Acharyakula types of education of ancient India. Later on,
Dayananda Anglo-Vedic colleges and Schools are established all over the country.

4.7.1 Institution of Marriage:

Dayananda attempted at bringing some reforms in the institution of marriage. He
observed that there were certain evil practices of child marriage and enforced
widowhood. He made it clear that the Vedas never approve of these evil practices.
Dayananda’s deep sense of morality influenced his approach to the institution of
marriage. Marriage is a permanent union where partners share everything. To first the
evils of child marriage he had fixed the marriageable age for girls between sixteen
and twenty-four years and he recommended that men should get married between
twenty-four and forty-eight years of age. He distinguished between three types of
marriages – the inferior marriage the medium marriage and the superior marriage.
When a man of twenty-four years of age is married to a woman of sixteen it is called
interior marriage. The marriage between a man of twenty-five to forty and a woman
of eighteen to twenty is medium. The marriage between men of forty-eight and
women of twenty-four is superior. The main objective of this recommendation is to
create a healthy society. Dayananda suggested the institution of ‘niyoga’ – a
temporary union of the widow, and widowers. Some critics point out that the doctrine
of niyoga is one of the weak points of Dayananda. While defending the institution of
niyoga he did not regard the moral standards of society.

4.8 DAYANANDA’S POLITICAL IDEAS

Dayananda’s political ideas are greatly influenced by Manu. The Vedas also had a
great influence in shaping his political ideas. He had tried to evolve a just socio-
political order.

Kingship:-
He was of the view that the ideal type of kingship existed in ancient India. According
to him, it was one of the efficient formal of administration. An ideal Kshatriya should
be the king. His foremost duty is to protect the people and their dharma. Dayanadan
favoured and enlightened kingship and stressed the element of election. He mentioned
that Vedas have also references to kingship and the assemblies. The king is to be
assisted by a council of wise men. There should be a cabinet of eight including the
Prime Minister, the Chief Justice and the Chief of Army. He also prescribed the
procedure for the removal of the king for gross negligence of duty. The king should
enjoy limited authority. The relationship between the king and the subject is like a

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parent-child relationship. The ruler is a responsible ruler, not a despot. The king must
look after the health, wealth and prosperity of his subject.

Administration of Justice:
Dayananda emphasized the importance of justice in administration and upheld the
rule of law. Maintained that nobody is above the law. He recommended serving
punishment for the guilty official. Law-breakers should be severely dealt with. He
advocated equality before the law and was against any type of discrimination in
treatment.

Idea of Democracy:
He had a deep reverence for democratic values and favoured decentralization of
authority. He emphasized election. In his organization the Arya Samaj, he introduced
election. He democratized the Brahmanical influence. He advocated three councils of
state – the Dharmarya Sabha (the council of religion), the Vidyarya Sabha (the
council of education) and the Rajyarya Sabha (the council of administration). These
council function on the principle of checks and balances so that none of them can go
beyond the assigned authority. Thus this arrangement ensures democracy. The
success of administration depends upon the understanding between these three
councils of government. The strength of administration flows from the strength of
character and integrity of people. Dayananda’s idea of democracy also includes the
concept of a Welfare State. He said that the function of the State must include
spreading universal education, protection of dharma, provisions for orphans and
widows, provision for pension for servants of the state, measures against child
marriage and polygamy etc.

Village Administration:
Dayananda also thought of administration at the local level. One administrative office
should be established for every two, three, five and a hundred villages and so on. The
required number of officials should be appointed in these administrative units. The
administrator of the lowest unit must report to the next higher authority. Thus, he
proposed a hierarchical system of village administration.

His idea of Humanism:-

Dayananda’s description of the ideal society and state envisages a prosperous
economy, a just distribution of wealth, alleviation of poverty and provision of work
for all according to their ability. He emphasized the ideal family life and put the
accent on peace, prosperity and contentment. He stood for the emancipation of man.
His appeal was to improve the physical, social and spiritual conditions of humanity.

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His patriotism:-
Dayananda’s concept of Vedic Swaraj and Swadeshi go hand in hand with a
deep sense of patriotism. He disliked British rule but he appreciated the Britisher's
love for their motherland. He expects every Indian to be patriotic. Every Indian
should take pride in the glorious past and rich cultural tradition of India. He made
many rulers of princely states of India his disciple and inspired them with a strong
sense of patriotism. He sincerely wanted to free India from political bondage.

The Arya Samaj

Dayananda Saraswati established the Arya Samaj in Bombay in 1875.
Through this organization, he wanted to translate his ideas and principles into action.
Dayananda’s social, religious and moral ideas are contained in the “Ten Principles of
the Arya Samaj”. These principles are: -
1. God is the primary cause of all true knowledge and everything known by its
name.
2. God is All-Truth, All-Knowledge, Incorporeal, Almighty.
3. The Vedas are the books of true knowledge and it is the paramount of duty of
every Aryan to read and hear them.
4. An Aryan should be ready to accept the truth and to renounce untruth.
5. All actions must confirm virtues.
6. The primary object of the Samaj is to benefit the whole world by improving
the physical, spiritual and social conditions of mankind.
7. All ought to be treated with love, justice and with due regard to their merit.
8. Ignorance must be dispelled and knowledge diffused.
9. No one should be content with his good alone.
10. In matters which affect the general, social, well-being of our race no one
should allow his or her individuality to interfere with the general good.

The Arya Samaj took an active role in the reconstruction of Aryavarta. Without Arya
Samaj, the concept of Vedic Swaraj would have remained a utopian dream. The Arya
Samaj stands for the value of liberty, fraternity and human dignity.

4.9 A CRITIQUE

Despite his contributions to the social, religious and cultural spheres, Dayananda
could not escape the limitations of logic which he has given. Critics say that
Hinduism and Hindu society had become the focal point of his philosophy. He
overemphasized the supremacy of the Vedas. His concern was to establish the
supremacy of Hinduism over Islam and Christianity. Their passion for principles had
made him dogmatic. This dogmatism on occasion has prevented him from

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appreciating the points of view of others. Even though he is a liberal to a great extent
was never a radical reformer. He was also criticized for justifying the unacceptable
practice of niyoga.

4.10 SWAMI VIVEKANANDA

Swami Vivekananda who was known as Narendranath Dutt in his pre-monastic life
was born in an aristocratic family in North Calcutta on the 12th January 1863 i.e. the
day of Makara Sankranti. His father Viswanath Dutta had a successful legal career
and his mother Bhubaneswar Devi was a pious lady who had influenced greatly
Vivekananda in his childhood days. The World knows him as a gigantic personality; a
personality known for its comprehensiveness and sensitiveness towards the evils of
society. His intellect and vision are immensely clear. Because of his strong
determination and domineering character, he was described as the Hindu Nepolion.
He preached both monistic asceticism and social science. His political philosophy
contains intense nationalism and patriotism.

From the very childhood, Vivekananda was deeply influenced by his parents. He
inherited the rational mind of his father Viswanath Dutt and the devotional mind of
his mother Bhubaneswari Devi. In December 1881 he came in contact with Sri
Ramakrishna the great spiritual teacher from Bengal. Lender the influence of Sri
Ramakrishna a new chapter was added to his life. After the death of his spiritual
teacher Sri Ramkrishna in 1886, he took up the responsibility of fulfilling the mission
of his teacher and established Ramakrishna Mission in 1897 and today we can find its
branches all over the world. He wandered all over India as Parivrajaka Sadhu
(Wandering monk) and gave more time and energy to the service of mankind as a
homage to his esteemed teacher.

His vision of New India:-

While travelling all over the country Vivekananda could gather first-hand knowledge
on the socio-economic conditions of the various parts of the country. It also helped
him understand the culture and historical forces aerating Indian society. He was
moved by the utter poverty and suffering of the masses. He attributed the downfall of
society to the neglect of the masses. He remarked once in the category – “A country
where millions of people live on flowers of Mahua plant and a million or two of
Sadhus and a hundred million or so of Brahms suck the blood of these poor people
without even the least efforts for their amelioration – is that a country or hell’? He
realises the necessity of spreading both secular and spiritual knowledge through a
proper system of education. For him, education is training by which the current

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expression of will are brought under control and becomes fruitful. He felt that an
efficient organization of committed and selfless work and financial support are the
basic requirements for carrying out the nationwide education plan. Even though he
expressed his concern over the degraded state of Indian society he had a strong faith
in the potentiality of the spiritual tradition of India which can help her rise to
greatness. The Swami succeeded in imparting a dynamic and spiritual fervour to the
formation of the cultural complex of India.

His views on religion:-

Vivekananda had distinct contributions to the world of religion. He had a humanistic

and rational approach towards religion. He favours an ideal and universal religion
based on the rational principles of all religions. He argued that the real spirit of
religion was against fanaticism, bigotry, ritualism and narrow sectarianism.

At the world parliament of Religions held in Chicago in September 1893, Swamiji

addressed six times. The most important of all his speeches was his speech on
Hinduism. He could realize that if India needed science and technology for its
economic development the West needed spiritual sustenance for its place and
happiness. If India was economically starred the West was spiritually starved.

Hinduism as a Universal religion:-

Vivekananda upheld the secular and democratic nature of Hinduism. His notable
contribution lies in his championship of Hinduism as the Universal gospel of ethical
humanism and spiritual idealism. He is of the view that Hinduism was intensely
misinterpreted and misrepresented at the hands of the Christian missionaries. His
nations of Advaita are unique. Advaita is the basis of all ethics which recognizes no
evolution of soul but only of nature. It can stand the test of the scientific method and
is not opposed to the energetic school of physics. Buddha and Sankar saved India
from the attacks of materialism.

To Swami Vivekananda Hinduism was the mother of all religions. He gave the
highest importance to the Vedas and Upanishads and considered them as the sources
of Hindu religion. Swamini’s social and political ideas can be best understood
through eh ideas of Advaita Vedanta. Vivekananda had broadened the Advaita
Vedanta and added new depth and dimension to it. It become all-inclusive and
embraced all the faiths of the world. He once wrote I have a message and I will give it
after my fashion. I will neither Hinduise my message nor Christianise it not make it
any ‘ise’ in the world. I will ‘my-ise’ it and that is all! Vivekananda’s philosophy was
representative of entire Hinduism from the Vedas to Vaishnism. He defined religion

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as a vital and moral force that gives strength to a person or a nation. He expressed
‘strength is life, weakness is death’. The very pith of Vivekananda’s teaching is
fearlessness (Abhayam). He tried to make a harmonious fusion between Kshatriya
Manhood and Brahmanic intellectualism. Even though a monist he stood for a
vigorous action in the secular sphere and reposed great confidence in absolute bravery
and bold faith.

His contribution to Metaphysics

Vivekananda stood for the monism of the Upanishad. The blissful eternal reality can
be realized through philosophic thinking and living. He offers a peculiar theory of
evolution. He had admitted the Davesion on the theory of evolution to a certain
extent. But he believed that Patanjali’s theory of filling in nature offered the ultimate
solution to the causes of evolution. His epistemological analysis follows the orthodox
Vedantic formula. He pointed out that ‘all knowledge that we receive from outside is
not a mathematical addition, but simply the occasion for the removal of obstacles so
that the inmate pure consciousness may shine forth in all its resplendence and
luminosity. Vivekananda also introduced the concept of ‘Superconsciousness in
modern psychology. According to him, religion arises when a person tries to advance
beyond his normal cognitive faculties. Kant, St Augustine, Hegel, and Dante dealt
with religion in their ways. But to Vivekananda Sachindananda Brahman is a superior
category and he believed in the absolute based on the mystic realizations of great
teachers. According to him, unity is the supreme truth which can be achieved through
various stages of dualism and modified monism. Vivekananda remarked, -“I know
that truth alone gives life and nothing but going towards reality will make us strong
and none will reach truth until he is strong ... Strength is the medicine for the world’s
disease. Strength is the medicine that the poor must have when tyrannized over by the
rich monism giving such strength as the idea of monism. Nothing makes us so moral
as the idea of monism.’

The social philosophy of Vivekananda:-

Fundamentally Vivekananda was a man of philosophy and religion. His contributions
to the analytical and conceptual part of social science are not that spectacular. But he
had tried to work out a radical reconstruction of society. At certain points, he
attempted to after a sociological interpretation of Indian history based on the
protracted conflict between the Brahmans and Kshatriyas. Even though he had no
clear-cut social programme he condemned the evils of the caste system and
untouchability. He condemned the old Brahminical doctrine of ‘adhikarvada’ which
deprives the Shudra or the masses of the benefits of Vedic knowledge. He
championed the concept of spiritual equality and declared that all men are equally
entitled to spiritual wisdom. Thus spiritualism advocated by Swamiji was democratic

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nature. Through discrimination of spiritual knowledge and the highest truth

upliftment of the masses can be achieved. He declared, “Then you will confer the
greatest blessing on the masses, unshackle their bondage and uplift the whole nation”.

Vivekananda had developed his social philosophy which springs from his own
religious experience. Vedanta constitutes the fundamental basis of his social
philosophy. Some scholars had tried to find out the characteristics of Vivekananda’s
social philosophy as follows:
i. It is deeply rooted in history
ii. It is scientific and seeks to present a determinate theory of social evolution.
iii. It attempts to provide a solution to the problems of the day viz
a) securing human rights for the dispossessed
b) securing world peace and amity among nations and
c) securing the spiritual evaluation of man.

Thus his social philosophy has pragmatic dimensions. He also analysed the basic
objective and his social philosophy has pragmatic dimensions. He also analysed the
basic objective and functions of human society. He had a reformist outlook. Like
Aristotle, he was a believer in modernization about social change. Social customs are
the results of arrangements of society for self-preservation. But society may suffer
decadence when regulations and customs that create decadence should be gradually
done away with without creating tensions and conflicts in society. He upheld that
Hinduism had maintained its vitality through its absorption capacity. He stood for
gradual reform instead of radical changes in society. He was a bitter critic of social
Europeanization. He wrote “We must grow according to our nature. Vain is to
attempt the lines of action that foreign societies have engrafted upon us. It is
impossible.” He argued that if the Europeans could not throw off their culture how we
Indians can throw off our ancient centuries-old glorious culture? Hence it is foolish to
think of Europeanizing Indian Society.

4.11 PRINCIPLES OF SOCIAL CHANGE

As observed for Vivekananda the process of change is gradual. Any charge to be of

enduring value must come from the nation. He followed the concept of ancient
Sankhya philosophy to explain the principles of social charge. He discussed two
principles of social change such as i) immanent charge and ii) involution. He
explained immanent charge in the following word – It is in the very nature of things
to manifest themselves. The momentum comes not from outside but from within.
Without the principle of involution immanent charge cannot be explained. He
explained the principle of involution in the following works – “ each evolution

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presupposes involution, we know that the total in the same way. Only the
manifestation varies being involved and evolved.’

4.11.1 The political philosophy of Swami Vivekananda –

Even though Swami Vivekananda is called the “patriot monk” he did not participate
in politics directly. He did not rise in revolt against British rule or make any political
speeches. But through his philosophy, he could provide a ground for the politics of
independence. Like Edmund Burk, he is more rightly acclaimed as a philosophical
politician rather than a political philosopher. As Nehru observed – “Directly or
indirectly he has powerfully influenced India of today. He interpreted old traditions
and old beliefs to apply them to the problems of the new age.

i) His concept of Man, Society and State: - Vivekananda believed in the divinity
of man. The doctrine of the ‘Divinity of man’ which constitutes the core of his
philosophy places man above the environment and makes him the creator of his
destiny. He comments – “each soul is potentially divine. The goal is to manifest this
divinity within by controlling nature external and internal. A man must realise the
divinity in him to realize liberation (mukti). For Swamiji the ideal man is he who has
no more self in him, no possession, nothing to call me or mine, has given himself up
entirely. The ideal man can not live isolated. The individual’s happiness is like the
life of the whole. The aggregate of many individuals is called Samosti (the whole)
and each individual is called Vyasti (a part). The state consists of its aggregate of
individuals. In the opinion of Vivekananda, an ideal state is one in which the
knowledge of the priest period, the culture of the military, the distributive spirit of the
commercial and the ideal of equality of those at the last can all be kept intact minus
their evils. Being a realist Vivekananda could realize that the ideal state of an ideal
society is a myth. He remarked that the objective society will always be a mixture of
good and evil .... every important is coupled with equal degradation’. He emphasized
the role of education in making a strong society and a strong state. For him, the rights
of the mass are more important than the authority of the state. The State only plays
the role of the custodian of the people’s wealth. In this regard Swami Vivekananda
through in a similar line with the individualist philosopher Herbert Spencer who said
that ‘society exists for the benefit of its members not it’s members for the benefit of
the society.

4.11.2 Forms of Government

In his modern India Vivekananda discusses three forms of Government, aristocracy,
monarchy and democracy. He was not in favour of aristocracy as it does not prove to
be good for society. Even if it is ruled by the best persons with wisdom, they are

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bereft of initiative and originality. Monarchy according to him is based on the

doctrine of divine right. But the concentration of power in a single person leads to
oppression and tyranny. Hence he never advocated for absolute monarchy. He praised
the democratic form of Government. Democracy is conducive to the development of
society. His love for freedom, equality, justice, and religious tradition speaks highly
of his democratic spirit.

He considers freedom as an important element of democracy. He stood for spiritual,

mental, social, political and material freedom. The rules and regulations that come in
the way of the unfolding of freedom should be removed. Democracy according to him
is the best form of government. In ancient India, democracy served as the basis of the
Panchayat system.

Vivekananda not only supported freedom but also advocated equality which is
another strong pillar of democracy. He stood for the status of women and their
equality with women. He once wrote p “In India there are two great evils, trampling
on women and grinding the poor through caste restriction’. Hence “uplift of women,
the awakening of the masses must come first and then only can any real good come
about for the country”. He also strongly felt that the renascent India of the future
would be based on the solid foundations of the ‘common people’.

4.11.3 Vivekananda as a nationalist

Vivekananda was a passionate advocate of the religious theory of nationalism. He
thought that the greatness of a nation can only be built on the foundation of a glorious
past. He is thus convinced that strong Indian nationalism can be built on its historical
heritage. The religious theory of nationalism may be considered the first contribution
of Vivekananda to political philosophy. He regarded Vedanta as the rational
explanation of world religion it has useful social implications. A second contribution
of Vivekananda to political philosophy is his concept of freedom. He regarded the
light of liberty as the only condition of growth. He maintained – “to advance towards
freedom, the political, mental and spiritual prize of man”. He advocated the natural
rights of man. Another contribution of Swamiji is his concept of strength and
fearlessness which can be termed a theory of resistance.

For him, Vedantic nationalism and emotional patriotism are of great significance.
Mostly upright individuals can alone constitute a strong nation. Service and
renunciation must constitute the bases for the regeneration of the Indian nation. He
advocated the moral foundation of national solidarity. Like Hegel, the Western
idealist philosopher Vivekananda believed that there is one dominating principle
manifesting itself in the life of each nation. Religion has become the guiding principle

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in Indian history. He said –“In each nation, as in music there is a main note, a central
theme upon which all others turn ... India’s theme is religion ...”. Vivekananda had
not openly advocated and protestant theory of nationalism against British
imperialism. But he advocated strongly for strength and fearlessness and stood for the
emancipation of the poor and the downtrodden.

4.11.4 Vivekananda as a socialist

Once Vivekananda declared that I am a socialist not because I think it is a perfect

system, but half a loaf is better than no bread.” Of course, Swamiji had never thought
in terms of class war, materialistic interpretation of history, or economic
determination of the theory of surplus value. But he attempted the conquest of the list.
He strongly denied exploitation by the upper caste and refused to recognise any social
barrier between man and man. Thus his idea of social equalitarianism is
fundamentally socialistic. Again we can call him a socialist because he championed
the concept of ‘equal chance’. But he was also critical of the Western version of
socialism. He would not sanction a violent revolution to achieve socialistic goals.
Marx stressed the need for a proletarian revolution. Vivekananda wanted to train
individuals for social upliftment in India. Vivekananda while promoting Vedantic
socialism put greater stress on the elevation of human consciousness to divinity. Thus
his socialistic thinking is more spiritually rooted. His concept of Vedantic socialism is
a happy blend of individualism and socialism.

4.11.5 His concept of internationalism and universalism

Even though he is a great nationalist, his nationalism is not narrow-based. He was

also a great advocate of internationalisation. The idea of universal religion integrates
nationalism and internationalisation. He thought in terms of ‘one world’ with a
multiplicity of small and large nations enjoying equal rights, each working in its way
for the betterment of the whole of humanity.

He believed in the principles of Upanishad which taught us universal

brotherhood and solidarity of this universe. He attempted at creating a synthetic
culture by combining Indian spiritualism with Western materialism. He emphasizes
the role of international organizations. One he opined ‘In politics and society,
problems that were national twenty years ago can more be solved on national grounds
only. They are assuring huge proportions, gigantic, shapes. They can only be solved
when looked at in the broader right of international grounds. An international
organization, international combinations, and international laws are the cry of the
day”.

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4.11.6 Ramkrishna Mission:-

In May 1897 the Ramakrishna mission was established as the president of the
Mission Vivekananda toured the whole of India and propagated his ideas. His ideas
were a combination of Vedant and science, east and west, idealism and realism. He
also explained the objectives of the mission. The mission was to train the monastic
workers to propagate Vedantic philosophy. The motto of the mission was
renunciation and service. Universal love, peace and harmony. The mission’s objective
was to vender social services including relief measures during floods, famine
epidemics and other such calamities. It also runs maternity and child care centres,
hospitals and educational centres. Another objective was to organize the youth of
India and utilize your force in the service of mankind. Ramakrishna Mission had
established its branches in various places in India and abroad. Through the Mission,
Vivekananda could spread the message and ideology of his spiritual master Sri
Ramakrishna Paramahansa.

4.12 SUMMARY

Dayananda was the chief architect of the reform movement in 19th-century India. He
can be called Martin Luther of India. Next only to Adi Shankar, he was the greatest
reformer of Hinduism. His call ‘Back to Vedas’ reminded the Hindus of their glorious
past. In light of his positive contributions, one can appreciate better the drawbacks of
Dayananda.

Swami Vivekananda was like a spiritual colossus with his feet planted both in the east
and west. His teaching could bring reconciliation between the spiritualisation of the
East with the mankind of the West. He was able to spread the spiritual message of
rich Indian tradition to the world. He championed Hinduism as a universal gospel of
ethical humanisation. He had a tremendous impact on the audience at the Parliament
of Religion in Chicago where he provided a clear understanding of and a strong
foundation for the harmony of religions. At that time New York Herald commented –
“after hearing him we feel how foolish it is to send missionaries to this learned
nation”. He projected Hinduism as a universal religion which he described as the
mother of all religions. He had notable contributions to metaphysics. He stood for the
mission of the Upanishad. In the sphere of social philosophy, he attempted to work
out a radical reconstruction of society. He championed the concept of the spiritual
equality of all men. Vedanta constitutes the basis of his social philosophy. He had a
reformist outlook and advocated gradual change and reform. He is known as a patriot
monk. So far as political philosophy is concerned he is more rightly described as a
philosophical, politician rather than a political philosopher. The state consists of the

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aggregate of individuals. The rights of the masses are more important than the
authority of the state. Society exists to force the benefit of its members, not vice
versa. He discussed three forms of government – aristocracy, monarchy and
democracy. He had praise for democracy. He preached the religious theory of
nationalism. His concepts of venatic nationalism and Vedantic socialism are of
utmost importance to human society. Vivekananda founded the Ramakrishna Mission
which besides the propagation of Vedantic philosophy renders social service. He also
emphasized international organisation and respects international law. The idea of
universal religion integration nationalism and industrialism. He is a great humanist
who holds that man is potentially divine. Service to humanity is like service to God.

The ideas and philosophy of Swami Vivekananda have greatly enriched Indian
Philosophy and helped in finding a special position for our philosophy before the
world. During a short span of life, he could make his mark in the tradition of Indian
political thought through his outstanding contribution.

The British social thinker A.L. Basham made an objective assessment of his
philosophy and influence in the following words –“In centuries to come he will be
remembered as one of the main moulders of the modern world . .” In critical junctures
human society can find a solution to die providers in the philosophy of Vivekananda
is a restatement of the philosophy of justice, love and universal compassion.

4.13 EXERCISE

1. Explain the political philosophy of Swami Vivekananda

2. Discuss the idea of Vivekananda on nationalism
3. Examine Vivekananda’s vision of New India
4. Discuss Vivekananda as a sociologist
5. Write short notes on
a. Vivekananda ideas on internationalism
b. The Ramakrishna Mission
c. Vivekananda Vedantic socialism
d. Vivekananda’s ideas on forms of government.

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4.14 REFERENCE

• Chattopadhyay, Kanal Lal (1996), Address of the Sectional President: 19th

Century Social Reform Movement in India: A Critical Appraisal, Proceedings
of the Indian History Congress, Indian History Congress, Vol. 57, pp. 415-
439.
• Khilnani, Sunil (2016), Incarnation: India in 50 Lives, UK: Penguin Random
House.
• Mohanty, D. K. (2007), Indian Political Tradition: From Manu to Ambedkar,
New Delhi: Anmol Publications Pvt. Ltd.
• Mukherjee, Subrata (2017), “Rammohun Roy: Ideas and Relevance” in
Vedabati Vedic (ed.), Modern Indian Thinkers, Dr. Jagannath Vidyalankar
Commemoration Volume, New Delhi: Sanjay Prakashan.
• Patnaik, H. S., Mahanti, K. and Mohanty, R.N. (2011), 3rd Edition, Indian
Society and Culture, Cuttack: Kitab Mahal.
• Saraswati, C. M. (1989), Modern Indian Political Thought, Vol. 1, Meerut:
Meenakshi Prakashan.
• Varma, V. P. (1995-1996), Modern Indian Political Thought, 11th Edition,
Vol. II, Agra: Lakshmi Narain Agarwal.
• Yadav, Sushma (1998), “Ram Mohan Roy: Colonial Encounter and His
Modernism” in Mahendra Prasad Singh and Himanshu Roy (ed.), Indian
Political Thought, New Delhi: Jnanada Prakashan (P & D).
• Noted Indians of Modern Times (Compiled from Various Sources) (1993),
New Delhi: Sagar Book House.

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Modern Thinkers

Unit-5: Raja Ram Mohan Roy

Unit-6: Jyotiba Phule
Unit-7: Pandita Ramabai
Unit-8: Gopal Krishna Gokhale
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UNIT-5 RAJARAM MOHANROY

Structure
5.1 Objectives
5.2 Introduction
5.3 Life-Sketch of Raja Ram Mohan Roy
5.4 Raja Ram Mohan Roy’s Various Thoughts
5.5 Summary
5.6 Exercises
5.7 References

5.1 OBJECTIVES

After reading this unit you will be able to understand:

• The Life-Sketch of Raja Ram Mohan Roy.
• The central social ideas of Rajaram Mohan Roy
• The key political ideas of Rajaram Mohan Roy

5.2 INTRODUCTION

“He would be free or not be at all

……love of freedom was perhaps the strongest passion of his soul;
freedom not of action merely but of thought”
(William Adam)

The ‘reform movement’ in Hindu society which commenced in the early 19th century
is distinctive and related to the heroic name of Raja Rama Mohan Roy. Roy was
profoundly influenced by the ‘monotheism and anti-idolatry of Islam, Dersism, and
Sufism, the aching of Christianity and the liberal and nationalist doctrines of the
West’. He kept on his struggle against the long-standing creeds the society and strived
to remove several social ills. He contended credibly that these prevalent current
practices did not have origins in the Vedas and Upanishads and the mission was to
reawaken the original traditions. Roy devoted so much of his time to pioneering every
liberalizing movement in India from the establishment of a free and independent press
to the free expression of thought by one and all, to the prevention of window burning
and rightly championed the separation of judiciary from executive to ensure prompt

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justice. He preached for equal status to women. He also laid stress on the necessity of
Western education and founding casteless society. He condemned the idol worship of
the Hindus as degrading and elucidated the concept of ‘One God of all religions and
humanity’. He was an admirer of the Western liberal democratic culture. Being an
internationalist, he did not propagate or support any idea of militant nationalism and
realized the value of a relationship with the citizen of other nations. In the context of
freedom, he supported divergent freedom struggles which took place in the United
States, France, Italy and Spain.

5.3 LIFE-SKETCH

Raja Ram Mohan Roy is considered the ‘Father and Morning-star of Indian
Renaissance’, universally acknowledged once upon a time as ‘the father of modern
India’, and the ‘great path-maker of his age’, pioneer of mighty religious and social
reforms, advocator of the introduction of Western education in Modern India, father
of Constitutional Agitation in India, first Indian to condemn religious and social
malpractices such as idol-worship, enforced widowhood, Sati, and girls’ infanticide,
etc. in one way. He was the actual icon of 19th-century India who put the basis of
contemporary India.

He was born in the village named ‘Radhakantapur’ in the Hugli district of West
Bengal on 22nd May 1772 in the high-ranking and orthodox Brahmin family of
‘Ramkanto Roy’ who was a modest Brahmin Zamindar that had the distinction of
serving the imperial Mughals for three generations. His parents both ‘Ramakanta’ and
‘Tarini Devi’ took on all upkeeping to make up for his infantile joy. He travelled
around several parts of the country and was associated with several ‘saints, reformers
and medicaments.

In more mature years he came in contact with an Englishman named Digby and learnt
English and became enormously interested in Western notions. He learnt Persian and
Arabic at Patna from scholarly Maulavis of national schools of thought. He was a
profound scholar of Sanskrit, Bengali, Persian and Arabic. He is said to have got
complete command over Hebrew and the Greeks. His command over several
languages mirrors his gigantic intelligence. He was a great scholar of comparative
religions and the freedom of Bengali prose literature and Bengali Journalism.

Roy first entered the service of Europeans in the year 1803 as Munshi (Private
Secretary) to the Collector of Murshidabad named Thomas Wood force. In 1809, he
started a job in the Revenue Department of East India Company. During this period
(1809-1814) he learnt English. It is important to note that between 1814-33, he

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authored more than 60 tracts and pamphlets in the English, Bengali and Sanskrit
languages. He profoundly read the ‘Vedas, Koran, Zendavesta, Buddhist works’, etc.
etc. He published his first translation of Vedanta Sutra into Bengali in the year 1815
and also published its translation into English and Hindustani. He translated Kena,
Isha, Katha, and Mudka Upanishads into English. From Calcutta, he also successfully
ran 3 journals/newspapers. The Bengali Samvad Kaumudi (Moon of Intelligence), the
bilingual Brahmanical Magazine and the

Persian Mirat-Ul-Akbar. To materialize his vision, he founded ‘Brahma Sabha’ in the

year 1828 which came to be known as ‘Brahmo Samaj’ in the year 1830. He kept on
some reforms all through it. After visiting Paris and other parts of France in 1833 his
health began to decline. Then he arrived at Bristol in England early in September and
soon after that was taken with a fever. Unfortunately, he did not recover from it and
finally, he departed his immortal soul forever on 27 December 1833 in the presence
of his son Raja Ram Roy and his two Hindu servants. Ram Mohan Roy’s Religious
Thought Intellectual Point of View

Ram Mohan Roy gave much emphasis on conscience in the field of religion.
Fundamentally he had an intellectual outlook. According to him, an intellectual point
of view refers to that outlook by which one can make a critical evaluation of
traditions and thoughts and decide which thing has to acknowledge and not
acknowledge. He opposed superstitions. He continued to support the fundamental
theory of religion and removed the false theories of superstitions. He believed that the
Vedanta philosophy is based on the theory of conscience. In his opinion, if the
individual feels that any sacred books, religious scriptures or traditions are not based
on conscience, he should not feel reluctant to oppose them. Faith in Monotheism Roy
believed in the theory of one God. His opinion was that the fundamental books or
texts of Hindu religion such as Vedas and Upanishads give a message to worship one
God. There is no need of worshipping many Gods and Goddesses. Thus, he pleaded
for a deeper unity through the synthesis of monotheism and social reform.

5.4 RAJA RAM MOHAN ROY’S VARIOUS THOUGHTS

Theory of Religious Equality

Ram Mohan Roy believed that all individuals are equal before the Almighty and all
that have the right to worship God. Ram Mohan Roy was a completely spiritual
person, but his religious faith was neither tied to narrow boundaries nor was limited
to any particular religion because he was a follower of universal religion. He obeyed
himself the follower of world religion. His dream was to establish unity among the
followers of all religions irrespective of caste, religion and creed. He wanted that the

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‘Brahmo Samaj’ established by him should bind all the Indians in the principle of
oneness.

Refutation of Communalism
Ram Mohan Roy had no faith in communalism. He did not even take an interest to
establish any new religion or community due to the religious renaissance in those
times. His opinion was that God is one. According to him, the struggle begins if we
acknowledge God’s existence along with different specialties.

Opposed to Religious Conservatism

Ram Mohan Roy opposed religious conservatism because it does a kind of indirect
control over the religion that increases mutual disharmony. That’s why he
emphasized the comparative study of religion and supported monotheism. Opposed to
Supernatural Power and Magic Having opposed the logic given in favour of
supernatural power and magic, Roy said that there is even no power of God to violate
the law, let alone the human beings and this is an established truth. The creator also
cannot create impossible things.

Opposed to Idol Worship

Ram Mohan Roy said that the prevalence of idol worship is the main cause of the
downfall of the Hindu religion. According to him, idol worship has given birth to
different types of superstitions, ritualism and pompousness He argued that the people
are involved in the outer nature of religion and their attention has moved away from
the fundamentals of religion. Having said improperly to the priesthood he opined that
there is no necessity of any kind of priest in between the individual’s faiths and
values.

Advocator of Fundamental Unity of All Religions

Ram Mohan Roy acknowledged the fundamental unity of all religions ions in the
world. He wanted that to include the goodness of both the Christianity and Islamic
religions in the Hindu religion to prepare a great synthesis combining the best
element of Eastern and Western cultures. According to him, the objective of all
religions of the world is equal. Made Efforts to Stop the Influence of Christian
Missionaries

During the time of Roy Bengal was the main center of the evangelists. The
evangelists along with preaching their religion on the one side, were changing the
religion of the people and they are also doing anti-Hindu religion propagation on the
other. Roy opposed strongly this strategy of the evangelists and propagated
Adwaitabad and Vedanta of Hinduism. Ram Mohan Roy’s Social Thought Against

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Sacrifice in the Name of Gods & Goddess in Temples Advocated Temple Entry to All
The temple should be opened to all without any kind of discrimination on any basis of
caste, colour, creed, or religion.

Opposed to Polygamy and Child Marriage

Polygamy was also a prominent fault in Indian society which was prevalent during
Roy’s period. Concerning their subjection to passions, this may be judged of by the
custom of marriage as to the respective sexes, for one man may marry two or three,
sometimes even ten wives and upwards, while a woman who marries but one
husband, desires at his death to follow him for shaking all worldly enjoyments or to
remain leading the austere-life of an ascetic. In faThe important cause of women’s
miserable condition was polygamy among the rich people. The victims of polygamy
were left with only three alternatives, namely, to burn themselves, to lead an immoral
life, or to suffer misery and insults in the house of the deceased husband. Usually, the
victims opted for the first alternative. Roy condemned the polygamy system and
proved it based on ancient scriptures that under certain circumstances a man may
marry another woman while his first wife is alive. Also, Roy was a great critic of
child marriage and he raised his voice against it.

Advocated for Inter-Caste Marriages Abolished Sati System

Roy took an active interest in ameliorating the lot of women about the Sati System.
Because the then society was a violent and dangerous society where dreadful systems
like Sati were prevalent. He asserted his faith in the individual right to dissent from
the rest of society. He took the task of eradicating the custom of burning Hindu
widows alive on the funeral pyre of their husbands. On several occasions, he roamed
around burning ghats to stop the mourners from forcing the widows to be Sati. He
even organized groups of men to be present at the cremation to persuade the mourners
to save the widow's life. In the year 1811, his brother named Jagmohan Roy died and
his widow sister-in-law named Alok Manjari was forcibly burnt alive with her dead
husband. This gives a rude shock to Roy and he took a firm decision not to rest till
this custom was banned. Roy launched a systematic campaign against this inhuman
custom. He cited the Shastras to disprove the contention of orthodox Hindus and
sought the government’s help in the religious reforms of India. Due to his untiring
crusade against Sati System in 1829, the Governor General of India named Lord
William Bentinck’s enactment made the burning widow illegal.

Raised a Voice Against Caste-System

Being a great social reformer Roy criticized caste-related bondage. He believed in the
equality of all human beings. He also believed that the caste system is hindering the
unity of society. The caste system brings inequality and divides the people, and the

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feeling of patriotism does not grow. He realized that before any political advancement
of the people, it was necessary to carry out religious and social reforms. He said, “I
regret to say that the present system of religion adhered to by the Hindus is not well-
calculated to promote their political interest. The distinction of castes introducing
innumerable divisions among them has entirely deprived them of political feeling. It
is, I think, necessary that some changes should take place in their religion at least for
the sake of their political advantage and social comfort.” Roy pointed out in an article
“We have been subjected to such insults for about nine centuries and the cause has
been our excess in civilization as well as our division into castes which has been the
source of want of unity among us.” In other words, to him, God makes no distinction
of caste. Caste creates inequality and disunity among the people. He argued that the
divisions and sub-divisions of caste deprived

the people of political feelings, and that the multitude of religious rites and
ceremonies and the laws of purification prevented them from undertaking any
difficult enterprise. As a result of the caste system, the capacity of the people to
discharge some important responsibility does not remain. Roy was too critical of the
nature of the traditional caste system. He did not find it logical that the assessment of
a person’s ability is based on caste, not based on its merits. That’s why he was in
favour of inter-caste marriage because he believed that caste ties will be loosened by
this type of marriage.

Crusade against Untouchability

Ram Mohan Roy was also against the practice of untouchability. The ‘Brahmo
Samaj’ “strove by propaganda, education, and practical measures, to restore equal
social, religious and cultural right to the untouchables”.

The cruel system of girls’ infanticide was prevalent among the Bengalese and
Rajpoots in the then society of India. According to this system, the girls were killed in
their childhood considering that they are the economic burden or for other causes.
Roy strongly opposed this system and with his efforts, it was also subsequently
declared a crime.

Supported Widow Marriage

During the time of Roy, the condition of the widows was very pathetic. Due to child
marriage and mismatched marriages, the widows had to lead a life full of troubles.
Society used to look down on them. They could not remarry. Roy was very sad about
these very painful conditions of the Hindu widows. He supported the widow marriage
and for it he also made efforts.

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Against Selling of Female Children Believed in Equality of Women and Men Ram
Mohan Roy’s believed in equality of women with men. He acknowledged that no way
women are inferior to men rather they are better than men in many senses. The reason
for such looking at women is that they have been deprived of education and equal
opportunities over the centuries. His view was that both women and men should get
equal rights.

Right to Inheritance to Women

Roy was a great supporter of the right to inheritance of women. He is considered the
pioneer of women's liberation movement in India. He stressed the reinstatement of the
rights of women. During his time the condition of the women in Hindu society was
very pathetic. They were facing injustice in all stages of their life. His opinion was
that the fundamental reason for this type of situation of women is that they were
deprived of the right to inheritance of property. According to Roy, in ancient times,
the mother had equal rights to property with her sons left by her husband. In this way,
the daughter was entitled to share ¼ of the property left by her father. Gradually this
right was taken away from the women.

Traditions should not be Followed Blindly

Ram Mohan Roy emphasized the work which was done based on conscience and
opposed the traditions which were followed blindly. He did not oppose the scriptures
rather he kept before the people the true nature of the scriptures. His thought was that
our social and religious life should be based on common sense in addition to the
scriptures. We should also acknowledge those things which are logical or justified.

