JOURNAL OF THE

COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY

Volume X

2014

Editor
Prof G P V Somaratna
Research Professor, CTS

CTS Publishing
Colombo Theological Seminary
Sri Lanka
Copyright © 2014 Colombo Theological Seminary

First published by Colombo Theological Seminary

189 Dutugemunu Street, Kohuwela, Sri Lanka

All rights reserved.

Printed in Sri Lanka.

ISSN 2386-186x
CONTENTS

Contributors iv

Editorial v

How the Concept of Satan Developed 7

From Jewish Antiquity to the Apostle Paul
Ivor Poobalan

Go and Be Reconciled 57
Matthew 18:15-17
Mano Emmanuel

The Origins of the Assemblies of God of Ceylon 95

Events and Personalities of the Second Decade
(1918-1927)
Simon Fuller

Ecumenical Experiment in Teacher Training: 151

The Story of Peradeniya Teacher Training Colony
(1916-1962)
G P V Somaratna

The City, the Ship, and the Tower: 239

Reading the Babel Story Theologically
and as a Narrative in Its Context
M Alroy Mascrenghe

Shall I Not Drink It? 279

A Link between Suffering and Love from John 18:11
Vinodh Gunasekera

Géza Vermes and Jesus as a Galilean Charismatic Hasid 293

Prabo Mihindukulasuriya

A Guide to Articles in Volumes 1-9 of the JCTS 315

CONTRIBUTORS

Ivor Poobalan, BA (Hons), ThM, Phd (cand)

Principal of Colombo Theological Seminary.

Mano Emmanuel, FCCA, BTh, MA, DMin (cand)

Academic Dean of Colombo Theological Seminary.

Simon Fuller, BA (Hons)

Former Principal and current Librarian of Colombo Theological Seminary.
Ordained Minister of the Assemblies of God of Ceylon.

G P V Somaratna, BA (Hons), MA (Missiology), MA (Theology), PgDip (Demography), PhD

Research Professor at Colombo Theological Seminary.

M Alroy Mascrenghe
Post-graduate student at Colombo Theological Seminary.

Vinodh Gunasekera, BSc, MSc, MA, MDiv, DMin

Acting Principal of Colombo Theological Seminary.

Prabo Muhindukulasuriya, PgDipM (CIM), MCS

Deputy Principal of Colombo Theological Seminary.

iv
EDITORIAL
First published in 2001, the Journal of the Colombo Theological
Seminary (JCTS) publishes on all aspects of Christianity, providing
a forum for the academic staff of the Colombo Theological
Seminary as well as younger scholars making a distinguished
debut. The journal publishes original research in full-length
articles and shorter communications and major surveys of the
field in historio-theological reviews and review articles.
Contributions are aimed both at specialists and non-specialists.
We are glad to publish the tenth volume of the JCTS this year. In
this issue, we have a collection of valuable articles dealing with
issues relevant to the Church today.
Ivor Poobalan’s paper How the Concept of Satan Developed: From
Jewish Antiquity to the Apostle Paul is a scholarly analysis of the
development of the concept of Satan in Judeo-Christian
literature. It is a relevant topic given contemporary interest in
demonology in many branches of the Christian churches.
Mano Emmanuel, in her paper entitled Go and Be Reconciled:
Matthew 18:15-17, offers a deep scholarly study of the biblical
research on the subject with contextualized analysis relevant to
Sri Lanka.
Simon Fuller, in his The Origins of the Assemblies of God of
Ceylon: Events and Personalities of the Second Decade (1918-
1927) constructs the early history of the Pentecostal movement
in Sri Lanka with the help of a large amount of new material he
has been able to collect from numerous resources.
G P V Somaratna’s Ecumenical Experiment in Teacher Training:
The Story of Peradeniya Teacher Training Colony is an attempt to
record the history of the Teacher Training College at Peradeniya
during the period of its Christian management.
M Alroy Mascrenghe’s The City, the Ship, and the Tower: Reading
the Babel Story looks at the Tower of Babel in detail, and in
comparison with Cain’s city and Noah’s ark. His conclusion is that
EDITORIAL

the Tower of Babel stands as a monument to God’s faithfulness to

His promises.
Vinodh Gunasekera’s Shall I Not Drink It? A Link between
Suffering and Love from John 18:11 examines this verse with the
help of modern biblical research.
Prabo Mihindukulasuriya looks back at the seminal work of the
late Géza Vermes (1924-2013), the brilliant Hungarian-British
Jewish scholar whose writings made a decisive influence on the
contemporary ‘Historical Jesus Research’. Prabo examines
Vermes’ central thesis that Jesus was a miracle-working Galilean
holy man.
The JCTS is a scholarly journal publishing peer-reviewed articles
representing the evangelical Christian Community. We will
consider manuscripts on all areas related to issues of the
evangelical Christian faith in South Asia, in general, and Sri Lanka,
in particular. We hope you will consider submitting a manuscript
for publication in the JCTS.
It is our hope that this journal will be a valuable contribution to
evangelical Christian scholarship.

G P V Somaratna
August 2014

vi
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED:
FROM JEWISH ANTIQUITY TO THE APOSTLE PAUL

IVOR POOBALAN

INTRODUCTION
“Satan” is a full-orbed doctrine of Christianity, sometimes termed
diabology or satanology. Within the popular formulations, Satan
is viewed as a very powerful being that personifies evil and has
wide-ranging influence within the known world and the unseen
realm of existence. Various views of his origins exist, the most
common being that he was once a created angel that rebelled,
and with his fall from grace misled a vast number of fellow angels
into divine judgment. He exercises his evil intentions through this
horde of spirit beings, now called demons, and unleashes on
humanity every form of wickedness, destruction and suffering
imaginable. Some hold that he must have been at one time the
“worship leader” in heaven, and so would have enjoyed the
closest intimacy with God.

Popular Western culture today, as expressed in the print and

visual media, evinces a phenomenal increase in interest in the
devil and his diabolical plans. This is partly due to the work of
Christian-fiction writers such as Frank Peretti:
Spurred on by the best-selling novels of Frank Peretti, with
lurid descriptions of grotesque, sulphur-spewing demons
circling small towns, threatening children and overthrowing
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

elected governments, many Christians have awakened to

the reality of spiritual warfare.1

Christians subscribe to varying views on the extent of Satan’s

influence, with the more elaborate proposals projecting a being
who occupies the apex of a complex chain of command by which
he is able to exercise dominion over both the vastness of the
celestial and the minutiae of terrestrial existence. The most
influential proponent of this image of Satan and the consequent
popularization of modern beliefs on spiritual warfare has been
Peter Wagner. A survey of the titles of dozens of books he has
published from the early seventies reveals an interesting pattern.
In the early years (1973 – 1989) Wagner concentrates on the Holy
Spirit and Church Growth. From 1990 he shifts to write
2
extensively on the demonic and spiritual warfare. The modern
notion that Satan’s demons are hierarchically organized, much
like a military command and control structure, received its most
3
definitive shape through Wagner’s writings.

1
Chuck Lowe, Territorial Spirits and World Evangelization
(Great Britain: OMF International, 1998), 10; see also 152. “Peretti’s
novels (1986, 1989) have been the stimulus to much of the current
interest in demons.”
2
All published by Regal Books, Ventura, California: Wrestling
with Dark Angels: Toward a Deeper Understanding of the Supernatural
Force in Spiritual Warfare (1990); Engaging the Enemy: How to Fight and
Defeat Territorial Spirits (1991); How to Seek God’s Power and Protection
in the Battle to Build His Kingdom (1992); Breaking Strongholds in Your
City: How to Use Spiritual Mapping to Make Your Prayers More Strategic,
Effective and Targeted (1993); Confronting the Powers: How the New
Testament Church Experienced the Power of Strategic-Level Spiritual
Warfare (1996).
3
“According to leading advocate Peter Wagner, demons fall
into three basic categories: ground-level, occult-level and strategic-level.
Ground-level spirits are the sort that possess people and must be
exorcised. Occult-level spirits empower magicians, witches, warlocks and
shaman. Strategic-level sprits (otherwise known as cosmic-level, or
territorial, spirits) are the most powerful of the three categories. Their

8
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

But to what extent are our modern views of Satan drawn from
the Bible? How much of these is a result of accretions from
various cultural beliefs rooted in specific historical experiences?
How much has resulted from tenuous extrapolations of disputed
biblical texts and from creative imagination?