Ram Mohan Roy’s Education-related Thought Emphasized Scientific Education

Raja rendered valuable service to the cause of education in India. He realized that
without a radical reform of the educational system existing in India at that time, it
would not be possible to awaken the nation from the apathy of centuries. The entire
educational system is required to be restructured. What was needed was a rational and
scientific education of the Western type so that India could regain her proper place in
the comity of nations. He pleaded that the study of science would inspire Indians to
throw off their superstitions, and ignorance and take to the path of enlightenment. He
believed that education should be practical and useful to uplift the people. He thought
that the superior position of the Western nations was due to their education in useful
sciences like Mathematics, Chemistry, Physics, Anatomy and Natural Philosophy.
Therefore, he pleaded that if India wished to advance on the path of progress, it was
necessary on her part to give up the medieval system of education and adopt the
methods, spirit and ideas of modern science. For this, Roy wrote a letter to Lord
Amberst about the importance of English Education for India. Because he realized

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how important it was to educate the people groaning under orthodoxy and illiteracy
and to provide them with a sense of responsibility to modernize India.

Emphasized the English Language

Ram Mohan Roy could visualize the importance of the English language in the
modern world. He emphasized the necessity of a knowledge of the English language
so that the information about the events or incidents which are happening in India and
or countries may be known.

Free Education
Another interesting thing is that Roy also had to give emphasized the need for free
education. In one of his writings published in ‘Samvad Kaumudi’ he appealed to the
British government to establish such kind of school wherein the poor children can be
provided free education.

Though Raja Ram Mohan Roy supported Western education methodology but views
too were that the Indians should also study their ent literature and philosophy. He was
acquainted with the ancient scripture of India. He established Vedanta College to
encourage to study the Vedas and Upanishads. He was the first Bengali writer who
wrote religious and literature books to do awareness in society. He was against the
conservative nature of Sanskrit education, not the Sanskrit language and was against
the perpetuation of the medieval education system.

Emphasis on Moral Education

Roy also considered moral education very important. According to him, moral
education has an important value because it will help in building the character of
young youths. Emphasis on Women's education Ram Mohan Roy. He opines that the
cause of the pathetic condition of women is also that they were deprived of
fountaining education over many centuries. He does not agree that women are inferior
to men from the point of view of their wisdom. Giving an example of ancient India he
said that, there was given an equal opportunity to study the scriptures to the women
with men. During that period the women like ‘Lilawati’, ‘Bhanumati’ and ‘Maitree’
proved themselves that they are intelligent. Therefore, education is very important to
correct the condition of women and in arousing the consciousness of their rights.
Though Raja was a great exponent of women’s education he, however, could not
succeed in establishing any separate institution for women.

Work for Spreading of European Ideas

Roy made a very significant effort to bring Western ideas and norms to India. For
raising these things, he established an English High School in Calcutta in the years

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1816-1817. Due to his tireless efforts a Hindu College was established in the years
1822-1823. There was also a great hand or contribution of Roy in bringing Christian
missionary into the field of education in India. He also propagated this thing that if
someone studies in a school run by Christians, neither he become Christian nor his
caste is corrupted.

Roy’s Reformation Initiative-related to Education

i. There should be an ending to the beating of children in Pathasala.

ii. There should be created a conducive atmosphere in which the teacher and
disciple can come near to each other.
iii. Education should be practical and useful.
iv. There should not be held any kind of discrimination against women in
opportunities of providing education.

Thus, education is only an instrument for fighting injustice and those who have no
rights. Social evils can be done away with through education. Social and political
reformation can be possible through education. Illiteracy can be ended through the
spread of education. Ram Mohan Roy’s Political Thought Preferred Constitutional
Rule Roy preferred constitutional rule. Neither he fully preferred to monarchy nor
aristocracy nor even fully to democracy. Regarding the monarchy, he said that
monarchy becomes absoluteness because all the powers are concentrated in the hands
of one man. Similarly, he said about the aristocracy that in it some people get the
benefit but it creates a feeling of enviousness among the majority of the people. With
regards to democracy, he said that here all the people get involved in the function of
administration and it becomes the medium for the fulfilment of the interests of the
people. Hence, he was an ardent advocate of peaceful and constitutional methods for
achieving political goals.

Consultation with the People in Legislation

Raja suggested wherever any law is made it should be done with great care and
precaution. Hence before finalizing any law, consultations should be made with
different local authorities like the Advocate-General on the part of the Honorable
Company, the principal Zamindars and so on. In this way, injurious laws will be
prevented from being formulated. Ram Mohan used to say to his English friend that
India would necessitate British rule for another 40 or 50 years. He believes that
British rule would support India’s social, political and economic development. Thus,
he did not prepare to demand complete self-rule for India to form a British
government. He had deep faith in the devotion of the Britishers towards political

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liberty, democracy and justice. Though he supported British power, he was not in
favour of imparting absolute power to the British government.

Roy was the supporter of the freedom of the press in India According to S. N.
Banerjee, Ram Mohan “Roy was the first political agitator. He worked tirelessly not
only for increasing the democratization of the administration of India but also helped
forge an Indian enable instrument for the working of democracy- that is a powerful
press. To him, the freedom of the ess is the best instrument for the making of public
opinion. He also obeyed the liberty of the press as a protective pipe as well as the
fourth pillar of democracy. He propagated political thoughts through the newspaper
and the message of patriotism broadcasted through his columns. He repudiated the
logic that the spread of knowledge is dangerous to the existence of legitimate
authority. Raja’s demand for the freedom of the press aimed at the establishment of
the rule of law in place of the rule of persons. He argued freedom of the press is
equally necessary both for the sake of governors and the governed. A free press is
necessary for the governed to ventilate their grievances and express their opinion. It
will also enable them to attain political maturity and take part in the political process.
The press is also the right channel through which the government can know the
problems of the people and solve them. Besides, he said “a free press is a safety
valve. It has never yet caused a revolution in any part of the world, because while
men can easily represent the grievances arising from the conduct of the local
authorities to the supreme government and thus get them addressed, the grounds of
discontent that excite revolution are removed, whereas, where no freedom of press
existed and grievances consequently remained unrepresented and unaddressed,
innumerable revolutions have taken place in all parts of the globe”. He said “the
lessons from history have proved that the resistance of the people advances in
knowledge has ever been not against the existence but against the abuses of the
governing power.” He further argued that an enlightened public opinion under a good
and legitimate government would be more loyal and attached to it if people are given
just and liberal treatment. The freedom of expression was necessary for the Indians
which was an “invaluable privilege firmly secured to them by the laws of the land and
the people of India never abused such privilege”. In his opinion, if public opinion is
suppressed by any government, it would always run the risk of a popular revolt.

In fact, in the beginning, the Government’s policy towards the press was a
combination of severe discouragement on the one side and strict control on the other.
He was not prepared to submit to humiliating restraints which editors and proprietors
of newspapers suffered silently. When in 1823 the in-charge Governor-General
promulgated an ordinance, Roy closed his newspaper in protest against the ordinance
which restricted the freedom of the press to an unlimited scale. He instigated many

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petitions to the Supreme Court against the ordinance. He also appealed to the King-
in-Council to repeal such an ordinance. Thus, he opposed tooth and nail John Adam’s
famous ordinance which is known as ‘John’s gag’. B.B. Majumdar remarks that Roy
did not claim absolute liberty for the Indian press. He was not against restraints but
against arbitrary restrictions. However, during the administration of Lord William
Bentinck, the law against the press was endorsed.

Advocated for Religious Toleration

Roy was the most unhesitant advocate of religious toleration and spiritual
individuality. Thus, in his ‘Tract on Religious Toleration’ he says, “We should feel no
reluctance to cooperate with the Christians in religious matters merely because they
consider ‘Jesus Christ’ as the messenger of God and their spiritual teacher, for
oneness in the object of the religious practice should produce attachment between the
worshippers.” To him, every individual should have the right to obey any religion
according to his faith and the ruler should not make any kind of discrimination in any
sphere with its citizens.

Supported the Liberty of the Nation

Roy had an intense love for liberty. This was both for individual liberty the and
independence of the nation. He also desired that every nation should have a
constitutional government ensuring the rule of law instead of a despotic government.
Because national independence and a constitutional government would best guarantee
individual freedom. In a letter to J. S. Buckingham, the editor of the Calcutta Journal,
written on August 11, 1821, he hoped for the restoration of liberty of European
nations under despotic rule and Asiatic colonies under foreign rule. News of the
subjugation of the people of Naples (a city in Southern Italy) by the Austrians pained
him to such an extent that he postponed his previous engagement with Buckingham
and wrote to him that he was much depressed by the late news from Europe. “He
prophesied that “enemies to liberty and friends of despotism have never been and
never will be ultimately successful.”

Humanism and Universal Religion

According to Roy, humanism stands for the emancipation of the human spirit from
the servitude of ‘ritualism, dogma, superstition, and false worldliness’. It refers to the
freeing from communal intolerance which stood in the pathway of true nation-
building. Further, it means the recognition of the dignity of the individual. Roy was
the first person who did a comparative study of the four religions of the world such as
Hinduism, Islam, Buddhism and Christianity. His deep and wide study of religions
induced him that ‘God is one though different religions worship Him in different
forms. He aspired to a ‘universal religion’ which could bring about peace to

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humanity. He urged the Christian people in the words: “May God render religion
destructive of differences and dislike between man and man and conducive to the
peace and union of mankind”.

Belief in Democratic Values

Ram Mohan was an utter advocate of democracy and at all times stood up for
democratic values. He opposed the absolute and autocratic rule of power in any field.
He deemed that no other forms of government are fairer than democracy. That’s why
he openly criticized imperialism, colonialism, feudalism and the system which were
based on other dictatorial natures of power. To him, the despotic rule cannot be
durable. He gave his backing to the other democratic revolts in the world. For
instance, he was extremely content when Portugal established a constitutional
government. Similarly, he supported the revolt the of Turks for independence. Hence,
he had strong confidence in democratic values like ‘political equality, tolerance,
popular sovereignty, rule by consent, majority rule’, etc. Thus, he supported the
Western parliamentary form of democracy in which the maximum participation of the
individuals become possible.

Recognition of Human Rights

Roy was also deeply stirred by the French Revolution. The demand for ‘liberty,
equality and fraternity’ of the French people warmed utterly of Roy and he greeted
the Revolution. He understood that those countries which infringed human rights
could not flourish. Hence Roy alike Locke, Rousseau and Voltaire trusted in the
‘natural rights’ of individuals and campaigned for their security.

Roy supported the citizens’ (both male and female) educational and property rights
equally when the then social system and structure were based on the thoughts of
traditions and conservatism. In these adverse situations, Roy supported not only the
social, economic and political rights of women but also strongly opposed the
continuing exploitation and oppression of them in the name of traditions and
mannerisms. Also, Roy trusted in the individual’s natural rights such as ‘the right to
life, property, free speech and religious worship and the right of free association’
which are known as the fundamental human rights in the present world. For the
safekeeping of these rights and freedoms, he insisted on for the ‘codification of law,
separation of powers, integrity, efficiency and independence of the judiciary, the
introduction of the jury system in the administration of justice and a sense of legal
responsibility in the government officials.

Roy supported that individuals have the right to form any association for the
fulfilment of their interests and objectives. He formed a political party in Bengal with

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the objective of reforming and making good relationships between the ruler and the
ruled and it is known in the name of Landlord Organization after the death of Roy.
Roy advocated that individuals have the right to challenge, oppose and resist the
government, the right to withdraw cooperation and to change the government. He said
that the state should intervene in the affairs of individuals for social utility and social
welfare.

Believed in Internationalism and World Friendship

Roy had a broad outlook. He was not narrow-minded and he had not only concern for
India but also the entire world. To him, the Indian society contained the kernel of
internationalism and in ancient India, the people believed in ‘universal brotherhood’
and cooperation. Through his lectures and speeches, he at all times underscored the
necessity for unifying the whole human race on the foundation of national freedom
and cultural unity of all the nations of the world and seek out to attain one world. To
him, the entire human race is one family which comprises numerous groups and
castes.

Roy was both an internationalist and a humanist. He believed in world friendship.

According to him, the whole of humankind is one family and the people and the
castes who are living in different countries are the branches of this world family.
Therefore, he emphasized one feeling of friendship among the people and mutual
faith among the states of the world. He also supported the end of paste sport system
for travelling to foreign countries without any restrictions. He imagined an
International Assembly for peaceful solutions to international problems and said that
the solutions to these problems should be done based on cooperation and justice.
Secularism

Roy had a synthetical understanding of rational and humane socio-political order. He

valued diverse forms of culture and diversities of social structure and ethos as
disclosed in history. Roy comprehended that India is as diverse as humanity itself – a
panorama of blending of numerous ‘languages, religions, customs and social
practices, diverse suburb-cultures and diversities of experience on various echelons. If
India has to become a great nation the nation-building process must not point toward
the destruction of this variety. To Roy, in a country like India in which religion
encompasses various cultures and sub-cultures in a diversity of delicate means what
secularism have need is a widening of the pedestal of religion as humane culture by
getting rid of ‘superstition, ritualism and blind conformity to scriptures and traditions’
and giving a boost to it as a positive and redemptive social force. His ‘Brahmo Samaj’
also worked to discard the narrowness of religious communities tussled against each

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other and also to eliminate the hindrance to nation-building by rendering it viable for
men affiliated with diverse religions to value the canons of diverse beliefs.

Ram Mohan Roy’s Economic Thought Opposition to Exploitation

Roy was the first Indian who made attention to the intellectuals and the so-called
rulers that the vast resources of India were taken away by the Britishers. In fact, at the
time of vacation, the authority of East India Company was taking away the
accumulated vast resources to England. There was not any accounting of the amount
of the resources. For this, Roy strongly opposed it.

The East India Company also tried to establish its monopoly over the Indian Salt
industry. Roy also opposed this right of the Company, because the Britishers were
selling the salt having increased one-thousand per cent of its normal rate. It is a fact
that during that period almost 1.5 lakh Salt labourers were making salt in Bengal
whose conditions were like slaves. Nobody was giving attention to their health and
other facilities. The Company was appointing the agents for the production of salts
and after that, they were selling the salt in Calcutta in bulk and rich classes were
dominant over all this trade. They were doing black-marketing and adulteration of
salt along with this the Company kept too much price/rate over the import of foreign
salt and in it, the traders were earning more profit, but the common people were
suffering. Roy raised his voice against this monopoly right of the Company and
finally, the high Parliamentary Committee agreed with the anti-monopoly opinion of
Roy about the Company consequently it ended the salt monopoly right of East India
Company

Supporter of Property Rights

Roy obeyed property right as an important right. Recognizing this right as a sacred
right he opined that this right is also encroach able. Owing to the supporter of
property rights he supported the Landlord system and said that there should not be
interfered in this system by law. But he expected the state’s interference against the
Landlords for the protection of the interests of the peasants. In this way, he believed
in the institution of private property and did not challenge the sanctity of private
property. He expected the state to protect the existing titles to property. Thus, neither
he can be described as an advocate of the theory of ‘Laissez Faire’ nor a champion of
socialism.

Protection of Poor Farmers from Oppressive Attitude of Zamindars

In 1793 to make permanent land revenue there was made arrangement of ‘Permanent
Settlement’ by the Britishers. This tax system at first implemented in Bengal. In this
system, the owner of agricultural land was not the government, but the Zamindars

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(Landlords) who were giving definite annual tax to the government and it was made
permanent. There were no relationships between the government with the peasants.
Due to the ownership of the agricultural land, the Landlords got the right to sell,
mortgage and aid it. Owing to this settlement, the peasants became fully under the
control of Landlords, as a result, the peasants did not have any right over agricultural
land.

Roy had a keen perception of the dangerous role of the economic abuses consequent
upon the Permanent Settlement introduced in Bengal by Land Cornwallis. Roy took
cudgels in his hands on behalf of the downtrodden and suppressed peasants and urged
the Government to protect the tiller against the tyrannical and oppressive attitude of
Landlords. He exhorted the government to follow a liberal and enlightened system of
public instruction. This reflects his anti-feudalistic approach to the grave ‘Landlord
versus Peasants’ problems of the times and his unbounded sympathy and heart
grieved at the sufferings and the pitiable condition of his countrymen for which he
tried to devise ways for the welfare of the poor farmers. Though he was eager to
emancipate the poor peasants from the vandalism of the Landlords and their agents,
he did not ignore the interests of the Landlords as he suggested the government
reduce its demands upon the Landlords. Thus, the state should protect the interest of
the poor farmers. Thus, Roy expressed his views strongly against the existing revenue
system whose first prey was the illiterate villager.

The policy of Free Trade

Roy also supported the policy of ‘free trade’ in that period. Because trade in rice with
export trade in rice had become quite profitable. He observed that this would enlarge
India’s export market. While he greeted free trade and economic initiative in the
pursuit of the country’s economic affluence, he was concerned to ensure that the poor
masses share part of this affluence or at a minimum be barred from being more
oppressed. He also envisaged that the export of rice will worsen the outcome of
famine in the rural area in years of shortage. So, through his Samvad Kaumdi, he
urged to Government to postpone the law of free trade in respect of rice exported
from Bengal to foreign ports. Also, he wanted the government should encourage the
foreigners who used to come to India to earn trade benefits and to settle down in India
itself so that the wealth earned by them could be reinvested to boost the Indian
Economy.

Championed the Right of Hindu Females to Inheritance

Roy was also the champion of the right of Hindu females to inheritance. He strongly
criticized the grave injustice the Indian women were subjected to by the modern law
of inheritance. In an essay written in 1822 entitled “Modern Encroachments on the

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Ancient Rights of Females according to the Hindu Law of Inheritance”, therein, he

quoted ancient jurists like Yajnavalkya, Narada, Katyayana, Vishnu, and Brihaspati,
and pointed out that on the basis of the opinion of ancient law-givers, in the property
left by the husband, the mother was entitled to get a share equivalent to that of her
son, and the daughter to one-fourth. He opined that the natural wisdom and
commonsense of women were in no way less than men of intellect. Men have taken
undue advantage of the submission of women.

Ram Mohan Roy’s Administration and Revenue-related Thought

Roy also stressed the necessity of important reforms in the administrative sphere: Roy
opposed the admission of immature individuals into civil services. In his opinion for
admission into civil services the age of the candidates should not be less than 22
years. Roy supported the participation of more and more Indians in the service of
Indians so that they can make the administration more influential and skilled.

Roy recommended that the educated Europeans ‘of character and capital’ should be
allowed and inspired to settle by making purchases or leases of lands in India.
Though initially, the Charter Act of 1813 excluded them, by the Charter Act of 1833
all these limitations were eliminated. To him, this thing will not only widen the path
of syncretism between Eastern and Western civilizations, but also it will give
financial profit to India because the Indian money cannot go abroad due to the
permanent settlement of the Europeans in India.

According to Roy, there should be appointment of Indians in tax collection work and
the right to change in tax system should not be given to the Landlords. Roy also
suggested that there should be imposed more tax on luxurious commodities used by
Landlords so that the poor people i.e., rack-ranted tenants can feel relaxed.

Ram Mohan Roy’s Thoughts on Judiciary

Roy had made a strong protest against the passing of the Indian Jury Bill by the
British Parliament on May 5, 1826. The Act introduced religious discrimination into
the structure of the judiciary because the Hindus and the Muslims could not sit as a
jurist on the jury when a Christian was being tried. The Indians were allowed to sit on
the Petty Jury only, not on Grand Juries. The Act so denied the Hindus and the
Muslims any seat on a Jury even in the trial of a fellow Hindu or Muslim. Roy
protested against this because it introduced the pernicious element of the ‘religious
distinction into the judicial system of the land’. Roy initiated a petition on August 17,
1829 against the Act which was signed by the distinguished Hindus and Muslims and
the same was submitted to the British parliament. Though initially, the petition failed
but later on the matter was taken up by Mr. Grant, the then President of the Board of

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Control. This led to the passing of Grant’s East India Justice for Peace and Jury on
June 18, 1832, making the Hindus and Muslims eligible not only to sit both on Petty
and Grand Juries but also for the appointment of justices of the peace.

Appropriately Roy suggested for separation of not only legislative and judicial
powers but also the separation of judicial power from executive power. He demanded
the separation of the offices of the Revenue Commissioner and the judgeship of the
Circuit Court. This is what he pointed out in his evidence before the Select
Committee of the House of Commons when the Bill which was subsequently enacted
as the Charter Act of 1833, was being discussed. He pointed out the evils that are
liable to arise from a union of revenue and judicial duties. In this context, Roy wrote,
“In every civilized country, rules and codes are found proceeding from one authority,
and their execution left to another experience shows that the unchecked power often
leads the best men wrong, and produces general mischief”. Ram Mohan Roy further
argues that the law is the command of the sovereign so the topmost officer of the East
India Company has no right to make law for India. Thus, the functions of the
executive, legislative and judiciary should be separated from one another for the
smooth and healthy functioning of the government.

i. Raja pleaded that the juries might be selected from retired judicial officers and
retired pleaders.
ii. Number of Judges
iii.
iv. Roy pleaded for increasing the number of judges so that justice can be
delivered without delay. He believed in the dictum that ‘justice delayed is
justice denied’.
v. Argued for Talented Judges
vi.
vii. Raja argued that the judges should be men of the highest talents, strict
integrity and earnestly intent on doing justice.
viii. Salary for Judges
ix.
x. Roy favored high salaries for the judges in order to make the judges free from
temptations and allowances and under any circumstances, their salary should
not be reduced.

Use of English Language in Judiciary

According to Roy while delivering justice there should be the use of a common
language like English in place of French in the judiciary so that there might be proper
communication between the judges and the people. That’s why he submitted before

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the Select Committee of the Parliament the demands for the replacement of French
for English as the official language in the courts of law.

Roy opines that the government should also take the cooperation of those people in
judicial administration who have information about traditions and mannerisms.
Establishment of Public Press Roy suggested the establishment of a public press to
report on the proceedings of the Court. He argued that there should be public
periodicals for the publication of the decisions and the proceedings of the Judiciary.

Codification of Laws
According to Roy, there should be codification of the laws and it should be precise
and apparent and it should be implemented over all the Indians equally. It will make
benefit both the ruler and the ruled. In his opinion, the basis of the codification should
be such that it will be accepted by the people of the whole sections of the society. He
further said that there should be given due attention to traditions which have been
prevalent in the country for a long time. Roy also believed that by codification it will
be very easy to implement the laws in the society.

Roy admitted that there is a distinction between the law, tradition and morality.
According to Roy, tradition may be an important source of law, but it cannot be
obeyed that tradition and the law are the same. Similarly, he has made a distinction
between the law and morality. According to him, some customs may be right morally,
but they cannot be given the form of law. Roy suggested that steps should be taken to
increase the number of Courts in different parts of the territory so that people can get
justice at their doorsteps.

Made a Discourse on the Process of Civil and Criminal Law

Roy said both civil and criminal law should be simple, clear and precise. Roy
suggested that civil law should be translated into the local language and should be
distributed among the people. The entire community should have a clear knowledge
of the civil laws concerning property or the law of inheritance so that people can
protect it. Thus, the code of criminal law for India should be founded as far as
possible on those principles which are common to and acknowledged by all the
differed sects and tribes inhabiting the territory. According to him, criminal law
should be universal and uniform in its application and it should not exempt anybody.

5.5 SUMMARY
From the preceding analysis, it can be summed up that Raja Ram Mohan Roy has
queued up as a messenger of a religious resurgence. He accentuated coming back to
Vedantism and the entire refusal of all the religious and social scums that had sneaked

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into Hinduism. His genuine goal was to get rid of Hinduism from the customs and
superstitions with which it was shrouded and his objective was to enhance the
position of women to overpass the big gap between popular and higher Hinduism.
Hence, the religious reform movement equipped for virtuously secular social and
political reform movements in the country. He was the utmost eminent individual of
his time and deserves to be admired with the name of ‘Prophet of New India’. He
support the taking of all which was virtuous in Western civilization. He fired up all
those dots of social reforms which required eradication. He fought tooth and nail to
eliminate the ‘Sati’ practice and significantly triumphed in his undertaking. He sternly
opposed the evil practices of casteism branding it as undemocratic, inhuman and anti-
national pleaded for religious and social tolerance, respect for personal spheres and
the right of association and freedom of thought. According to R.N. Tagore “Roy’s
love of freedom was perhaps the strongest passion of his soul”. To him, this freedom
is to be worldwide and its enjoyment is to be for all the classes of people. This desire
for freedom was mirrored in his strong-minded fight for the freedom of the press in
India. He was for a new secular and enlightened polity based on the understanding of
‘human freedom, equality and happiness’. Due to this reason, S. C. Bose called him
as ‘Prophet of the new age’ who ‘stands out against the dawn of the new awakening
in India’. To give the women their rightful place in the society he stood against
polygamy. He effectively challenged idol worship which the Brahmins and others of
his period were so strongly supporting. As a patriot, he wished to allow the Christian
missionaries to come and stay in India thereby giving out the masses of India the
advantage of their knowledge and wisdom. He was in favour of the Western pattern
of education because he was conscious that the vacuum of scientific education which
subsisted in Indian society could be fulfilled only by this mould of education. His
idea for the separation of the judicial and revenue branches of administration, his
stances on the land revenue system, his appeal before the Parliamentary Commission
and his expectation that the actual work of the British in India was to set the Indians
upon their feet and support them to establish their government themselves on modern
lines show how Ram Mohan Roy was the harbinger of the freedom movement even in
politics.

Roy supported ‘monotheism’ as against ‘polytheism’ because he possibly desired to

defeat ‘sectarian differences’ amongst the Hindus. He sought to foster comprehensive
unity among the public. He struggled against vile social practices like the Sati which
he reviled by depending on classical Indian texts. Roy’s policies were away from
parochial. He was keenly devoted to freedom whether for his people or the peoples of
other lands. To him, ‘humanity is one family and the happiness or sorrow of one
nation constitutes the happiness or sorrow of rest of the world’. He was conscious of
the impact of public opinion and emphasized the need for freedom of expression. To

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him, a free press was tremendously useful to society because it bettered the
government in getting public admiration and esteem.

Roy also rendered an argument for Europeans’ settlement in India having thought that
such settlements would make a well-comprehending between Indians and Europeans
and it would support the development of literacy, and social and political matters.
According to him, the native scheme of education would be substituted by Western
education because the previous had ‘no practical use for society’. For this, he stressed
a liberal and enlightened system of teaching comprising ‘natural philosophy,
chemistry, anatomy and other useful sciences.

As a Universalist he desired to make a novel fusion of ‘Indian and Western ideas’ and
in this effort, he is one of the important forerunners of those who contended more
believably of ‘civilization as a cooperative enterprise’. He also required property
rights to be granted to women which would support to safeguard their safekeeping
after their husbands’ demises.
He opposed East India Company’s monopolistic trading rights in the matter of salt
trading.

5.6 EXERCISE

1. Evaluate Ram Mohan Roy’s suggestion for the improvement of education in

India.
2. Discuss the religious, social, and political reforms Raja Ram Mohan Roy
proposed. Examine any two reforms.
3. Do you agree that Ram Mohan Roy inaugurated an era of liberal reformist
modernization in India? Give reasons to support your views.
4. What are the modernizing elements in Ram Mohan Roy’s views on
education? Discuss.
5. Why did Ram Mohan Roy support the introduction of English education in
India? Give a reason for your answer.
6. Assess Ram Mohan Roy’s contribution to modern Indian Political Thought.
7. Critically analyze Ram Mohan Roy’s critique of contemporary evil practices
of Hindu society.
8. Ram Mohan Roy is hailed as the ‘Father of Modern India’. Do you agree?
Give reasons for your answer.
9. “Ram Mohan Roy inaugurated an era of Constitutional liberalism in India”.
Analyze this statement concerning his views on rights.

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5.7 REFERENCES

• Chattopadhyay, Kanal Lal (1996), Address of the Sectional President: 19th

Century Social Reform Movement in India: A Critical Appraisal, Proceedings
of the Indian History Congress, Indian History Congress, Vol. 57, pp. 415-
439.
• Khilnani, Sunil (2016), Incarnation: India in 50 Lives, UK: Penguin Random
House.
• Mohanty, D. K. (2007), Indian Political Tradition: From Manu to Ambedkar,
New Delhi: Anmol Publications Pvt. Ltd.
• Mukherjee, Subrata (2017), “Rammohun Roy: Ideas and Relevance” in
Vedabati Vedic (ed.), Modern Indian Thinkers, Dr. Jagannath Vidyalankar
Commemoration Volume, New Delhi: Sanjay Prakashan.
• Patnaik, H. S., Mahanti, K. and Mohanty, R.N. (2011), 3rd Edition, Indian
Society and Culture, Cuttack: Kitab Mahal.
• Saraswati, C. M. (1989), Modern Indian Political Thought, Vol. 1, Meerut:
Meenakshi Prakashan.
• Varma, V. P. (1995-1996), Modern Indian Political Thought, 11th Edition,
Vol. II, Agra: Lakshmi Narain Agarwal.
• Yadav, Sushma (1998), “Ram Mohan Roy: Colonial Encounter and His
Modernism” in Mahendra Prasad Singh and Himanshu Roy (ed.), Indian
Political Thought, New Delhi: Jnanada Prakashan (P & D).
• Noted Indians of Modern Times (Compiled from Various Sources) (1993),
New Delhi: Sagar Book House.

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UNIT-06 JYOTIBA PHULE

Structure
6.1 Objectives
6.2 Introduction
6.3 Life of Jyotiba Phule
6.4 Mahatma Jyotiba Phule: As a Philosopher
6.4.1 Feminism and Women's Empowerment
6.4.2 Philosophy of Education
6.4.3 Ideas on Social Justice and Equity
6.4.4 Philosophy of Religion
6.5 Satyashodak Samaj: The Vision of a New Society
6.6 Summary
6.7 Exercises
6.8 References

6.2 INTRODUCTION

Jyotirao Phule (1827-1990) or Mahatma Jyotiba Phule, Jyotirao Govind Rao Phule,
distinguished himself as a social reformer, activist, teacher, thinker, and
educationalist. He is regarded as one of the makers of modern India and also one of
the great souls of India, who occupies a very unique position among the social
reformer of India. Phule is widely known as the first person in modern India to start a
caste-repressed taxpayer and women's liberation movement, regardless of caste
(Begari, 2010). He also known as ‘Krantisurya’ was the first activist, writer, thinker,
social reformer, and revolutionary of a non-Brahmin community in modern India.
(Yallappa Mugali and Amadiha, 2008). He was bestowed with the title of Mahatma
on May 11, 1888, by a Maharashtrian social activist Vithalrao Krishnaji Vandekar.
He founded Satyashodhak Samaj (Society of Truth Seekers) to give equal rights to
the people of the lower castes. He has rebelled against the unjust caste system that has
plagued millions of people over the centuries and has developed criticisms of India's
social order and Hinduism. He was a social activist and an early leader who strongly
opposed gender inequality. (Sirswal, 2013). Inspired by Gautama Buddha and Kabir's
egalitarian philosophy, he was a worshiper of the Western emerging liberal
democracy and social revolution ideology. His main vision is to establish social
justice in society. In 19th Maharashtra, Jyotirao Phule pioneered the lower-caste

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movement as a frontrunner and one of the maximum influential theorists. In the

assault on Brahmanism, Phule broke new grounds, which throw unconventional
theoretical insights into modern social reality, paving the manner for a knowledge of
society and politics. He deserves a notable vicinity of delight inside the galaxy of
current Indian thinkers. Mahatma Jyoti Rao Phule is taken into consideration as the
maximum vital discernment inside the social reform motion in India. He seems as the
father of the Indian social revolution. Phule and his wife fought hard to build a
movement for gender equality and social justice. Both devoted their lives to the
spread of education.

6.3 LIFE OF JYOTIBA PHULE

Jyotirao’s father and mother were Govind Rao and Chimana. They had two sons, one
of whom, Jyotiba Phule was born on 11th April 1827 in the Satara district of
Maharashtra. He came from the Mali community which belonged to the Shudra caste.
He was directly exposed to the social injustice that was inherent in the Hindu caste
system. His mother died when he was one year old. His father arranged for a maid to
take care of his son. So he was brought up by a close relative Sagunbai. She treated
Govind like her son. At that time, as already mentioned, education was reserved only
for Brahmin. After finishing his primary education, Phule dropped out of his school
and was forced to help his father by working on his family’s farm. In 1841 he
enrolled in a high school in Scotland Mission in Pune. After completing secondary
education in 1847, he decided not to accept a job under the government of
Maharashtra. After that, he began his work as a social reformer.

The turning point in Jyotiba’s life was in the year 1848 when he was insulted by his
friend Brahmin’s family for attending a wedding. Phule suddenly faced the division
created by the caste system. His personal life stands in contrast to the compromises of
almost every other social reformer and radical, educating his wife Savitribai and
encouraging her to become a teacher in a school for girls. (Yallappa Mugali and
Amadiha, 2008). In 1848, he established a school that was the first anywhere in India
that worked for downtrodden girls. (Begari, 2010). Phule started that school for girls
and children of the untouchable castes, and his wife Savitribai greatly helped him in
this venture. In 1851 he opened two more schools for girls later in 1855 an evening
school for working-class people. For his contributions to educational activities, he
was felicitated by the Department of Education. In the 1860s, he joined the widow
remarriage campaign. In 1863, he founded a home for unwanted newborn infants to
prevent female infanticide. He founded the Satyashodak Samaj on 24 September 1873
in collaboration with other dedicated social workers to realize his reformist vision. He
worked as a member of the Pune Municipal Council from 1882-86. He was deposed

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before the Hunter Commission of Education on 19 October 1882. He was honoured in

a massive public meeting with the title of Mahatma on 11 May 1888. He died in Pune
on November 28, 1890, after a long illness.

Phule’s Writing:

He was not only a leader and reformer of the emancipation of lower castes but also an
original thinker who expressed his various ideas through his books. He wrote sixteen
books that continued the social awakening of the downtrodden masses who were
subject to the atrocities of the upper castes and the British administrators at that time.
Phule’s most important published works include Tritiya Ratna (1855), Jaat Bhed
Vivek Saar (1865), Brahmanche Kesab (1869), Powada: Chatrapati Shivajiraje
Bhosle Yancha (1869), Powada: Vidyakhatyatil Brahman Pantoji, (1869), Manav
Mahammand, Gulamgiri (1873), Shetkarayancha Aasud (1881), Satsar Vol I (1885),
Satsar Vol II (1885), Ishara (1885), Gramjoshya Sambhandi Jahir Kabhar, (1886)
Sarvajanik Satya Dharma Pustak (1891), Asprushyanchikaifyat (1893), Akhandadi
Kavyarachana. (Gauba, 2019). The best-known of his works is Gulamgiri (Slavery).
Gulamgiri focused on the origins of the Brahminical order and its ideological
foundations.

In all of the above books, Phule’s writing was very aggressive and courageous. His
writing was a reaction to Maharashtra’s social and religious system. He worked for
achieving his motive which is universal education, education for women, and uplift of
people who were ostracized by the caste system.

6.4 MAHATMA JYOTIBA PHULE: AS A PHILOSOPHER

Several other titles such as educator, socialist revolutionary party, humanist, feminist,
etc. can be used for Mahatma Jyotiba Phule. But if we can use only one word for him
it cannot explain his enlightening character. In his various books, he presents some
ideas on ethics, metaphysics, and socio-political philosophy. Because of his
personality and ideas, the title “philosopher” referred to him. A philosopher is
someone who has contributed to multiple areas of knowledge.

6.4.1 Feminism and Women's Empowerment

Mahatma Jyotiba Phule and his wife, Savitribai, were notable figures, especially at
the time. He occupies a unique position as the saviour of Indian women. Throughout
Phule’s life, he struggled hard for the emancipation of Shudras and Ati-Shudras and
also for the upliftment of Indian women. Phule was influenced by Thomas Paine’s
book ‘Right of Man’. He developed a keen sense of social justice, becoming ardent

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and critical of the Indian caste system. He argued that the education of women and
the lower caste was a vital priority in addressing social inequality. He made a noble
resolve to throw open the gates of knowledge to women. (Yallappa Mugali and
Amadiha, 2008).

He started educating women by educating his wife and training her for school.
Savitribai was the first female teacher in India. In 1848, he founded the first school
for girls in the Shudras and the Ati-Shudras in Pune (Singh and Roy, 2011). He
advocated education for female students and adults from the oppressed community.
He set up another school for girls of all castes this time and later in 1855 he set up an
evening school for working-class people. He founded institutes such as the ‘Pune
Female Native Schools’ and the ‘Society for Promoting Education for Mahar,
Mangs’. He prepared his wife, Savitribai, to teach in the girl’s school, intending to
educate the women first, to bring in the value of equality at home. In 1852 was
honoured by the Board of Education for his work in the education of girls.

Savitribai needed to face vicious competition from the orthodox society of the time
due to the fact she taught women and those from the underprivileged agencies inside
the school. Despite this sour competition, Jyotiba and Savitri Bai persisted to continue
to work n good faith. At that time, Phule’s approach to gender issues was very
revolutionary. An attempt on his wife was made in 1856 which shows the intensity of
the reaction caused by his work. (Singh and Roy, 2011). He supported the movement
for widow remarriage in 1860 and established a Home in 1863 to prevent infanticide.
He also fought against the Sati system and child marriage.

6.4.2 Philosophy of Education

Jyotiba Phule gives importance to education because it is a way to change the existing
power structure that prevails in society. He gives more emphasis to compulsory,
universal, and creative education. He believe that education will access justice and
equality among the lower castes and women, and urged that only with education
growth would be possible among the individuals. Phule believed that ‘education is a
human right’.

In an introduction to the book “Shetk Aryacha Asod”, Jyotiba Phule states:

• Without education wisdom was lost;
• Without wisdom morals were lost;
• Without morals development was lost;
• Without development wealth was lost;

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Phule has brought new meanings to education. The type of education he preferred
was modern and scientific. It can serve as a means for social change and
transformation. He emphasized the spread of education and wanted to use knowledge
as a weapon. He believed that the subjection of the lower castes and their liberation
rests basically on education. He stated that the lack of education is the main cause of
the degradation of lower castes. He also believed in the universalization of education
which is education for all. Many things happened because of the lack of education.
(Begari, 2010) changes in attitude. He believed that this would lead to the ‘Cultural
Revolution’ and technological advances. His educational system is still very relevant.
For Phule knowledge was not just information, it involves questioning and
understanding critique knowledge. For him, "Education is the power to think, the
power to act well in the world's work, and the power to appreciate life”.

6.4.3 Ideas on Social Justice and Equity

He tried to eradicate untouchability and the whole caste system prevails in society.
Phule rejected the caste system, which was accepted as a natural phenomenon. He
rebelled against the unjust caste system that has plagued lots of people and suffered
for centuries. Untouchables had no rights at the time. Since everyone is equal from
birth, it promotes equal opportunities for all. In doing so, he voiced opposition to the
unjust caste system prevailing in Hindu society. He sought to create a dichotomized
concept of the Hindu social structure. He was the first social revolutionary who was
strongly against Brahmanism humiliating and exploiting shudratrishurda in the mane
of purity, impurities, and smriti. He founded the Satyashodak Samaj.

This confirmed an extensive wide variety of developmental buds that spread rational
thinking. The motion carried on with the aid of using the samaj to become the
primary of its type to attain the remote villages. He continued the social reform
movement based totally on social equality. Phule believed in the equality of adult
males and females. He now no longer best-emphasized equality between guys and
women. For Phule equality in society will become meaningless. There isn't any
equality between males and females inside the family. He extended universal
humanism primarily based on the values of freedom, equality, and familiar fraternity.
He criticized the caste gadget thru the books “Gulamgiri’’ and “Brahmanachekasab”.
He founded the Satyashodak Samaj. He confirmed the seeds of improvement of the
masses.

He was deeply impressed and enlightened by the revolutionary thought of Thomas

Paine (1738-1809), a British philosopher. Drawing inspiration from Paine’s
celebrated work, Rights of Man (1791), Phule argued that all men and women are free
and equal by birth. When God has made them free and equal, no individual has the

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right to oppress another. They are not only entitled to equality before the law but also
to equality of opportunity to enter into civil service and municipal administration.
(Gauba, 2019).

Phule’s also focused on the gender issue prominently. Besides starting a college
solely for girls, he additionally ran a domestic for pregnant Brahmin widows to
supply their babies, who frequently killed or deserted their ‘illegitimate’ babies. He
followed a child brought with the aid of using a Brahmin widow on this domestic as
his son. He additionally encouraged remarriage for Brahmin widows and become
additionally towards the inhuman Brahmin exercise of shaving off the pinnacle in
their widows. He counselled that gender inequality needed to be contingent on well-
known iniquitous case relations. (Jha, 2011).

6.4.4 Philosophy of Religion

Phule does now no longer need to be a spiritual thinker, spiritual guru, or truth seeker
of faith. Also, he turned into now no longer involved to show the lifestyles of God,
the relationship between God and the international, etc. He had adverse idolatry and
denounced the Chatur Varna. He meant to reveal the predicament created through
spiritual government who sure guys in spiritual rituals and made people enemies of
every other. His wondering turned into that the Hindu faith now no longer best offers
the nonsecular understanding to guys however additionally sure his social and private
lifestyles in spiritual bigotries. He needs that faith that offers guy genuine freedom to
develop socially and spiritually. Phule stimulated by the unconventional spiritual
thoughts of Thomas Paine ought to reach doing this form of a theoretical exercise.
Phule believed in a single God. He appeared as God as a writer of this international
and women and men as his children.

Phule’s concept of religion mainly focused on women’s emancipation from the age-
old traditional orthodoxy. His religious teachings aimed at the upliftment of women
and Shudras and anti-Shudras. So that he wanted to uplift the status of women and
shudra, anti-Shudra status by religious means. He advocated in his famous work
‘Sarvajanik Satyadharma’ which is ‘the true religion of the people. (Mugali and
Amadihal, 2008). It is a manifesto for democracy. There are thirty-three articles in the
Sarvajanik Satyadharma, that outline the guidelines for the introduction of a global
own circle of relatives primarily based totally on fundamental human rights in
addition to the social and knowledgeable attitudes vital for it. The gist of those
articles, in more or much less Jotirao’s words, is as follows:

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• All males and females have to stay collectively united on this earth as one
family, with honesty and without discrimination, irrespective of to which
village, province, country, continent or spiritual ideals they adhere.
• The Creator created a guy to be unbiased and able to take part in identical
rights as others.
• The Creator has given the freedom to all males and females to specify
themselves freely, however without inflicting damage attributable to their
minds or views. This is called true (righteous) conduct.
• The Creator has endowed everybody with human rights. Hence it follows that
a man or woman or a collection cannot dominate any other. To comply with
this precept is to exercise righteous conduct.
• The Creator has given all males and females spiritual and political freedom.
One who does now no longer damage any other in any manner and does now
no longer usurp any other’s rights is a practitioner of righteous conduct.

Those are the mind of one who believed in a democratic society. Jotiba borrowed the
idea of the dominion of God on earth from Christianity, even though he delivered a
brand new idea of human values. He became now no longer a nationalist. In his
opinion, the period ‘nation’ becomes to be interpreted as ‘the network of a region,
primarily based totally on freedom and equality’. He says over and over that company
of groups sure through caste or faith do now no longer represent a nation. A non-
secular network must usually continue to be a constituent of the arena network.
Religious establishments have caused separatism. He warns again and again in
opposition to blind ideals in faith. ‘Nirmik’, which means God, is the present-day
term Jotiba has used for the Creator of the universe. He believed that terms hitherto
coined for God had grown out of practices and observances, of prayer or worship,
which greatly created a social rift among human beings. Hence, he eschewed terms
which include Ishwar, Allah, Brahma, etc., According to him, service to mankind or
protective human equality and freedom will become in essence the right worship of
God. Phule denounced the Chatur Varna, which suppressed and ruined the status of
women. He was aware that religious bigotry and aggressive nationalism destroy the
unity of man.

6.5 SATYASHODAK SAMAJ: THE VISION OF A NEW SOCIETY

Jyotiba Phule had a vision of necessary changes in society. He believed that the
toiling castes constitute the overwhelming majority of the Indian population. They
should chalk out their path, outside the Brahmin fold, to form a new society on the
principles of equity/ casteless ness, rationality, and justice. To promote such a society,
Phule and his colleagues founded the Satyashodhak Samaj in 1873, which was the

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first social reform movement in Maharashtra. It sought to secure the emancipation of

the downtrodden castes and liberate the Shudras and Ati-Shudras from the slavery of
the higher castes. The intention of the Samaj turned into to make the Shudras and Ati-
Shudras privy to their civil rights and to unfasten them from the spiritual and
emotional slavery imposed on them through the Brahminical scriptures. In 1911 Satya
Shodhak Samaj published its resolutions that consist of all three guidelines.

a. All human beings are children of one God. Therefore, they are my brothers
and sisters.
b. As no mediator needed to meet one’s mother or father, so also no priest or
guru to pray to God.
c. I shall educate my son and daughters.

A set of principles that the Samaj drew up shortly after its formation included the
belief in the equality of all human beings. The main goals of the organization are:
Members were exhorted to spread truth and right-thinking among people, make them
aware of their rights and social issues, target fraud and public education paramount.
Phule argued that by educating Shudras, it could be possible to bring Shudras into the
mainstream. According to him, education was a weapon to bring to an end their
humiliation at the hands of the Brahmins. Members were advised to make every effort
to spread education by teaching women and children and dissemination of improved
techniques in agriculture. Samaj’s weekly meetings were held in Pune on topics such
as social reform, widow remarriage, mass education, encouragement of swadeshi
goods, freeing people from superstitions and astrology, and encouragement of simple
marriage ceremonies at minimum expense.

Phule called the shudratrishuda bloodsucking consumers of society’s resources.

Those people who produce the wealth of society were called shudratrishuda. Phule
brings together all working-class-kumis, malis, hangars, Muslims, bails, kolis,
Mahars, and mangos under an umbrella organization to engage in a morally
motivated and knowledgeable struggle against the falsehood Brahmin. His movement
was based on the idea of connecting the present castes with the untouchables and
Muslim masses. His broad-based community of the oppressed consisted of all those
who stood on the receiving side of the Brahminical system.

6.6 SUMMARY

In India, April 11 is celebrated each year as the Jyotiba Phule Jayanti because of the
honour of Jyotirao Govindrao Phule. He was the first Indian educationalist whose
views were honoured by the British rulers in India. Phule was a very practical man

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and a very profound figure in the field of philosophy. He is rightly called Mahatma.
He is remembered for his contribution to various fields like education, caste equality,
agricultural reforms, economics, women, and widow rights, human rights, and social
equality. He occupies a unique position among the 19th-century social reformers of
India. Mahatma Jyotiba Phule is a revolutionary social reformer. Phule’s philosophy
of religion was to worship one God and exercise righteous conduct. Everyone must
behave like brothers and sisters closer to every other. All human beings, men and
women, must have identical rights. There must be no caste discrimination.

6.7 EXERCISES

1. Discuss the life sketch and writings of Jyotiba Phule?

2. Write a brief note about Phule’s Satyashodak Samaj: The Vision of a New
Society?
3. Critically examine whether Jyotiba Phule is regarded as a philosopher. If yes
then explain his various philosophies.

6.8 REFERENCES

• Begari, Jagannatham, “Jyotirao Phule: A Revolutionary Social Reformer”.

Indian Political Science Association. The Indian Journal of Political Science,
Vol. 71. No. (APR-JUNE, 2010), pp. 399-412.
• Sirswal, Desh Raj, “Mahatma Jyotiba Phule: A Modern Indian Philosopher”.
Darshan. International Refereed Quarterly Research Journal for Philosophy of
Yoga, Vol.3. No.4. July-Sep. 2013.
• Gauba, O.P., “Indian Political Thought”. National Paperbacks, 2019.
• Singh Mahendra and Roy Himanushu, “Indian Political Thought”, Pearson,
2011
• “Who was Jyotirao Phule?” The Indian Express. 28 November 2017.
Retrieved 25 May 2022.

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UNIT-7 PANDITA RAMABAI

Structure
7.1 Objective
7.2 Introduction
7.3 The Woman and her time
7.4 What Is Patriarchy
7.4.1 Views on Patriarchy
7.5 Ramabai and the Question of Women’s Education
7.6 Initiative in India
7.6.1 Sharada Sadan
7.6.2 Mukti School
7.7 Christianity and Colonialism
7.8 Women’s Rights
7.9 International and National Perspective
7.10 Summary
7.11 Exercise
7.12 Reference

7.1 OBJECTIVE

After reading this unit you will be able to understand:

• The socio-economic background of Pandita Ramabai.
• The idea and position of women in the society.
• Her stand on the patriarchy and society.
• The initiative of Ramabai on women's education.

7.2 INTRODUCTION

Pandita Ramabai Saraswati, a scholar, feminist and educator is known for her
remarkable contributions towards humanity. In the realm of Indian political
philosophy, Pandita Ramabai continues to be called one of the foremost socially
aware women thinkers of nineteenth-century India. Undoubtedly, numerous
performers have worked towards improving the conditions of women in India, but

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what made Ramabai exceptional was her resolve to not only preach and act for the
freedom of women but also set an example for other women by practicing what she
preached.

Consequently, Ramabai's life and works depict an untypical crusade by a clever

woman to breach the limitations of women's liberation at a period when few men of
high caliber and social conscience could even conceive of doing so. (Chakrabarty &
Pandey, 2009).

The state of women during the colonial period was appalling. British people knew
that the situation of Indian women was worse than that of British society. In Indian
culture, it was common to see female feticide, child marriage, forced marriage,
polygamy, Sati, Devadasi, and Purdah. Women's literacy rates were extremely low.
The main causes of the fall were bad social customs, rigid religious beliefs, cruel
superstitions, and evil actions. The social reformers, however, made fervent attempts
to eradicate the social ill and awaken the populace to the injustice done to Indian
women following the social collapse, endless sadness, and awful pain. Social
reformers Raja Ram Mohan Ray, Ishwar Chandra Vidyasagar, and others focused on
women's education, early marriage avoidance, polygamy abolition, and widow
remarriage. At the time, feminism, as we know it today, did not exist, and just a few
voices were raised in support of the liberation of women. Pandita Ramabai was at the
time recognized as India's first significant feminist as a result of her advocacy in
western India.

7.3 THE WOMAN AND HER TIMES

Pandita Ramabai was a multifaceted individual. Throughout her life, she advocated
for women’s independence. She was born in 1858 to the progressive Brahman Ananta
Shashtri Dongre and raised in a Marathi Brahmin intellectual family that lived in
Karnataka. Her father made certain that Ramabai was spared the twin evils of child
remarriage and illiteracy. (Chakrabarty & Pandey, 2009). Her liberal upbringing
exposed her to a wide range of religious texts and intellectual publications. After her
parents perished in a famine in 1876, she, along with her brother, travelled more than
3000 kilometers on foot and went to Calcutta. After some years of staying in Calcutta,
her brother also died in 1880. Ramabai's proficiency in Sanskrit astounded the city's
educated populace, and Calcutta University bestowed upon her the title of Pandita.
She was given the moniker Sarasvathi (the Indian goddess of knowledge) in honour
of her aptitude for deciphering numerous Sanskrit works. After that, Ramabai wed
Bengali lawyer Bipin Behari Medhvi in a civil ceremony in 1880. The marriage was
inter-caste and inter-regional because the groom was a Bengali Kayastha, which was

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a notable deviation from the convention at the time. They had a girl child, named
Manorama. Six months after Manorama was born, her husband passed away in 1882,
leaving Pandita and her daughter as the only living members of their family. After his
passing, Ramabai relocated to Poona, where she established the Arya Mahila Samaj,
the first feminist group in India. She researched the problems faced by Indian women
who are subject to rigid, orthodox Hindu customs as well as conducted classes on
these topics. She spoke out against the horrifying restrictions placed on the lives of
young widows as well as the custom of child marriage. She also got a fellowship to
study in England. She became a Christian while she was living in England. She
became intellectually persuaded, as a result of the impact of Nehemiah Goreh's
apologetic works, that whatever truths were included in the Brahmo philosophy were
truly of Christian origin. However, this did not make her lose the emphasis on the
flaws in Indian society. When she eventually made it back to India, she endeavored to
meld her old Indian culture with her new Christian beliefs to encourage change there.
(Kosambi, 2016).

She also moved to America, where she spent three years travelling extensively and
giving talks on the condition of children and female widows in India. To raise money
for upcoming initiatives in India, the Ramabai Foundation was established in
America, and more than 30,000 dollars was raised. Her book, High Caste Hindu
Women, sold more than 10,000 copies in America, and the proceeds were used to
provide refuge for the impoverished women of India. She established Sharda Sadan, a
stay-in-school in Bombay, by April 1889. The school was supported by missionaries,
and Ramabai was a Christian. Therefore, the community viewed it with tremendous
caution, mistrust, and wariness. Even though this was the first shelter for widows in
Maharashtra, This led to a theological dispute that drove her to relocate to Poona and
caused Sharda Sadan to alter its name to Mukti Sadan. The Pandita Ramabai Mukti
Mission is still in operation today, helping many vulnerable populations, such as
orphans, widows, and people with physical disabilities, by offering them homes,
vocational training, education, and medical care.

7.4 WHAT IS PATRIARCHY?

Patriarchy is merely the father's authority. Historically, the term “patriarchy” referred
to male control in a household. However, in the current understanding, the term's
reach has been enlarged. Feminists and other critics use it to allude to adult males'
dominance of all institutions. This dominance applies to both the formal and informal
worlds. Feminists seek to end patriarchy by granting women equal status and
empowering women. However, the feminist motion is fractured. Some of the primary
branches of feminism include anarchists, liberal and Marxist feminists, and radical

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feminists. Pandita Ramabai's opinions are more in line with the liberal feminist
movement.

Ramabai was one of India's first feminists. Her organisation, Arya Mahila
Sabha(1882), was India's first female organisation working towards the aim of gender
reform. This institution's primary goals were to encourage higher levels of education
among indigenous women and to reduce the prevalence of child marriage. Ramabai
advocated for the independence of women from the oppressive practices of Hinduism.
In her efforts to effect positive change in the lives of Indian women, she disseminated
her ideas mostly via the medium of writing and public speaking. Her Sanskrit poem
titled "Lamentation of Divine Language," which she presented at the Oriental
Conference held in Berlin in 1881, is the oldest piece from her body of literary work
that is now extant. The poem focuses on the brutality of colonialism. She grew
skeptical of society's Brahminical and traditional dominance. She effectively entered
the feminist conversation with her debut Marathi novel, Stree-dharma Niti. In her
second book, The Cry of Indian Women, she condemned child marriage, widows'
hardships, and the familial subjugation of women. During her time abroad, she got
acquainted with feminist views. This visit also influenced her political thought, and
her writings demonstrate her passion for fundamental ideas like equality, liberty, and
social justice. Her most influential work, The High Caste Hindu Women, became
India's feminist manifesto. She described the state of women throughout their lives,
from childhood through marriage to old age, in her book. She also found that Hindu
texts support women's lower status. During these years, Ramabai was also working
on a Marathi book that she titled United Stateschi Lokesthiti ani Pravasvritta (The
People of the United States). (Pandita Ramabai, Indian Social Activist, 2010)

The book was eventually published in Bombay in December 1889, only a few months
after she returned to India. Ramabai's goal in writing this book was to draw attention
to the crucial role that social movements and civil society play in bringing about
positive change in society. In her speech, Ramabai addressed the audience in India
and emphasized the significance of emulating the social structure of the United States
to successfully overthrow the colonial government that was in place at the time. She
used the United States as an example of a contemporary and developed nation. The
Ramabai Association was established in Boston in December of 1887 as a direct
consequence of Pandita Ramabai's involvement in various activities while she was in
the United States. She urged Indian society to adopt the American model.

7.4.1 Her Views on Patriarchy

In the nineteenth century, the libertarian views of freedom fighters had a significant
impact on social reform movements. Re-marriage, child marriage, and caste

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discrimination were the main concerns of social reform initiatives during this period.
I.C. Vidyasagar and others like Raja Ram Mohan Roy and Behram Ji Malabari have
all made significant contributions to this field. These issues were intertwined with the
broader struggle for independence. As well as being an excellent writer, Ramabai was
also an excellent activist. To defy the restrictions of hypergamy, she married a lower
caste person (Sudra) and refused to retire from public life after her husband's death.
Those who supported Indian patriarchy and those who supported social reform
condemned her for being critical and daring to question it. She was also punished for
her conversion to Christianity. Even as she decried sexism, she brought attention to
the plight of high-caste women, a situation she was intimately familiar with given her
background as a high-caste woman. Female enslavement and ancient Hindu texts
were linked by her. In this literature, a woman's self-worth was defined only in terms
of her role as a daughter, wife, or mother. The woman was always inferior to her
father, husband, and son due to her poor social status. Societal patriarchy frequently
prevented women from receiving an education. She was unable to learn about the
outside world because she was restricted within the four walls of her home.

Due to the responsibilities, she had as a representation of the Vedic time, Ramabai
had to make difficult decisions. After studying and pondering her own experiences,
she became increasingly conscious of the subtle patriarchal structure of society.
Ramabai's political opinions began to take shape during these formative years and
were expressed in both written and spoken forms. She drew a connection between
ancient literature's precepts and women's social subordination. The severe caste
structure that pervaded Indian culture at the time did not affect Ramabai's forward-
looking mindset. She insisted that individuals were not categorized into the four
classes based on their birth order in ancient times, but rather on the merit they had
accrued through their work. Until recently, the caste system was not linked to one's
birth, but that has changed, and it is now considered discriminatory. Because of the
combination of gender inequality and caste discrimination, Indian women suffered
greatly. Ramabai was aware that the patriarchal mindset of her society placed women
in the roles of housewife, mother, and wife because of the sexual, reproductive, and
domestic obligations they were supposed to perform. Female status was limited in
this patriarchal and caste-based culture to that of a saubhagyavati, or "lucky lady
whose husband is still alive.” Furthermore, having boys rather than girls was viewed
as a more desirable option than having females. (Rubinfeld, n.d.) Even in the 19th
century, women with no children were viewed as having lower status than those with
at least one daughter. In her best book, The High Caste Hindu Women, she
investigates how a Hindu girl is raised to be subservient to male family members,
even when she has attained worldly wisdom. Probably as early as the age of seven or

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eight, she was taught how to do housekeeping by her mother. This is all in
preparation for her upcoming nuptials. (Sarasvati, n.d.)

Manusmriti defends their inability to comprehend sacred books as a necessary evil.

They viewed marriage as their most important responsibility because they hoped it
would help her spiritually. Women are expected to give birth to males after marriage,
and even if they do, they have little choice over the child that emerges from their
womb. When her husband died, a woman had little choice but to turn to her father,
her husband, and finally her son for support. It was because of this that a woman was
never seen to be a self-reliant human being. Upon marriage, a male has the legal right
to seize a woman's assets and dispose of them as his own. The economic arena was
dominated by men, but women were also prevented from participating. This resulted
in them being isolated from the rest of society because of their sexual orientation.
Since this regulation was put in place to protect the virginity of women and their
children, upper-caste women were particularly affected. For upper-caste women, the
situation was far worse than that of lower-caste women. Women in the lower castes
can do some things for themselves because they work to support their families and
can go to public places.

A rigorous hierarchical structure was established in the ancient Hindu family, with
male members exerting authority over younger and female members. Religious
beliefs and caste standards only served to legitimize this system. Child marriage and
widowhood have been the result of the belief that a woman is the property of her
husband. Because it was believed that a woman was her husband's property and that
the sooner she was with her husband, the better, child marriage became the rule rather
than the exception. In the same way, when her husband died, she was forced to live in
poverty because he was her sole means of support. Marriage as a young girl places
her in the lowest social rank in the household of her husband's father and makes her
an outcast in that circle. Because in Western civilizations, marriage is based on free
will and the equal participation of both sexes, the law's Ramabai praised Western
culture. A widow's social exile is exacerbated by the widespread belief that
widowhood is a punishment for a woman's past crimes, which Ramabai echoed in her
discussion of widowhood. Because it was solely available to men, Moksha couldn't
be obtained by females. She and her husband were only able to attain spiritual
enlightenment and liberation by worshipping each other. "Pati Parmeshwar", her
spouse, is her only deity, and she must worship, follow, and revere him. Only through
adoring her husband would she be reincarnated as a high-caste man in the future,
allowing her access to Brahminical teachings and traditions that would ensure
moksha in the next life. (Jain, 2013).

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7.5 RAMABAI AND THE QUESTION OF WOMEN'S EDUCATION

The dismal state of women's lives was linked to their lack of knowledge, as Ramabai
discovered. Other pre-independence social reformers in India shared her view that the
condition of women was a reflection of the decline of the country. In her book The
High Caste Hindu Woman, she writes, "I have concluded that the major demands of
high caste Hindu women are: first self-reliance, second education, and third local
woman instructors." (Sarasvati, n.d.)

For her support of women's education, she experienced a lot of opposition. She
testified before the colonial government's Hunter Education Commission to convey
her opinions on the education of women. For women's schools, she argued that
female teachers and female school inspectors should be appointed because male
school inspectors were biased against women's education. Additionally, she lobbied
for women's medical education, arguing that women are afraid of expressing their
worries to a male doctor and that a shortage of women's doctors is to blame for the
premature deaths of a huge number of women. As a result of her testimony before the
Hunter Commission, the British Queen helped found the National Association for the
Supply of Female Medical Aid to Women in India (the "National Association").

7.6 INITIATIVES IN INDIA

7.6.1 Sharada Sadan

In Mumbai, Pandita Ramabai founded Sharada Sadan (Home of Wisdom), a school
for widows. This was to be a non-sectarian school, but all Brahmin caste rules had to
be strictly followed. It attracted several high-caste Hindu widows, but the Hindu
society remained skeptical of Ramabai's objectives. Her conversion to Christianity
also cast doubt on her qualifications in the Hindu community. She attempted to avoid
criticism by organizing an Executive Committee comprised of reformers known as
devout Hindus. However, it did not work, and less than a year later, stories critical of
Ramabai and her school appeared in the Bombay media. She was accused of
attempting to convert widows to Christianity. Allowing widows to attend her personal
prayer gatherings was Ramabai's confessed offence. By 1893, twenty-five girls had
been removed. But there was no shortage of widows in need of refuge, and Ramabai
soon had more students. By 1900, the Sharada Sadan had trained eighty women who
could support themselves via teaching or nursing. The year 1908 marked the
beginning of Ramabai's ambitious project to translate the Bible into the Marathi
language. Her goal was to ensure that the people of Maharashtra were able to
comprehend the principles that underpin the Christian faith. The last issues of

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Ramabai's newsletter, which she called Mukti Prayer Bell, were filled with essays
that displayed an increasing level of hatred and dissatisfaction.

7.6.2 Mukti School

Ramabai’s second school, Mukti, was founded thirty miles west of Pune at Kedgaon
in the aftermath of the 1897 famine. (Kosambi, 2016). She began accepting hungry
victims, women, and children, into Sharada Sadan. There she provided food and
clothing to them and registered them in the school. The authorities restricted people's
movement to contain the pandemic. The number of people allowed in Sharada Sadan
has been limited by the municipal magistrate in Poona. Because she couldn't
accommodate famine victims in Pune, Ramabai relocated her operations to Kedgaon,
where she had acquired 100 acres of land. By 1900, this endeavour had evolved into a
big institution, accommodating 2,000 women and children who were enrolled in
school and engaged in manufacturing and industrial training. Mukti received funding
from an American committee, which enthusiastically endorsed all her proposals. To
create a caring mindset, literature emphasizing moral examples was chosen to be part
of the programmer. Physiology and botany lectures were included to inform students
about their anatomy and the physical world in which they lived. Printing, carpentry,
tailoring, masonry, wood-cutting, weaving, and embroidery were among the
industrial skills taught, as were farming and gardening. To break down caste
boundaries and build new loyalties based on interest, all students were obliged to join
unions or clubs such as the Temperance Union or the Christian Endeavour Society.
As the participants of these organizations, the youngsters learned rudimentary
parliamentary norms and were encouraged to take responsibility for their affairs
(Rubinfeld, n.d.).

7.7 VIEWS ON CHRISTIANITY AND COLONIALISM

Pandita Ramabai considered her conversion to be a form of protest against the

inherent sexism that exists in Hinduism. As was society's reaction to her conduct, her
connection with Christianity was a long and complicated series of events. Both
should be viewed in the context of a socio-temporal framework, the edges of which
were formed by British political, cultural, and racial superiority. Because of
Ramabai's affiliation with Christianity, a very private matter of conviction became the
impetus for social action. She can be viewed as the setting for several parallel
interactions between Hinduism and Christianity, reason and dogma, and individuality
and Church hierarchy. The greater conflict between Indianness and Western culture,
nationalism and colonial power, and feminism and patriarchy in all of its guises
surrounded this. (Kosambi, 1992)

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Pandita Ramabai had converted to Christianity, but she did not agree with all its
ideas. She was critical of the predominant attitude of white and Christian superiority
in the Church. The Church saw her conversion to Christianity as a benefit because she
was from the lower castes of Hindu culture. Even after her conversion, she
maintained rigorously Brahminical habits such as avoiding onions and garlic. She
attempted to indigenize Christian practices while attempting to integrate the practices
and concepts of two religions, Hinduism and Christianity. Soon after becoming a
Christian, she opposed wearing the cross since it was foreign to Indian culture. Her
personality evolved into one of conflict between Christianity and Hinduism, in which
she attempted to maintain her Hindu identity while criticizing some elements of it.
She attempted to give her daughter Manorama a solid foundation in Indian culture.
Her resistance to colonialism was not limited to the cultural or religious spheres; she
was also aware of the exploitative nature of British rule in India. She stated, "The
British administration is draining Indian blood and riches while forcing the Indian
army to march and fight the British battle in Egypt, where they will perish." This
regime has devoured our Indian territories wherever there was no genuine successor
to the king! Not to mention their crimes imposed by the Press Statute; the act that
decreased the age of Indian Civil Servants; the Act of Disarmament; and, worst of all,
our poor Indian citizens are compelled to pay so many taxes to the government,
whether we can afford them or not. We could sell our homes and properties, but we
still have to pay the government's taxes. " (Sarasvati, n.d.) She held an anti-
government stance on numerous matters, particularly those concerning women.

7.8 ON WOMEN'S RIGHTS

One of the most important impacts of British rule in India was that it familiarized and
educated Indians with the language of rights. Ramabai too sought to broaden the
scope of rights for Indian women. She sought to create awareness among women
towards self-improvement. In her lectures, she discussed the issue of the good
conduct of women, their advancement, and morals at great length. She supported
women's participation in public affairs. In her functions, she encouraged women
speakers and expected them to preside. She also supported women's participation in
political affairs. She considered herself equal to men and travelled a lot across the
world. Another objective of Ramabai was to unite the women of the world. It was in
the quest for the advancement of women that she emphasized the need for women to
educate themselves. Ramabai had a strong belief that the best way to undermine the
patriarchal system was to educate women. She hoped that women's education would
help them recognize the errors in sacred literature and reject Brahminism. She
observed: "The Hindu woman has been enjoined by religion to look upon her husband
as God, to hope for salvation only through him, to be obedient to him in all things,

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never to covet independence, never to do anything which has been approved by law
and custom; and to change this state of affairs, the chief needs were education for
women, leading to their self-reliance." (Sarasvati, n.d.) She advocated property rights
for women too and spoke against the practice of forfeiting the properties of widows
who remarry. She participated in the 1889 Bombay session of the Indian National
Congress. She was instrumental in the passing of two proposals for women—one
related to the shaving of the heads of widows and the other related to marriage. Both
these resolutions were passed with a huge majority.

7.9 INTERNATIONAL/NATIONAL PERSPECTIVE

Ramabai's appreciation for the United States in particular and non-imperialist

Western civilization, in general, is evident in every one of her pieces. She thought
that America was a liberal country and that colonial countries like India should aspire
to attain political freedom and social reform. It was a place of progress, equality,
opportunity, and citizen rights. Few people were aware, though, that she was using
her admiration for America specifically to advance her nationalist and anti-colonialist
objectives, which included building a modern India. Tilak and other traditional Indian
nationalists resisted using her as a role model for imitation because they refused to
consider her as a symbol of contemporary Indian femininity.

Ramabai was largely motivated by the way that women were able to head
organizations that worked for social change in America. All women's organizations
and clubs in the United States had a charity focus that supported objectives including
education, helping the underprivileged, and other causes. Additionally, these groups
existed in nations like Norway, Britain, Germany, and France. According to Ramabai,
these organizations were created because women understood their worth and power
and realized that large tasks could be accomplished if many individuals collaborated
to achieve a shared objective. Ramabai emphasized that any movement, specifically
an anti-colonial movement in India, needs a homogenous society to succeed. She
honestly came to see the value of maintaining an educated and polite society in
America. She believed that liberal democracy should be practiced in a manner that is
politically, economically, and socially similar to that of the United States. She also
wished for Indian women to understand the value of being authentic. The orthodox
nationalists consequently began to question her nationalism and patriotism. Her
conversion to religion has already generated controversy throughout India. This act
was criticized and questioned by liberals and conservatives alike. Due to her Christian
faith, Ramabai personally encountered discrimination on both a social and religious
level.

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We may also observe Ramabai's nationalist side via her open letters criticizing the
British administration for aiding in the enforcement of Brahmanical laws and for poor
handling of the famines. She publicly denounced the Britishers' lack of intervention in
horrible acts like sati and polygamy in the name of religion as being nothing more
than flimsy justifications. However, she may indeed have been somewhat constrained
by her conversion to Christianity in terms of her participation in the anti-colonial
campaign. Ramabai made effective use of the little space that the patriarchal
nationalist leadership at the time gave to a social dissident. Her ability to see the good
in the West and the flaws in our civilization is what makes her thinking so beautiful.
Ramabai was a nationalist intellectual with a global perspective. (Rubinfeld, n.d.)

7.10 SUMMARY

The British government honoured Pandita Ramabai with the Kaiser-I-Hind medal in
1919 for the significant contributions she had made to the development of the Indian
educational system. The social advantage of converting the lives of widows from
being seen as a burden on society into individuals who are empowered and able to
make economic contributions to society was also recognized. Previously, widows
were seen as a burden on society. Ramabai's daughter received the award on her
mother’s behalf since Ramabai was unable to maintain her commitments at the time.
However, not long after that, her health began to rapidly deteriorate, which ultimately
led to her death in 1921 at the age of 40. Pandita Ramabai was able to endure this
anguish for an additional year before she too succumbed to her failing health and
passed away. (Rubinfeld, n.d.)

Ramabai significance stems from her rebellious stance toward outdated religious
rituals, prejudice against women, and Hindu society's patriarchal system. Ramabai
was an excellent social reformer because she had a modern, forward-thinking
viewpoint that was years ahead of its time. Ramabai identified as a liberal because
she campaigned for equality and freedom. She was a feminist as well since she firmly
believed that women ought to enjoy the same rights as men. We can better understand
the history of the first feminist movement in Western India by understanding
Ramabai’s life narrative. She campaigned against patriarchy by fighting for causes
like women's equality and self-improvement as well as her challenges as a high-caste
Hindu. Her independence, her conversion to Christianity, her free-will marriage to a
man of a different caste, and her secular outlook make her unique as a liberal
feminist.

She inspired many later social reformers to work for women’s rights. Similar to this,
her public persona encouraged many women to enter politics and realize their natural

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equality in terms of capacity for education or in any other area. Ramabai was indeed a
nationalist intellectual with a global perspective. (Jain, 2013).

7.11 EXERCISE

1. What was the idea f Ramabai on patriarchy in society?

2. What was the vision of Ramabai on women's education?
3. How does Ramabai contribute to the women's position in the family and
society?
4. What is the social reform initiated by Ramabai?

7.12 REFERENCES

• Jain, M. P. (2013). Themes in Comparative Political Theory (first ed.). book

age publications.
• Kosambi, M. (2016). Pandita Ramabai: Life and landmark writings. Ebin.
https://ebin.pub/pandita-ramabai-life-and-landmark-writings-9781138962453-
9781315659428.html
• Pandita Ramabai, Indian Social Activist. (2010, August 3).
IndiaNetzone.Com.
https://www.indianetzone.com/2/pandita_ramabai_saraswati.htm
• Sarasvati, P. R. (n.d.). The High-Caste Hindu Woman. Digital Library.
https://digital.library.upenn.edu/women/ramabai/woman/woman.html
• Rubinfeld, R. P. D. (n.d.). Ramabai: Gender and Caste. (gender justice and
civil rights) - ramabai: Gender and caste Madhu Jha.
StuDocu.https://www.studocu.com/in/document/university-of-delhi/indian-
political-thought-ii/ramabai-gender-and-caste-gender-justice-and-civil-
rights/21459590
• Chakrabarty, B., & Pandey, R. K. (2009). Modern Indian political thought:
Text and context (social thinkers) (First ed.). SAGE Publications Pvt. Ltd.
• Kosambi, M. (1992). Indian Response to Christianity, Church and
Colonialism: Case of Pandita Ramabai. Economic and Political Weekly,
27(43/44), WS61–WS71. http://www.jstor.org/stable/4399059

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UNIT-8 GOPAL KRISHNA GOKHALE

Structure
8.1 Objectives
8.2 Introduction
8.3 Life Sketch
8.4 Political Goals
8.4.1 National Consolidation
8.4.2 Nationalism
8.4.3 Secularism
8.4.4 Positive Liberalism
8.4.5 Swaraj (Self-Government)
8.4.6 Swadeshi
8.5 Political Techniques
8.5.1 Moderation and Gradualism
8.5.2 Constitutionalism
8.5.3 Discipline
8.5.4 Unity and Harmony
8.5.5 Sacrifice
8.5.6 Political Education
8.5.7 Decentralisation
8.5 Summary
8.6 Exercises
8.7 References

8.1 OBJECTIVES

After Studying this unit, you will be able to understand

• The Life Sketch of Gokhale
• The Political Goals and Techniques of Gokhale

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8.2 INTRODUCTION

Gopal Krishna Gokhale was a politician, he was also a gentleman, a nationalist. He

was a man of simplicity, honesty, integrity, and devotion. His motto was hard work
and selfless service toward society (Baral, 2004). Gokhale started his career as a
teacher under the Decan Education Society. He was destined to live only 49 years, but
he occupies a prominent position in the history of Indian regeneration since the
Mutiny (Mahajan, 1944). Gokhale was a constructive statesman who understood and
fought for the rights and liberties of the Indians. Mahatma Gandhi considered
Gokhale as his ‘Political Guru’. He was a mentor to both Mahatma Gandhi and
Mohammed Ali Jinnah.

Gokhale had faith in the British sense of fair play and justice. He considered the
British rule in India as a blessing in disguise, but he was not reluctant or afraid to
criticize the administration for its lapses and negligence. He was one of the founding
leaders of the Indian national movement. He was an immensely wise liberal
nationalist and made outstanding contributions towards social empowerment.
He was a renowned social reformer, architect, educationalist, great patriot and
moderate political leader. He was a man with a nationalist, liberal and secular
outlook. He has sacrificed his life for the political and social regeneration of India.
Gokhale laid the foundation of a new socio-political structure in India. So that the
future revolutionaries could walk easily and lead India into independence. (Mohanty,
2015)

8.3 LIFE SKETCH

Gokhale was born in a lower-middle-class family in Kotluk Village of Ratnagiri

district of the Bombay Presidency (Maharashtra) on May 1866. His father was a
police sub-inspector. Having finished his primary education in the village, Gokhale
had his High School education at Kolhapur. He graduated from Elphinstone College
in 1884. After that Gokhale joined as a teacher in the Decan Education Society,
Poona, which had been founded by Tilak and Agarkar. Later he was elected as the
Secretary of the Society (Baral, 2004). In 1890 he was elected as Honorary Secretary
of the Sarvajanik Sabha. In 1893, Gokhale became the Secretary of the Bombay
Provincial Conference and in 1895, he served as the Joint Secretary of the INC along
with Tilak.

He later taught political economy and history at Fergusson College, Pune and also
became the institution’s principal in 1902. After that, he resigned from this college
and enter into politics. He was elected as the president of the Indian National

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Congress (INC). In this leading nationalist organization, he advocated moderate and

constitutional methods of agitation and gradual reform. He also edited some leading
Indian journals for several years, including the Sudharak and the Journal of
Sarvajaink Sabha. (Gauba, 2019). The Sarvajaink Sabha Journal stated by Govind
Ranade. Gokhale also started an English weekly newspaper, the Hitavada.

He was a practical idealist. He founded the Servants of India Society on 12 June

2005 for the expansion of Indian education. The foundation stone of the servants of
Indian Society was laid by Hari Sathe. In 1908, Gokhale founded the Ranade Institute
of Economics. In 1912, Gokhale visited South Africa because Gandhiji had requested
him to visit South Africa personally and see the sufferings of Indians.

After coming from South Africa, Gokhale was always suffering from heart trouble.
He had travelled to London for medical care. But because of the climate in London,
he returned to India. 1995 February 13, Gokhale lost consciousness. He left the
world at the young age of only 49 and had no regrets or sadness. (Mohanty, 2015)

8.4 POLITICAL GOALS

He believed that the right course for India to get self-government was to adopt
constitutional means and cooperate with the British Government. Gokhale wanted to
establish a Secular, humanist and liberal democracy, which was his long-cherished
goal. His political goals include the regeneration of Indian nationalism, national
consolidation, secularism, positive liberalism, swaraj (self-government), swadeshi,
and economic development. These are discussed below-

8.4.1 National Consolidation

Gokhale believed that without national consolidation the foundation of nationalism
would be weak. A country as existed at that time, ridden with crises of social
disharmony, religious acrimony, and economic and educational backwardness cannot
aspire for a sound democratic system in future. But hard work, self-sacrifice and the
development of moral character are necessary for national consolidation.

8.4.2 Nationalism
Gokhale was a great nationalist. He compares nationalism to the moral renewal of the
country. A true patriot should work to emancipate the oppressed as well as uplift the
masses morally. To achieve these objectives and obtain self-government along the
lines of the British Dominion, the Servants of India Society was founded. He thought
that the needed social reforms would be implemented under the British

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administration. He offered the Swadeshi movement his entire support, but not a
complete boycott.

8.4.3 Secularism
Secularism was another goal of Gokhale. He believed in a casteless and classless
society. He championed the cause of oppressed classes in India. Society should be
free from all forms of discrimination based on caste, religion and creed. He also
campaigned for the unification of Hinduism and Islam in India. He is also free from
religious dogmatism and fanaticism. His political goal has always been 'One India'
based on secularism and humanism. He argued, our national consolidation will be a
myth without striving for establishing a secular polity.

8.4.4 Positive Liberalism

Gokhale was largely a liberal thinker, as was previously said. His liberalism did,
however, depart slightly from the traditional liberalism of Europe's eighteenth and
nineteenth centuries. To understand the distinctive features of Gokhale's liberalism,
one must become familiar with liberal thought in general. The definition of liberalism
as an ideology includes a method of thought that is focused on individual liberty, a set
of guiding principles for civilisation, and a way of living for both individuals and
society. Liberty is the central tenet of liberalism. He had great faith in British
liberalism. He advocated a similar role for the state in the economic field.

An English philosopher said that is why he supported both Swadesh and the British.
He did not value the idea of individual liberty as perfect. No self-control rather strong
self-control and self-control organisation. He claimed the right to private property and
liberty contact. In his view the art of liberal doctrine constitutes law. About the
private personal liberty and freedom of contact. He advocated the growth of a
representative institution in India and Britain's promotion of representative
democracy.

8.4.5 Swaraj (Self-Government)

Gokhale defended Swaraj for India. But his conception of swaraj, or self-government,
differed from that of militants. Swaraj meant that India would gain political parity
with the British Commonwealth. He explained that autonomy means that British and
Indian citizens have equal rights under British rule. (Mohanty, 2015)

Gokhale took a moderate view of Swaraj, which Gandhiji pursued until the 1930s.
Gandhi did not hesitate to interpret Swaraj as a ruling state.

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8.4.6 Swadeshi
Swadeshi is also another political goal of Gokhale. It means the indigenous person
belonging to one’s own country. In politics, it refers to the Indian movement, and its
basic principles advocating a boycott of foreign products and exclusive use of
indigenous products. During the Indian independence movement, Swadeshi intended
to serve his three main objectives the first one is- to boycott foreign-made goods, the
second one is- it would promote indigenous industries and strengthen the Indian
economy, and the third one is -it would encourage a simple lifestyle, and thereby
strengthen our moral life.