In what follows we shall examine the early development of the

Judeo-Christian concept of Satan, limiting our enquiry to the
biblical period, and including the views reflected in the Jewish
literature of the Intertestamental Era.

Speculations about Evil in Jewish Antiquity

The essence of evil is abuse of a sentient being, a being that
can feel pain. It is the pain that matters. Evil is grasped by the
mind immediately and immediately felt by the emotions; it is
sensed as hurt deliberately inflicted. The existence of evil
requires no further proof: I am; therefore I suffer evil.4
The perception of evil is ubiquitous; it is as ancient as human
experience, and as pervasive as the air we breathe. No individual
is alien to it, and no society or culture has been untouched by it.
However, evil can only be perceived, it is the individual pain that
is experienced as fact. The particular interpretation of the source
and the reason for the pain is what leads to a perception of evil.
Thus, whereas a mother’s pain in childbirth is perceived as a
necessary challenge that she must bravely endure, the hate-
speech and jeers of a racist mob are immediately perceived as
evil.

function is to rule over specified domains, preventing the people that

reside there from coming to faith. So the proposed differences between
the categories involve both power and function: strategic-level spirits are
the highest ranking class of demons and they are territorial in
jurisdiction” (Lowe, Territorial Spirits, 16-17).
4
Jeffrey B. Russell, The Devil: Perceptions of Evil from Antiquity
to Primitive Christianity (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press,
1977), 17.

9
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Jeffrey Russell’s exhaustive and fascinating study of the

perceptions of evil in a variety of ancient cultures, including
Hindu, Egyptian, Mesopotamian, Mexican, African, Greek, and
Persian, confirms that at no point does evil have to be argued.
People have always recognized its existence and created a
5
vocabulary of images and speech by which to talk about it. From
perceptions then each culture explores the possible origins of
evil, and the result is a myriad proposals of who might ultimately
be responsible to inflict wanton pain on sentient beings.

The Hebrew people of antiquity would have similarly perceived

evil, and speculated on its source and the reasoning behind its
manifestation. While their homeland of Canaan was flanked on
the one side by Egypt and on the other by Syria-Mesopotamia, it
was the latter that most shaped the Canaanite and Hebrew
6
concept of personified evil. Mesopotamia had a well-developed
taxonomy of evil powers, and these ideas could not have escaped
the attention of the Hebrew patriarchs and their succeeding
7
tribes of Israel.

5
See Russell, The Devil, 36-173.
6
“The civilizations of Mesopotamia and Syria helped shape the
Western concept of the Devil more directly than did that of Egypt.
Sumerian civilization stands directly behind that of Babylonian and
Assyria, which directly influenced both the Hebrews and the Canaanites”
(Russell, The Devil, 84).
7
“The demonology of Mesopotamia had enormous influence
on Hebrew and Christian ideas of demons and the Devil. The demons of
Mesopotamia were generally hostile spirits of lesser dignity and power
than gods. They were sometimes considered the offspring of Tiamat, but
more often they were thought to be the children of the high god Anu.
The terrible annunaki were the jailers of the dead in hell. The etimmu
were ghosts of those who have died unhappy. The utukku lived in desert
places or graveyards. Other evil spirits were demons of plagues, demons
of nightmares, demons of headaches, demons of the windstorm (like
Pazuzu), and demons of every human ill. Among the most terrible was
Lilitu or Ardat Lili, the ancestral prototype of the biblical Lilith (Isaiah 34).