8.5 POLITICAL TECHNIQUES

Gokhale political techniques were based on two Greeks maxims, “Nothing in excess”,
and “Know thyself and maintain self-discipline”. Gokhale’s pragmatism also led him
to view things from a practical perspective. The socio-economic and political
backwardness of the Indians on one hand refrained Gokhale from being an extremist.
He strongly believed in the techniques of moderation, constitutionalism and
gradualism, discipline, unity and harmony, sacrifice, political education,
decentralization and passive resistance which are discussed below.

8.5.1 Moderation and Gradualism

Gokhale was a practical political leader. He was a moderate by conviction. He
believed in the wisdom of trying to achieve that which is achievable. There is no
point in running after very distant goals or trying to achieve something. He believed
in the principle of moderation. He is opposed to the method of excess. Gradualism
was a significant feature of his political strategy. He was in favour of the gradual
process of achieving political freedom.

8.5.2 Constitutionalism
He was a firm believer in constitutionalism. He advocated the constitutional method
of gaining favour, concessions and benefits from the government. The constitutional
method, according to him, consisted of writing petitions, and representations, sending
appeals to justice, and passing resolutions.

8.5.3 Discipline
Gokhale, as opposed to extremist nationalists, did not support the method of violence.
He was equally opposed to indiscipline and lawlessness. Progress of the nation can be
achieved only in an atmosphere of peace. The government must maintain peace. He
argued that peace and order were necessary for both reformation and national
consolidation.

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8.5.4 Unity and Harmony

Disunity among Indians was the main cause of the foreign invasion of Indian foreign
rule over it. To settle scores with one another, Indians welcomed foreigners. Unless
there is unity, no struggle for self-rule would succeed, Gokhale argued and therefore
fervently pleaded that there should be unity and harmony among different groups and
communities. Social unity and communal harmony are the strongest foundation of the
superstructure of national structure.

8.5.5 Sacrifice
He was himself a man of sacrifice. He calls upon the people to make a sacrifice for
the sake of the motherland. He established the servants of the Indian society to
prepare people to devote their entire life to the cause of the country. The primary
objective of its members would be to create among the people, by example, a deep
and passionate love for the motherland, seeking its highest fulfilment in service and
sacrifice.

8.5.6 Political Education

He attached importance to political education as a technique for achieving the
political goal. Only instruction or the policies of the government will not solve the
problems. He said the most important need is the provision of facilities for the
systematic and careful study of public questions by citizens in general and particular
by those who assume public responsibilities. He said people will be politically
educated provided there is a wider scope of the franchise and government bodies
assume greater responsibilities.

8.5.7 Decentralization
He suggested decentralization be adopted as a method to sustain the real spirit of self-
government and democracy. He said centralization becomes tantamount to an
autocratic exercise of power. He wanted to provide checks on the actions of the
bureaucracy on the spot. He argued that provincial decentralization without greater
political and financial power would be meaningless. He also advocated village
panchayats at the bottom, district councils at the intermediate level and reformed
legislative councils at the top.

8.6 SUMMARY

We have discussed the life, political goals and techniques of Gopal Krishna Gokhale.
Gokhale was a moderate and liberal political thinker. He was one of the architects of
India’s freedom. He was a patriot and a nationalist. Gopal Krishna Gokhale was a
politician, he was also a gentleman, a nationalist. He was a man of simplicity,

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honesty, integrity, and devotion. His motto was hard work and selfless service toward
society. His political goals include the regeneration of Indian nationalism, national
consolidation, secularism, positive liberalism, swaraj (self-government), swadeshi,
and economic development. He strongly believed in the techniques of moderation,
constitutionalism and gradualism, discipline, unity and harmony, sacrifice, political
education, decentralization and passive resistance.

8.7 EXERCISES

1. Explain the life and contribution of Gokhale.

2. Explain the political goals and techniques of Gokhale.

8.8 REFERENCES

• Baral, J.K. “Indian Political Tradition” Macmillan, 2004

• Mohanty K. Dushmant, “Indian Political Tradition” Anmol Publications Pvt.
Ltd, New Delhi, 2015.
• Gauba, O.P. “Indian Political Thought” National Paper Backs, New Delhi,
2019
• Moudhupali, Venkatachalapathy. “Gopal Krishna Gokhale- A Liberal
Thinker”, International Journal of African and Asian Studies, Vol.9, 2015
• Hoyland, John S. “Gopal Krishna Gokhale: His life and Speeches” Y.M.C.A.
Publishing House, Calcutta, 2013
• Govind Talwalkar, Gopal Krishna Gokhale: his Life and Times, Rupa
Publication, Delhi, 2005

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 Block-3
Gandhi, Humanist and Socialist
Unit-9: Mahatma Gandhi: Swaraj, Satyagrha, Ahimsa
and Sarvodaya
Unit-10: M N Roy: Radical Humanism
Unit-11: Jawaharlal Nehru
Unit-12: Jaya Prakash Narayan
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UNIT-9 MAHATMA GANDHI: SWARAJ,

SATYAGRAHA, AHIMSA AND SARVODAYA

Structure
9.1 Objective
9.2 Introduction
9.3 Swaraj
9.3.1 Moral Dimension
9.3.2 Social Dimension
9.3.3 Political Dimension
9.3.4 Economic Dimension
9.4 Satyagraha
9.5 Ahimsa
9.6 Sarvodaya
9.7 Summary
9.8 Exercise
9.9 Reference

9.1 OBJECTIVES

After reading this unit you will be able to understand:

• The various idea of Mahatma Gandhi
• His idea of Swaraj and various dimensions of Swaraj.
• The concept of Satyagraha
• The concept of Ahimsa and its relevance in society.
• The idea and thought of Sarvodaya.

9.2 INTRODUCTION

Gandhi's life and political journey from a small-town lawyer to a leader of civil
resistance is an inspiration to human rights movements, the peace movement, and
freedom movements across the world. M.K Gandhi was born in Porbandar of British
India in 1869 and was assassinated in 1948. During this long period, Gandhi known
as Mahatma, Bapu, father of the nation, is the most outstanding Indian in the public
life of the country. Gandhi was the chief ideologue and expert in the practice of
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nonviolence as a form of resistance to British rule and other social and political
wrongs. In 1888 he sailed from Bombay to London (till 1891) to study barrister. After
a brief stay in India in 1893 he sailed to South Africa. What was meant a year's
journey had turned into half a life's journey. He returned to India several times but
only permanently returned in 1915.

In South Africa, he turned into a public activist with moral politics as a method to
sustain it. He became the editor of the paper Indian Opinion. The inner transformation
of Gandhi took place during the South African struggle. In 1889 Gandhi organized an
Indian Ambulance crop to help the wounded in Boer War, launched Satyagraha
against discrimination and exploitative policies of the South African government, and
established Phoenix Farm in Natal and Tolstoy Farm near Johannesburg. During 21
years of stay in Africa, ' 'Gandhi's thoughts and life underwent significant change.
Three books influenced him deeply during his South African stay Henry Thoreau's
“On the Duty of Civil Disobedience”, Tolstoy’s “The Kingdom of God is Within
You” and Ruskin’s “Unto This Last”. Gandhi went to South Africa as an insecure,
timid, and unsuccessful lawyer but returned to India in 1914 as a self-confident,
deeply religious, and well-known political leader. Gandhi wrote extensively in Indian
Opinion, Young India and Harijan. Besides leading local movements in the different
rural parts of India like Champaran, and Kheda, Gandhi led three major pan-India
movements i.e., the Non-cooperation movement, the Civil disobedient movement,
and the Quit India movement.

Gandhi was a prolific thinker; his works were published by the Government of India
in 90 volumes (The Collected Works of Mahatma Gandhi). His five major works are
Satyagraha in South Africa, Hind Swaraj, My Experiment with Truth
(Autobiography), Constructive Programme: It's Meaning and Place, Discourse on
Gita, A Guide to Health, and Ashram Observance in Action.

Despite his great reputation, Gandhi is an ambiguous figure in Indian politics. A few
even shared his core values and goals. Most of the countrymen never understood or
shared his ideal of Satyagraha and nonviolent resistance. People have understood his
life and role in different ways. For many in Congress, he was a stranger, unworldly
but very important because he could inspire millions of Indians and could connect so
many loose movements against imperial rule. For many Muslims he was Hindu
Mahatma stood for majoritarian Hindu rule; for a section of untouchables, he
patronized caste Hindu; to some Hindus, he was pro-Muslim, to the left, he tied
Congress and national movement with the interest of propertied and bourgeoisie
class. To most Britishers he was an enigma through appeared holly man but a

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consummated politician, and for the poor masses of India, he was a Mahatma or great
soul. No one interested in modern India can ignore Gandhi.

9.3 SWARAJ

For Gandhi, India needs systematic transformation in the political, economic, ethical,
aesthetic, and spiritual spheres. And these transformations should operate
interactively and not in isolation. Swaraj is distinct from the concept of self-
government or the idea of home rule, or the concept of a good state. It is the quest for
rule by self or the willingness for improvement of the self. Swaraj is the path for
moral regeneration and political emancipation in India.

Gandhi’s idea of Swaraj must not be understood in the Western sense. It does not
mean only political freedom. His idea of Swaraj is inspired by Indian thought and the
thought of non-modernist thinkers like Tolstoy, Ruskin, and Thoreau. So, Swaraj
must not be understood only from a political dimension. The beginning of
transformation process starts by emancipating the Indian mind from the dependency
on the Western framework. At the individual level, it is associated with the idea of
self-rule and self-restraint. It stands for mastery over one’s own body and mind. It is
the hegemony of the mind over itself and the passion of aggressiveness and
components of greedy nature. It implies autonomy of self and not freedom from
restraint. It refers to the autonomous self. It is not associated only with rights or
freedom. It is a mode of conduct, a path of duty. For Gandhi, India is a land of duty,
not a land of enjoyment.

In the words of Gandhi, “Swaraj is a sacred word, a Vedic word, meaning self-rule
and self–restraint and not freedom from all restraint which independence often means
( Young India, 1931)

The Gandhian idea of Swaraj is an alternative to the Western idea of political

Independence.

It is a much wider concept. Gandhi’s rejection of the modern understanding of

Swaraj does not mean he completely rejected modern machines, law courts, hospital
railways etc. Swaraj does not mean the complete absence of these things, but it means
they must promote cooperation in place of competition, sharing in place of
divisiveness, and self-control in place of self-indulgence. So, the purpose is to
promote an ethically and morally upright individualism place of self-centred and self-
indulged individual Gandhi, railways and hospitals are not the tests of high
civilization if they don’t add to the moral stature of an individual.

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9.3.1 Moral dimension

There is a close connection between self-realisation and politics. Self-realisation is
the starting point of outer change in society. So, Swaraj began from within. The
aspirations towards transformations of the outer aspects need to begin from the
transformation at the inner level. There happens to be a continuum between
individual and national regeneration. So, it is the emancipated individual who can
make a real difference. The crux of Indian civilisation ushers’ significant emphasis on
moral issues whether private or be it public affairs. Swaraj stands for complete
independence from alien control, and economic independence, with moral
components and social regeneration.

Swaraj has a spiritual component that includes elements of self-discipline and self-
transcendence. Gandhi was well aware of the moral frailness of the individual. This is
why he made the pursuit of self-discipline an important part of Swaraj. The goal is to
help an individual to reach a stage of disinterested service. Politics, in this sense more
of a form of service rather than a form of power struggle. Those who develop the
capacity to experience the force of the soul within themselves can only fully enjoy
Swaraj. It can’t be achieved without the reform of the soul. Gandhi rejected the notion
of Swaraj, which identified it with political power and economic prosperity with rapid
industrialisation. Swaraj requires the power of political affiliations and aspects of
economic prosperity alongside moral development among the populous.

Swaraj is possible when the masses develop the capacity to resist authority when it is
misused and when the masses develop a sense of capacity to regulate and control
authority, not vice-versa. This is possible only by educating and developing the
internal strength of the masses. Real Swaraj refers to the idea of independence of
government irrespective of the fact that it may be foreign or national. It is something
which is felt at the internal level, subsequently leading to substantial transformations
at the individual level. India became free when we learned to rule ourselves.

9.3.2 Social dimension

It means freedom for the poorest countrymen and women. It stands for the
empowerment of the meanest and welfare of all. It is considered as the Swaraj of poor
man, where necessities of life shall be valued by common people and moneyed men.
A poor man must have the ordinary amenities of life enjoyed by the rich man.

“Poorna Swaraj …is as much for the prince as for the peasant, as much for the rich
land owner as for the Muslman, as much for Parsis and Christian as for the Jain,
Jews and Sikhs, irrespective of any distinction of caste or creed or status in life”
(Young India, 1931).

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Swaraj will be the rule of all. It must not be confused with the rule of the majority of
the rich. It means government by the masses.

Any idea which seeks to transform India should have an idea of what India is and
who an Indian is. Gandhi calls India Praja, a political community whose basic unit is
a self-determinant and self-developed individual whose humanity is strong enough to
tolerate difference. It does not mean only the enjoyment of rights but also respect for
others. It means national reconciliation of diversities manifested in religion, caste,
tribe, and class. So, it is opposed to the idea of ethnic nationalism, a communist state,
and a modern State. It means securing the right to self-rule by the masses of India. It
is the founding of a good state.

9.3.3 Political dimension

It is an alternative or, according to Gandhi only alternative to the Indian school of
violence and the modern Western state. It is against the idea which wishing to fashion
a free India on the model of Britain, Italy or Japan. It seeks to free the mind and
hearts of Indians who were captivated by whatever was fashionable in the West.

“The English are splendidly armed; that does not frighten me, but it is clear that, to
pit ourselves against them in arms, thousands of Indians must be armed. If such a
thing is possible, how many years it will take? Moreover, to arm India on a large
scale is to Europeanise it. Then her condition will be just as pitiable as that of
Europe” (Parel, 2009: 75).

If India will get Independence through violent means, then the question arises as to
who are the ones who will come to acquire power. The answer is murder. This will e
nation satisfied. India as a nation would remain in the state of slavery no matter
whether the rulers were black or white. For Gandhi, Swaraj does not mean only the
shift of political power to rule India from the Britishers to the Indian elite. He is not
for English rule without an English man (westernised Indian elite). It challenged the
Indian elite aspiring to be the new ruler. If the welfare of all could be secure at the
hands of the English and Englishman became Indian. Gandhi would welcome that
Englishman as an Indian. As per Gandhi, if English rule was supposed restored by the
rule of Indians based on modern methods, then in that case, India would happen to be
only the second or fifth edition of Europe or America.

Swaraj can be obtained, empowering the mass of India. So that they can develop the
capacity to regulate and control their own life. Swaraj stands for a people-centred
model. It advocates for a decentralized participatory and democratic system in place
of centralised representative government. As per Gandhi in the centralised

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representative system, it is a few who rule over many. Swaraj stands for the idea of
rule from the bottom, thereby integrating people from villages. His idea of Swaraj is
inseparable from his idea of Gram Swaraj. These village republics are arranged in an
“ocean circle”. Independence ideally should start from below Each village must turn
into a republic that would not only display characteristics of being self-sustainable in
nature but also be in a position to take charge of their state of affairs.

“In this structure composed of innumerable villages, there will be ever-widening,

never-ascending circles. Life will not be a pyramid with the apex sustained by the
bottom. But it will be an ocean circle whose centre will be individual always ready to
perish for the village, the latter ready to perish for the circle of villages, till at last the
whole became whole life composed of Individuals, never aggressive in their
arrogance but ever humble, sharing the majesty of the oceanic circle of which they
are integral units” (Parel, 2009: 182).

9.3.4 Economic dimension

In the economic sphere, the idea of Swaraj essentially implies Swadeshi. It implies
the use of indigenous goods and rejects the idea of the rule of best and cheapest. The
progress of a country demand that its citizen/ inhabitants must prefer indigenously
produced things. This does not mean he was opposed to everything or anything that
comes from outside. Foreign goods and articles and human power can be used when
such goods and talents are not locally available, but these should be employed with a
specific condition. Large-scale production leads to exploitation and it also amounts to
the accumulation of wealth by only a handful of individuals. Gandhi, therefore,
favoured the small village cottage industry where people developed an affinity for
work. The small-scale industry will preserve the harmony and naturalness of Indian
life in addition to employing millions.

As per Gandhi, modern civilisation is wreaking economic disaster on India’s

economically downtrodden, and villages. In his conception of Swaraj, Gandhi
expressed deep engrossment in the revitalisation of Indian villages. In the context of
India, it is the villages that are considered to be highly crucial and essential for the
overall political and socio-economic development. Gandhi argued in free India
majority of people have to live in the village. The village should be a unit of our
society. In India, the challenge is to engage millions of hands. These million hands
can only be engaged through cottage industries. Mechanisation is good for a society
where hands are few for work. In his conception of Swaraj, the village has a very
crucial role to play. In Gandhi’s words, if the village perished, India would perish too.
“All should make it a point of honour to use only village articles whenever and
wherever available. Given the demand, there is no doubt that most of our wants can

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be supplied from our villages. When we have become village-minded, we will not
want an imitation of West or machine-made products, but we will develop a true
national taste in keeping with the vision of a new India in which pauperisation,
starvation and idleness will be unknown” (Brown, J., & Parel, A. (Eds.), 2011:13).

Gandhi rejected the understanding of Swaraj, which believed in the expulsion of

Britishers from India and keeping their political, military, and economic institutions
as a necessary and sufficient condition. Swaraj represents a comprehensive vision of
life. For Gandhi, Swaraj without self-rule would lead to degenerate into state
oppression even in a liberal society. A true Swaraj is a model of economic and
political development which is hospitable to its basic civilisation and that preserves
and promotes its traditional values. It aimed at establishing true civilisation.

9.4 SATYAGRAHA

Satyagraha is a way of moral and political action to resolve conflict. Gandhi

experimented with this technique first in South Africa’s struggle. Rational discussion
and violence are two traditional methods to resolve conflict. Gandhi found both
methods have limitations, and rational discussion work under certain circumstances.
Being realizing the limited value of rational discussion in practice. Some take a
purely instrumental view of violence to justify it, it produces the desired result; others
argue on its morality if the result is the removal of a larger evil. Gandhi was very
uncomfortable with the idea of how violence has been justified. If one is following
the extreme step of violence, killing or harming someone, then one assumes he is the
absolute right opponent is strong. This left no scope for reflection or reconsideration.
Violence is also not acceptable on moral grounds as a successful act of violence
encourages the habit of turning to violence whenever rational discussion fails.
Fighting or struggling for a peaceful and just society cannot be conducted by violence
and unjust mean. The method of struggle or opposing injustice is an integral part of it.
The desired goal is set by the characteristics of the steps taken towards it. So, from
the mean and end dichotomy, violence is not acceptable.

Then the dilemma is how a moral person will conduct a struggle against injustice.
The answer lies in the force of soul or truth. Gandhi discusses in detail the evolution
of this order in his book “Satyagraha in South Africa”. The alternative method
activates soul force, and individual moral energy synchronizes both head and heart
and is conducted with the spirit of mutual goodwill. “A nonviolent revolution is not a
programme of seizure of power. It is a programme of transformation of relationships
ending in a peaceful transfer of power” (Parekh, 2001: 67)

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Satyagraha believes in the goodness of human beings. If soul force can be activated,
then a common or degenerated man will develop the capacity to feel common
humanity. So, it aims to transform an individual and to enable him/her to transcend
barriers of prejudice, ill will, dogmatism, selfishness, and self-righteousness. A
Satyagrahi confronted with injustice starts a dialogue with the opponent. By entering
into dialogue, Satyagrahi reminds, us that he could be partially true, and with the help
of his opponent, the truth could be discovered. The Satyagraha and opponent will
willingly join and cooperate to search for truth with the spirit of genuine goodwill.
Throughout the Satyagraha, the channels of communication with the opponent were
kept open, and intermediate was encouraged. A Satyagrahi is a man of compromise as
he is never sure that he is completely right.

When dialogue is denied, a Satyagrahi takes a principal stand for the cause that he/she
believes is just. And patiently, uncomplaining, sincerely suffer with love till the
opponent showed a willingness to talk. A Satyagrahi should pledge not to use
violence or to resist arrest or confiscation of property a Satyagrahi should
uncomplainingly suffer with love. It is a steady and tasking process of building and
consolidating humanity, thereby laying the foundation of a truly moral society. This
creates a conducive mood for the opponent to introspect and triggers a critical phase
of examining the self.

Realising the limitations of ordinary man, along with self-suffering, Gandhi

introduced other forms of pressurizing techniques such as economic boycott, non-
payment of taxes, non-cooperation, hartal, and fasting to bring an opponent to the
discussion table. In the words of Bhikhu Parekh- Gandhi’s political realism triumphed
over his moral idealism, and despite his claim to the contrary, his Satyagraha was not
always purely spiritual in nature. Gandhi does not give the right to everyone to launch
Satyagraha. Only those individuals who display obedience to the law, even the
irksome laws sanctioned by the State. Hence, these two essential conditions are first,
willing obedience to the law if it does not hurt one’s consciousness and second, being
ready to suffer the penalty of civil disobedience. A Satyagrahi is supposed to have
chastity, always follow principles of truth, adapt to conditions of poverty and develop
a sense of fearlessness. These activities of self-realisation will contribute to national
regeneration as well as service to the country rendered automatically when man
cultivates morality. Satyagraha is not just to resolve existing disagreements but to
build deep moral and emotional bonds, and thus both give the compromised reaches a
firm foundation. Satyagraha took into account the complete rational as well as moral
nature of individuals and emphasized the idea of rational discussion and moral
persuasion.

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For Gandhi, civil disobedience or Satyagraha is the inherent right of a citizen.

Disobedience is civil as it has to be based on absolute nonviolence and the unending
principle of being able to win over the opposition with love and affection. Satyagraha
is the most powerful method of direct action and it must be used only when all other
means are exhausted, one must constantly patiently approach authority, appeal to
public opinion and put his case before those who want to listen. Satyagrahi distances
himself/herself from every possible kind of violence; in his thoughts and deeds.
“Disobedience to be civil must be sincere, respectful full, restrain, never defiant, must
be based upon some well-understood principle, must not be capricious and above all,
must have not ill will or hatred behind it”. (Young India, 1920).

Satyagraha is called passive resistance in English, applicable to a method by which

men endure pain to get their rights. When we don’t like certain laws, we do not break
the heads of the lawgiver but we suffer and do not submit to the law. If man only
realizes that it is unmanly to obey unjust laws, no man’s tyranny will enslave him.
This is key to self-rule or home rule. Gandhi rejected the argument that passive
resistance is the weapon of the weak. Courage does not require blowing others into
pieces from behind a cannon but facing a canon and being blown into pieces with a
smiling face. A Satyagrahi keeps death as a bosom friend. Those who defy death are
free from all fear. A man with a weak body is capable of offering it. It does not
require training in the army. Just control over mind when that is attended man is free
like the king of the forest it is a two-way sword blesses that is who uses it and against
whom it is used.

Civil disobedience is an expression of Satyagraha which is a truth force. Violence is

the result of confusion about the end and means of violent conflict, any means are
frequently seen as justifiable. No matter how badly suffered, a Satyagrahi will never
use physical force even though there was an occasion when they are in a position to
use it. Satyagraha is a soul force pure and simple. Brute force is purely antagonistic
force. There is a great and fundamental difference between passive resistance and
Satyagraha. To avoid confusing the movement in South Africa with passive
resistance, Gandhi invented a new term to denote the moments of Indians in
Transvalue.

Passive resistance is based on the belief weak and helpless would use it. It is the
weapon of the weak. But Satyagrahi believes in the strength of soul force. It is not the
weapon of the weak. While there is no scope for love in passive resistance, there is no
place for hatred in Satyagraha; in the case of passive resistance, there is scope to use
arms when a suitable occasion arrives. But in Satyagraha, physical force is
completely forbidden even in the most favourable circumstances, in passive

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resistance, there is always an idea of harassing the other party, but in Satyagraha,
there is not the remotest idea of injuring the opponent, the spirit of revenge is alien to
him. Satyagraha postulates the conquest of the adversary by suffering in one’s person.

9.5 AHIMSA

For Gandhi, Ahimsa does not mean mere non-injury to others; it must be understood
in its broadest sense. It is not passive in connotation. It is a posture act, an act of love
and charity for doing good to others. For Gandhi, Ahimsa or nonviolence is the only
universal character that distinguishes human beings from the rest of God’s creation.
The idea of Ahimsa is not an original idea of Gandhi. But he extended and applied it
in both private and public life. When in the whole world brute force/ violence was the
ruling factor, Gandhi came up with the alternative of Ahimsa. His view on Ahimsa
was influenced by his parents in his initial years, by Jainism and Buddhism, and by
the work of Thoreau, and Tolstoy.

Gandhi considers Ahimsa the supreme duty of man and a true reflection of human
nature. It is the only means to achieve an end i.e., truth. He used the term in a broader
sense. Ahimsa refers to both physical and mental conditions. One should neither hurt
nor attack others in verbal or physical acts nor should harbour or think wrong or
something bad for others. So, it is a moral act that requires both physical and mental
purity. Positively it refers to acts of love and kindness, compassion for others, both at
the physical and mental level. For Satyagrahi nonviolence principle is applicable both
in private and public life. Nonviolence is not cowardness, it requires active resistance
to evil. Ahimsa can be applied by fearless suffering without harbouring ill will or
hatred towards the opponent, truthfulness, non-cooperation with wrongdoer,
persuasion, self-control and fasting, love and compassion. Gandhi’s criticism of the
modern state and modern civilization is based on the same idea that the modern state
represents violence in concentrated form and modern civilization represents violence
and promotes self-interest.

Gandhi believes if we take care of means, we are bound to reach an end sooner or
later. A change in material condition without a change in heart or spiritual condition
will yield no result. Any attempt to change material conditions by force and violence
without change in spiritual condition or change of heart is likely to remove all
possibility of a good life. For Gandhi nonviolence is linked with truth. Gandhi’s
primary task was to seek the truth. And only certain way to reach the truth is
nonviolence. Ahimsa and truth are so intertwined that it is impossible to disentangle
them. They are like two sides of the same coin. Describing the relation between end

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and mean Gandhi linked mean to seed and end to tree. Swaraj will never come
through violent and untruthful means.

For Gandhi, nonviolence happens to be much more than a political tactic. It is a way
of life, based on undertaking the worth and dignity of all life. He ties nonviolence
with the truth. He strives to live by truth, and the truth is God. Violence is a result of
confusion about means and ends. With violent conflict, any means are frequently seen
as justifiable. Means are everything. Before undertaking civil disobedience, Gandhi
wants to train every Satyagrahi in self-discipline, accept pain, and not return violence
with violence.

Only fair means can produce fair results. And the strength of love and affection, and
pity is more significant as compared to the power displayed by arms. One of the aims
of nonviolence is the moral regeneration of the opponent through the application of
“Daya”. For Gandhi, against the force of love or soul, the force of arms is powerless.
Nonviolence aims at promoting dialogue, which is the heart of voluntary change. His
project is to open and honest discourse based on mutual and voluntary commitments
by everyone to search for truth.

9.6 SARVODAYA

Gandhi believed that different societies with different histories and traditions have
different models of development. A search for a single model under the influence of
Western civilization is both incoherent and dangerous. Each society must be left free
to realize its unique way. Sarvodaya implies channelizing the various resources
(economic, physical, and spiritual) at the disposal of society in the service of the
general good. It represents an order where the growth and popular participation of
everyone will be ensured. The Sarvodaya is an indigenous concept Gandhi borrowed
the word from Jain scripture. But his ideas are influenced by John Ruskin’s book
“Unto the Last”. Gandhi translated the book into Gujarati and named it Sarvodaya.

It has two components Sarva (all) and Udaya (rise). Its literal meaning is the rise of
all. The base of this rising is spiritual enlightenment that brings a change in physical
and material aspects. Gandhi’s vision of a good society where the welfare of all is the
guiding principle is derived from his theory of human nature. As per Bhikhu Parekh
(2001), such a society should be informed by the spirit of cosmic piety, devoid of
exploitation, domination, injustice, and insecurity, and characterized by a spirit of
love, truthfulness, social service, corporation, and solidarity, people possess a sense
of independence and self-respect, cherries epitome logical religion and provide
maximum space for personal autonomy. Sarvodaya originated from the positive

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conception of human nature. According to this concept, a human being is essentially

good; whatever may be the outward manifestation. Innate nobility of human beings
can revive by self-effort or by the appeal made by others through Satyagraha.

In Gandhi’s ideal society, economic life is guided by moral consideration. The

purpose of the economic system should be to create a good life. He rejected both
capitalism and communism. Capitalism is driven by the idea of greed, excessive
competition, and over-exploitation of nature, fostering inequality. Overall, it is based
on morality's problematic notion of private property. When individual power and
talents are socially derived, every man-made object is a product of social cooperation.
Communism did not represent any higher value either. It is materialistic and
consumerist as capitalism. It does little to develop the moral energy of an individual.
It established co-sharing and cooperation using violence. So, Gandhi suggested an
alternative in the form of Trusteeship. Where the rich will allow retaining private
property as trustees and use them for the service of society. An arrangement where
one had capitalist but not capitalism, socialism but not state ownership.

One should realise that wealth does not belong to an individual. The belongingness of
an individual happens to be for honourable livelihood. The remaining wealth rests
with the community, and it essentially should be utilised to ensure the welfare of the
entire community. Trusteeship wants an individual to outgrow their greed and sense
of position. Trusteeship may seem to be an abstract and unattainable idea, but if
people strive for it, we will be able to realize the state of equality. If the position of
wealth has not corrected up to theory, it does not prove its falsity rather, it proves the
weakness of the wealthy being. Such a rich person can be appealed to through
nonviolent non-cooperation. Trusteeship is one such mechanism to devise a unique
method of life that is of universal benefit in place of the present one where each one
lives for himself or herself without having any regard for the consequences.

Present economic systems hurt the morale of individuals by making a distinction

between economics and ethics. Economic equality is the master key to a nonviolent
independent society. An ideal society can be created by decentralization of the
economic system, where the means of production of elementary necessities remain in
the control of the masses. “When a man looks himself as a servant of society and
earns for its sake and spends for its benefit, purity enters into his earning, and there is
Ahimsa in a venture” (IMD, 2011)

Sarvodaya society, there must be true democracy or Swaraj. A political order where
people are the single domain of political power and govern their issues themselves.
Swaraj is best reflected in a group settled life in the village in which voluntary

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cooperation and a spirit of nonviolence is the condition of dignified and peaceful

coexistence.

Political power is a means to enable individuals to enhance their lifestyle in every

single aspect of their life. It refers to synchronising national life through national
representation. No representation is necessary if national life becomes peaceful and
self-regulated. It is a state of enlightened anarchy. Each village has possibly adopted a
self-sustaining model, thereby enabling a situation conducive to managing its affairs.
This arrangement consists of numerous villages, ever-widening but never ascending.
Individuals are ever ready to sacrifice for their village, the village for the circle of
villages, and so on till the whole becomes one. This picture may seem to be never
realizable in completeness, but Gandhi wants must have a proper picture of what we
want or where we are heading. When the village turns into a little republic, in this
case, public opinion has the potential to perform which violent activities can never
achieve. The concept of centralization is extremely inconsistent with the very basic
structure of society, which is nonviolent in nature. A nonviolent society can evolve
through decentralization. A centralized state represents a threat to individual freedom
and social harmony. Gandhi’s Sarvodaya can best be realized through village
communities, where individuals gain full moral status. It is only a small relaxed
independent village community where an individual’s moral self-development can be
possible and a nonviolent socio-economic order can be established.

The welfare of all is different from the very notion of utilitarianism. In a Sarvodaya
society, an individual will sacrifice himself for the good of others. This essentially
refers to the fact that an individual will sacrifice self-life to facilitate and contribute to
the survival of others. These selfless services are rooted in love and truth. And when
the truth became the rule of life, the remaining regulations regarding rules of life will
essentially follow obedience.

9.7 SUMMARY

Gandhi was a man of thought and action. As a thinker, he gave us an alternative

worldview by combining the best of the pre-modern and modern worldviews. As a
man of action showed the world effectiveness of truth and nonviolence as a method of
struggle and set a rare example of morally responsible leadership. As a political
leader and social reformer, he had his strength and weakness. One of his deepest
sadness was the division of the sub-continent on religious grounds. Such was the
agony that Gandhi did not join the Indian independence celebration on August 15
1947. A superficial reading of Gandhi may lead us to conclude that he failed to
achieve what he envisaged. But a deeper understanding of Gandhi will show how

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Gandhi an inspiration and guide to millions throughout the world in their battle for a
better future.

9.8 EXERCISE

1. What is the meaning of Swaraj?

2. What is the dimension of Swaraj?
3. What is the concept of Satyagraha?
4. What is the Sarvodaya of Gandhi?

9.9 REFERENCE

• Brown, J., & Parel, A. (Eds.). (2011). The Cambridge Companion to Gandhi.
Cambridge University Press.
• Gandhi, M. (2011). India of my dreams. Rajpal & Sons.
• Gandhi, M. K. (2021). Constructive Programme-Its Meaning and Place.
Prabhat Prakashan.
• Gandhi, M.K ( 2008). Satyagraha in South Africa. Navajivan Publishing
House; Reprint May 1972 edition
• Mukhi, H.R. (1991). Modern Indian Political Thought. SBD Publishers’
Distribution.
• Pantham, T., & Deutsch, K. L. (Eds.). (1986). Political Thought in Modern
India. SAGE Publications Pvt. Limited.
• Parekh Bhikhu (2001). Gandhi: A Very Short Introduction. Oxford
University Press.
• Parel, A. J. (2009). Gandhi:'Hind Swaraj'and Other Writings Centenary
Edition. Cambridge University Press.
• Suhrud Tridip (2018). An Autobiography or The Story of My Experiments
with Truth, Critical Edition. Penguin Random House India.

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UNIT-10 M N ROY: RADICAL HUMANISM

Structure
10.1 Objectives
10.2 Introduction
10.3 Life Sketch
10.4 M.N.Roy Place in Indian Tradition
10.5 Humanism
10.6 Reasons for the Evolution of Radical Humanism
10.7 Philosophical Foundation of Radical Humanism
10.7.1 Belief in Materials
10.7.2 Characteristics of Materialism
10.7.3 Belief in Knowledge
10.7.4 Rejection of Metaphysical Dualism
10.7.5 Challenges to the Theory of Materialism
10.8 Roy’s New Humanism Twenty-Two Theses on Radical Democracy
10.8.1 Basic Tenets of New Humanism
10.8.2 Humanist Interpretation of History
10.8.3 Inadequacies of Communism
10.8.4 Shortcomings of Formal Parliamentary Democracy
10.8.5 Radical Democracy
10.8.6 Philosophical Revolution or Renaissance
10.8.7 Emphasis on Ethics
10.9 Summary
10.10 Exercise
10.11 Reference

10.1 OBJECTIVES

After reading this unit you will be able to understand:

• The concept of Humanism and Radical Humanism
• The evolution of M.N.Roy's Journey from Marxism to Radical Humanism

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• The factor which led to the development of Radical Humanism.

10.2 INTRODUCTION

M.N. Roy, who founded the philosophy of Radical Humanism was in many ways a
unique person. He distinguished himself both as a man of action and as a man of
thought. In both fields, he lived an intense life. As a man of action, he was a devoted
and dedicated revolutionary. As a man of thought, he developed into a profound and
original social philosopher. There was a fine blend of Romanticism and Rationalism
in his mental makeup. His practical experience and evolving thought led him through
three distinct phases of political life. He started as an ardent nationalist, became an
equally ardent communist and ended as a creatively active radical humanist.

10.3 LIFE SKETCH

M.N.Roy, whose real name happened to be Narendra Nath Bhattacharya was born in
the district of 24 Parganas, West Bengal 21st March arch, 1887. At the age of twelve,
he joined the revolutionary movement in Bengal led by Sri Aurobindo Ghosh, Jatin
Mukherjee and others, and played a prominent role, having escaped imprisonment
several times. During World War-I, he left this country in search of arms and
ammunition to overthrow British rule and made contacts with Germany

Several such attempts have failed, at last, Narendra Nath went to America via Japan
and China and lived for some time with Lala Lajpat Rai. There he changed his name
to Manabendra Nath Roy and became attracted towards radical views; his interest in
Marxism also developed during this time. Here, he was arrested for conspiracy
against the British government, interrogated and sent for trial from where he managed
to escape. He fled to Mexico and participated actively in Mexican politics, having
become the General Secretary of the Socialist Party which was later transformed into
the first Communist Party in the world outside the Soviet Union. It is here, that he
came in contact with Borodin, who took refuge at Roy's place as one of the emissaries
of the new regime in Russia. The Russian Revolution had just taken place at that
time.

Roy's exploits in Mexico drew the attention of Lenin, who invited him to Russia to
attend the Second World Congress in 1920. At the Congress, Roy differed from Lenin
on the colonial question. He soon played an important role in the international
Communist Movement and became the head of the Eastern Department of
Communist International and of the Communist University. In the fateful days of
1926-27, he was sent to China as a representative of the Communist International to

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advise the Chinese Communist Party. His advice went unheeded, though his stand
was subsequently vindicated; meanwhile, the Chinese Communist Party faced a
debacle, and Roy was called back to Moscow, where he had further differences of
opinion with the leaders on matters of policy.

After a few years, Roy came back to India and went in for a term of six years of
rigorous imprisonment, mostly spent in solitary confinement. This period was in a
sense most fruitful in literary activities, his major philosophical works having been
written during this time. In 1936, Roy came out of jail, joined the Congress and till
the beginning of the Second World War fought vigorously for the activation of the
primary Congress Committees with his famous slogan of 'Power for the People'. He
married Ellen Gottschalk in 1937.

On the issue of participation in the anti-fascist war, he broke away from Congress and
formed the Radical Democratic Party. In 1946, Roy came out with his Philosophy of
New Humanism which had been taking shape in his mind for a long time, party-less
politics being its natural implication, the R.D.P. was dissolved in 1948. Since then,
Roy had been developing his ideas and trying to give a practical shape to the
humanist movement in this country. In the meantime, his new message reached
abroad and he was invited by UNESCO as well as by several Universities in America
to deliver a series of lectures. But, unfortunately, when arrangements were nearly
complete for his proposed tour, he met with a serious accident, following close on its
heels came an attack of cerebral thrombosis and after prolonged illness, he expired on
the 15th of January,1954.

M.N.Roy was perhaps the first Indian thinker who appreciated the significance of the
breakthrough of the citadel of Imperialism by the forces generated consequent to
World War- II. He maintained that if the war was fought to the fish, and if it results in
the defeat of international fascism, the success would be of British democracy and not
of British Imperialism, and that in consequence, India would come nearer to the goal
of attaining its freedom. He was the first to maintain that the issue of Capitalism
versus Socialism was bound to make way for Democracy versus Totalitarianism. Roy
was again first among the very few to recognise fully the implications of the
enormous destructive power developed during the war and its bearing on the idea and
technique of revolution.

M.N. Roy did not stop at pointing out these facts. He went ahead to seek a real new
path of revolution. The function of a revolution and the accompanying liberating
social philosophy he insisted, was to lay emphasis on the basic fact of history, that
'Man is the maker of his world': Man as a human being, can be so only as an

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individual. The brain is the means of production and produces the most revolutionary
commodity - thoughts or ideas. Revolutions pre-suppose lipoclastic ideas. An
increasingly large number of men, conscious of their creative power and motivated by
an indomitable will to remake the world, moved by the adventure of ideas and fixed
with the ideal of a free society of free men, can create conditions under which
democracy would be possible. Spiritually, free individuals at the helm of affairs
would be able to smash all chains of slavery and usher in freedom for all. This
statement of a new approach to the problems led him to inquire into the cause of the
crisis of modern civilization.

He found that "the roots of all the evils of the modern world could be traced to the
absence of man's faith in himself'. If better individuals are the need of the time, there
must be men with the faith in the capacity to do so. The new institutions to be stable
must be built from the bottom up. That cannot be done by governments, political
parties, even by great dictators, and Institutions imposed from above collapse, when
they are not sustained by the intelligent will of individual men and women
comprising the society. But today, man lives in an atmosphere of helplessness and
frustration. In this atmosphere, nothing whatsoever can be built. That is why, the
imposing structure of modern civilization is crumbling'. Roy, not only had
tremendous faith in the innate rationality of the human being, but he tried to prove
with the help of findings in biology that rationality was needed for the survival of
man, and hence it was natural for men to be rational and therefore moral.

He also thought that society is a creation of man's quest for freedom. The quest for
freedom is the continuation of the primitive man's struggle for existence; as such it is
the basic urge of all social advancement. Freedom is the progressive elimination of all
the factors - physical, social and psychological, which obstruct the unfolding of man's
rational, moral and creative potentialities. The function of social relationships should
be to secure individuals as individuals. The total freedom enjoyed by its members
individually is the measure of the liberating progressive significance of any social
order. Otherwise, the ideals of social liberation and progress be deceptive.

To help ordinary, helpless, ignorant and poor Indian people to achieve this freedom,
Roy showed a very simple way of action to the humanists by stating a definite yet
general programme for the Radical Humanist Movement. The primary task of the
Movement would be to bring about a cultural renaissance by propagating the
philosophy of New humanism and through its application to political, economic and
other social problems. To consolidate the intellectual basis of the movement, Radicals
would continue to submit their philosophy to constant research, examine it in the light
of modem scientific knowledge and experience, and extends its application to all the

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other social sciences. They would also at the same time, propagate the essentials of
the philosophy amongst people as a whole, by showing its relevance to their present
needs. They would make the people conscious of the urge for freedom, encourage
their self-reliance and awaken in them the sense of individual &pity, inculcate the
values of nationalism and secular morality, besides spreading the spirit of
cosmopolitan Humanism. By showing people the way to solve their daily problems
through popular initiative the Radicals would combat ignorance, fatalism, blind faith
and a sense of individuality.

10.4 M.N.TOY PLACE IN INDIAN TRADITION

It is frequently believed, that the Indian philosophical tradition is predominantly

spiritualistic and that the belief in God constitutes its most important element.
Ancient Indians must be credited with producing the most extensive atheistic and
rationalistic literature in the world. The authors of this literature had advanced varied
theories and arguments against the existence of God. Undoubtedly, the most
important of them was the doctrine of nature. With this doctrine, they could counter
the doctrine of God, very effectively. The doctrine of nature received its most
characteristic treatment in the Samkhya philosophy, which once enjoyed tremendous
prestige in the country. According to this primaeval matter (Prakriti), moved by the
laws of motion inherent in it (Sadabhava), was quite sufficient to account for the
being and along with the Prakriiti, It is, however not at all acceptable and played no
part in the origin and development of this world of multiplicity and plurality, for
having evolved from Prakriti alone. The concept is entirely superfluous in the
Sanlkhya philosophy. Despite this flaw, it cannot be gainsaid that the svahhavavada
of the Samkhya is scientific in spirit. And the scientific spirit, as it exists today, is
older than modern science. The latter only made the doctrine surer of itself.
Darwinism, particularly, gave it a powerful impetus. One cannot but marvel today
that the Santkhyaiadins had, so early in the history of human thought, formulated
merely by philosophical insight certain propositions, which are not much different
from those made by modem scientists. In ancient India, the scientific spirit rose in
opposition to the mythological and theological explanations of various phenomena.

Naturally, the Sanlkhya practically, all its basic literature was destroyed by the latter.
Besides Kapila, there are also several references to several post-Kapila teachers like
Panchasikha, Asuri, Sanaka, Vodhu and Sananda. But, none of their treatises could be
traced. Subsequently, Vedantist commentators like Vachaspati Misra, Gaudapada,
Aniluddha and Vijnanabhikshu undertook to reconstruct the philosophy, and in the
process they brought it into the pale of Vedantic thought, current with a shift of
emphasis.

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As a result, the Samkhya lost its distinctive character. Indeed, Buddhism was
originally inspired by the Samkhya. Scarcely a century after Kapila, Buddha was born
at Kapila Vastu, the very place where the originator of the Sanikhya system lived'. In
those days the Nepal Bihar region was still comparatively free from the influence of
Vedic-Brahmanism. So the earliest attempts could be made there to explain the
mystery of the universe using reason. Trade is a source of heretical ideas, and Kapila
vastu was an important trade and political centre on the great eastern trade route,
which went north from Rajgir to the Nepal Terai. Buddha naturally caught up with
many of the rationalist ideas of the Samkhya prevalent in the region. But, a more
definite influence of the Samkhya upon him can also be traced from the fact that one
of his early teachers, Arada belonged to this school.

Even as Buddha obtained the principal tenets of his philosophy from the Samkhya,
his interest was fundamentally different from that of Kapila. Buddha placed far more
emphasis on ethics than on metaphysics. Ontological and epistemological questions,
therefore, did not concern him much. The later disciples of Buddha, of course, could
not remain aloof from metaphysical controversies. They saw that it was not easy to
defend the teachings of the Master unless they took an anti-theistic position. Hence,
different atheistic schools developed within the fold of the Buddhist movement. Many
subtle and dialectical arguments were put forward to prove the existence of God. But,
not much attention was paid to the doctrine of nature. And if the doctrine had no more
in Buddhism, its future became completely bleak after its fall, which signified the
virtual termination of the rationalist phase of Indian thought. The Brahminical
reaction then came to acquire a complete hold over the Indian mind, and the original
Samkhya tradition no longer had a chance of survival. Centuries later, M.N. Roy
revived that tradition. His philosophy of New Humanism is the Samkhya doctrine of
nature enriched by modern science. Roy took up the threads where the
Samkhyavadins left. The latter established that this universe is auto-dynamic, because
it has vajras or energy as one of its constituents and that it is also self-sufficient. Roy
went a step further and concluded, that born out of this law-governed universe, man
too is self-sufficient and auto-dynamic. It means that man has inherited from nature
all the basic gunas, which he needs for making his destiny. According to Roy, these
guns are three in number, the urge for freedom, rationality and morality.

The instinct of self-preservation in nature has become, with man its highest product,
an urge for freedom. The determinism of nature has taken the shape of rationality in
the case of man, and the harmony of nature in that of morality. This attempt by Roy
to explain man is again a new application of the Samkhya principal of Satkaryavada.
If for deriving inspiration for his dialectical thinking Marx "once again returned to the

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mode of contemplation of the great founders of the Greek philosophy", Roy returned
to the mode of contemplation of one of the great founders of Indian philosophy, for
inspiration after cutting a drift from the anchor of Marxism. In his philosophy of New
Humanism, Roy has sought to co-ordinate the knowledge so far accumulated in the
different departments of science, and to present a unified picture of the being and
becoming of man, in the light of that knowledge. The gaps in this knowledge he tried
to fill were based on the ancient Samakhya doctrine. In that sense, Roy is a modern
Kapila'.

10.5 HUMANISM

"Humanism is derived from the Latin word “Humanus” meaning a system of thought
concerned with human affairs in general. Humanism is an attitude which attaches
primary importance to Man and his faculties, affairs and aspirations. Humanism had
to pass through a process of development and change, but its main idea was that Man
must remain the Supreme Being. Humanism means respect for man as Man and not
only because of his achievements. The essence of Humanism is the importance placed
on a human being, the individual as the centre of all aspirations of human activities.
And, there should no dogmatic authority over life and thought." According to Oxford
Dictionary “an outlook of the system of thought concerned with human rather than
divine or supernatural matters” It is a doctrine according to which man is a point of
departure and point of reference of human action.

10.6 REASONS FOR THE EVOLUTION OF RADICAL HUMANISM

The genesis of the concept of new humanism lies in frustration of Roy with the subtle
characteristics of the Marxian philosophy like its feeble ethical moorings and
overemphasis on the economic interpretation of history to the substantive, if not total,
disregard to the value of the intellect in the dynamics of the historical processes.
Thus, initially, Roy tried to evolve a radical perspective on humanism which still had
a lot to owe to Marxism. However, dissatisfied even with his radical incarnation, Roy
made the final move of propounding a theory rooted in integral scientific humanism
which he called the ‘new humanism, new, because it is humanism enriched,
reinforced and elaborated by scientific knowledge and social experience gained
during the centuries of modern civilisation’.

The philosophy of radical humanism or new humanism represents the zenith of an

intellectually bewildering journey spanning a period of over 30 years. Roy also
disapproves Marxian theory of class struggle. According to Roy, Marx's theory of
class struggle has degraded individual consciousness. He was also critical of Marx for

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giving too much importance to the working class. Roy believes that the polarization
of capitalist society into the exploiting and the working class never takes place. Roy
did not regard extra value as a peculiar feature of capitalism. He believes that the
creation of surplus value and accumulation of capital was also in a socialist society.
According to Roy, the Marxian interpretation of history is faulty because it allows the
slender role of mental activity in the social process. The intelligence of human beings
and their cumulative actions are very powerful social forces. Roy also condemns the
Marxian economic interpretation of history.

10.7 PHILOSOPHICAL FOUNDATION OF RADICAL HUMANISM

10.7.1 Belief in Materialism

M.N. Roy was a thoroughgoing materialist. His philosophy is materialism and
materialism is the only possible philosophy for him. It represents the knowledge of
nature. The knowledge that is acquired through contemplation, observation and
investigation of the phenomena of nature itself forms its basis. Therefore, his
materialism is not the monstrosity it is generally supposed to be it is not the cult of
"eat, drink and be merry"' as it has been detected by some of its adversaries.
Materialism is a monistic system of thought. But this ultimate system would not
negate the resort to pluralist concepts of making explicit the process of the becoming
of matter.

Roy is very anxious to repudiate the prevalent association of materialism with some
kind of philosophy of life or a mere pursuit of hedonism. Materialism is only on
account of the evolution and processes of the cosmos and it does not mean sensuous
egoism. It simply maintains that the origin of everything that exists is matter, all the
other appearances being the various transformations of matter. And these
transformations are governed necessarily by laws inherent in nature. Roy's
Materialism is the only philosophy possible, restated with the help of scientific
knowledge. Materialism has been the most relevant hypothesis for a philosopher like
M.N. Roy, to lay the foundations for his rationalistic, philosophical thought and
fruitful scientific investigation. Another, in the last analysis, merges into religion or
ends in absurdity or sophism.

In Roy's opinion, the basic principle of materialism can be stated in many ways, that
the world is self-contained and self-explained. The world exists objectively physically
as well as biologically; there is nothing beyond and outside it. It being and the
becoming are governed by laws inherent in itself; laws are neither mysterious nor
metaphysical, nor merely conventional; there are coherent relations of events.

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Consciousness is a property that, which distinguishes existence from non-existence,

in a certain state of organisation. This philosophical generalisation of the various
branches of scientific knowledge may be termed objectivism, naturalism or realism or
any other name but M.N. Roy prefers materialism. For him, it makes no essential
difference. Only the term matter has a historical meaning, as it rules out illusions and
superstitions which debate philosophy into religion.

10.7.2 Characteristics of Materialism

The distinguishing feature of materialism is that it is not a closed system like all the
other schools of philosophy. It is not a dogma. It is a method of approaching nature,
history, and society in all its diverse departments. In short, life as a whole, indeed, in
the narrow and speculative sense, materialism liquidates philosophy, in as much as it
declares that there cannot be an end to the process of acquiring Knowledge.

Yet another feature of materialism is that sense perception is the foundation of all
knowledge. The implication of this feature is the denial of innate ideas.
Consciousness does not exist independent of external objects. But when it is asserted
and more clearly by modem sensationalism as was done by Sophism, the formed
ground of materialism is abandoned. So the starting point of materialism is the
acceptance of the objective reality of things. The relation between the perception of a
thing and the thing itself has been an enduring subject for ages, the central contention
of speculative philosophy. The development of natural sciences has put an end to that
disputation. The known claim of any scientific knowledge would doubt that
conception of a tree corresponds with the tree itself. Any such doubt has been
dispelled, since man began to get acquainted with nature, through his activities, when
a thing reproduced by a man corresponds with the original object of his perception, as
there can no longer be any possible doubt about the objective reality of things and the
correctness of the perception of them.

10.7.3 Belief in Knowledge

According to M.N Roy, except thoroughgoing idealists, no modem philosopher has
disputed the existence of the external world; except for the possibility of knowing it.
Knowing is an act of the mind. Knowledge, however, is not identical with thought,
any more than thought is identical with being. Thought is the mind's inherent
property, whereas knowledge is acquired from the outside. One is inherent, while the
other is acquired from outside. Sensations are bodily events. They are causally
connected with the external world. Knowing as well as perception takes place on the
plane of direct physical contact. The causal chain is physical, not logical. Therefore
for Roy, all arguments of subjectivity are irrelevant. The other link is similar to the

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causal connection between events in relation, between sensations and their external
causes. It is governed by physical laws.

The median link is the natural connection between the organs of sensation and the
brain. It has also to do with the organic property of reaction to stimuli. The process is
electrochemical. It is further subject to physical laws. Thus, perception is no mystery.
Perception as well as sensation is an event in the physical continuum, which includes
the body. Therefore, it puts the mind in direct contact with the external world. It is not
a contract between two qualitatively different entities. Mind itself originates in the
organic property of reaction to stimuli. So the last link is cognition. It is also a
physical relation. However, in the opinion of M.N . Roy, cognition is not a tacit
perception or recording of messages from the external world. The messages are
stimuli, Cognition is an intelligent reaction to them. Perception is an automatic
organic reaction. Cognition is an interpretative, selective act. Knowledge is not a
mere conglomeration of messages received at random. It is a characterising judgment
about the nature of things, from which the messages come. Higher organisms with
developed brains possess the faculty, not only of receiving impressions of the
environment but of weaving them into a coherent mental picture of the physical
reality they represent.

For Roy, Knowledge results from the constant and continuous reference of precepts
to their external sources. That is done in various ways - actions of daily life, planned
experiment, intelligent observation, memory, thought and the domination by the
unconscious of all our conscious behaviour. Knowledge is a conceptual scheme born
out of insight into the nature of things. It is gained through critical examination,
rational coordination and logical deduction of perceptual data. Further, Roy's
materialism is monistic.

Philosophy has always disliked dualism, which has linked philosophical thought ever
since. Descartes freed philosophy from theology, but placed it under the hegemony of
the mind, which he conceived as an immaterial substance. But the anti-thetical
concepts of mind and matter could not be reconciled by speculative thought,
according to M.N. Roy. The development of natural sciences brought the
reconciliation of mind and matter within reach. Modem psychology began to unravel
the mysteries of the mind aided by psychology. The new physics has overcome the
last hurdle with its dynamic conception of matter.

10.7.4 Rejection of Metaphysical Dualism

Thus, M.N.Roy rules out all sorts of metaphysical dualism which divides the world
into two separate realisms, material and spiritual. Metaphysical dualism also divides

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man into two entities. It also gives rise to dualistic psychology and dualistic ethics.
This dualism has always been a refuge for supernatural religion. However, man can
be made spiritually free only through abolishing the supernatural. True spiritual
freedom, according to M.N. Roy, does not mean the freedom to choose from among
many religions. It means the freedom of the human spirit from the tyranny of all of
them. Therefore, M.N.Roy's worldview has hardly any room for supernaturalism to
play any part in it. His theory of the universe is monistic Materialism. The philosophy
of M.N. Roy follows from the general philosophy of materialism, restated in the light
of modem scientific knowledge. His philosophy entails the philosophy of materialism
applied to the problems of social existence.

The application is the result of logical coordination and integration of empirical

knowledge into an all-embracing explanation of existence. Roy was also of the view
that Materialism does not amount to taking a sheer hedonistic view of life. It consists
in claiming the primacy of matter over the mind. Man's brain which produces ideas is
a lump of a physicochemical combination resulting from the entire process of
biological evolution, in its turn, biological evolution occurs in the context of physical
nature which is the world of dead matter. The Physical origin of mental phenomena
solves the hitherto baffling problem of dualism between mind and matter, according
to Roy.

10.7.5 Challenges to the Theory of Materialism

Indeed, materialism is still a hypothesis only. But there is no gainsaying the fact, that
it is the most plausible hypothesis for fruitful philosophical speculations and scientific
investigations. The other rival views of life like Idealism, and others are also no better
than so many hypotheses bordering on ecclesiastical obscurantism. None of these
views could even prove its assumptions and verify its postulates, against this, even if
some of them are not known at present, the categories of materialism are not obscure.
However, recently a serious challenge has been presented to materialism as a
cosmology. It started with the discovery of modern physics or new physics, that the
atom is not the ultimate unit of matter, as a result of which matter has come to be
dematerialised. The validity of the classical concept of causality has also been
questioned, some scientists and mid-philosophers then begin hastily proclaiming that
when there is no matter as the sub-stratum of the world and there is no law of
causality, then the cosmology and philosophy of materialism cannot stand. According
to them, the universe is not a self-contained unitary whole which functions with the
intervention of any outside force. Thus, they preach a neo-mysticism and revive the
old idealist view of life, denying the objective reality of the physical world. This
entails a loss of faith in him. According to Roy, the contentions of sophisticated
philosophers against materialism, based on their scientific arguments are in the

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ultimate analysis of rationalised religion. It is a new flare-up in the age-old struggle

between religion and science. However, science must not be allowed to lose the
struggle, if man is to be the maker of his destiny. The mechanistic cosmology
constitutes the foundation of materialism.

A humanistic ethics based upon naturalist rationalism should have to be built upon
the rock bottom of a mechanist cosmology and physical realist ontology. It does not
matter much, that some scientists too have been preaching the idealistic implications
of modem science. However, like many other scientists and philosophers, Roy holds
that the modem discoveries of physics do not warrant any dangerous activism. They
have only brought about a revolution in the notion of substance, only perceptually but
not in the conceptual sense. That is to say, the conceptual notion of substance
remains, but its construction is differently conceived. It can be measured
mathematically and hence it must be a physical reality.

Roy feels that ever since the days of Laplace, a whole series of mathematical theories
have demonstrated that the evolution of our physical system could have begun from a
primordial state of evenly distributed matter. Modern astral physics has developed the
nebular hypothesis into a mathematically precise theory. It tells us about the stars and
galaxies, their formations out of gaseous nebulae, and asserts that the process is going
on even today, in the farthest part of the universe. Roy thinks that the picture
presented by the physical science of our day does not contain any indication, that the
world ever had a beginning or will ever have an end. The process of physical
evolution is not reversible, but it is recurring. The radiation from the sun does not
return to the sun but follows a circuitous route, yet to be discovered by science, it
seems to crystalize into a new source of radiation. Particular physical bodies in the
cosmic organisation may freeze to death. However, the heat radiated out of them is
not lost.

It re-enters into circulation through the formation of gross matter, and eventually new
stars. This takes place mechanically, at any point of the infinite process, without the
intervention of any extraneous agency. The discoveries of modern science have
completed the picture of a self-contained, self-operative, physical universe with all its
obvious and admitted deficiencies. As Roy says, there does not remain much
difference between scientific theories and poetry or any other art of work, if the world
of modern physics exists in the minds of the physicists alone. The discoveries of
modem science may at best only require the restatement of the materialistic
philosophy as physical realism'. Thus, Materialism does not depend upon the
definition of matter in terms of any particular substance, whatever one may call it,

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simply it states that objective reality and an external world exist antecedent to, and
independent of, the human mind.
According to Roy, the principal defect of classical materialism was that its cosmology
had nothing to do with ethics. Then, it envisages a gulf between physics and
psychology. But, this defect can now be removed by building a bridge over this gulf
with the discovery of protoplasm which is a physical substance. The mental
phenomena today do not require any extra physical explanation. The supreme
importance of man lies in the fact, that in him the physical process of becoming has
so far reached the highest pitch. Thus, the monistic philosophy of physical realism
makes possible a satisfactory approach to any extra-physical categories. Thus for Roy
mind and matter are only two aspects of the self-made world, which is self-sufficient
and self-operating. Man is indeed free to thrive in this world. because he is a part of
it. That is how the philosophy of Radical Humanism came to be born.

10.8 ROY’S NEW HUMANISM TWENTY-TWO THESES ON RADICAL

DEMOCRACY

"New Humanism" is the name given by Roy to the "new philosophy of revolution"
which he developed in the later part of his life. This philosophy has been summarized
by Roy in the "Twenty-Two Theses" and elaborated in his New Humanism - A
Manifesto. New Humanism, as presented in the Twenty-Two Theses, has both a
critical and a constructive aspect. The critical aspect consists of describing the
inadequacies of communism (including the economic interpretation of history), and
of formal parliamentary democracy. The constructive aspect, on the other hand,
consists of giving the highest value to the freedom of the individual, presenting a
humanist interpretation of history, and outlining a picture of radical or organized
democracy along with the way to achieving the ideal of radical democracy.

10.8.1 Basic Tenets of New Humanism

Apart from Roy's effort to trace the quest for freedom and search for truth to the
biological struggle for existence. The basic idea of the first three theses of Roy is
individualism. According to Roy, the central idea of the Twenty-Two Theses is that
political philosophy must start from the basic idea that the individual is before
society, and freedom can be enjoyed only by individuals. Quest for freedom and
search for truth, according to Roy, constitute the basic urge of human progress. The
purpose of all-rational human endeavour, individual as well as collective, is the
attainment of freedom in ever-increasing measure. The amount of freedom available
to individuals is the measure of social progress. Roy refers back to the quest for
freedom as a human being's struggle for existence, and he regards the search for truth
as a corollary to this quest. The reason, according to Roy, is a biological property, and

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it is not opposed to human will. Morality, which originates from the rational desire
for harmonious and mutually beneficial social relations, is rooted in the innate
rationality of man.

10.8.2 Humanist Interpretation of History

In his humanist interpretation of history, presented in these four, five and six, Roy
gives an important place to human will as a determining factor in history and
emphasizes the role of ideas in the process of social evolution. Formation of ideas is,
according to Roy, a physiological process but once formed, ideas exist by themselves
and are governed by their laws. The dynamics of ideas run parallel to the process of
social evolution and both of them influence each other. Cultural patterns and ethical
values are not mere superstructures of established economic relations. They have a
history and logic of their own.

10.8.3 Inadequacies of Communism

Roy's criticism of communism, contained in theses seven to eleven is based mainly
on the experience of the former Soviet Union, particularly the "discrepancy between
the ideal and the reality of the socialist order." According to Roy, freedom does not
necessarily follow from the capture of political power in the name of the oppressed
and the exploited classes and the abolition of private property in the means of
production. For creating a new world of freedom, revolution must go beyond an
economic reorganization of society. A political system and an economic experiment
which subordinate the man of flesh and blood to an imaginary collective ego, be it the
nation or class, cannot possibly be, in Roy's view, the suitable means for the
attainment of the goal of freedom.

The Marxian doctrine of the state, according to which the state is an instrument of
exploitation of one class by another, is rejected by Roy. According to Roy, the state is
"the political organization of society" and "it's withering away under communism is a
utopia which has been exploded by experience". Similarly, Roy rejects the communist
doctrine of the dictatorship of the proletariat. "Dictatorship of any form, however
plausible may be the pretext for it, is," asserts Roy, "excluded by the Radical-
Humanist perspective of social revolution".

10.8.4 Shortcomings of Formal Parliamentary Democracy

Roy has discussed the shortcomings of formal parliamentary democracy in his twelfth
and thirteenth theses. These flaws, according to Roy, are the outcome of the
delegation of power. Atomized individual citizens are, in Roy's view, powerless for
all practical purposes, and for most of the time. They have no means to exercise their
sovereignty and to wield a standing control of the state machinery. "To make

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democracy effective," says Roy, "power must always remain vested in the people and
there must be ways and means for the people to wield sovereign power effectively,
not periodically, but from day to day."

10.8.5 Radical Democracy

Thus, Roy's ideal of radical democracy, as outlined in theses fourteen to twenty-two
consists of a highly decentralized democracy based on a network of people's
committees through which citizens wield a standing democratic control over the state.
Roy has not ignored the economic aspect of his ideal of radical democracy. He argued
that progressive satisfaction with material necessities is the pre-condition for the
individual members of society unfolding their intellectual and other finer human
potentialities. According to him, an economic reorganization, which will guarantee a
progressively rising standard of living, is the foundation of the Radical Democratic
State. “Economic liberation of the masses”, says Roy, “is an essential condition for
their advancing towards the goal of freedom.

The ideal of radical democracy will be attained, according to Roy, through the
collective efforts of mentally free men united and determined for creating a world of
freedom. They will function as the guides, friends and philosophers of the people
rather than as their would-be rulers. Consistent with the goal of freedom, their
political practice will be rational and, therefore, ethical.

Roy categorically asserts that a social renaissance can come only through a
determined and widespread endeavour to educate the people as regards the principles
of freedom and rational cooperative living. Social revolution, according to Roy,
requires a rapidly increasing number of men of the new renaissance, a rapidly
expanding system of people's committees and an organic combination of both. The
program of revolution will similarly be based on the principles of freedom, reason
and social harmony. As pointed out by Roy himself in his preface to the second
edition of the New Humanism: A Manifesto, though new humanism has been
presented in the twenty-two theses and the Manifesto as a political philosophy, it is
meant to be a complete system. Because of being based on the ever-expanding totality
of scientific knowledge, new humanism cannot be a closed system. "It will not be",
says Roy, "a dogmatic system claiming finality and infallibility."

10.8.6 Philosophical Revolution or Renaissance

It is obvious from the foregoing that Roy was a great supporter of the philosophical
revolution or renaissance, and he has given a central place to it in his radical
humanism. Roy was an admirer of the European Renaissance and drew inspiration
from it. For him, "the Renaissance was the revolt of man against God and his agents

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on this earth". According to Roy, the Renaissance "heralded the modern civilization
and the philosophy of freedom". He strongly believed that India, too, needed a
renaissance on rationalist and humanist lines. According to him, this was a necessary
condition for democracy to function properly. He believed that “a new Renaissance
based on rationalism and cosmopolitan humanism” was essential for democracy to be
realized. (Roy has used the word “rationalist” not in the Cartesian sense but in the
popular sense. In this sense, a “rationalist” regards reason including both perception
and inference as a source of knowledge.).

According to Roy, a philosophical revolution must precede a social revolution. He

was opposed to blind faith and superstitions of all kinds and supported rationalism.
As a physical realist, he rejected all allegedly supernatural entities like god and soul.
Similarly, he was opposed to fatalism and the doctrine of karma. He unequivocally
rejected the religious mode of thinking and advocated a scientific outlook and secular
morality. As noted earlier, he was in favour of delinking philosophy with religion and
associating it closely with science. He believed that science would ultimately
liquidate religion.

According to Roy, a revolutionary has got the idea that the world can be remade,
made better than it is today, that it was not created by a supernatural power, and
therefore, could be remade by human efforts. Further, according to Roy, "the idea of
improving upon the creation of God can never occur to God-fearing. We can conceive
of the idea only when we know that all gods are our creation, and we can depose
whom-so-ever we have enthroned." Roy's critical approach towards religion comes
out very clearly in the preface of his book, India's Message, where he asserts that
criticism of religious thought and a searching analysis of traditional beliefs and the
time-honoured dogmas of religion is essential for the belated Renaissance of India.
“The spirit of inquiry should overwhelm the respect for tradition."

According to Roy, "A critical examination of what is cherished as India's cultural

heritage will enable the Indian people to cast off the chilly grip of a dead past. It will
embolden them to face the ugly realities of a living present and look forward to a
better, brighter and pleasant future." Thus, Roy was opposed to an uncritical and vain
glorification of India's so-called "spiritual" heritage. However, he did not stand for a
wholesale rejection of ancient Indian thought either. He favoured a rational and
critical approach towards ancient traditions and thoughts. Roy believed that the object
of the European Renaissance was to rescue the positive contributions of ancient
European civilization, which were lying buried in the Middle Ages owing to the
dominance of the Church. Roy had something similar in his mind about India.
According to him, one of the tasks of the Renaissance movement should be to rescue

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the positive outcome and abiding contributions of ancient thought - contributions,

which just like the contributions of Greek sages, are lying in ruins under the decayed
structure of the Brahmanical Society - the tradition of which is erroneously celebrated
as the Indian civilization.

10.8.7 Emphasis on Ethics

Roy has given a very important place to ethics in his philosophy. According to Roy,
"the greatest defect of classical materialism was that its cosmology did not seem to
have any connection with ethics". Roy strongly asserts that if it is not shown that
materialist philosophy can accommodate ethics, then, the human spirit, thirsting for
freedom, will spurn materialism. In Roy's view materialist ethics is not only possible
but also the noblest form of morality. Roy links morality with human beings' innate
rationality. Human beings are moral, according to Roy, because they are rational. In
Roy's ethics freedom, which he links with the struggle for existence is the highest
value. The search for truth is a corollary to the quest for freedom. However, Roy is
not unique among materialists in emphasizing the importance of ethics in his
philosophy. Contrary to popular impression, ancient materialist Epicurus and modern
materialist Holbach, for example, accorded an important place to ethics in their
philosophies. However, the details of Roy's ethics are somewhat different from these
philosophers.

10.9 SUMMARY

The above discussion on the life and times of MN Roy reveals the fact that Roy
started his ideational journey from Marxism. Later dissatisfied with the practice of the
Marxian ideology and basically because of its domination by Russian Communists,
he left it. On coming back to India, dissatisfied with his association with Indian
National Congress, he organized his own political party-Radical Democratic Party
and ultimately founded a new movement called New Humanism. Thus it would be
wrong to conclude that the ideational journey was a journey from Marxism to New
Humanism.

10.10 EXERCISE

1. What is Humanism?
2. What is the concept of Humanism and Radical Humanism?
3. Discuss the evolution of M.N.Roy from Marxism to radical Humanism.
4. Explain the factors that lead to developing the radical humanism.

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10.11 REFERENCE

• Altekar, A. S., 1958: State and Government in Ancient India, 3rd Ed. Motilal
Banarsidas: Banaras
• Beni Prasad, 1927: Theory of Government in Ancient India (Post Vedic),
Indian Press: Allahabad
• Gharhal, U. N., 1959: A History of Political Ideas, Rev. Ed. of History of
Hindus’ Political Theories, O.U.P.: Bombay.
• Sharma, R. S., 1959: Aspects of Political Ideas and Institutions in Ancient
India, Motilal Banarasidas: Delhi.
• Appadorai, A., 1992: Indian Political Thinking Through the Ages, Khanna
Pub.: New Delhi

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UNIT-11 JAWAHARLAL NEHRU

Structure
11.1 Objective
11.2 Introduction
11.3 Socialism
11.3.1 Nehruvian Concept of Democratic Socialism in India
11.3.2 Nehru’s View on Planning
11.3.3 Mixed Economy
11.4 Nehru’s Views on Secularism
11.4.1 Secularism for Social Harmony
11.4.2 Secularism for an Egalitarian Order
11.4.3 Secularism for National Unity
11.4.4 Secularism for the Protection of Minority
11.5 Nehru’s view on Nationalism
11.6 Nehru on Internationalism
11.7 Ideas on State-Building and Nation-Building in Post- Independence India
11.7 .1 State-Building
11.7.2 Nation Building
11.8 Summary
11.9 Exercises
11.10 References

11.1 OBJECTIVES

After reading this unit you will be able to understand:

• The Nehruvian Concept of Democratic Socialism
• The features of a Mixed economy
• The Relevance of Nehruvian Secularism in the Country
• The Contribution of Nehru
• The Ideas of Nehru on the Institutionalization of Democracy and Welfare
State
• The Nature of India’s Foreign Policy under Nehru

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• Measure Jawaharlal Nehru’s concept of and State Building and Nation

Building

11.2 INTRODUCTION

Jawaharlal Nehru’s parents were Motilal Nehru and Swaruprani Thussu. Motilal
Nehru was a prominent lawyer and a member of the Indian National Congress and
also served as its president twice. Nehru went to study at the Harrow School in
England. He studied natural science at Trinity College, Cambridge University, and
passed out with a degree in 1910. Being inspired by Garibaldi, the Italian national
hero Nehru himself dreamed of India’s freedom from British rule.

He was influenced by the works of G B Shaw, H G Wells, Bertrand Russell, J M

Keynes, Meredith Townsend and Lowes Dickinson. In 1912, Nehru returned to India
and entered the Bar in 1912. He attended a Congress session in 1912 in Patna and felt
that the membership of the party was restricted to upper-class elites. The INC at that
time was in its moderate phase. He spoke of complete independence at a time when
most people were content with a few constitutional reforms. He was influenced by
Annie Besant and worked for her Home Rule League. Nehru met Mahatma Gandhi in
1916 and was drawn to him instantly. He became his close friend, follower and
associate.

As a national leader, he understood the importance of having a worldview and sought

relations with similar democratic movements in other nations as well. He visited
several countries. He represented India at a meeting of oppressed nationalities in
Brussels. Nehru played his part in making the struggles of the people of the princely
states align with the freedom movement in British India. He became the president of
the All India States Peoples Conference in 1935. He threw open its membership to
people across the political spectrum. This organisation would play an important part
in the integration of the princely states into India.

In 1946, he was elected the president of the Congress party and served as its president
for three more terms. Nehru headed the interim government of India in 1946. After
India achieved independence on 15 August 1947, Nehru became the prime minister.
As prime minister, he delivered his now-famous address to the nation, ‘Tryst with
Destiny’. Nehru’s vision of a united India led to the speedy integration of the princely
states into the Indian Dominion. He was ably supported by Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel
and V K Krishna Menon, his aide in this matter. In 1953, he appointed the States
Reorganisation Commission to redraw state boundaries on linguistic lines. He
advocated the use of Hindi as the country’s official language but this met with heavy

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resistance from non-Hindi speakers. Nehru, as prime minister, advocated a mixed

economy. He established heavy industries believing them to be essential to the
development of a country. But there were also heavy control and regulations of the
industry.

11.3 SOCIALISM

Socialism is the political economic theory of social organisation which advocates the
means of production their distribution and exchange are regulated by the
society/community. Jawaharlal Nehru was a brilliant exponent of the socialist
ideology. He aimed to attain complete independence for the people of India. The
method to be adopted to accomplish this task was democratic socialism. Democratic
Socialism is practically practising socialism. It is committed to the systematic
transformation of the economy. It is a logical scientific approach in democracy to
realize equitable distribution of income and wealth. He said that “There cannot be
democracy without socialism and there cannot be socialism without democracy”
Despite his Marxist faith Nehru never believed in conformity and he certainly did not
think that a society where uniformity was the rule was a good society. He wrote, “I
had long been drawn to socialism and communism and Russia had appealed to me
much; In Soviet Russia, I dislike the ruthless suppressing of all contrary opinions, the
wholesale regimentation, the unnecessary violence in carrying out various policies
But there was no lack of violence and suppression in the capitalist world and realized
more and more how the very basic and foundation of our acquisitive society and
property was violence.”

For Nehru socialism was for the control of capital in the national interest. Hence he
proposed a scientific and practical socialism which he came to achieve by granting
new freedom and discipline. Thus he advocated cooperative farming, a cooperative
service institute.

Jawaharlal Nehru’s Socialism was evolutionary, not revolutionary, and it was

inclusive, not based on class. It was democratic and comfortable with heterogeneity,
egalitarian without levelling, committed to welfare and affirmative action,
cooperative to contain destructive competition, oriented to rational planning to
overcome anarchic individualism, stressed the need for the government to lead
through an advanced public sector, valued local democracy and local management of
utilities, and mobilized local initiative in every way. Globally, he viewed it as a
movement rather than as a military bloc. In all these respects, if it was to prevail, it
would be by democratic recognition rather than by bureaucratic imposition. Above

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all, he saw it as providing direction, momentum, and a value system rather than a
final goal.

He argued that Democratic Socialism could mitigate the evils of all third-world
countries. In simple terms, Democratic Socialism as an ideology is an extension of
the liberal propagation of democracy altered to suit the needs of all the countries of
the world.

11.3.1 Nehruvian Concept of Democratic Socialism in India

Democratic socialism is having a socialist economy, where production is socially,

collectively controlled or owned, along with a liberal democratic political system of
government. This system rejects most self-described socialist states and Marxism-
Leninism.

When India got independence, there were many problems that the nation had to
handle. One among these problems was which would be the best strategy for long-
term development. Jawaharlal Nehru was the architect of planning in India.

He was inspired by the Soviet model of planning and also inspired by the liberal
principles of capitalism. He wanted to bring the two ideas together in India which was
termed democratic socialism. For Nehru, democracy and planning had to go together.
Planning was an integrated way to look at the needs of society.

It had to interlink production, consumption, employment, transport, education, health,

social service, etc. Such a society enables the complete development of the
personality of the individual. It is the responsibility of the state to direct its policy to
secure a better distribution of ownership and control of the material resources of the
community.

To protect the weaker sections, the state is also expected to control the distribution of
essential commodities.

11.3.2 Nehru’s View on Planning

Socioeconomic reconstruction was a chief feature of his thoughts. He was deeply
impressed by the economic development of the Soviet Union with planning to draw
the attention of the world's imagination of planning. In 1938, the INC decided to set
up a National Planning Committee with Nehru as chairman. The statement of an
object made by Nehru as the chairman became a significant factor in the literature on
economic planning in India. Planning is a necessary constituent of a socialist

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economy in a democratic structure. Hence he adopted planning as a means to bring

social equity and proposed the model of mixed economy in which he recognize the
participation of the public and private sector in the development activities. The
industrial policy of 1948 and 1956 of the Government of India made the provision for
such co-existence.

Nehru’s planning philosophy was “Democratic Collectivism”, which emphasized

planning by consensus. Nehru had a genuine concern about the need for a peaceful
transition through consensus in the development process in India. The emphasis was
on the “Social” implications of the economic ideas along with wider national and
international lines. The “Democratic Socialism” and the “mixed economy’ demanded
equality of opportunities for all and it was the basic theme. Nehru’s vision of a
technologically progressive India was also inspired by a socially inspired process of
integrating technology with modern methods of agriculture and production.

11.3.3 Mixed Economy

A mixed economy was one of the most integral plans of Jawaharlal Nehru. The idea
of a mixed economy was highly influenced by the concept of democratic socialism. In
his own words: “I believe in a socialistic pattern of society. We have declared this as
our goal. But even there, we have not adopted a rigid attitude which would prevent us
from having any leeway or learning from our experience or changed circumstances.
At the same time, we have allowed a very large margin within which other forces
cooperate. Their doors are open to all of you to function in your way. We want to
help you with that. There is no question of blind acceptance here. The basic question
before us is to increase production of essential consumer goods and their equitable
distribution which will reduce the disparity between the haves and the have-nots. We
do not want the new wealth to remain in the hands of a few people. That is not right”.
The mixed economy entailed enmeshing of socialist ideals and capitalist ventures in a
given economy. In this stance, the public and private sectors worked in a
complementary manner to cater to the growth of the nation. Further, the public sector
constituted the state enterprises while the private sector entailed private/individual
corporate enterprises. However, it was the prominence of state enterprises over
private enterprises in post-independence that was thought to increase economic and
industrial development. Foundational and basic industries were dealt with by the
public sector enterprises, while the distribution of consumer goods was taken care of
by the private sector.

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11.4 NEHRU’S VIEWS ON SECULARISM

When the country observes the 58th death anniversary of Pandit Nehru, an occasion
arrives to explore his most important contribution to all of us; that is to be found in
his unflinching efforts to establish and practice secularism within the country’s
democratic framework in the best possible manner. The credit goes to him that
succeeded in effectively defeating the communal forces, though his successors many-
a-time failed on this count. In South Asia, where the cultural landscape is uniform, no
other country in the region has practiced secularism in its finest form as India. This
fact owes much to him.

His ideas about secularism were born in his childhood when he experienced being
nurtured in a secular ambience. His resident teacher was Ferdinand T. Brooks, a
theosophist; interactions with Annie Besant and Munshi Mubarak Ali, a Munshi of
his father, and living with Jews in Harrow left a deep impact on him and at the initial
level removed many religious dogmas from his mind. The exposure to rich English
philosophical thoughts played an important role in his life but greater was the
influence of Buddhism which dissolved the feeling of discrimination. The birth of
Buddhism is traced to a reaction against the restricted nature of Hinduism. Nehru
learnt a lot from it.