10
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

Nevertheless the strict monotheism of the Hebrews from their

founding posed a major obstacle to an uncritical acceptance of
Mesopotamia’s speculations of evil and its personifications. In
almost every other culture, its polytheistic worldview allowed for
the assignation of good or benevolence to ‘good’ deities, and evil
or malevolence to similarly powerful, but ‘wicked’ deities. In
Hebrew religion, however, Yahweh alone was God, and while it
was plausible that angels and demons existed, the sovereignty of
God was inviolable:
The Jews knew, before the exile, that evil beings existed. Of
uncertain nature, they were never said to be created by
God, but could do evil to humans. They were arranged on
two levels: there was the cosmic level, on which can be
placed monsters like Yam and Leviathan (the sea and a sea-
monster); and the more earthly and less imposing level, that
of the shedim, of the se’irim, of Lilith, the demon of the
night that will gain great importance in Rabbinic Judaism.
These are what we would call today ‘evil spirits’. Misfortune
could come upon the Jews from these, but could also come
from the punishment which their god could send upon them
for their transgressions. Already in the eighth century Amos
insisted that only God could send salvation and misfortune;
an anti-polytheistic polemic, but also contrary to the
conception of demons as having real power.8

Lilitu was a frigid, barren, husbandless “maid of desolation” who roamed

the night attacking men as a succubus or drinking their blood. Labartu,
carrying a serpent in each hand and often accompanied by a dog or pig,
attacked children, mothers and nurses. Usually the demons were
grotesque, appearing as ugly animals or as misshapen humans with
partly animal forms. To protect oneself against them one resorted to the
use of amulets, incantations, exorcisms or other magic, but particularly
to the careful worship and cultivation of one’s tutelary deity” (Russell,
The Devil, 92).
8
Paolo Sacchi, Jewish Apocalyptic and Its History (Sheffield:
Sheffield Academic Press, 1990), 213.

11
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Elaine Pagels sees a further twist in this evil tale. Adopting an

anthropological reading of Israelite history, she suggests that the
patriarchs and their descendants would have initially treated any
who were not of Abrahamic descent or the Chosen line as “the
other,” who would thereafter, in time, be viewed as their “enemies,”
and caricatured as monsters such as Leviathan, the serpent or
9
dragon (see Isaiah 27:1).

However, with the experience of internecine warfare, apostasy, and

schisms within the Jewish nation, the “enemy” took on new
meanings. The threat was insidious and therefore that much more
potent. Pagels thinks this new situation led to fresh speculations on
the nature and the fountainhead of “evil”:
Certain writers of the sixth century B.C.E. took a bold step
further...Instead of Rahab, Leviathan, or “the dragon,” most
often they identified their Jewish enemies with an exalted, if
treacherous, member of the divine court whom they called
satan. The satan is not an animal or monster but one of God’s
angels, a being of superior intelligence and status; apparently
the Israelites saw their intimate enemies not as beasts and
monsters but as superhuman beings whose superior qualities
and insider status could make them more dangerous than the
alien enemy.10

While it is characteristic of the Hebrew Bible to demythologize the

prevalent worldviews of Mesopotamia and Egypt, and polemically
dethrone the aspects of creation these cultures venerated as gods, it
is significant that the Jewish scriptures maintain a clear belief in the
existence of celestial beings with supra-human abilities. It is within
the allowance for such entities, that the figure of Satan appears.

9
“Many anthropologists have pointed out that the worldview
of most peoples consists essentially of two pairs of binary opposites:
human/not human and we/they. Apart from anthropology we know
from experience how people dehumanize enemies, especially at
wartime” (The Origin of Satan [New York: Random House, 1995], 37).
10
Pagels, Origin of Satan, 39.

12
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

‘Satan’ in the Hebrew Bible

The noun /f*c* occurs 26 times in the Hebrew Bible. It bears the
11
meaning, “to persecute, to be hostile, to accuse” or to describe
12
“one who is in opposition.” Although the concept of Satan “has
13
had extensive development theologically in the NT,” its use in
the Hebrew Bible for the most part provides little indication of
the notion of “a semi-autonomous archfiend who wields the
14
forces of evil against God’s will” :
In biblical sources the Hebrew term the satan describes an
adversarial role. It is not the name of a particular character.
Although Hebrew storytellers as early as the sixth century
B.C.E. occasionally introduced a supernatural character
whom they called the satan, what they meant was any one
of the angels sent by God for the specific purpose of
blocking or obstructing human activity. The root śţn means
“one who opposes, obstructs, or acts as adversary.15