Nehru was aware of the historical past of India. He was a historian and convinced that
India was a plural society, not a country with only one religious affiliation. Hinduism
was responded to by Buddhism and Jainism in ancient times when new social forces
emerged. For him, the advent of Christianity and Islam was as significant as the
arrival of Zoroastrianism in the country. He discovered that people from different
religions had shared memories which were not at odds with each other. The War of
Independence in 1857 was its reflection when Hindus and Muslims had fought
together. Nehru had discerned this main element of the shared memory of Indian
culture, and he attempted to build an edifice of secularism on it.

When he entered political life, he applied his knowledge of history to infer that the
communal forces received wide support from the political authorities. He opposed
British rule on this ground deducing that the birth of communalism was due to
multiple factors but British rule was a major contributor. In later years, this thought
matured substantially. He concluded that a functional government structure must
encourage and sustain religious diversity. India is a country with multiple religions;
hence the government can never be biased towards any specific religion. Therefore,
religion had no place in politics. On this point, he comes close to Machiavelli who
advocated the separation of politics from religion. Here, Nehru differed from Gandhi

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for whom spiritualization of politics was a major objective of political life. Though
both had respect for all religions, Nehru and Gandhi were true secularists but differed
on the application of religion in political life.

Communalism and majoritarianism had no place in his thought process which had
identified secularism as the truth of the ages with empirical teleology. He was aware
of the dangers posed by majoritarianism during the national movement. The Hindu
reactionary organizations and movements, which had emerged particularly during the
1910s and 1920s, were a threat to national unity. He decided to serve the cause of
nationalism by recognizing the fundamental unity prevalent in all religions. He
upheld the cause of nationalism by bringing together people from all major religions
on the issue of national unity. Gandhi had taken a step in that direction during the
Khilafat movement; Nehru reinforced that process in the next decade by associating
himself with the nationalist Muslim leaders.

His anti-communal approach was thus governed by the larger cause of strengthening
the national movement. This approach in the pre-independence era culminated in the
post-independence phase when Nehru nourished secularism with the clear objective
of ensuring respect for religious diversity and focusing on national development by
associating all sections.

Nehru was a rationalist knowing well that human values were superior to religious
orthodoxies. This idea was probably shaped by his inclination towards Buddhism in
which the concept of God is not recognized. Humanism is real religion and serving
the downtrodden is the greatest worship. Nehru embodied and practiced this in full
measure. His emphasis on the development of scientific temperament is a great
contribution to India because it initiated the fight against religious obscurantism and
superstition which the whole country was steeped in. For this reason, Nehru can be
characterized as a person carrying forward the tradition of the great social reformer,
Raja Rammohan Roy; both played a crucial role in the elimination of social
orthodoxies.

His belief in secularism was enriched by the emphasis on scientific analysis of the
mundane order. This order cannot sustain for a long period unless it is based upon
certain pillars. From his dissection of communalism, Nehru discovered that
secularism was the sole response to communal forces. Scientific lifestyle was its
pragmatic base. When secularism was to be practised, no other political system could
be established except one which was a functional democracy. Democracy and
secularism are therefore twin siblings. Yet another outstanding contribution of Nehru

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is the gift of the twin siblings to the nation. This is what makes him an exceptional
figure in human history.

Secularism is also related to the other philosophical pillars of human civilization.

These are the universal values of equality and liberty. He knew that no secular order
can be sustained unless people from all streams of religious life enjoy equality and
liberty of the highest form. This thought was manifest in his Objectives Resolution in
the Constituent Assembly.

11.4.1 Secularism for Social Harmony

Nehru was in favour of a secular state because he was convinced that secular
provisions would better ensure socio-religious harmony among the different groups.
Especially a country with diversified religious faiths would be benefitted from
secularism. It would establish the foundation of a stable society. Accordingly, the
constitution of India under Article 25-28 guarantees freedom to profess, propagate
and practice any religion one likes. Nehru was especially interested in a uniform civil
code to be enumerated in Directive Principles.

11.4.2 Secularism for an Egalitarian Order

Nehru also interpreted secularism as equal respect for all faiths and equal
opportunities for those who profess any faith. It means there will be no religious
discrimination as in a theocratic state which creates two classes of citizens - One
having more opportunities, the other less. Such provisions are anti-democratic. Equal
opportunities for all religious groups would guarantee socio-economic-political
security to both majorities as well as the minority. This will encourage the growth of
an egalitarian order and act as the foundation of democracy.

11.4.3 Secularism for National Unity

Nehru envisaged secularism for national unity and integrity. Nehru said, in a country
like India socially and economically retarded and entrenched by religious, ethnic,
linguistic, and tribal cleavages inhabiting a vast landmass, the adoption of secularism
was the pragmatic solution to its problems. Because secularism creates a scientific
man free from dogmatism and obscurantism. Such a scientific outlook prevents men
from communally judging anything and working for national unity. So secularism for
Nehru had both political and psychological implications. But to pursue secular ideals
Nehru emphasized mass education, urbanization, and industrialization.

11.4.4 Secularism for the Protection of Minority

In the post-Independence era, Nehru's secularism emphasized the minority. Because
while he piloted many reform measures in the Hindu code, he hesitated to do so for

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the Muslims, for which he had been severely criticized. But Nehru argued that while
the Hindu community had been intellectually prepared for changes in their law,
Muslims were not so. He hoped that as a result of education and propaganda, a
uniform civil code would be accepted by Muslims without resistance. Thereby he
undoubtedly sounded partial, but he was determined to create a sense of confidence
among the Muslims which was shaken as a result of the trauma of partition; the
Christians were assured of full freedom for evangelical work so long as it did not
undermine national unity and integrity of India. He gave special attention to Muslims
and argued that Hindus were safe anyhow in India but minorities should be protected
even if the majority had to sacrifice something.

11.5 NEHRU’S VIEW ON NATIONALISM

Nehru possessed a clear understanding of the distinctive features of Nationalism. He

ware aware of the merits of nationalism and its contribution to the evolution of
modern civilization. He knew well how nationalism and its contribution to the
evolution of modern civilization. He knew well how nationalism has remained the
driving force during the freedom struggle. He believe that the feeling of Nationalism
gave a certain degree of neutrality and vitality all over the world. He is also aware of
the limitation of Nationalism hence he rejected fanatical and religious nationalism.
According to him " civilization suffered due to narrow nationalism and expressed the
hope that free India would welcome the work for world co-operation.” He regarded
that nationalism would be a curse if it was narrow and selfish. According to him
aggressive nationalism is destructive and creates fear in the minds of others. He was
against the narrowness, exclusiveness and selfishness of nationalism as it stunned the
growth of mind, He held that Indian nationalism forms its beginning will be based
upon the universal virtues, peace, liberalism and rationalism.

11.6 NEHRU ON INTERNATIONALISM

Non-Alignment Policy
For Nehru, Non-alignment (NAM) was the response to the bipolar divisions of the
Cold War era. After two centuries of British rule, Nehru was determined to protect
the country’s strategic autonomy without compromising independence by aligning
itself to either superpower in the Cold War. This policy of NAM made India one of
the most distinguished leaders of Third World solidarity, reached out to the rest of the
colonised world, and forged a joint front against colonialism and a reinvented
imperialism.

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11.7 IDEAS ON STATE-BUILDING AND NATION-BUILDING IN POST-

INDEPENDENCE INDIA

11.7 .1 State-Building
During Post–the independence era Jawaharlal Nehru dropped his earlier conviction
for Russian Communism and socialism and further, he did not aim at abolishing
capitalism, but curated a new scheme for India’s development and growth i.e.,
cojoining certain essence of capitalism and socialism popularly referred to as ‘mixed
economy’. The reasons were obvious –the newly born nation required the welfare of
all individuals based on secularism, democracy and socialism. The major hallmarks
were to be political, social and economic equality. Its cherished maxim was liberty.
However, for the good of all, this liberty was to be tethered by the state. The Indian
Constitution is the other component of a democratic system that paved the way for
raising the socio-economic standards of citizens. Further, the rural masses formed the
majority of the Indian population. Agriculture was the backbone of the Indian
economy initially; therefore, Nehru deemed it fit that rural masses became self-
reliant. Thus, the adoption of the Gandhian method of Khadi and cottage industries
seemed like a viable alternative. He argued that through community projects the rural
populations could get rid of socio-economic shortcomings as well as do away with
illiteracy and ignorance gradually. However, unlike Gandhiji, Nehru did not only rely
on the development of villages but put a lot of emphasis on industries as a means to
become self-sufficient and reliant on oneself. He argued that Indian poverty could not
be eradicated until there was self-sufficiency in terms of utilizing science and
technology for industrial purposes and its proliferation. For instance, the five-year
plans post-independence laid greater emphasis on the establishment of heavy
industries, though he had specific apprehensions too. In his own words: “I am all for
tractors and big machinery, and I am convinced that the rapid industrialization of
India is essential to relieve the pressure on land, to combat poverty and raise
standards of living, for defence and a variety of other purposes. But I am equally
convinced that the most careful planning and adjustment are necessary if we are to
reap the full benefit of industrialization and avoid many of its dangers.”

Industrial development
He asserted that this method of planning is necessary to release the arrested growth
that has taken China and India within its grip. He further emphasized that he had been
greatly attracted to the Industrial movement that was majorly engaging the industrial
co-operatives. He thought that it would fit the Indian background to, “give a
democratic basis to small industry, and develop the cooperative habit”. This could be
further utilized to complement the bigger industries. He said, “It must be remembered
that however rapid might be the development of heavy industry in India, a vast field

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will remain open to small and cottage industries. Even in Soviet Russia owner-
producer co-operatives have played an important part in industrial growth”. Nehru not
only emphasized the quantitative adjustment and balancing of several tenets of the
method of production, but he desired politico-economic qualitative changes to be
done wherein new social benefits flow. Moreover, the social and psychological
aspects of this stance are to be given primacy. He stated, “Thus we will change the
static character of our living and make it dynamic and vital, and our minds will
become active and adventurous. New situations lead to new experiences, as the mind
is compelled to deal with them and adapt itself to a changing environment”. Nehru in
his work- Discovery of India- asserts that the three fundamental necessities of India
were to develop “industrially and otherwise”. Heavy engineering, machine-making
industry, scientific research institutes and electric power were essential to its
economic growth vis-à-vis building capacities for its people. He argued that these
should be the very foundations of all such planning which the national planning
committee too emphasized. He also mentioned that India lacked all these elements
and that there were always bottlenecks in the industrial expansion

11.7.2 Nation Building

Being a prolific student of Indian history, culture, society, and economy—he
designed a strategy based on national integration, consensus accommodation and
decentralization. Ideas such as democracy, welfare, and democratic socialism were at
the core of the functioning of the state. He approached a rationalist thought in every
sphere for the development of the Nation. Jawaharlal Nehru’s idea of Nation-
building had primarily a ‘modernist’ outlook. Nehru envisaged specific ingredients
for his popular nation-building process that comprised of Making of the Constitution
and Accommodation Firstly, the making of the constitution based on consensus,
accommodation and secular practises- Jawaharlal Nehru’s idea of integration wherein
he accommodated various strands from the society. The feudal interests were
accommodated through these provisions for Privy Purses as well as the creation of
Part B states wherein they were given the office of Rajpramukh. Further, the liberals
were accommodated through provisions such as fundamental rights, parliamentary
democracy, independence of the judiciary, and supremacy of the constitution while
the Socialists catered for Socialist policies through Directive Principles of State
Policies. The Gandhian demands and desires were accommodated through the
provision of Article 40 of the Indian Constitution wherein the establishment of Gram
Panchayats which would serve as units of local self-government. Making of the
Indian constitution was based on consensus and plural accommodation which was a
requirement of the hour then. Nehru emphasised that regional integration for all
sections was realised as a building block for nation-building. He emphasised
accommodating the minorities and thereby, giving them the Right to Equality, Right

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Religious Freedom, He also argued further that cohesion and unity are essential, not
uniformity; Moreover, integration, reconciliation, and solidarity were core
constituting principles to be imbibed by the people who constituted as Indian citizens.

Parliamentary Democracy
Jawaharlal Nehru believed that parliamentary democracy was crucial for the
integration of religious, social, linguistic, and social groups from India into one. He
stressed that this would further allow them to share in the power structure. He was
essentially keen on a parliamentary form of democracy rather than the presidential
system owing to the pluralist executive wherein various groups could be
accommodated. He believed that parliamentary democracy could not only provide
stability but flexibility too owing to diverse social structure. His outlook was perhaps
influenced by the conflict that emerged in the USA between the Supreme Court and
the President on the issue of the New Deal Programme post the Second World War.
The parliamentary system did cater to stability during such issues.

Federalism
Jawaharlal Nehru realised that a unitary system was not suitable for a large
geographical country like India which was equally diverse in terms of culture,
religion, race, caste, tribe etc. Therefore, the central government was to be taken as
‘staff’ while the state governments were to be taken as ‘line agencies’. This was to
cater to the equal distribution of resources and also their requirements and demands.
In this stance, Nehru took care of the respective chief ministers and took them in
confidence on all crucial issues such as the appointment of governors and
communicated regularly.

Linguistic Re-organisation of States

Nehru had an excellent sense of political foresightedness. This entailed him
recognising legitimate political aspirations of regional groups and regions. Linguistic
groups and their demands were of utmost importance then; those were vying for
separate states. To proceed with this process, Nehru set up the States Re-organisation
Commission in 1953 and thereby, accepted the demand of the Telegu communities
for the creation of Andhra from Madras. The majority of the states were re-organised
on a linguistic basis except for Bombay and Punjab in 1956. However, it is to be
noted that it was difficult for Nehru to reorganise on linguistic lines—the states due to
issues about rehabilitation of refugees, integration of princely states and dealing with
food crises. Later, Bombay was subdivided into Imaginaries of the Nation and the
World Maharashtra and Gujrat in the year 1960 as demands for these states gained
momentum.

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Towards Democratic Decentralisation: Model of Panchayati Raj

The idea of democratic decentralisation was taken as a central tenet in nation-building
as he deemed it fit to link the centre to the periphery and thereby, bridge the gap too.
Participatory democracy was in mind while Nehru was going about with the concept
of nation-building as he believed that people’s participation was of utmost importance
to cater to democracy as an ideal that independent India had adopted. Panchayati Raj
as an empirical method provided the masses with a choice to engage in the decision-
making procedure directly through the institution of Gram Sabha and indirectly
through their representatives in institutions such as Panchayat Samitis, Gram
Panchayat and Zila Parishads respectively. Nehru emphasized that the three-tier
organisation of institutions would integrate and sub-structure power judiciously. This
would further pave the way for sharing/partnering of social groups such as tribes,
castes, sects, religions etc.

11.8 SUMMARY

The evaluation of great leaders generally passes through three stages. Firstly, they are
extolled in the years after their demise. The second stage comes when they are
subjected to criticism, fair or unfair. Thereafter follows the stage of balanced
judgement. Nehru stands at the point of transition from the second to the third stage.
Nehru, the almost mythic figure, had a splendorous and multi-faceted personality. He
was an Indian patriot with death-defying courage, fired with a passion for reforming
the world. He was an intellectual giant who possessed clear imagination and flawless
pen. He laid the foundations of modern India. As a man, as a leader, and as a ruler, he
made tremendous contributions towards maintaining international peace and security
and building the Indian nation. He left a legacy behind him which has been inherited
by we Indians (not only by some individuals or a party).

The central pillars of Nehru’s Programme were Non-alignment, democracy, Planning

with a moderate socialist orientation, and Secularism. For Nehru, the expositor of the
policy and pioneer of the movement, non-alignment was a natural policy for India. As
an heir, successor and exponent of Gandhi, he had a great conviction for peace. By
not joining any of the two hostile camps, he wanted to keep himself in a position to
exert influence on both the military blocks in favour of moderation. He played a role
to lessen tensions and preserve world peace.

Nehru valued the spirit of free inquiry, free discussion, and rational accommodation.
What mattered to him most was the dignity of man and his self-respect.

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Inspired by the example of the Soviet Union, Nehru felt that planning was the only
way for India to march steadily and fastly on the road to economic progress. He
emphasized rendering socio-economic justice in India by achieving economic self-
reliance, based on a strong public sector in heavy industry, a regulated private sector
and cooperative farming. His socialism was not an end by itself but a means to the
end of doing ‘the greatest good to the largest number in the shortest possible time
through persuasion’.

Nehru thought that the disparate religions and regions, communities and castes can be
held together only by secularizing the politics and creating a sense of security and
belonging among religious minorities in India. He regarded secularism as the basic
law of Indian nationhood without which India would not survive as a nation.

One thing for which Nehru can be remembered most is institution building. He was
always for the institutionalization of political organizations and procedures. He had
profound respect for Parliament as the repository of people’s will. He worked very
hard to nurture the Congress Party, the judiciary, the civil service etc.

He was a prominent figure in the Indian National Congress. Even though he was
Mahatma Gandhi's pupil and heir, he had significant differences with him. While
Gandhi was a religious man, Nehru was not; he never shared Gandhi's views on the
spiritualization of politics, and he never agreed with Gandhiji's economic concepts of
trusteeship. He had the courage of Stalin and the heart of Gandhi. Social prejudices
and religious dogmatism never touched him. With his scientific temper and rational
humanist touch, he could silence even his bitter critics.

Nehru was a staunch nationalist who crossed the line into internationalism, an ardent
believer in democracy, and a champion of individual liberty and equality. He was a
proponent of parliamentary democracy and desired to establish a democratic state.
Nehru was a Fabian socialist in terms of economic beliefs. He picked a position that
was halfway between capitalism and Marxism. His campaign for a peaceful and
secure world has been an important contribution to the international arena.

11.9 EXERCISES

1. Examine Nehru’s view on Democratic Socialism.

2. Discuss the Political ideas of Nehru.
3. Explain Nehru’s concept of Secularism.
4. Assess the Contributions of Nehru.
5. 5, Analyse Nehru's concept of State Building and Nation Building

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11.10 REFERENCES

• Chandra, Prakash, Modern Indian Political Thought, Vikas Publications Pvt.

Ltd. New Delhi, 1998.
• Varma, V.P., Modern Indian Political Thought, Lakshmi Narayan Agarwal,
Educational Publishers, Agra, 2013
• Gupta, R.C., Great Political Thinkers, Lakshmi Narain Agarwal Educational
Publishers, Agra, 2009-10.
• Mohanty, D.K (1997), Indian Political Tradition. Anmol Publications Pvt. Ltd,
New Delhi.
• Chakrabarty, B. and Pandey, R. K. (2009). Modern Indian Political Thought.
New Delhi: SAGE Texts.
• Gouba, O.P. (2016). Indian Political Thought. New Delhi: Mayur Paperbacks.
• Mehta, V.R. (1992). Foundations of Indian Political Thought. Delhi: Manohar
Publisher.
• Padhy, K.S.(2017). Indian Political Thought. Delhi: PHI Learning Pvt. Ltd.
• Singh, M.P. and Roy, H. (2011). Indian Political Thought Themes and
Thinkers. Delhi: Pearson.

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UNIT-12 JAYA PRAKASH NARAYAN

Structure
12.1 Objectives
12.2 Introduction
12.3 Political Life of JP Narayan
12.4 Influence of Gandhi and M.N. Roy
12.5 Nature of Movements led by JP: Ethical Undertone
12.6 Idea of Socialism
12.7 Idea of Sarvodaya Movement
12.8 JP’s Concept of Total Revolution
12.8.1 Total Revolution and Bihar Movement
12.8.2 Basic Tenants of JP’s Institution of Total Revolution
12.8.3 Progress of Total Revolution during the Emergency
12.9 JP’s Views on Communitarian Democracy
12.10 JP’s Views on Participatory Democracy
12.11 Jay Prakash Narayan and Marxism
12.12 J.P. as a Socialist Thinker
12.12.1 Politics of JP: From Socialism to Sarvodaya
12.13 Summary
12.14 Exercise
12.15 Reference

12.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through the contents of the Unit you will be able to
• To understand the significance of JP’s concept of Partyless and Participatory
democracy.
• To know the relevance of JP’s criticisms about Party politics.
• To understand JP’s concept of People’s Socialism and Sarvodaya
• To know the Relevance of the Total Revolution.

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12.2 INTRODUCTION

Jayaprakash Narayan, also known as JP or Lok Nayak (in Hindi refers to “People’s
leader”), was an Indian Freedom activist, Theorist, Socialist, and Political figure. He
was born on October 11, 1902, and he passed away on October 8, 1979. In the middle
of the 1970s, he led the opposition against Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, with the
implementation of his scheme of “Total Revolution”. Rambriksh Benipuri, a
Nationalist and author of Hindi literature, wrote his biography, Jayaprakash. He was
honoured with the Magsaysay Award for Public Service in 1965. In recognition of his
contributions to society, he was awarded with the Bharat Ratna, the highest civilian
honour in India in 1999 (Posthumous) for Public Affairs.

12.3 POLITICAL LIFE OF JP NARAYAN

The literary meaning of his name ‘Jayaprakash’ is ‘Victory to the light’. He was born
in Sitabdiyara village in Bihar on 11th October 1902. JP was educated at universities
in the USA, where he became a Marxist Devotee by his heart.

Jayaprakash was first introduced to Das Kapital of Karl Marx in Wisconsin.

Jayaprakash concluded that Marxism was the best strategy for easing the suffering of
the masses after hearing news of the Bolsheviks’ victory in the Russian Civil War. He
read extensively the works of Indian Marxist theorist M. N. Roy. The best sociology
paper of the year was his, titled Cultural Variation. He earned a B.A. in Behavioural
Science from Ohio State University and an M.A. in Sociology from the University of
Wisconsin.

Narayan returned to India from the US in the latter half of 1929. Jawaharlal Nehru
invited him to join the Indian National Congress, and Mahatma Gandhi served as his
mentor there. He formed his mind to lead a simple life and work for the nation
impressed by the Non-violent Movements of Gandhiji. JP was also deeply influenced
by Bal Gangadhar Tilak, who called Indians to act fearlessly following the ideals of
The Bhagwat Gita. As the first ‘Jeevandanee’ of Vinoba Bhave’s Sarvodaya
Movement, JP fought for socio-economic justice for all.

In the jail, he made friends with Ram Manohar Lohia, Minoo Masani, Achyut
Patwardhan, Ashok Mehta, Basawon Singh, Yusuf Desai, C K Narayanaswami and
other national figures. The Congress Socialist Party (CSP), a left-leaning faction
within the party led by Acharya Narendra Deva, was established with Jayaprakash
Narayan as its General Secretary. Many young Socialist leaders, including
Chhotubhai Puranik, Aruna Asaf Ali, and Ram Manohar Lohia, participated in the

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underground freedom movement when Mahatma Gandhi began the Quit India
Movement in August 1942. The All India Railwaymen’s Federation was presided
over by Jayaprakash Narayan from 1947 to 1953.

12.4 INFLUENCE OF GANDHI AND M.N. ROY

Jay Prakash Narayan was greatly influenced by M.N. Roy in his youth times. During
their youth both J.P. and M.N. Roy was protagonist of Marxian Socialism and
believed that socialism could be brought about only through revolutionary method. At
that time they were critiquing of Gandhian Philosophy of Non-violence and
Trusteeship. But in their thirties, he favoured the United Popular Front with
Communism, although he denounced the Popular Front with them and became one of
the foremost critics of the Authoritarian Regimentation of Russia Communism in
1940 at Ramgarh. His physical contact with Gandhiji and intellectual study of
Marxism made him love Democratic Socialism. He wanted to achieve the goal of
Socialism through democratic means. He preferred to devote himself to “Sarvodaya”
and the achievement of Gandhian ideals through the mission of Vinobha Bhave. Like
Gandhi, Vinoba and Jay Prakash also strongly believed that human freedom could be
fully and wholly realized only in a stateless society.

12.5 NATURE OF MOVEMENTS LED BY JP: ETHICAL UNDERTONE

The movements monitored by Jayapraksh Narayan are essentially ethical in nature.

He once told Minoo Masani that “neither Gandhi nor Mao made a Revolution, they
merely gave a direction to the Revolution and controlled it”. After his return from the
U.S.A., he was involved in the Socialist Revolution. His final break with communism
came after Gandhiji’s death. In the early 70s, J.P. was ready to abandon the tool of
Passive Resistance for a more militant path. He realized that the real power lies in the
hand of the police, army and landlords. The movement under J.P. in Bihar was
organized by the middle-class population, students, workers and peasants. The court
verdict unseating Prime Minister Indira Gandhi prompted the arrest of all Opposition
leaders including J.P. and declare an emergency.

12.6 IDEA OF SOCIALISM

Jayaprakash Narayan interpreted Socialism through an Indian prism. He believed that

there would be a healthy world when there is no unequal distribution of wealth and no
exploitation. Elimination of Exploitation and Poverty, Provision of equal
opportunities for all for self-development, complete development of Society's

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material and moral capital, and Fair distribution of National wealth are the social
objectives of Jayprakash.

In the economic sphere, Jayprakash's Socialism includes the scheme for the
Elimination of Landlordism and Capitalism using socialised production and
elimination of Private Property, the introduction of Cooperative-farming, Collective-
farming etc. managed by Gram Panchayats, state-owned Large-scale Industries with
worker involvement, and Small-scale Industries organized into Producer's
Cooperatives.

12.7 IDEA OF THE SARVODAYA MOVEMENT

Jayaprakash, a founder of the Sarvodaya movement travelled from Socialism to

Sarvodaya in the 1950s. Gandhi began the Sarvodaya movement in pre-independence
India, and Vinoba Bhave led it in the post-independence period. Jayaprakash's
Sarvodaya denotes a new Social Order establishing a Classless and Stateless society.
It will have a democratic structure in which Lokniti replaces Rajneeti. It will cherish
the ideals of "Peoples' Socialism," guaranteeing not only independence and equality
but also harmony and immortality. JP’s vision of Sarvodaya outlines that no
particular power should be dominant in society.

12.8 JP’S CONCEPT OF TOTAL REVOLUTION

12.8.1 Total Revolution and Bihar Movement

In the late 1960s, Jaya Prakash Narayan rose to prominence in state politics. 1974 was
a year marked by high inflation, high unemployment, and a shortage of supplies and
necessities. The Nav Nirman Andolan movement in Gujrat requested to organize a
nonviolent protest in response to his call for social justice. The JP movement, also
known as the Bihar Movement, was an anti-corruption political movement started by
students in Bihar in the year 1974. He demanded the dissolution of the Bihar
Assembly. Later, he shifted to oppose the Central government led by Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi for her authoritarian rule during the Emergency. It was also known as
Sampoorna Kranti (Total Revolution Movement).

12.8.2 Basic Tenants of JP’s Institution of Total Revolution

As early as 1959, in an essay titled, “A Plea for Reconstruction of the Indian Polity,”
JP said: “The fundamental defect …is that this form of democracy is based on the
vote of the individual...the system is based on a false premise; the state cannot be an
arithmetical sum of individuals. The people, the Nation, the Community can never be
equated with the sum of individual voters.” His ‘Total Revolution' of 1974 was based

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on this tenet which culminated by reaching the anti-climax situation in the installation
of the first-ever non-Congress, Janata Government in 1977.

His idea of ‘Total revolution’ is a “combination of seven revolutions – social,

economic, political, cultural, ideological or intellectual, education and spiritual”. This
number, according to him, maybe decreased or increased. For instance, the Cultural
Revolution may include education and ideological revolutions. Likewise, the Social
Revolution in the Marxian context covers Economic and Political Revolutions and
even more than that. This is how the number can be reduced to less than seven. The
number can be increased by breaking up each of the seven Revolutions into different
categories. Economic Revolution may be split up into Industrial, Agricultural,
Technological Revolutions, etc. Intellectual Revolution may be split up into two –
Scientific and Philosophical. The idea of the ‘Total Revolution’ aims at bringing
about a complete change in the present structure and system of Indian society. It may
be regarded as a considerable development of the philosophy of Sarvodaya.

Jayaprakash was a great humanitarian, and his socialism, gradually developed into the
philosophy of ‘Total Revolution’ is not only a system of social and economic
reconstruction of the Indian society, but it is also a philosophy of moral and spiritual
rebirth of the Indian people. JP’s exceptional role in Indian politics was to turn the
student movement into a continuous Total Revolution to meet the challenges against
the development of the country. JP was deeply concerned with the existing troubles of
Poverty, Hunger, Illiteracy, and Inefficiency of the Bureaucracy. He practiced the
innovative ideas of the Total Revolution to reconstruct the Nation after Independence.

12.8.3 Progress of Total Revolution during the Emergency

The Allahabad High Court found Indira Gandhi guilty of violation of electoral laws.
Narayan demanded the resignation of the Prime Minister and the CMs for directing
the military and police to carry out unlawful and immoral orders. He promoted a
social change agenda that he called Sampoorna Kranti, or “Total Revolution.” Indira
Gandhi issued a National Emergency Proclamation at midnight on June 25, 1975. On
that day, arrests were made of Desai, Opposition leaders, and dissidents from her
party. People gathered at the Ramlila grounds to hear Jayaprakash Narayan
thunderously reciting the beautifully evocative poem “Singhasan Khaali Karo Ke
Janata Aaati Hai” by Rashtrakavi Ramdhari Singh Dinkar. Even after the request of
Narayan for one-month parole to help in mobilizing relief efforts in flood-affected
areas, he was kept in detention at Chandigarh.

His condition suddenly deteriorated on October 24. He was diagnosed with kidney
failure at Jaslok Hospital in Bombay and released on November 12 and was placed

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under dialysis treatment for the rest of his life. Surur Hoda started the “Free JP”
campaign for Jayaprakash Narayan’s release in the UK, which is led by Nobel Peace
Prize winner Noel Baker. On January 18, 1977, Indira Gandhi lifted the Emergency
and declared General Elections. Under JP’s direction, the Janata Party was formed
with the amalgamation of Seven Political Parties as a vehicle for monitoring
opposition unity. The Janata Party was elected into office and formed the first non-
Congress government at the center. Upon Narayan’s call, a large number of young
people joined the JP movement.

12.9 JP’S VIEWS ON COMMUNITARIAN DEMOCRACY

JP was deeply worried about the working of Parliamentary Democracy in India and
criticized the role of the Political Parties in involving themselves only in selfish
Power-Politics. Political Parties are busy securing a majority in Electoral Politics
even by adopting corrupt practices. JP’s concept of Participatory Democracy was
derived from the excellence of the political and economic institutions of ancient
India. The goal of this democracy was so designed as to execute the Sarvodaya ideal,
which came from ancient Indian philosophy and religion. JP in his book entitled
“Studies in Socialism-Proletariat plus Philosophy” published in 1958 briefly
questioned the efficacy and relevance of the existing Party system in the then-Indian
scenario. In this book, JP explained that the ideological process of ‘Communitarian
Polity’ was started from 1953 onwards, and by 1957, he had already rejected the
system completely from his mind, on account of its inadequacy for the progress of the
Nation-Building process. He rejected the Parliamentary System of India based on
Party Politics on the following reasons:
1. The individual became atomized through the principle of the individual vote
and the State became the arithmetical sum of individuals;
2. A party came to power with only minority support, particularly under a Multi-
Party system;
3. The people were unduly influenced by being intensely subjected to
manipulative mass media;
4. Political Parties forgot real National Interest and got indulged in half-truths
and outright lies;
5. There was no proper link between the Government and the individual voter;
6. Elections were expensive.

The above reasons made JP get rid of the existing party system by substituting it with
a Party-less or participating democracy. In his book entitled “Small Community and
Total Revolution”, published in 1980, while discussing the motto of the Partyless
Democracy, he pinpointed that, “But it cannot be understood without the awareness

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that what embodied the two cardinal aspects of my socio-political thought: my recoil
from ‘Statism’, grounded my reading from the Soviet experience, and simultaneously
my constant drive to find an immediately effective political means for a real
transformation of the people’s conditions in India which in the long run helped me to
land up with the idea of Participating Democracy.”

12.10 JP’S VIEW ON PARTICIPATORY DEMOCRACY

After Independence, JP realised the negative impact of party-dominant politics in

realizing the goal of people’s development. Party politics is always busy with the
interest of leaders and political parties. Therefore he called for partyless democracy.
However, in JP’s conception of a ‘partyless democracy’ ‘partylessness’ was not the
principal feature. Like Rousseau, subsequently, JP in his book entitled “Socialism in
India: What It Means”, published in 1971, wrote: “I counterposed formal
Reprehensive Democracy with what I sometimes called people’s democracy, a term
characteristically borrowed from a Communist origin, but distinct from communist
usage.”Moreover, while discussing the objective and trajectory of the concept of
Participating Democracy in India, JP wrote: “It denoted my sense that the former type
of democracy, in its exclusion (except at times of elections) of true participation by
the people and of accountability to them of their ‘representatives’, is largely an
illusion. I believed that ‘government by consent... is not an adequate concept.” While
reiterating his viewpoint on Participating Democracy, in another article, titled “My
Plea for Reconstruction of Indian Polity, published in Radical Humanist”, published
in 1972, he wrote: “Instead, as I put it in 1961 in my little book Swaraj for the People,
brought as near the people as possible under the fold of Participating Democracy”. In
the same article, he further mentioned that “It was this latter idea which made me
dangerous to entrenched power and vested interests. The people, I argued, had been
left out of the democratic way of life. They had no stake in a representative
democracy even though they had the vote, and though Swaraj came, it had not come
to them, but only to the very thin layer of the educated middle class. It is not the
abstract virtues of democracy that so excite us, but the concrete fruits of democracy in
terms of the people’s welfare.” In 1972, JP suddenly demanded a partyless democracy
during the Bihar movement and mentioned that his idea of Total Revolution was
essentially well connected with his earlier ideas of partyless democracy. This outlook
became amply clear, through a lecture delivered by him in 1974, titled On National
Integration, where he said: “In my theory of Total Revolution there will be sufficient
flow of people’s power everywhere in tune with the demand of participating
democracy and there will be pre-selection of candidates not by any political parties
but by active people’s committees, for the accountability of the elected electors, and
for the right of the latter to recall the former. Furthermore, undercutting the forms and

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norms of bourgeois liberal democracy, I struggled in Rousseau’s terms towards a

‘new convention’, and the future embodiment of the idea of the ‘general will’ in the
proposition that all elections should be determined as for as possible by common
consensus.” According to JP, democracy meant more and more social and economic
justice, and equal opportunity, apart from political rights and people’s participation in
government. At the same time, he was particular about moral principles and value
systems. The idea of democratization was a prerequisite idea for JP’s concept of a
new society. JP was of the view that democracy in India must be built on the cultural
values of ancient India and the concept of dharma should be reinterpreted to suit
contemporary needs.

The new polity must be grounded on the principle of self-government. JP aimed at

building up such a society through the means of the Sarvodaya movement. In his
Inaugural Address at the Fifth Conference of the International Peace Research
Association, held at Varanasi, from 5-8 January 1974, he mentioned that “The
disillusionment began with my experiences, in 1970, at Musahari Village in
Muzaffarpur district of Bihar. Vinoba Bhave separated politics from the rest of his
efforts to transform society and thus made a basic departure from Gandhiji.”

He promoted Gandhi's view that as you advance from the bottom to the top, each
higher level should have fewer and fewer functions and forces. People at all levels
will have the greatest ability to handle all political affairs under such a structure.
People will have an interest in democracy as well as a sense of Swaraj under such a
democratic structure. Jayaprakash's views on democracy outline the structure of the
Panchayati Raj System which brings administration to the doorstep of the people and
enable them to participate in it.

According to him, the system of Participatory Democracy must be built under the
following conditions:
• People should have access to education;
• Political parties do not interfere with Panchayat elections or operations;
• Power and obligations are truly devolved to the Panchayats;
• Local governments should have financial control and
• Public servants should be held accountable.

12.11 JAYPRAKASH NARAYAN AND MARXISM

Jayapraksh Narayan started his political life as a Marxist and found in Nehru a
kindred spirit. He regarded Gandhi more as a Reformist than a Revolutionary. He
disapproved of Gandhi’s technique of Non-violence and Social Theories. However,

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Gandhi admired his sense of sacrifice for the Nation. Jayprakash Narayan was an
ideological opponent. He did not like the policy of the Communist Party of India and
Communism. He formed the Congress Socialist Party welcomed by Nehru as a
progressive Opposition in the Parliament. He thought that Socialism could be
achieved during World war- II. He felt that World War II was an imperialist war for
the culmination of violent dominance and exploitation, but Marxists reversed the gear
and called it the People’s War. He wholeheartedly supported the Quit India
Movement and accepted Gandhi’s call for “Do or Die. Jayprakash Narayan was a
Marxist turned into Socialist Democrat.

12.12 J.P. AS SOCIALIST THINKER

Jayapraksh Narayan was the founder of the Socialist Movement in India. He was a
man who propounded both ‘Socialism’ and ‘Nationalism’. Narayan considered
Socialism a complete theory of socio-economic reconstruction. “It must be more than
a theory of personal ethics”. As a Socialist, he believed in the urgency of the
economic problem of the country and stressed the need of solving the economic
problem first. To him, there is no apparent inevitable connection between economic
causation and cultural reality. Hence JP pleaded for the eager maintenance of
conditions that were indispensable for the realization of equality of opportunities.
Even as a Socialist, he was not opposed to the dominant values of Indian culture.
Jayprakash Narayan wrote “The socialist movement in India must evolve its picture
of socialism in the light of Marxism” laying down the objectives of socialism as
elimination of exploitation and poverty, provision of equal opportunities for all for
self-development, full development of the material and moral resources of society and
utilization of these resources by the needs and wishes of society as a whole.”

12.12.1 Politics of JP: From Socialism to Sarvodaya

JP was, both symbolically and chronologically, a product of the Swadeshi years.
Throughout his life, he consistently referred to the Non-Cooperation Movement as
‘the most glorious page in the living History of India’. When he threw his books into
the bonfire of non-cooperation, he was not following a liberal political commitment
or taking a radical anarchist stance. During this period, he testified to the equality of
human beings and the dignity of labour

JP had first-hand experience of poverty and injustices generated by Capitalism, as

well as the realities of racial and social discrimination. He was also engaged in
discussions and friendships with members of the Communist Party and other young
people of radical inclinations. It was in this context that JP began to drink ‘deep at the

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fountain of Marxism,’ an experience that deeply transformed his political views and
his concept of revolution

In young JP’s view, Socialism essentially represented a politics capable of involving

the masses, being understood by the people, and going beyond the logic of the elites
and higher power circles. He believed that it was only through socialism that the
national struggle could be embedded with true revolutionary meaning. During the
1930s and 1940s, he often referred to ‘Swaraj for the poor’ as the only valid kind of
self-rule acceptable, and spoke of the obligation of the Congress to establish a
‘common’s man Raj.’ Crucially, during the 1930s JP conceived of socialism as a
programme capable of endowing the nationalist movement with the tools to move
beyond the limitations of Gandhi’s project. JP militantly promoted socialism,
described as a true ‘science of society’ and looked upon by millions of people as an
antidote to Gandhi’s politics of nonviolence. About Gandhi’s insistence on the
importance of constructive work, JP stated that the Congress should ‘go to the
peasants, but not with a spinning wheel but with the militant force of economic
programme.’ In 1936, JP published his first and most systematic analysis of
socialism, Why Socialism? In this text, he equated Gandhi’s views with those of
international reformism and dismissed them as decisively un-revolutionary. For JP,
Gandhi’s programme was focused ‘not in securing social justice, but in covering up
the ugly fissures of society, deceiving the masses and encouraging the upper classes
to continue their domination.’

However, in the last years before the transfer of power, JP grew increasingly
preoccupied with the limitations of a purely materialist approach to politics. He began
pondering on the importance of taking into account what he termed ‘the human
aspect’ of politics and of going ‘beyond the question of social relationships’ and
‘economic organisation.’ Socialists, he claimed, had to stop believing ‘complacently
that when economic life had been socialized man would evolve automatically into a
paragon of virtues.’ The project of socialism, he suggested, had to be thought beyond
a preoccupation with economic prosperity to include the ‘deeper’ realities of social
life.

12.13 SUMMARY

Jayaprakash Narayan’s entire life was dedicated to establishing freedom and equality
for all. He was not addicted to any ‘ism’ and never compromised with any injustice.
JP worked as a Socialist from 1932 to 1954. He had been the foremost leader and
spokesman of Indian Socialism. He used the concept of Socialism blending it with
Gandhian Socialism. He gradually changed his political ideas to adjust to the

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necessity of the Indian polity. He became the torchbearer of Gandhiji’s ideas of

Peace, nonviolence, and Gram Swaraj. JP strongly talked against the serious defects
of Parliamentary Democracy and Party Politics. He tried his best to establish a
Communitarian Democracy which was more decentralized in offering more space for
participation to the people in the field of administration for their development. He
tried to transform ‘Rajneeti’ into Lokniti to set up Participatory Democracy in India.
Total Revolution

According to Jaya Prakash, Total Revolution is a combination of seven revolutions:

political, social, economic, cultural, ideological or intellectual, educational, and
spiritual, with the main aim of bringing about a shift in the current society by the
Sarvodaya ideals. JP had a rather idealistic view of society, and it was in this search
that he moved from Marxism to Socialism, and then to Sarvodaya.

The Bihar agitations turned into mass demonstrations in 1974, with people
demanding changes in the political, social, and educational systems. At this point, JP
announced a four-part strategy aimed at paralysing the government, implementing
Gram Swarajya, and creating a people's government. JP described the word "people's
government" as a small unit of democracy at the village, panchayat, or block level,
preferably at all three levels. These organizations were presented as channels of
people's power both in times of peace and in situations of inequality or dictatorship
and were made responsible for the establishment of a society founded on the ground
of abolition of Poverty, Racism, and Exploitation. JP also urged the people of Bihar,
as well as the rest of India, to be united by setting aside their personal and political
differences.

His motivation for inciting the Bihar students was to bring about a full transformation
of the Indian polity's governmental framework and system. He named it ‘Total
Revolution’ for this purpose. The idea of total revolution reflected his commitment to
socialist and humanistic ideals.

With the help of a Communitarian Democratic system, Jayaprakash Narayan

attempted to reconstruct the Nation by the elimination of power-centric party politics
in the Government. Destroying people’s rights. JP said that the total revolution would
be permanent and continuous. It will keep on changing both the personal and social
lives of the Indian People. JP explained how the Total Revolution would bring
positive changes against all types of socio-economic evils. In the Post-Independence
Phase, his political ideas brought a moral fabric, people-centric political culture, and a
ray of hope to make a people-centric democratic government.

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J.P. was a democratic socialist and a firm believer in individual liberty. J.P. wanted to
change Indian society and usher in a new social order based on democracy and the
welfare of all human beings. Because of the influence of Karl Marx's thinking, he
weaved into the ideal of the reconstruction of society. On the other hand, J.P. has
suggested that the community and society should be reconstructed mortality, spiritual
values and individual liberty shall form the basis of the reconstructed society of his
concept and also he realized that in the present set-up times, the minority rules the
majority. J.P. himself was not satisfied with the working of political parties so he
supported “Partyless democracy” J.P. did not believe in state ownership of means of
production, distribution, exchange and planning. He wanted the replacement of
Rajniti by Lokniti and politics by service. Decentralization of Political Power:-The
concept of decentralization of political power is the basis of the social and political
thought of Jay Prakash Narayan. Jay Prakash Narayan's concept of decentralization is
based on Gandhian thought. The decentralization of J.P. is not limited to political
fields but goes to the economic field mainly. Decentralization is mainly based on the
concept of “Sarvodaya”, he advocated the establishment of “Panchayati Raj” “Village
Panchayat” “Block Panchayat” etc.

12.14 EXERCISE

1. “JP was an embodiment of freedom, the quest for human dignity and the
expression of true democracy.” Explain the role of JP in the Nation Building.
2. What are the events/causes that led to the JP Movement? Highlight the role
played by JP during the movement.
3. “Despite being a huge mass movement that virtually shook the roots of the
constitutional principles, JP movement is considered as a flawed movement.”
Critically examine the JP movement and its flaws.
4. Examine and Evaluate the concept of the Total Revolution of Jay Prakash
Narayan.
5. Discuss JP’s Ideas on Socialism.

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12.15 REFERENCES

• Prasad, Bimal, GANDHIJI, NEHRU AND JP, studies in Leadership and

Legacy, PROMILLA& CO. PUBLISHERS, 1985
• Brahmanand, (ed), Towards Total Revolution, Bombay Popular Prakashan,
1978
• Ganesh Prasad, Sarvodaya, and Partyless Democracy through the Prism of JP:
A Critical Study, Indian Journal of Political Science, New Delhi, Vol.XV,
No.VIII, MarchApril, 1990,
• Vasant Sathe, An Open Letter to JP, The Illustrated Weekly of India, New
Delhi, Vol.XXI, No.XIV, July-August, 1974,
• Dasgupta, Nitish, The Social and Political Theory of JP Narayan, South Asian
Publisher, New Delhi, 1997
• Dr Kriti Singh, “Philosophical import of Gandhism,” Delhi (1992).
• Dr. Visnoo Bhagwan, “Indian Political thinker”.

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 Block-4
Social Justice

Unit-13: Dr. B.R Ambedkar

Unit-14: Ram Manohar Lohia
Unit-15: Dr. Amartya Sen
Unit-16: Social Justice Movement in India
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UNIT-13 DR. B.R AMBEDKAR

Structure
13.1 Objectives
13.2 Introduction
13.3 Nature and role of Government
13.4 Political thought of Dr. B. R. Ambedkar: views on democracy in its socio-
political-economic dimension
13.4.1 Ambedkar’s views on parliamentary democracy
13.4.2 Ambedkar on the conditions for the success of democracy
13.5 Relevance of Ambedkar in present times
13.6 Summary
13.7 Exercises
13.8 References

13.1 OBJECTIVES

After going through this unit, you should be able to understand:

• Dr. Ambedkar's Political Ideas relating to the Nature of Government and
Democracy
• The ideological basis of his struggle for the abolition of the caste system
• The significance of Dr. Ambedkar's social and political thought for
Assessment of his Contribution.

13.2 INTRODUCTION

Dr. B.R. Ambedkar best known as the ‘Father of the Constitution of India’ was a
Lawyer, Economist, and Social Reformer. Born into a category that was considered
Untouchable, he faced many injustices and social ills. He was born in Mow in the
central provinces (modern-day Madhya Pradesh) to a Marathi family with roots in the
town of Ambadawe in Ratnagiri, Maharashtra. He was a brilliant student with a
doctorate in Economics from Columbia University and the London School of
Economics.

Ambedkar was opposed to class-based discrimination in society and encouraged the

Dalits to be organized for demanding their rights and dignified existence. He

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developed Plans for the Education of Dalits and made presentations to the
Government in various fields on this subject. He was part of the Bombay Presidential
Committee that worked with the Simon Commission in 1925. His first organized
attempt was his establishment of the central institution Bahishkrit Hitakarini Sabha,
intended to promote education and socio-economic improvement, as well as the
welfare of “outcastes”, at the time referred to as depressed classes. For the defence of
Dalit rights, he published many periodicals like Mook Nayak, Bahishkrit Bharat, and
Equality Janta.

In 1927, he spearheaded an effective strike against impunity. He organized and

promoted the Dalits' Right to enter temples and draw water from public water
sources. He also rejected Hindu writings which he considered racist. He tried to catch
the attention of the British Administration towards the cause of the ‘Depressed
Classes’, called widely Dalits. He did not agree with Mahatma Gandhi at the time as
Gandhi was against any kind of booking by voters. When the British government
announced the ‘Community Award’ in 1932, Gandhi went on a fast in the Jerwada
prison. In 1932 he signed the Poona agreement. The Poona Pact was signed by
Ambedkar on behalf of the oppressed classes and Madan Mohan Malviya on behalf
of the Upper Caste Hindus as a way to end Gandhi's fasting. He rejected the Hindu
social philosophy propounded in the Bhagwat Gita on the trigonal of the Sankhya
philosophy which is in his view a cruel perversion of the philosophy of Kapila and
which had made the caste system and the system of graded inequality the law of
Hindu social life. His social philosophy has been enshrined in three words-Liberty,
Equality, and Fraternity.

In his philosophy, Liberty and Equality had a place; but he added that unlimited
liberty destroyed equality and absolute equality left no room for liberty. In his
philosophy, the law had a place only as a safeguard against the breaches of liberty and
equality; but he did not believe that the law can be a guarantee for breaches of liberty
or equality. He gave the highest place to Fraternity as the only real safeguard against
the denial of liberty or equality or fraternity which was another name for brotherhood
or humanity, which was again another name for religion.

Ambedkar founded the Independent Labor Party (later renamed the Scheduled Castes
Federation) in 1936 and entered the race in 1937 from Bombay to the Central Law
Congress. He also entered the race from Bombay (north-central) after independence
in the country's first national election. But he lost both times. He also served as
Minister of Labor on the Viceroy executive council. After independence, Ambedkar
became the first Minister of Justice in 1947 under the Congress-led government. He
later resigned due to a disagreement with Jawaharlal Nehru on the Hindu Code Bill.

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The bill seeks to emphasize gender equality in the laws of inheritance and marriage.
He continued to be a member of the Rajya Sabha from 1952 until his death.
Ambedkar has taken the Right to a Constitutional Solution as the soul of the
Constitution. Ambedkar died of an illness in 1956 in Delhi. He was buried according
to Buddhist tradition in Dadar and a

the monument was erected there. This place is called Chaitya Bhoomi. The memorial
of his death is considered Mahaparinirvan Din. His birthday is celebrated as
Ambedkar Jayanti or Bhim Jayanti on April 14 every year.

13.3 NATURE AND ROLE OF GOVERNMENT

Babasaheb Ambedkar has supported a strong government. He feared that Casteism

was too strong at the local and provincial levels and that the government at this level
might not protect the interests of the Dalits under the pressure of the Elite. As the
National Government is less affected by these pressures, it will ensure the protection
of the poor. He also feared that the Minority group, the most vulnerable part of the
Nation, could turn into a political minority. So a ‘one-man-one-vote Democracy is not
enough and the Minority must be guaranteed a share of power. He was opposed to
'Majoritarianism or Majoritarian Syndrome' and fought to offer many Legal and
Constitutional Protections to Minorities. The Indian Constitution is the Longest in the
World because of the inclusion of various administrative details. Babasaheb defended
it by building a Democratic Political framework in traditional society. If all the details
are not included, future leaders can misuse the Constitution without violating it
technically. Such protections are necessary. This shows that he was aware of the
difficulties that India would face once the Constitution was implemented. In the view
of Babasaheb Ambedkar, Constitutional Behavior or conduct can mean an effective
interaction between the conflicting interests of different peoples and cooperative
governance. It will help to resolve conflicts peacefully without conflict between the
various parties working to achieve their goals by any means. According to him, in
India, where society is divided by Class, Religion, Language, and other factors, the
same moral compass is needed when the Constitution would start playing its role on
that campus.

He had complete faith in democracy. While a dictatorship may produce immediate

results, it will not be the legal form of government. Democracy is more acceptable as
it promotes freedom. He has supported a form of democracy in parliament, which is
in line with other national leaders. He emphasized 'democracy as a way of life, which
means democracy not only works in the political sphere but also the personal, social,
and economic spheres. For him, democracy must bring about a radical change in the

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social fabric of society, otherwise the spirit of democracy namely 'one man and one
vote' would not exist. A democratic government can only emerge from a democratic
society. As long as racial barriers exist in Indian society, real democracy cannot work.
He, therefore, focused on the spirit of brotherhood and equality as the basis of
democracy to express social democracy.

In addition to the social situation, Ambedkar has focused on the economic situation as
well. Although he was influenced by the concept of Liberty and Parliamentary
Democracy, he also remained aware of their limitations. According to him,

Parliamentary Democracy ignored social and economic inequalities. It was concerned

with only freedom while True Democracy should bring both Freedom and Equality.

Babasaheb had given his life to eradicate insecurity and initiate the process of Social
Change. He believed that the development of the Nation could not be achieved
without the removal of impunity, which meant the complete abolition of the process
of caste distinctions or segregation in society. He studied and analyzed the teachings
of Hindu philosophy. Although the Indians were enslaved by Caste Hindus, the Caste
Hindus themselves lived under the bondage of religious icons. Thus the liberation of
the untouchables leads to the liberation of the entire Hindu community.

Ambedkar chalked out a plan for Social Transformation in India. He believed that
economic and political issues should be resolved only after achieving the goal of
social justice. If political liberation precedes the liberation of society, it will lead to
the domination of the Upper Castes Hindus, and the increasing cruelty of Lower
Castes. The idea that economic progress will lead to social justice is not well
supported as Casteism is a manifestation of Hindu mental slavery. So with social
change, Casteism should end. Social reforms included family changes and religious
reforms. Family changes included the removal of practices such as child marriage etc.
He provided great support for Women's Empowerment. He supported Women’s
Property Rights and wanted to resolve them through the Hindu Code Bill.

The Caste system has made the Hindu community stand out and create barriers to
integration with outsiders. Even internally, the Hindu society fails to satisfy the test of
a homogeneous society, as it is just a conglomeration of different castes. The caste
system does not allow lower castes to prosper which led to morale the war on
impunity becomes a battle for human rights and justice.
There must be not only equality before the law, but there must be equality of
treatment in administration. The administration must be well-responsive, responsible,
and impartial; and it must be well-determined. It should command obedience to

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authority, “We must have a Government,” he said,” in which the men in power will
give their undivided allegiance to the best interest of the country. We must have a
Government in which men in power, knowing where obedience will end and
resistance will begin, will not be afraid to amend the social and economic code of life
which the dictates of justice and expediency so urgently call for.”

Ambedkar as Chairman of the Drafting Committee of the Indian Constitution was

able to insert Article 46 in Part IV of the Constitution which is concerned with the
Directive Principles of State Policy and reads: "The State shall promote with special
care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and,
in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect
them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation."

Dr B. R. Ambedkar was a great admirer of the Parliamentary system of government.

He believes that there are three inherent characteristics of this system. Firstly, free
and fair elections in periodic intervals. Secondly, in this form of government, no
single individual can presume the authority that he can make the laws and carry the
government. The laws are to be made by the representatives of the people. Finally,
the elected representatives, the legislatures, and ministers must have the confidence of
the people renewed in themselves. According to Ambedkar the ultimate goal of a
Democratic Government should be the well-being of individuals. Individual dignity,
Political Freedom, Social Progress, and Human Rights are the necessary
constitutional protections that underpin Ambedkar's fundamental democratic
principles in political democracy. "The soul of democracy", he says, "is the doctrine
of one man, one value". “This principle acquires the inner value of the individual
personality in political and social relations. This represents the economic well-being
of the people, without which democracy is useless to him. ”

13.4 POLITICAL THOUGHT OF DR. B. R. AMBEDKAR: VIEWS ON

DEMOCRACY IN ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL-ECONOMIC DIMENSION

Many intellectuals have provided many definitions and meanings of democracy. But
the fact is that democracy is not just a form of government but a way of life. Abraham
Lincoln's most famous definition of democracy is, "Democracy as a Government of
the people, by the people and for the people."

According to Walter Bagehot Democracy is a "Government by discussion".

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Instead, Ambedkar defines democracy as “a form and a method of Government

whereby revolutionary changes in the economic and social life of the people are
brought about without bloodshed”.

Dr. Ambedkar further defined Democracy as, “a mode of associated living. The roots
of Democracy are to be searched in social relationships, in terms of associated life
between the people who form the society”.

Ambedkar focused more on social interaction between people than the Separation of
Powers and the Protection of a Democratic Constitution. The concept of ‘power’
contained in his thinking has a direct relationship between public power and political
power. He was aware of the social and economic inequalities that undermined the
knowledge of the Indian people. Ambedkar said, “We must make our political
democracy a social democracy.” He gave central importance to the social aspects of
democracy over political aspects, unlike many others whose discourse on democracy
is confined to the political and institutional aspects.

Ambedkar paid close attention to religious ideas that promoted democracy. He

viewed the religious foundation of Caste-based segregation as a fundamental obstacle
to Democracy in India on the one hand and the Buddhist teaching of freedom,
equality, and brotherhood as the foundations of democracy on the other.

Ambedkar thinks of democracy from the perspective of real life. As a member of the
School of Practical Political Sciences looking at real life, he points out that
democracy means no slavery, no segregation, and no coercion. He wants free
thoughts that choice and capacity to live and let live, which his conscience, would be
the right path to democracy. Ambedkar says “Democracy is a mode of associated
living. The roots of democracy are to be searched in social relationship, in terms of
the associated life between the people who form the society”.

The main purpose of Ambedkar's life was to create a "democracy of the people".
According to Ambedkar, political democracy depends on four structures. These are:
a. “Man is an end in himself.
b. A person has certain inalienable rights which must be guaranteed by the
Constitution.
c. A person shall not be required to renounce any of his constitutional rights as a
precondition for the recognition of a right.
d. The state will not give power to the independent people to govern others. ”

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13.4.1 Ambedkar's views on Parliamentary Democracy

According to Ambedkar, Parliamentary Democracy has all the hallmarks of a popular

government, a people's government. In a Parliamentary Democracy, there is a
Legislature that will make a voice for the people; there is an Executive responsible for
the legislature. In addition to the legislature and the executive, there is a judiciary that
regulates both and maintains both within fixed limits.

Ambedkar outlines that Parliamentary Democracy has not stopped. It was developed
in three ways. First, it started with the equality of political rights with the growth of
equitable choice. Second, it has recognized the principle of social and economic
equality. Thirdly, it saw that the state could not be thwarted by the anti-government
movement.

Parliamentary Democracy produces the best possible results over time because it
places great value on virtues such as ability and cooperation, mutual respect and self-
help, self-control, and dedication to work so that millions of people can remain
happy.

Parliament's democratic system, therefore, incorporates the principle of

transformation and continuity to which Ambedkar attaches great values. For him,
only the spirit of the people can help the Parliamentary Democracy to function.
People and Democracy are closely related. Ambedkar says Democracy is another
word for equality. The result is that Parliamentary Democracy remains in the
limelight as a liberal actor has always been more transparent. Ambedkar says the
misconceptions that started with a Parliamentary Democracy is the failure to realize
the goal of political democracy which will not succeed in the absence of social and
economic democracy.

Why did parliamentary democracy fall so easily in Italy, Germany, and Russia? Why
not collapse so easily in England and the U.S.A.? In any case, there is only one
answer- that is, there was a greater degree of economic and social democracy in those
countries than ever before. Socio-economic democracy is the tissue and thread of
Political Democracy. Democracy is another word for equality. Parliament's
democracy fostered a love for freedom. It didn’t even make them memorize
acquaintanceship and equality. It failed to recognize the importance of equality and
did not even attempt to strike a balance between freedom and equality, which in turn
led to the swallow of equality and left the offspring of inequality.

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13.4.2 Ambedkar on the Conditions for the Success of Democracy

Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar referred to the conditions necessary for the effective
functioning of democracy. It can be summarized below.

No Significant Inequality in the Organization - To Dr. Ambedkar rightly thinks

that the main objective of a Democratic Government should be the welfare of
individuals. The dignity of the individual, political liberty, social progress, and human
rights are necessary constitutional safeguards that form Ambedkar's basic decent
democratic ideals in political democracy. To him, the ground plan means the social
structure of a community to which the political plan is sought to the applied. Political
democracy and liberty are nothing if beaked and bucked up by equal social patterns
because the political structure rests on the social structure.

Presence of the Opposition - To Ambedkar, “Democracy means a veto power.

Democracy requires that not only that the Government should be subject to the veto, a
long-term veto of five years, at the hands of the people, but there must be an
immediate veto. For this, there must be an Opposition in the Parliament to challenge
the Government”.

Legal and Administrative Equality - There should be no equality before the Law,
but there should be equality of treatment. Managers must be accountable, responsible,
and impartial; and should be careful enough to determine and act upon the decision. It
must show respect for the mandate. He believed that we must have a Government in
which the men in charge would give their unwavering allegiance for the benefit of the
country knowing pretty well where obedience will end and where the opposition will
begin.

Constitutional Conduct -Dr. Babasaheb Ambedkar said the Constitution, which

contains the provisions of the law, is only a skeleton of bones. The flesh of the
skeletal muscle is found in what we call constitutional behaviour. According to Dr.
Ambedkar, the Constitution is essential to the success of democracy but most
importantly it is constitutional conduct in politics and society.

Noyranny of Majority - Ambedkar points out that there should be no violence

against the minority. The minority should always feel safe.

Moral Order - Dr Ambedkar said, "A politician not only deals with politics but also
represents a particular religion that combines both method and political metaphysics."
He went on to say, "Politics has become a kind of intolerable, unpleasant, and unclean
filth." To him, Politics is the key to all freedom. So he gave a call to the oppressed

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classes to seize political power. To achieve true democracy in the spirit of truth, he
emphasized the moral order of politics simply because he wanted democracy to be
practised in a real sense.

Public Conscience - Public Conscience means, “Conscience which becomes agitated

at every wrong, no matter who is the sufferer; and it means that everybody, whether
he suffers that particular wrong or not, is prepared to join him to get him relieved.” It
is the will of the people that make a healthy democratic atmosphere. Dr Ambedkar
wanted Social democracy to cherish in India. He said very categorically Political
Democracy cannot be successful unless there lies at the base of it Social democracy.
It is democracy that makes the state of democracy healthy.

Dr. Ambedkar demanded that Social Welfare be introduced in India. He asserted that
in the current context of Political Democracy, Democracy was not to be achieved at
all. He warned the Nation that, “on the 26th of January 1950, we will enter into a life
of conflict. In politics, we will be recognizing the goal of one man, one vote, and one
value. In our social and economic life, for some reason, we will do it if our social and
economic structure continues to deny the principle of one person, one value. How
long are we going to live this life of controversy? How long will we continue to deny
equality in our social and economic life? If we continue to deny it for a long time, we
will only do so by putting our political democracy at risk. We must get rid of this
conflict early or those who suffer from inequality will blow up the democratic
framework of this Parliament which we have built so hard. ” Dr. Ambedkar was of
the view that Political Democracy should transform its status into a Social Democracy
to promote State Socialism.

Ambedkar had an unwavering faith in democracy. In his view, democracy has a

unique role which he describes as “one person, one vote”; and 'one vote, one value'.
Democracy means empowering any person to participate in decision-making about
him; democracy means freedom, equality, and brotherhood. Ambedkar's definition of
democracy had such a voice. He described democracy in parliament as "voting by
people in favour of their owners and giving them the right to self-determination". His
view of democracy seems to be based solely on the people. He pointed out that the
notion of equality is harmful to socially disabled people in the current social context
and proposed a fundamental change in the notion of equality. It aimed to eradicate
inequality. His principle of good discrimination is based on this concept of equality.
Dr. Ambedkar firmly believed that Political Democracy could not succeed without
social and economic democracy. In his concept of democracy, he pointed out that
political democracy is not an end in itself, but a very powerful way of achieving
social and economic goals in society. It is necessary to emphasize that his greatness

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lies in the radicalism of his ideas; his view of human society eliminates any form of
exploitation. Therefore, Ambedkarism is very important to Indian society even today
in achieving Social Justice, the removal of inequality, the establishment of Equality
and Freedom, and True Democracy. Democratic Socialism is an important element of
his political Ideology and compliance with the constitution is the only way to achieve
that.

13.5 RELEVANCE OF AMBEDKAR IN PRESENT TIMES

Seventy-five years have passed since independence but naturally, the state machinery
is controlled by favouritism and Class biases. The caste system against which
Ambedkar fought throughout his life is still a contested terrain. Dalits continue to
bear the brunt of violence and discrimination. Today Politics is all about caste, race,
religion, polarization, and mudslinging. Ideology has taken a back seat in political
discourses. Caste survives despite Globalization, Scientific Development, and Mass
Political Mobilization of the Dalits. Constitutionally guaranteed reservation for
education and employment has no doubt made a mark. But the social and economic
justice that is due to the Dalits and tribals is still elusive.

13.6 SUMMARY

Dr. B. R. Ambedkar was very fond of the Parliamentary Democratic program. Laws
should be made by representatives of the people. Elected representatives are to
remain accountable to the People. He was aware of the pitfalls of democracy in
Parliament.

He saw no alternative to Political Democracy and therefore strongly believed it was a

legitimate form. He emphasized the need to strengthen the social and economic
foundations for effective democracy. Socialism should be a part of the constitution
and Democratic setup. He prescribed a social welfare state.

Ambedkarism is very important in Indian society even today in achieving social

justice, the removal of inequality, the establishment of equality and freedom, and true
democracy. Ambedkar is a social and political reformer, who had a profound impact
on modern-day India. In post-independence India, his social and political views
gained much respect in all spheres of society.

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13.7 EXERCISES

1. Examine the Nature and Role of Government as envisaged by Dr. B.R.

Ambedkar.
2. Discuss Ambedkar’s Views on the Nature and Features of Democracy.
3. Explain the conditions pointed out by Ambedkar for the success of
Democracy.

13.8 REFERENCES

• Bharill, Chandra, 'Social and Political Ideas of B. R. Ambedkar', Jaipur, 1977

• Keer, Dhananjay, 'Ambedkar - Life and Mission’, Bombay, 1961.

• Lokhande, G.S., 'B. R. Ambedkar: A Study in Social Democracy', New Delhi,

1977

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UNIT-14 DR. RAM MANOHAR LOHIA

Structure
14.1 Objective
14.2 Introduction
14.3 Ram Manohar Lohia: A Brief Profile
14.4 Political Thought of Ram Manohar Lohia
14.4.1 New Socialism
14.4.2 Idea of the four –Pillar State
14.5 Social Thought of Lohia
14.6 Summary
14.7 Exercise
14.8 Reference

14.1 OBJECTIVES

After reading this unit you will be able to understand:

• The social and political thought of Lohia
• State his analysis of capitalism and communism and understand his vision of
the future
• They distinguish his socialism from that Marx’s socialism

14.2 INTRODUCTION

Ram Manohar Lohia is an Indian socialist thinker. He played an important role in the
Indian national movement and formed the Congress Socialist Party in 1934 along
with leaders like Narendra Dev, Jayaprakash Narayan, Achyut Patwardhan, Asok
Mehta and Minoo Masani. After independence, the Congress Socialist Party split
from the Congress and emerged as the major opposition party in post-independence
India.

Lohia’s views on Socialism were a critique of Marx’s theory. He was generally

critical of ethnocentrism in political thought and wrote several articles. Lohia’s
writing comprises a series of articles on politics, culture, economy, religion, science
and technology etc. Most of his essays have been compiled in the form of books.

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Some of these important collections are Marx, Gandhi and Socialism (1963), Wheel
of History (1955), The Caste System (1963) and Interval during Politics (1955) etc.

14.3 RAM MANOHAR LOHIA: A BRIEF PROFILE

Dr. Ram Manohar Lohia was born on 23 March 1910 at Akbarpur in the Faizabad
district of Uttar Pradesh. His father Shri Hiralal Lohia was a businessman, an active
Congressman and a Gandhian, who introduced him to the national movement. Lohia
joined politics at a very young age. On the death of Lokmanya Tilak in 1920, he
organized a student strike, at the age of 10. In 1926, at the age of 16, Lohia attended
the Congress session at Gauhati and also actively participated in the Non-Cooperation
Movement. He presided over a meeting in Calcutta to boycott the Simon Commission
in 1928.

In 1929 he left for Berlin to pursue higher studies. He obtained his PhD degree in
Economics from Berlin University with ‘Salt and Civil Disobedience’ as the subject
of his thesis. He was already influenced by Gandhi’s ideals, values and methods and
in Berlin he studied the works of Marx and Hegel. He left Berlin with definite
leanings towards socialism. “His sojourn abroad seemingly developed in him a deep
interest in India’s relations with the rest of the world. Moreover, his participation in
the proceedings of the League of Nations sowed the seeds of internationalism in him
which later developed in his propagation of the idea of world government and
international peace (Bidyut Chakrabarty and Rajendra Kumar Pandey 2009: 179).

After returning from Berlin in 1934, Congress Socialist Party was formed within
Indian National Congress and Lohia was instrumental in its formation. Socialism was
declared as the party objective and it emphasized democratising the organizational
structure of the Congress. From 1936 to 1938, he held the position of the Secretary of
the Foreign Affairs Department of the Congress Party and was instrumental in laying
the foundations of the foreign policy of India. During the Second World War, he
strongly opposed the war and was of the view that India should not extend her
support to the British. He was arrested in 1940 for making anti-war speeches.

He played a significant role in the Quit India Movement and also established a radio
station while being underground during the movement and broadcasted regularly to
disseminate the news of the movement. He also struggled for the freedom of Goa in
1946 and had a role in Nepal’s national movement, showed solidarity with Gandhi’s
peace missions to communally tensed areas and advocated peace and unity in India
(Chakrabarty and Pandey 2009: 180).

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The Congress Socialist Party separated itself from Congress after independence and
the Praja Socialist Party was formed in 1952. Dr Lohia was elected its general
secretary. After 1964 the party became Samyukta Socialist Party and under Lohia’s
leadership built an active opposition to the policies of the Congress government. He
was for the first time elected to the Third Lok Sabha in 1963 from Farrukhabad
constituency in Uttar Pradesh and again elected in March 1967 to the Fourth Lok
Sabha from Kannauj constituency in Uttar Pradesh.

A believer in ideological purity, he broke away with his socialist colleagues like Jai
Prakash Narayan for tilting towards Congress. Although starting his political life with
the Congress, he became anti-Congress in post-independence times. He passed away
in New Delhi on 12 October 1967 at an early age of 57.

14.4 POLITICAL THOUGHT OF DR. RAM MANOHAR LOHIA

Lohia’s political thought included a socialist thought incorporated with Gandhian

values particularly suited for the Indian conditions. He proposed a socialist
transformation of the Indian state based on democratic principles, decentralization,
freedom and equality. In his works, he clearly defined these principles in his visions
for India.

14.4.1 New Socialism

Influenced by the concept of Socialism, Lohia was critical of both capitalism and
communism. He believed that both concepts were based on the ideas of modern
civilization, heavy capitalization, centralized economic mechanisms and large-scale
technology. Communism merely changed the ownership pattern. “Capitalism and
communism are but two parts of the single complex of existing civilization, whose
main features are the hunger for rising living standards to be achieved by the use
dynamic technology and large-scale production…accompanied by the arms race.
Capitalism depends upon a free enterprise economy for ever-rising standards of
living; communism, upon social ownership of the means of production” (Appadorai
1987: 113). Lohia was also critical of the fact that all these concepts cannot be
applied to non-western countries like India. He questions the Marxist theory because
Marx imagines the history of Europe as the history of the World. “He appeared
convinced in the veracity of the cyclical theory of history in so far as it helped in
explaining the numerous ups and downs in the long history of a country or a
civilisation such as India. Moreover, applying the canons of the cyclical theory of
history, Lohia went on to modify the theory of dialectical materialism of Marx by
emphasising that the element of intellectual consciousness plays an equally if not
more, significant role in shaping the broad contours of a particular historical event

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and phase along with the economic factors” (Chakrabarty and Pandey 2009: 181).
Criticising Marx’s analysis of surplus value, Lohia pointed out that the real proletariat
is the colonial peasants and workers and the exploitation of the working class in
capitalist countries is a partial understanding of capitalism. Contesting Lenin’s idea of
imperialism as the final stage of capitalism, Lohia argued that “imperialism was the
first stage of capitalism…Without colonies in America, Asia and Africa, the
industrial revolution could not have taken place” (Sunil 2010: 57).

Lohia came out with his conception of New Socialism in 1959. He claimed that
European socialism has “failed to acquire a face of its own, distinct from capitalist
democracy and Russian communism” (Kumar 2011: 251-52). He found European
Socialism to be highly inadequate for developing countries like India. While the
development of socialism in Europe, sui generis as it was, remained gradual,
constitutional and distributive, its transplanted development in non-European
societies had been revolutionary, extra-constitutional and production-oriented (Mehta
1996, cited in Chakrabarty and Pandey 2009: 182). Criticising the historical
materialism of Marx, Lohia rejected the “unilinear growth of the social organization
from a primitive state of things to the stage of communism” (ibid) and therefore
cannot be used to study the conditions in Non-Western societies. While he rejected
capitalism for being individualistic and profit-oriented resulting in a system
advocating the centralization of power and undermining the claims of liberty and
equality, he accepted socialism as a viable ideology for India. However, he rejected
the Western concept of socialism and tried to conceptualize it in the light of Gandhian
values and ideals. For him, “A genuine socialism would have to think in terms of
destroying both the capitalist relations of production and the capitalist forces of
production, or at least vastly remodelling them” (Lohia 1963, cited in Basole 2010:
108). He was highly influenced by the Gandhian concept of satyagraha and non-
violence, an economic system rooted in small machine technology and political
decentralization. Lohia was interested in a philosophy he considered best suited to the
Indian situation, and thus incorporated Gandhian principles into socialism. The theory
of New Socialism propounded by Lohia was based on six fundamental principles of
“egalitarian standards in the areas of income and expenditure, growing economic
interdependence, world parliament system based on adult franchise, democratic
freedoms inclusive of the right to private life, Gandhian technique of individual and
collective civil disobedience, and dignity and rights of the common man”
(Chakrabarty and Pandey 2009: 185).

The aims of Lohia’s new Socialism were:

1. “Maximum attainable equality and justice tempered by equality.

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2. A decent standard of living, while avoiding the double impasse of capitalistic

and dialectical materialism, will tend to establish complete harmony between
the material and moral needs of man.
3. An industrial and agricultural technique and its judicious organization,
subjected to a man and conducive to his entire physical, intellectual and moral
development.
4. The decentralization of political and economic power to make it easily
available to the common man, and restriction of bureaucracy by the
encouragement of cooperation in all domains particularly in the domain of
production, distribution and consumption of national produce’” (Lohia cited in
Kumar 2011: 252).

14.4.2 Idea of the Four-pillar State

Lohia supported a socialist-democratic state. According to him, Democracy and
socialism were interdependent. Although a critic of the principles of capitalism and
communism, “he liked the political aims of capitalism- individual freedom,
democracy, human rights, constitutional methods and world peace; and the economic
aims of Marxism or Communism socialization of all the means of production,
abolition of private property and cessation of the oppression and exploitation of man
by man” (Kumar 2011: 251). As a Gandhian, Lohia believed that both political as
well as economic decentralization was the basic foundation of democracy. His
‘socialism’ too was not an import but conceptualized in the light of Gandhian ideals,
“offering a comprehensive system of socio-economic and political life for the people
of India” (Chakrabarty and Pandey 2009: 184).

Lohia was an advocate of equality and freedom however he found it irrational on the
part of men to resort to violence to secure or preserve their freedom. According to
him, following the path of civil disobedience itself was “an act of freedom” (Jha
1975: 319) instead of securing it through violent means. While he provided full
freedom to individuals in non-property matters, in the case of property matters he
supported restrictive freedom. According to him, “Individuals should be free from all
sorts of control in the sphere of house-keeping, entertainment, marriage, livelihood,
etc. Every individual should enjoy full liberty in choosing the membership of any
political party.” (Kumar 2011: 241). He warned individuals to be aware and ready to
take risks when the right to privacy may have indirect effects on property matters.
Unlike the capitalists and democrats, Lohia did not support granting full freedom in
property matters. There should be government and state restrictions to a certain extent
on property matters. Criticising Lohia’s support for the negative conception of
freedom, Sanjay Kumar (2011) argues that “in the absence of a comprehensive list of
non-property matters and an authority, every individual would interpret and claim his

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freedom or privacy about non-property matters, in different ways, which would

finally result in complete lawlessness. Therefore, some restraints of the state or
organizations or groups, in the sphere of non-property matters also, should be allowed
in the interests of individuals and society both. It was not necessary that all
individuals would always act wisely, honestly and selflessly” (Kumar 2011: 241).
While Lohia offers to have some restraints by the state on property matters, Kumar
(2011) thinks that such restraints should be relaxed in certain matters as “the social
good may remain a dream in absence of individual interest in the growth of the
national economy” (ibid).

Lohia was a supporter of equal liberty for all and especially the backward people or
races. Therefore, he supported preferential treatment for a certain period for backward
people and also women since only providing equal opportunities would not be enough
but it is also important that we correct the past injustices that these groups suffered.
He believed in a decentralized government administration, flexible organization, and
local autonomy all of which would make the state less oppressive for an individual.
For him, the state should be limited for the individual to enjoy maximum freedom. He
is careful of the fact that absolute freedom would result in increased material
aspirations of an individual, therefore he considered “self-imposed restrictions on
one’s material aspirations as the most abiding of the guarantees of freedom” (Jha
1975: 319). Through such self-imposed restrictions, he also tries to remedy any kind
of conflict of aspirations.

“To Lohia, socialism was a religion that alone helped an individual to realize his
personality, and therefore, it could not be abandoned by him to any other end, for
there was no end higher than self-realisation. Lohia pleaded for adding an
internationalist dimension to the socialist movement in India…maintained that the
socialist leadership must also work to the end of establishing a world government that
would be obliged to seek the neutralization of the domestic political processes from
the international power rivalries” (Jha 1975: 321-22).

Lohia was highly critical of the hierarchical structure of Indian administration which
allowed the concentration of power, which is against the spirit of democracy and
socialism. Under a democratic state, it is the people who should be enjoying more
power instead the power is being enjoyed by the officers. He supported the view that
states should have limited power and sovereignty should be divided at all levels of
administration. Therefore, decentralisation for him, was the guarantee of individual
freedom within the state and the strength of the democracy.

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He expressed his dissatisfaction with the post-independent state of India and argued
that the political administrative system of India should be attuned to the traditional
life of India instead of being based on foreign ideas and concepts. He was critical of
the federal structure of the Indian state which established a two-tier structure, the
Centre and the federating units. Therefore, although the structures of local self-
government at both rural and urban levels existed, they did not enjoy legislative and
executive powers in a real sense. Their powers were curbed by the administrative
control and they became mere servants of the state governments. Village
representatives were demoralized and ended up following orders like the civil
servants. Therefore, according to Lohia, local self-governments as primary
institutions of democracy should enjoy legislative and executive powers granted by
the constitution of India. It is the local self-government institutions where real
democracy will flourish since common people will actively participate in the
administration of the country.

For him, democracy is not only limited to political rights and people’s participation in
government but should also include social and economic justice, equal opportunity
and securing basic minimum needs of life for every citizen. Socialism and democracy
are interdependent and are the basis of Lohia’s Four-Pillar State. For him, sovereign
powers should be divided between four units; the village, the district, the province
and the centre instead of the then present two units Centre and the federating units.
All four limbs of the state would function interdependently and will not be a mere
executive arrangement but will also possess legislative powers and will have their
jurisdiction over legislation and execution. He believed in the principle of community
living practised by the people of rural India and based his idea of the four-pillar state
on the same principle in a manner that “each little community in it lived the way of
life it chose” (Kumar 2011: 255). He also warns against confusing the four-pillar state
with a self-sufficient village. Since human wants are multiplying, no part of the world
can depend only on its resources therefore it is absurd to be able to establish a self-
sufficient village. Therefore, one could also say that he reinterpreted the Gandhian
idea of a self-sufficient village economy to the concept of an autonomous village. The
idea of a self-sufficient village builds images of “isolated, inward-looking
societies…instead the creation of autonomous, well-connected villages, which are
centres of industrial activity and receive electricity on a par with the cities” (Basole
2010: 109). He also, later on, argued for a ‘fifth pillar’ in the form of a world
government (Varma 1964; Chakrabarty and Pandey:186). “He established the World
Development Council and tried to set up a world government to maintain peace in the
world. Daringly, he once travelled without a passport to Myanmar in support of his
call for an international order free from visa and passport regimes” (Ibid: 190).

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Although not a comprehensive list, Lohia mentioned some of the functions that would
be performed by the different units of the four-pillar state. “According to him, the
armed forces of the state may be controlled by the centre, the armed police by the
province but all other police may be brought under district and village control. While
industries like the railways or iron and steel may be controlled by the centre, the
small-unit textile industry of the future may be left to district and village ownership
and management. While price fixing may be a central subject, the structure of
agriculture and the ratio of capital and labour in it may be left to the choice of the
district and the village. Several departments through their servants, for example, those
for cooperative societies, rural and agricultural development, a substantial part of
irrigation, seeds, revenue collecting and the like may be transferred to the village and
the district” (Kumar 2011: 256). He also mentioned that some part of the state
revenue would be assigned to the village and district as well.