11
Rivkah Scharf Kluger, Satan in the Old Testament (Evanston:
Northwestern University Press, 1967), 25.
12
New International Dictionary of Old Testament Theology and
Exegesis (NIDOTTE) Vol. 3, 1231.
13
NIDOTTE Vol. 3, 1231.
14
Peggy L. Day, An Adversary in Heaven (Atlanta: Scholars Press,
1988), 63. “In the Hebrew Bible, as in mainstream Judaism to this day, Satan
never appears as Western Christendom has come to know him, as the leader
of an “evil empire,” an army of hostile spirits who make war on God and
humankind alike. As he first appears in the Hebrew Bible, Satan is not
necessarily evil, much less opposed to God. On the contrary, he appears in
the book of Numbers and in Job as one of God’s obedient servants . . .”
(Elaine Pagels, The Origin of Satan [New York: Random House, 1995], 39)
15
Pagels, Origin of Satan, 39. “The name ‘satan’ is not a proper
name, but a common one, signifying ‘enemy’, a name with a very strong
value, but not used to indicate an enemy in war. As a technical term we may
think of it as indicating the accuser in a trial. Hence the angel’s name: his
function was that of accusing humans before God of their misdeeds” (Paolo
Sacchi, Jewish Apocalyptic and Its History [Sheffield: Sheffield Academic
Press, 1990], 222)

13
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Kluger organizes the references to Satan in the Hebrew Bible by

16
first separating the “Concept of Satan in the Profane Realm”
17
from the “Concept of Satan in the Metaphysical Realm.”

In the case of the former, several texts are identified where the
noun /f*c* is used without any connotation of personality: 1
Samuel 29:4; 1 Kings 5:4 (MT 5:18); 11:14, 23; Numbers 22:22; 2
Samuel 19:22. In each of these occurrences /f*c* refers generally
to anyone who opposes or offends another. Whether it was the
Philistine commanders’ fear that David could turn against them in
the battlefield and become their ‘adversary’ (1 Samuel 29:4), or
the ‘adversaries’ such as Hadad and Rezon that God raised up
against Solomon (I Kings 11:14, 23), the term /f*c* in these
contexts may only bear a general nominal sense.

In exploring the metaphysical sense, Kluger identifies four texts

where /f*c* refers to a trans-human personage (Numbers 22:22;
Job 1:6ff. and 2:1ff; Zechariah 3:1ff; and 1 Chronicles 21:1). The
major contributions of Kluger’s work on these texts were both her
proposal of a chronological schema for these four references,
and, the accompanying argument that they show evidence of an
evolutionary development of the Satan-concept within the Old
18
Testament period.

16
Kluger, Satan, 34 – 38.
17
Ibid., 38 – 53.
18
Writing some two decades later, and based on a preferred
view of the dating of individual books of the Hebrew Bible, Peggy L. Day
is not so sure about Kluger’s chronological scheme: “Kluger’s
evolutionary model of a developing Satan concept must be viewed with
extreme caution if not entirely abandoned, because she dates the ass
story significantly earlier than Job 1 – 2, Zechariah 3 and 1 Chronicles 21”
(Day, Adversary, 62).

14
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

19
Numbers 22:22–35
In context, the wilderness narrative has the Israelites camped on
the plains of Moab, causing grave concern to the Moabite king
Balak. To counter the threat of Israelite presence he decides to
send for the Syrian prophet Balaam, to pronounce a curse on
Israel. But God opposes Balaam, and the hwhy Ea^l=m^ (“angel of
the LORD,” a circumlocution for Yahweh) stands blocking the path
with a drawn sword in his hand, as an “adversary,” a /f*c:*
The divine and the human planes meet for the first time in a
most significant way in Num. 22:22. Here it is an angel who
stands in the way of Balaam, the human being, as satan, as
adversary. He is by no means as yet the demonic figure
called “Satan,” but the ma’lak Yahweh, who blocks Balaam’s
path, le-satan-lo, “for an adversary to him.” The term satan
is used here only in apposition to ma’lak Yahweh: he stands
in Balaam’s way as adversary.20
It is important to note that even here “satan” bears no titular
sense; it merely describes the adversarial function of the angel of
Yahweh. At the same time it is significant because it introduces the
21
idea of a celestial figure rising up in opposition to a human being.

19
“The story of Balaam and the ass (Num 22:22 – 35) marks the
first appearance of a nonhuman satan in the Hebrew Bible. In later stories,
Satan is the grand chameleon and assumes many forms. In this account
from the book of Numbers, however, we should still understand the term
“satan” in the lower case. In other words, satan in the Balaam story does
not refer to the Devil, who in pre-Exilic biblical narratives does not yet
exist” (T.J. Wray and Gregory Mobley, The Birth of Satan [New York:
Palgrave Macmillan, 2005], 57).
20
Kluger, Satan, 38.
21
“Kluger identifies Numbers 22 as the locus in which the
profane “Satan concept” was first transposed into the mythical sphere.
That Yahweh could act as a satan was for Kluger the first stage. This same
concept was later transferred to one of the bene Elohim (Job 1 – 2, Zech 3)
and given the status of a mythological personality. Later still (1 Chron 21)

15
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Job 1:6 – 12; 2:1 – 7

The noun /fc occurs most in Job: fourteen times within the
narrative portions of chapters 1 and 2. The Joban “Satan” has a
distinct personality, and this is indicated by the use of the definite
article throughout: /f*C*h^.

Job 1:6 introduces Satan surprisingly as a member of the divine

council: “One day the angels came to present themselves before
the LORD, and [the] Satan also came.” The concept has moved on
from Numbers 22:22 where an “angel of the LORD” took up the
position of an “adversary,” against Balaam, to the Job narrative
where a particular angel is identified as “the Adversary” or the
22
satan.

Nevertheless, he is still a member of the divine council, a “son of

God” (<yh!l)a$h^ yn}B=), and is free to wander on the earth (1:7) as
23
well as to be entertained in the presence of Yahweh. He shows
some signs of hostile independence – charging Yahweh with
showing favouritism towards Job (1:9-11; 2:4-5) – but clearly
cannot act independently of divine approval (1:12; 2:6).

The Joban Satan heavily influences the semantics of the term so

24
that it, henceforth, includes the notion of “an accuser”.
Accusing Job appears to be his most distinct role alongside that of
wreaking destruction on all which that righteous man possessed.

the term satan was divorced from the divine council context and became
the proper name of an independent personality” (Day, Adversary, 62).
22
“Hassatan, it appears, has a special function in the divine
government: to audit human virtue. Hassatan does not seem to be
stirring up trouble on earth – at least not yet – but merely reporting in to
his supervisor” (Wray and Mobely, Birth of Satan, 60).
23
See Kluger, Satan, 39.
24
“Both question and answer, as well as the dialogue which
follows, characterize Satan as that member of the divine council who
watches over human activity, but with the evil purpose of searching out
men’s sins and appearing as their accuser” (“Satan” in The Jewish
Encyclopedia Vol. XI [New York: KTAV, 1969], 68).

16
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

Some have suggested that this idea of a professional accuser

comes from the Persian period, during which the Persian
emperors ran a kind of secret police operation; men in mufti
wandering about the vast empire scrutinizing suspicious
individuals, picking up any hints of seditious activities, and then
25
presenting a legal brief against them. Although this made for an
interesting background explanation, it lacked evidence of fact:
I have searched in vain for evidence to suggest that
professional accusers per se existed in the early Persian
period. While each satrapy had a secretary or secretaries
who communicated directly with the central government,
and therefore were responsible for reporting seditious
activity, I do not think it would be correct to define these
people as professional accusers.26

Despite the fact that later Christian doctrine would persist with
the transliteration of the Hebrew /f*c* as a title for the devil, and
although in both cases the term will carry the notions of
accusation and destruction, the correspondence would seem to
end there. The later concept would emerge only after several
stages of further development:

Although Job 1:1 – 2:10 reveals the most complete portrait

of Satan in the Hebrew Bible, it is clear that this figure is far
from the demonic tempter who would later appear in the
desert to test the spiritual mettle of Jesus in the Gospels.
Hassatan’s function in the Prologue of Job seems merely to
administer tests, to aid the LORD by finding out if mortal
virtue is more than skin deep. Hassatan does not act
without the LORD’s permission, and must play by the
Almighty’s rules.27