Further clarification on the functions of the four-pillar state was provided in the
Socialist Party’s election Manifesto of 1962, as follows:

1. One-fourth of all governmental and plan expenditures should be through

village, district and city panchayats.
2. Police should be subordinate to village, city and district panchayats or any of
their agencies.
3. The post of Collector should be abolished and all his functions distributed
among various bodies in the district. As far as possible, the principles of
election should be applied in administration, instead of nominations.
4. Agriculture, industry and other property, which is nationalised, should as far
as possible, be owned and administered by village, city, and district
panchayats.
5. Economic decentralization, corresponding to political and administrative
decentralization should be brought about through the maximum utilization of
small machines. (Lohia cited in Kumar 2011: 256).

Planning was central to the four-pillar state and it was not the subject of the centre
alone. Criticising the then-present method of planning, Lohia thought that Planning
originating in the centre and then passing on to the lower levels did not benefit the
communities since the communities are not allowed to participate in the planning
process and coordinate their plans.

Although a very well-thought and progressive programme, Lohia’s concept of a four-

pillar state also had certain limitations. Lohia did not mention the structure and size of
the village and district governments. He also did not mention the method of elections

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and the appointment of officials in them. He was impressed with the community
living of ancient Indian society and wanted to revive and organize his political
systems and foundational democratic institutions based on community life. He was
critical of the present society and argued that caste, class, race, religion and politics
have divided the people into conflicting groups leading to communalism with fatal
repercussions in the country and only the community can bring them together.

Lohia’s plea for democracy and peace was not confined to India alone but also
influenced the national movement of Nepal. Lohia was critical of India’s policy of
non-alignment but also advocated the development of a federation consisting of the
newly independent countries of South Asia as a ‘third force’ in international affairs
(Chakrabarty and Pandey 2009: 188). To build this solidarity among the Asian
countries, Lohia was among the founders of the Asian Socialist Conference convened
in 1953. “It sought to evolve unsuccessfully a single international dimension for the
socialist movement for the socialist movement in the Asian countries while it also
served as the forum for the exchange of experiences among the socialist leaderships
of the various Asian countries” (Jha 1975: 322). He believed that such a democracy
would allow democracy and peace to prevail in the world.

14.5 SOCIAL THOUGHTS OF LOHIA

According to Lohia, it was important to remove the caste system and gender
inequality prevalent in the Indian social structure. He believed that poverty was the
result of these two social evils and called for a social revolution in the country. He
attributed the responsibility of such a social revolution to the youth and argued that
“at the heart of such a revolution lay the notions of ‘constructive militancy’ and
‘militant construction.’ While constructive militancy stood for positive channelisation
of the vigour and zeal of the youths, the idea of militant construction meant the
radical nature of the constructive programmes to be carried out by the people”
(Chakrabarty and Pandey: 186).

In India, he also finds a confrontation of classes with that of the caste system and
most of the time “castes fragmenting into classes and classes occasionally
metamorphosing into castes” (Lohia 1955: 51). To remove these social evils from the
Indian society Lohia presents the idea of ‘sapt kranti’ or seven revolutions. These
seven revolutions aim at bringing:

1. Equality between men and women

2. Removal of inequality based on the colour of the skin

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3. Removal of inequality between caste groups and providing special

opportunities to the backward communities
4. Measures against foreign enslavement
5. Removing capitalism and bringing economic equality through planned
production
6. Measures against unjust encroachments on private life and
7. Following the Gandhian ideal of satyagraha and non-violence.
8. Lohia’s idea of seven revolutions is primarily based on bringing political,
socio-economic as well as spiritual equality.

Writing about gender inequality, he recognized the prevalence of centuries-old

patriarchal domination over women. He believed that gender inequality cannot be
understood in isolation but the dimensions of caste, class and other social dimensions
should also be taken into account simultaneously. It is not that women have always
been backward and when he writes about women, he does not consider it as a
homogenous category however, “all Indian women suffer from a set of common
deprivations and exclusions” (Srivastava 2014: 70). Almost all women suffer from a
discriminatory treatment based on their sex/gender however the condition of poor/
lower class/caste women is much worse in terms of deprivations and unavailability of
necessities. Lohia mentions the plight of women in villages where they are deprived
of water taps and toilets too. He seems concerned about their safety and sanitation
when he writes, “The Indian woman is condemned to the drudgery of drawing
water…from distant wells or ponds and carries it home every morning and evening.
She must also save her modesty only by easing herself into the open fields either
before sunrise or after sunset (Lohia 1979: 59).

He rejects the practice of arranged marriages and equates it to “cattle trade”.

According to him, the practice of dowry not only is a burden parents have to bear but
also demeans a woman. Women are mostly mistreated at their in-laws’ place if their
parents are unable to give them dowry and therefore people are afraid to educate their
daughters. Firstly, they have to choose between getting their daughters educated or
arranging their dowry and “the number of dowry increases as parents prefer to marry
their educated daughter to an educated boy, who commands more money in the
dowry market” (Srivastava 2014: 71). The condition that women should be a virgin
until she marries is also oppressive norm which is also discriminatory towards women
since it does not apply similarly to men. He argues that such discriminatory and
oppressive practices within societies have made women cruel and have turned women
against women. Therefore, the ‘seven revolutions’ programme aims towards building
a casteless, classless and gender-just society in the future. Lohia’s larger vision is to

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establish an egalitarian socialist society that ensures full gender justice along with
being a casteless and classless society.

14.6 SUMMARY

Lohia was a political thinker who introduced concepts and institutions which would
specifically suit the Indian situation. As a socialist, he stands out as compared to the
other Indian socialist thinkers, making important contributions to Indian socialist
thinking. His major contribution to political thought is the twin origins of capitalism
and colonialism, the idea that capitalism and communism are the same, and the
broadening of the conventional socialist goals and incorporating the Gandhian ideals
into socialism. He presented the issues of caste, class, gender and language as
important for nation-building. He wrote extensively challenging the prevalence of the
caste system and patriarchy in Indian society. Being an advocate of equality for all, he
also argued for preferential treatment of the backward groups however he supported
such a treatment for only a limited period. While he was a supporter of equal
opportunity for all he also believed that the past injustices needed to be corrected.
Lohia’s thought also had major weaknesses such as in many instances his thought
doesn’t seem to be very well thought out. His writing does not delve deep into
questions such as reasons behind the prevalence of capitalism and communism or the
planning at the various levels of the four-pillar state etc.

Lohia’s thoughts have focussed on a casteless, classless and gender-just society and
national awakening but have occasionally figured in the debates and analysis of
mainstream political thought of India.

14.7 EXERCISES

1. Critically examine Lohia’s concept of Socialism.

2. Discuss Lohia’s vision for an independent Indian state.
3. What, according to Lohia, are common features of communism and
capitalism?
4. Discuss Lohia’s thoughts on the empowerment of women.

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14.8 REFERENCES

• Appadorai, A. 1987. Indian Political Thinking in the Twentieth Century. New

Delhi: Basole, Amit (2010) “The Technology Question in Lohia”, Economic
and Political Weekly, 45(44/45), pp. 106-111.
• Chakrabarty, Bidyut and Rajendra Kumar Pandey (2009) Modern Indian
Political Thought: Text and Context, Sage publications: Delhi, pp. 177-190.
• Jha, M.N. (1975) Modern Indian Political Thought: Ram Mohan Roy to
Present Day, Meenakshi Prakashan: Delhi, pp. 316-323.
• Kumar, Sanjay (2011) “Lohia: Democracy” in Indian Political Thought:
Themes and Thinkers, M.P. Singh and Himanshu Roy (eds.), Pearson: Delhi,
pp. 240-260.
• Lohia, Rammanohar (1963) “Marx, Gandhi and Socialism” (Hyderabad:
Navahind Prakashan).
• Mehta, V.R. 1996. Foundations of Indian Political Thought. New Delhi:
Manohar.
• Srivastava, Jaya (2014) “Locating Lohia in Feminist Theory”, Economic and
Political Weekly, 49(5), pp. 69-74.
• Sunil (2010) “Understanding Capitalism through Lohia,” Economic and
Political Weekly, 45 (40), pp. 56-63.

SOME OF LOHIA’S ORIGINAL WORKS

Lohia, Ram Manohar. 1952a. The Doctrinal Foundations of Socialism. Bombay:
Tulloch.
• 1952b. Aspects of Socialist Policy. Bombay: Tulloch.
• 1955. The Wheel of History. Hyderabad: Lohia Samiti.
• 1956. Will to Power and Other Writings. Hyderabad: Navhind.
• 963. Marx, Gandhi and Socialism. Hyderabad: Navhind.
• 2000. Guilty Men of India’s Partition. New Delhi: B.R.
PublishingCorporation
• 1979. The Caste System. Hyderabad: Ram Manohar Lohia Samata Vidyalaya

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UNIT-15 AMARTYA SEN

Structure
15.1 Objectives
15.2 Introduction
15.3 Life Sketch
15.4 Amartya Sen's Idea of Justice
15.5 Summary
15.6 Exercise
15.7 Reference

15.1 OBJECTIVES

After reading this unit you will be able to understand

• The life sketch of Amartya Sen and his contribution to education.
• The idea of justice according to the Amartya Sen.
• The political idea and thoughts of Amartya Sen.
• The Amartya Sen idea of Justice.

15.2 INTRODUCTION

Amartya Sen is a renowned Indian economist and philosopher who has made
significant contributions to various fields such as welfare economics, social choice
theory, economic and social justice, famine studies, decision theory, development
economics, public health, and measures of well-being of countries. He was born on
November 3, 1933.

Throughout his career, Sen has held teaching and research positions in India, the
United Kingdom, and the United States. Currently, he is a Thomas W. Lamont
University Professor and holds positions as a Professor of Economics and Philosophy
at Harvard University. He previously served as the Master of Trinity College at the
University of Cambridge.

In 1998, Sen was awarded the Nobel Memorial Prize in Economic Sciences for his
contributions to welfare economics. The following year, he received India's highest
civilian honour, the Bharat Ratna, in recognition of his work in the field of economics
and social welfare.

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In 2020, the German Publishers and Booksellers Association honoured Sen with the
Peace Prize of the German Book Trade for his pioneering scholarship addressing
issues of global justice and his efforts to combat social inequality in education and
healthcare.

Amartya Sen's wide-ranging research and writings have had a significant impact on
the understanding of economic and social issues, particularly concerning poverty,
inequality, and development. His work has been influential in shaping policy
discussions and promoting social welfare across the globe. Bottom of Form

15.3 LIFE SKETCH

Amartya Sen was born into a Bengali Hindu Baidya family in Santiniketan, Bengal,
British India. His family hailed from Wari and Manikganj, which are now part of
present-day Bangladesh. His father, Ashutosh Sen, was a Chemistry Professor at
Dhaka University and later served as the Development Commissioner in Delhi and
Chairman of the West Bengal Public Service Commission. In 1945, the family
relocated to West Bengal. Sen's mother, Amita Sen, was the daughter of Kshiti
Mohan Sen, a renowned Sanskritist and scholar of ancient and medieval India who
had a close association with Rabindranath Tagore. K. M. Sen served as the Vice
Chancellor of Visva Bharati University from 1953 to 1954. Sen began his schooling
at St Gregory's School in Dhaka in 1940. In 1941, he was admitted to Patha Bhavana,
Shantiniketan, where he completed his school education. Patha Bhavana emphasized
progressive features such as a distaste for examinations and competitive testing. The
school also emphasized cultural diversity and embraced influences from around the
world.

In 1951, Sen enrolled in Presidency College, Calcutta, where he pursued a B.A. in

economics, graduating with First Class and ranking first in his class. He also had a
minor in Mathematics. During his time in Presidency, Sen was diagnosed with oral
cancer and given a 15% chance of surviving five years. However, with radiation
treatment, he recovered. In 1953, Sen moved to Trinity College, Cambridge, where he
earned a second B.A. in economics with First Class honours, once again topping the
list. He was elected President of the Cambridge Majlis during this time. While he was
officially a Ph.D. student at Cambridge, Sen was offered the position of First
Professor and First Head of the newly established Economics Department at Jadavpur
University in Calcutta. He accepted the position and served from 1956 to 1958,
becoming the youngest chairman to head the Department of Economics.

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During his time at Trinity College, Sen was elected to a Prize Fellowship, which
allowed him four years of freedom to pursue any subject of his choice. He decided to
study philosophy, recognizing its relevance to his areas of interest in economics, such
as social choice theory and the study of inequality and deprivation. His interest in
philosophy dates back to his college days at Presidency, where he read books on the
subject and engaged in philosophical debates. In Cambridge, where debates between
supporters of Keynesian economics and sceptical neo-classical economists were
prominent, Sen chose a different subject for his PhD thesis due to the lack of
enthusiasm for social choice theory. His thesis, completed in 1959, was titled "The
Choice of Techniques." Sen had completed most of the work earlier, but he sought
advice from his adjunct supervisor in India, Professor A.K. Dasgupta while teaching
and revising his work at Jadavpur University under the supervision of Joan Robinson,
a post-Keynesian economist known for her brilliance. During 1960-61, Sen visited
the Massachusetts Institute of Technology (MIT) while on leave from Trinity
College.

15.4 AMARTYA SEN'S IDEA OF JUSTICE

The renowned welfare economist, Nobel laureate Professor Amartya Sen has
contributed to economics and welfare social issues of capability, poverty, democratic
development and social justice. His scholarly contribution “The Idea of Justice” is a
reaction to John Rawls’s “A Theory of Justice”. Both Rawls and Professor Sen
influenced and followed the background of social contractions hypothetical society in
the ‘original position’, which was more a just society with natural rights, as a modern
concept of democracy with justice, both go hand in hand. However, justice of the
current century is not so far from natural human rights, based on the democratic spirit.
Different theorists on their specialisation have taken his concepts like Martha C.
Nussbaum followed capability and other concepts in gender justice. Capability
development is the prominent factor for prevailing social justice in society; justice in
gender equality, poverty alleviation and equal economic rights, emotional well-being,
social equality, work conditions etc. Human dignity and social policy also need
special emphasise. These all can happen with capability development and freedom
according to him. He was much influenced by Adam Smith's “impartial spectator”,
that justice should be impartial with an imagined judge or third party. The “Impartial
spectator” should be a part of the process of public reckoning. The sole motive is to
order justice and equality for all. Capability and its development in a democratic
government discussion were mentioned by him. However, he was not much-discussed
democracy, he has immense faith in democratic government and its internal character
of free discussion, capability development, liberty and justice etc. For a reasonable
judgement in a globalised world, justice is essential for human development. He has

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also emphasised social choice theory, diversity with individual preferences, and
liberty with equal treatment. According to him, the development of capability for a
just society is much more essential. Instead of goods and income, capabilities should
be a better indicator of liberties and a happy life according to him. In addition to that,
physical heterogeneities, diversities in the physical environment, and varieties in the
social climate are also prominent in liberty and capability.

Even merely possessing goods and a high income does not lead to a satisfied life
instead he prioritised a state of condition with a diversity of social values, social
climate and other prominent factors for a better life and development. So capability is
a good indicator in this regard. He has prioritised social factors and individual
satisfaction, not materially but with inner happiness which leads to capability
development. The right to make choices in life is also a part of a democratic just
society. Inequality of resources and opportunities, social deprivation and capabilities
are supportive and relevant steps to social justice. Capabilities should be important
for each individual like an end of social justice. Neglecting it leads to the failure of
justice in the society.

The social factors are always prominent in satisfaction of life, not the materialist one
which can be assessed by capability and its development. Not other factors, but
capability development, freedom and social justice, and liberty in the social life of
each lead to societal development and prevailing justice in society. According to Sen,
the capability approach is focused on “comprehensive opportunities”, the evaluative
means to reach the self-determined goal. His aim was not the achievements, but the
development of capabilities and justice. He is also not taking this towards equality of
opportunity. He had immense faith in democratic government with discussion.
Freedom of choice and liberty in both negative and positive manner are two essential
entities of it. Democracy plays a very crucial role to strengthen a just society. The
fourth pillar of democracy media has a front role in a just society to communicate for
better justice, circulation of information and opinions and most importantly serve
justice to the downtrodden/ underserved.

15.5 SUMMARY

The unit has discussed Sen’s idea of social justice and the concept of justice. Amartya
Sen has given the concept of justice from the idea of development as freedom. It is a
counter-argument to John Rawl’s idea of justice as fairness. The development of
freedom shows that justice to the last section of society is vital for the development of
a nation. The downtrodden section of society always needs to be focused by the state
to protect their interest and make them sufficient for their livelihood.

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15.6 EXERCISE

1. Discuss the idea of justice according to Amartya Sen.

2. What is the social justice of Sen?
3. Discuss the Sen's idea of the state.

15.7 REFERENCE

Sen, Amartya (1999), Development as Freedom, Oxford Publication.

Sen, Amartya (2009) Idea of Justice, Allen Lane & Harvard University Press.

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UNIT-16 SOCIAL JUSTICE MOVEMENT IN INDIA

Structure
16.1 Objectives
16.2 Introduction
16.3 Concept of Social/ Community Justice
16.4 Ambedkar’s Views on Social Justice
16.4.1 Ambedkar’s Struggle for Social Justice
16.4.2 Ambedkar’s Call for Liberation
16.5 Analysis of Ambedkar’s Views on Social Justice
16.6 Estimate of Ambedkar’s Social Justice
16.7 Summary
17.8 Exercises
16.9 References

16.1 OBJECTIVES

After reading his unit you will be able to understand:

• The meaning and development of the concept of Justice and Social Justice;
• Ambedkar’s views on Social Justice
• Constitutional Provision in India for the Promotion of Social Justice
• Social Justice as a Tool for Social Change, Unity and Transformation

16.2 INTRODUCTION

The term ‘Social Justice’ gained prominence in the 1970s and 1980s. The name was
coined by a Peruvian priest, Gustavo Gutiérrez, who placed his ideas in his famous
book, A Theology of Liberation (1971). There are Five Principles of Social Justice,
namely. Access, Equality, Diversity, Participation, and Human Rights. There are
different levels of access based on factors such as socioeconomic status, education,
employment and the environment. Social justice can be provided and equal
opportunities can only be guaranteed by the provision of equitable services that focus
on the specific needs of communities and individuals. Social justice requires that

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individuals have the opportunity and the platform to participate in making policies
that affect their well-being. Human rights are available to all, regardless of
socioeconomic status. Human rights and social justice are inextricably linked.
Ambedkar was a versatile genius who left Social justice is the spirit and vision of the
Constitution of India. The state must achieve social order in which the legal system is
geared toward promoting justice based on equitable access to justice. The
Constitution makes an effort to explore Ambedkar's views on social justice. It focuses
on Ambedkar's struggles and views on social justice in India.

The concept of Justice can be defined from different perspectives. The Greek
philosopher Plato regarded justice as a legitimate principle of public life. According
to Ernest Barker, an English political scientist, justice was at the heart of Plato's ideas
and motives. Plato in his book ‘The Republic’ discussed the concept of justice in a
conversation with friends like Cephalus, Polemarchus and Glaucon. Cephalus argues
that Justice goes hand in hand with honesty and indebtedness, while Polemarchus
defines justice as giving each man his due. “Justice is an art that produces good and
bad associations with enemies.” For Glaucon, justice “is something to be desired in
the weak. Thrasymachus, a philosopher of ancient Greece, found justice in the
interests of the powerful. Plato rejected all of these interpretations as external and
artificial. Plato viewed justice as a fundamental code of conduct and morals. Another
Greek philosopher, Aristotle, developed the concept of ‘fair distribution’ that conveys
the principle of distribution of goods, services, fame and office.

Social Justice is the exercise of equitable distribution of wealth, property, rights and
benefits within a community or state. The essence of justice is the achievement of the
good of all. Social justice involves the building of a just and fair society and provides
justice for all members of society.

16.3 CONCEPT OF SOCIAL / COMMUNITY JUSTICE

The concept of Social Justice arose from a process of social change, order, law and
order. It emphasizes appropriate action and creates a space for social intervention by
enforcing laws and regulations based on the principles of social equity. The term
‘Social Justice’ has two words: social and justice. The word ‘social’ applies to all
people living in a society, while the word ‘justice’ is related to freedom, equality and
rights. Therefore, social justice is about ensuring freedom, providing equality and
protecting the rights of every individual in society. In other words, achieving the
highest level of skills development for all members of society can be called social
justice.

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Social Justice involves eliminating social inequality and providing equal

opportunities for all people in the social, economic and political spheres of society.
Indian society is

divided into classes and societies, which create walls of impartiality within the
community based on height and lowliness. Social justice in India is a product of the
social injustice of the caste system. Such social inequality poses a serious threat not
only to society but also to Indian democracy and the process of National Unification.
If equal opportunities are not given to all under the same conditions, there will be
inequality in society.

16.4. AMBEDKAR'S VIEWS ON SOCIAL JUSTICE

Ambedkar's views on social justice are related to the victims of the Hindu Caste
System in the scheme of social segregation programme. His whole thinking was
prompted by a deep dissatisfaction with the treatment given to the lower caste by the
upper classes of Hindus. His philosophy and practice were both concerned with
Social Reform and the Political Enlightenment of the oppressed class. He called for
an end to Racial Segregation as it was inhuman and had obstructed the rising march
of Society and Civilization. Ambedkar's concept of Social Justice can be understood
in the context of the oppressed, the poor and the disadvantaged who were victims of
the Varna system of the Hindu Social order.

Ambedkar argued that a society based on Equality, Freedom and Participation could
only make Democracy possible. To him, democracy is not just a form of Government
but also a way of life that goes with it. Contrary to his views, he found that there was
no freedom, equality and brotherhood due to the spread of the Caste System
promoting segregation in India. A large part of the Hindu community is denied their
human rights because of the prevalent social order. He said rights were not protected
by law but by Public and Moral Conscience. He acknowledged that equality is not
possible but equal treatment for men is possible. Ambedkar was convinced that the
Caste-based Class System prevented common elements that prevented Hindus from
becoming a cohesive society. The traumatic experiences associated with his
childhood changed his perspective. His thinking arose as a result of his deep
dissatisfaction with the unequal treatment of his upper Caste Hindus. Because of his
non-discriminatory nature, the unaffected person belongs to the lowest step of the
Social ladder. Ambedkar has identified the real cause of Chaturvarnya's social
injustice in the Hindu social order. Therefore, he focused his attention on two issues,
namely, the dissolution of the framework and the dissolution of the imposition.

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16.4.1 Ambedkar's struggle for social justice

In his book “Who Were the Shudras?” Ambedkar clearly stated that the Shudras were
originally Kshatriyas. Their ouster from the group of Shudras was the result of an
ongoing conflict between the Shudras and the Brahmins in which the Shudras got
defeated. As a result, the Brahmins imposed many punishments on them. The Law
enacted against the Shudras reflected the inhuman and degrading attitude of the
Hindu elite. Brahmin lawmakers made Shudras' life miserable and deprived them of
their human rights by enslaving them.

In his book entitled "The Untouchables", Ambedkar presented a novel essay on the
origin of untouchability. He treated the untouchables as broken people. According to
him, in ancient times there were endless wars between different nations seeking
fertile land and the Justification of the authority of kingship. In the ongoing wars of
the Nations, the Nations instead of being destroyed were defeated. In the continuous
tribal warfare, a Tribe instead of being annihilated was defeated. As a result, the
defeated Tribe became broken into bits and these broken Tribesmen who kept on
roaming in all directions required protection and shelter. Since the broken men had no
blood relationship with the stable and settled tribe, they could not be united with it.
Ambedkar regarded them as warring tribes and all of them were Catholics. Many
dictatorships and social oppression were experienced for centuries. Therefore, he
believed that the centre of impunity did not have divine approval. It was the result of
the transformation of ancient civilizations and Nomads into a stable society. Those
who could not be contacted were considered outcasts.

Ambedkar was not only the main architect of the Constitution but also a promoter of
social justice for the betterment of the oppressed who are part of the Dalit people. He
devoted his entire life to the mistreatment of the oppressed and the downtrodden. He
relied on the power of his mind to bring about change. Rousseau’s statement ‘Man is
born free, but everywhere he has bound in chains' and his three words Equality,
Liberty and Fraternity that changed France in 1789 had a profound effect on
Ambedkar and he decided to fight for justice based on equality. Dr. B.R. Ambedkar
sought economic and social equality before political equality. He desired to ensure
that the oppressed found a proper place in society. Therefore, he gave greater
importance to social justice than political justice. He stressed the importance of
Individual Freedom in Equality to end the divisions created by the class system.
Ambedkar's concept of social justice represents freedom, equality and brotherhood
for all. He represented a social system based on the right relationship between man
and man at all stages of his life. As a rational and militant man, he did not condone
any form of hypocrisy, injustice, and human exploitation in the name of religion. He
stood for a religion based on universal values and ideals and based on the principles

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of freedom, equality and brotherhood. He considered the apartheid system to be the

worst evil in the Hindu religion. The varna system, according to him, is the cause of
all inequalities and is the basis of untouchability. Ambedkar stood for a social system
in which man’s status is based on his merit, achievements and worthiness and where
no one is noble or untouchable because of his birth. He promoted the principle of
special or preferential treatment for the country's oppressed, economically exploited
and marginalised people. The Indian constitution, drafted under his leadership,
contains some provisions that direct the state to protect all its citizens and to provide
them justice, social, economic and political, as well as freedom, equality and
brotherhood. It covers several conditions that ensure special treatment for oppressed
people in various fields. Article 17 of the Constitution of India prohibits
Untouchability. Ambedkar, in his address to the Constituent Assembly to approve the
Constitution, said ‘I have completed my work; I wish the sun would rise tomorrow.
The new Bharat has political freedom, but it is yet to raise the sun of social and
economic liberty.” Dr.B.R. Ambedkar's views on social justice persisted. He did not
believe in violence. He saw the media as a powerful tool for transforming society for
justice and freedom. Magazines such as Mook Nayak, Janata, and Samata, published
by him, did not receive much encouragement but they propagated many progressive
and extraordinary ideas. Credit goes to Ambedkar for providing Prohibitions on social
ills for being unconstitutional. He made the depressed half of the population feel that
they have the opportunity to lead a dignified life in Indian society. If Ambedkar did
not follow the Reservation of Seats for SC / STs in the education and government
services of the Central and Regional Governments, their situation would still be the
same.

Ambedkar is one of the main proponents of social justice in modern-day India. The
purpose of social justice is to eliminate all forms of inequality based on Caste, Race,
Gender, Power, Status, and Wealth. Social justice provides for an equitable
distribution of social, political and economic resources. As the main architect of the
Indian constitution, he sought to achieve social justice and social democracy in legal
terms. He treated social justice as the true foundation of Patriotism and Nationalism.
Ambedkar did not agree with the social justice theories expressed in the Varna
system, the Aristotelian order, the Plato system, the Gandhian Sarvodaya order and
not even the Proletarian Socialism of Marx. Former Chief Justice of India, P.B.
Gajendragadkar, aptly remarked, ‘Ambedkar is a 20th-century lawmaker and Modern
Man, but unlike the old Manu this new Manu loved equality and social justice.

Renaissance has been brought in the concept of social justice in the Indian context
when it weaves a trinity of it in the form of the Preamble, the Fundamental Rights,
and the Directive Principles of State Policies and this trinity is the core of the

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motivations behind the social revolution. This is the conscience of the Constitution.
The introduction of the Constitution of India is a mirror of social justice. It provides
social, economic and political justice to the Sovereign, Socialist, Secular, and
Democratic, Republic of India. Part III of the Constitution deals with Fundamental
Rights relating to social justice. Fundamental Rights inculcate the spirit of social
reconstruction and the promotion of social change by creating equality between all
peoples, prohibiting discrimination based on race, religion, gender, creed, and place
of origin, abolition of discrimination and the practice of legal punishment, and
preventing human trafficking. to people and forced labour. In addition, the
Constitution of India empowers the Provinces to make special provisions for the
development of any social, educational, and organizational structure. Social justice is
also a major concern of Part IV of the Constitution which deals with the Principles of
State Practice s although this section of the Constitution is non-justiciable. Article 38
of the Constitution requires the state to reduce income inequality and to try to provide
equality in conditions, institutions and opportunities, not only between individuals but
also between groups of people. Article 39 of the Constitution requires that the state
make available to all citizens adequate livelihoods, distribution of ownership and
control of tangible resources. The state is also required to provide equal justice in the
form of free legal aid to ensure that access

to justice is not denied to any citizen due to economic or other disability. The
Principles also provide for the right to work, for an equal wage. Education and Social
assistance in the event of unemployment, old age, illness, arranging for fair and
humane working conditions that ensure a decent standard of living and full enjoyment
of leisure and social and cultural opportunities, staff participation in regulatory action,
under the age of 14. The State is directed to promote the educational and economic
interests of the SC, ST and other vulnerable groups, to promote food security and
quality of life and to improve public health. The purpose of Ambedkar's concept of
social justice is to achieve unity and equality for all, equality of men and women,
respect for the weak and marginalized, respect for human rights and so on. The
constitution is to bring about humane treatment in all cases dignity of all citizens,
abolition of Caste distinctions, education and property for all and goodwill and
gentleness, He strongly emphasized brotherhood and emotional integration. His view
of social justice eradicated man-made inequality in all shades through the Rule of
Law, ethics and public conscience and represented justice in a sustainable society.

16.4.2 Ambedkar’s call for liberation from caste oppression

Ambedkar boldly attacked the idea of hereditary status on which the feudal Indian
society was based to liberate the previously marginalized part of society from
humiliation. A person should be treated equally with other citizens before the law.

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This ideology inspired the deeply entrenched sects of the community to revolt and
break the chains of slavery imposed on them by the traditional society. He called on
the non-partisans to play a greater role in the country's politics as he thinks political
power is the key to social progress so by taking political power they will be able to
fight injustice and liberate oppressed people. From the bondage of slavery. But he
wanted that before these political changes, Social Reform and Religious Reformation
must take place. He led the unaffiliated in their fight for Rights. In 1928, before the
Simon Commission, he pleaded their case for reservation of seats in the legislature
along with a post in the cabinet, as they had no link with the Hindu community.
Depressed classes like the few need greater political protection as they are
academically and economically poor and enslaved in society. But despite his strong
plea, the Commission rejected his request and offered a Separate Electorate to Sikhs,
Muslims and Christians, but included the Untouchables in Hindu Community. From
1930 to 1931, Ambedkar represented the ‘untouchables’ in the Round Table
Conferences and pleaded for a separate electorate separate from the Hindu majority.
He clarified with evidence that the untouchables are not Hindus and hence demanded
separate treatment, particularly for constitutional reforms and changes. As a result,
the British Government agreed to give separate representation to untouchables in the
Third Round Table Conference and gave the Communal Award in 1932 whereby the
untouchables were given the right to elect their representatives to separate seats in
Provincial Assemblies and others to vote with Hindus in General constituencies.

Ambedkar's deep concern for Social Justice and Equality can be attested to by his
resignation as Minister of Justice from the Jawaharlal Nehru cabinet in September
1951 over the issue of non-acceptance of the Hindu Code Bill. Becoming a strong
Advocate for Social Justice Ambedkar concluded that the Untouchables should
possess pride and self-respect and for that purpose disassociate themselves from
traditional bonds of untouchable status. They have to be professional and transform
themselves to fit into modern civilization. They should be represented by their
representatives at all levels of government. Ambedkar was convinced that the
leadership of the untouchables should come from the untouchables themselves.
Government must commit to its welfare by creating special opportunities in the field
of education and employment. Affected persons should look to official channels to
protect their rights and all forms of classification and discrimination should be
eliminated. The responsibilities of each member of the community should be
redefined in a way that is consistent with the individual qualifications, skills, merit
and training. His departure from Hinduism and his conversion to Buddhism in 1956
was a clear indication of his opposition to the social order that established the
supremacy of a few privileged people in the larger part of society. He felt that the
unaffected people in the Indian subcontinent obtained political equality but failed to

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achieve social equality. He considered the conversion to Buddhism to be an

acceptable form of liberation in the Hindu religion. The image of social justice that
Ambedkar envisioned was incomplete without the liberation of women who were
ignored although an integral part of the society. They were deprived of full social,
economic, and political justice and were regarded as the weaker sex for centuries.
Women’s self-esteem and the struggle for women’s freedom had given them a place
of pride in their life. He criticized the traditional values that have led to the decline of
women's dignity in India. His arguments in favour of the Maternity Benefit and Birth
Control Bill were crucial for the recognition of women's dignity. He pleaded for the
right to divorce women. Besides focusing on the issues of widow remarriage, child
marriage, etc. of former social reform Programmes of the Reformers who aimed to
transform the Hindu society he also attacked the ideological basis of social
institutions like the caste system and untouchability. The climax of this struggle took
place towards the end of his life with the complete abandonment of Hinduism. His
lifelong struggle against social injustice and discrimination reflects his philosophy
and ideals that we call “Ambedkarism” today.

During the adoption of India's constitution, in his last speech at the Constituent
Assembly, Ambedkar warned that Political Democracy alone was not enough for
India. India needs to be transformed into a Democratic Society to live as a Nation. He
opines that political democracy should comprise social democracy as well. To him,
Social Democracy means "... a way of life that recognizes freedom, equality and
fraternity as the principles of life." He further adds: These principles of liberty,
equality and fraternity are not to be treated as separate items in a trinity. They form a
union of trinity in the sense that to divorce one from the other is to defeat the very
purpose of democracy. In his understanding, Liberty and Equality are both
supplementary and complementary to each other and cannot be divorced from one
another. Without

equality, liberty would produce the supremacy of the few over the many. Equality
without liberty would kill individual initiative. Without fraternity, liberty and equality
could not become a natural course of things. The principle of justice defined by Prof.
Bergson, often quoted by Ambedkar regarding Hinduism, is widespread. He argues
that justice establishes a code of conduct and promotes equality and partial
‘compensation’ and ‘equity signifies equality. It also applies to laws and regulations
in a society where ‘justice and fairness are concerned with value equality. He
expresses this by intending to realize true equality.

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16.5 ANALYSIS OF AMBEDKAR'S VIEWS ON SOCIAL JUSTICE

Ambedkar's Social Justice Model has been reviewed and translated by many Social
Scientists and Social Activists. All of these analytical institutions revolve around
Ambedkar's approach to Social Justice and how it is used as a tool to remove injustice
in Indian society. A few examples are discussed below. Vivek Kumar notes that
although Dr. Ambedkar did not present a particular definition or theory of Social
Justice, his theory of Social Justice can be recorded in his writings and speeches. He
believes that the following five principles could be drawn from Ambedkar's writings
through which justice can be dispensed in society:

1. To establish a society in which one becomes the means of all the purposes of
society,
2. To establish a society based on Freedom, Equality and Brotherhood,
3. To Establish Political, Economic and Social Democracy,
4. To establish Democracy through constitutional measures, as well
5. To Establish Democracy by breaking the monopoly of upper strata on political
power (Vivek Kumar, 2007).

Valerian Rodrigues believes that Ambedkar is close to Social Justice by demanding

equal rights and a strong contribution of the State in favour of the disadvantaged
(Rodrigues, 2011). Rodrigues extracts Ambedkar’s premise for social justice on
human equality in four arguments:

i) Equality is a Value that sets standards for our lifestyles, thus preserving the
principle of Rights,
ii) Although Inequality ensures the survival of the strong and the best and the
strong survivors may not be the best in society,
iii) A social organization can only produce the best of men and women when the
original equality is extended to them as well
iv) People should be treated equally to avoid any unfair treatment (Rodrigues,
2011)

16.6 ESTIMATE OF SOCIAL JUSTICE OF AMBEDKAR

India's constitution guarantees equal rights for all based on social justice and human
dignity promoted by Ambedkar's ideas. As Ambedkar's views on social justice have
not been properly implemented over the years his sense of justice will have to be
propagated by institutions such as the Civil Society. Ambedkar was concerned with
the overall development of the vulnerable sections of Indian society and chose to

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dismantle existing class discrimination following the Constitution. Thus, Ambedkar's

views on Social Justice remain central to modern Indian society in promoting
constitutional and legal means of upholding the Rights and Dignity of Vulnerable
Groups. The concept of Social Justice is important and fundamental to the
Constitution. The Basic Structure of the Constitution cannot be changed or abolished
as decided in the case of Kesavananda Bharati. The idea that Social Justice is
fundamental and should continue to be fundamental has provoked lawyers and legal
experts to debate. Ambedkar's rational philosophy of social justice has influenced and
promoted the process of establishing an equitable social, economic and political order
in the various communities of India. The oppressed sections of Scheduled Castes in
India have been made aware of their rights directed to their dignified way of life and
class consciousness has been ignited by Ambedkar’s concept of Social Justice... The
influence of Ambedkar's philosophy was so great that he was worshipped daily with
King Buddha by millions of people in India. No one, perhaps, in the world has gained
such ‘Godly devotion’ among his fellow leaders.

Ambedkar's life, philosophy and work were dedicated to the attainment of Human
Rights for the betterment of all oppressed humanity. As a true Socialist, he sought to
establish a Social Democracy, one that would satisfy the people's economic, social,
educational and cultural needs. He used his power to accelerate the process of social
change in the country. Ambedkar was a rebellious rebel whose sword of social justice
was often used to combat the degrading and inhuman practices against the Oppressed
and Marginalized classes of Indian society. He was convinced that apart from the
Social Liberation of the Oppressed Classes, Political Independence would mean
nothing. He concluded that no economic or political change would succeed without
killing the monster of social injustice. He believed that their freedom could be
achieved through politics. He argued that Nationalism could not be achieved unless
nationalist sentiments were awakened and strengthened which was essential for social
change.

16.7 SUMMARY

Social Justice recognizes that everyone is entitled to equal economic, political and
social rights and opportunities. However, vulnerable groups cannot meet basic human
needs and there is a need to promote social justice. Social justice should be developed
on the part of the disadvantaged, powerless, or discriminated against.

Ambedkar was a child of his time. He fought for equality. By 1927, Ambedkar had
decided to launch an active movement against impunity. He started with community

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movements and marches to open up public drinking water sources. He also started a
struggle for equal rights for all to enter Hindu temples.

Ambedkar's concept of social justice represents freedom, equality and brotherhood

for all. He called for a social system based on good human relationships in all walks
of life. on the abolition of the Caste system and the intangibles, the Promotion of
Human Rights and Women's Rights, the Protection of the interests of the working
class and above all the unity and integrity of Indian politics.

Baba Sahib Bhim Rao Ambedkar's views on Social Justice are the very essence of the
Indian Constitution. Social Justice aims to provide equal social opportunities for all to
develop their personality, which is consistent with equality and social rights. In all
provinces, it is important to protect social order based on justice and to create equal
opportunities for all. In particular, people are discriminated against based on race,
colour, class, religion, ethnicity or social status because most of them are illiterate and
come from the marginalized sections of society creating social unrest and inequality
among themselves. Therefore, the need for social justice is an inevitable necessity for
the success of Political Democracy and is regarded as the only weapon to ensure the
active participation of all sections of society for the unity and development of society.
It is essential for the establishment of social, economic and political equality in a
society as diverse as India. B.R. Ambedkar is recognized as a Social Worker and a
great Scientist in empowering marginalized and disadvantaged communities.

16.8 EXERCISES

1. Define the concept of justice in its changing perspective.

2. Critically analyse Ambedkar’s views on Social Justice.
3. Discuss Ambedkar’s concept of social justice as interpreted by Social
Scientists.
4. Make an Estimate of Ambedkar’s Social Justice.

16.9 REFERENCES

• B. R. Purohit, Sandeep Joshi, “Social justice in India” Rawat Publications,

Jaipur, 2003,
• B.N. Ray, Tradition and Innovation in Indian Political Thought, Ajanta
Publishing, Delhi, 1998,
• Dhananjay Keer, Dr Ambedkar: Life and Mission, 2nd Edition, Popular,
Bombay, 1962,

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• Friedman W. “Legal Theory” 5th Edn, Universal Law Pub, Delhi, 2002.
• Krishna Iyar “B.R. Ambedkar Centenary, Social Justice and the Undone vast
Justice”
• B.R Pub. Delhi.

• Mohamed Shabbir “Ambedkar on Law, Constitution and Social Justice”

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Odisha State Open University, Sambalpur Page 219