25
See, Kluger, Satan, 29–30.
26
Day, Adversary, 42.
27
Wray and Mobley, Birth of Satan, 63.

17
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Nevertheless, the Joban stage marks a very significant point of

development of the concept: the emergence of an entity that wills
28
to act entirely on his own:
Of course the notion of being “tested” or “punished” by God
is not an alien concept in the Bible. But what is wholly
different in this story of testing and misfortune is that God
employs a lieutenant to carry it out. This marks a significant
turning point in our exploration of Satan. We now have
evidence of the satan figure acting on behalf of the deity, but
just one step away from acting alone. For although hassatan
in Job is still featured as a member of the heavenly court, he
also appears to be a somewhat independent figure, roving
the earth, wreaking havoc and disrupting the life of a good
and pious man, and daring to make wagers with the Almighty
himself. There is even a certain arrogance and audacity
associated with this character – and if God is testing Job, one
could just as easily argue that hassatan is testing God.29

Zechariah 3:1 – 7
Zechariah is generally thought to have been written around 520BC,
and may belong to the same milieu as Job. Zechariah 3:1ff brings
the reader to the fourth of eight visions in Zechariah, to catch the
last stages of what may be termed a celestial courtroom drama.
The person being examined is Joshua the High Priest, ostensibly to
establish his suitability as a co-regent in Jerusalem in Zechariah’s
“idealized pictures of a political reality: a future of shared political-
priestly leadership. Israel would be ruled by both a king – from the
30
line of David – and a priest in the LORD’s service.”

28
“The book of Job too describes the satan as a supernatural
messenger, a member of God’s royal court. But while Balaam’s satan
protects him from harm, Job’s satan takes a more adversarial role. Here
the Lord himself admits that the satan incited him to act against Job
(2:3)” (Pagels, Origin of Satan, 41).
29
Wray and Mobley, Birth of Satan, 64.
30
Ibid.

18
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

Like Job, here, Joshua is “accused” or “opposed” by the Satan.

God is obviously well-disposed towards Joshua since “he is a
brand plucked from the fire,” and speaks to declare Joshua’s
31
acceptability to Yahweh despite the accusations of the Satan.

Interestingly the presentation of /f*c* in both books have striking

similarities: he is an angelic being called /f*C*h^, the setting is the
divine council, a human being favoured by God is the subject of
the discussion, the accuser is accusing, and other servants of God
(hwhy Ea^l=m^ “angel of Yahweh” in Zechariah; cf. <yh!l)a$h* yn}B= in
32
Job) are present.

However, there is still much that is unclear. Is the Satan Joshua’s

adversary or Yahweh’s? Is his role within the divine council –
although adversarial – commissioned by Yahweh, or entirely
33
independent of him? Is the fourth vision of Zechariah a pre-

31
“Differing in content, yet the same in form, we find the
concept of Satan in Zech 3:1 ff. Here again Satan stands opposite God.
i.e., the ma’lak Yahweh. Thus, it is not a personality essentially
differentiated from Yahweh who confronts the ma’lak Yahweh, but
rather two aspects of God who confront each other” (Kluger, Satan, 39).
32
“Taken together with the description of hassatan in the book
of Job, the portrait in Zechariah 3 confirms the image we had there:
Hassatan is a member of the divine government with the thankless but
essential job of examining the moral integrity of superficially pious
mortals” (Wray and Mobley, Birth of Satan, 65).
33
See Kluger’s suggestion (Satan, 39) – based on a Jungian
interpretation of personality – that “Satan” is, in the early stages, simply
a dark side of the divine personality: “Differing in content, yet the same
in form, we find the concept of Satan in Zech 3:1 ff. Here again Satan
stands opposite God. i.e. the ma’lak Yahweh. Thus, it is not a personality
essentially differentiated from Yahweh who confronts the ma’lak
Yahweh, but rather two aspects of God who confront each other;” see
also Jeffrey B. Russell, The Devil: Perceptions of Evil from Antiquity to
Primitive Christianity (Ithaca, New York: Cornell University Press, 1977),
177: “Whatever the origins of Hebrew monotheism, the Old Testament
writers had come to identify Yahweh, the god of Israel, with the one God
of the cosmos. Since Yahweh was the one God, he had to be, like the God

19
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Christian version of the law versus grace antithesis; the Satan

representing legalistic Judaism, and the angel of the LORD
representing grace?

Peggy Day has this to say about the latter – law versus grace –
reading of Zechariah 3:1–7:
“Unfortunately I suspect that underlying the interpretation
that the satan of Zechariah 3 represents a strict adherence
to law that is opposed to divine grace is an anti-Judaic
polemic. I would suggest that the satan interpreted as the
champion of the law over grace may present us with a
vestige of the mediaeval notion that equated the devil and
the Jew . . .the widespread belief in mediaeval Christendom
that the Jews were in league with the devil – indeed, were
themselves devils incarnate. Interpreting Zechariah’s satan
as the advocate of strict law over grace is but a more
sophisticated and abstract expression of the old equation of
the devil and the Jew. Zechariah’s satan becomes the
spokesperson of Jewish law as opposed to Christian grace.
The superiority of Christianity is thus affirmed by giving it a
textual basis, while Judaism, represented by the satan, is
pronounced contrary to God’s will. Grace supersedes law as
the way to community salvation.”34

of monism, an “antinomy of inner opposites.” He was both light and

darkness, both good and evil. We are accustomed to thinking of Yahweh
in his creative aspects, but let us now consider his shadow;” also see
Wray and Mobley, Birth of Satan, 51, who similarly find the
psychoanalytical explanation useful: “It is clear that the shift from many
gods to a singular Lord of the Universe gives rise to an existential
frustration among God’s chosen people as they grapple with the reality
of a God who creates both weal and woe. It would appear that, over
time, an exorcism of sorts takes place; the negative aspects of Yhwh are
cast out and assigned to alternate beings, such as the Destroyer (Mashit),
the “smiting angel” (hammal’ak hammashit), and, of course, hassatan.”
34
Day, Adversary, 125.

20
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

The portrait of Satan in Zechariah receives new shades and

nuances of personality, while retaining the characteristic
ambiguity found in the Old Testament accounts of the Satan-
figure. Jeffrey Russell explores the implications of Satan’s
appearance in Zechariah:
Here is a supernatural being who not only acts as an obstructor,
but whose nature and name are those of an obstructor. Next,
this being shows himself in overt hostile opposition to at least
one man, for the adversary stands before the God to accuse
Joshua. Satan appears here in the specific sense of an accuser, a
sense broadly accepted in Apocalyptic Judaism and Christianity
owing to the connotations of the Greek diabolos. There is a hint
of Satan’s opposition to Yahweh as well as to human beings, for
the God reproaches him for his activities. Yet Satan appears
merely to be punishing Joshua for his sins; rather than having
any malicious intent, he may simply have failed to understand
35
that Yahweh intended to be merciful.

Wray and Mobley suggest that with his appearance in Zechariah

as the accuser, Satan is well on his way to becoming the classic
enemy of God:
Or is this more than intramural sparring, more than the
inevitable but provisional residue of an adversarial hearing?
Indeed, the genesis of a cosmic separation of powers? If the
latter is the case, then we have – for the first time in the
Hebrew Bible – hassatan acting as God’s opponent in a forensic
setting. And although Satan is not yet a fully developed,
independent being in Zechariah 3, we can see the beginnings of
what would later become the perennial confrontation between
36
Satan and God.

1 Chronicles 21:1
This final Old Testament text under consideration may well be
also the most controversial in terms of our view of the
development of the concept of Satan.

35
Russell, The Devil, 190 – 191.
36
Wray and Mobley, Birth of Satan, 66.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

The books of Chronicles were, with little dispute, the latest

37
among the canonical writings. In any case it is chronologically
the last, compared to Numbers, Job, and Zechariah, whatever
may be their sequence. In addition to its chronological position
Chronicles is unique in that it is in fact a commentary on other
canonical books written much earlier: 2 Samuel and 1 & 2 Kings.

To make matters, for our subject, wildly more interesting,

1 Chronicles 21:1 directly parallels a text in 2 Samuel 24:1. Both
are describing David’s punishable offence of commissioning a
census, but whereas the earlier text (1 Samuel 24:1) attributes
this misjudgment in part to Yahweh (“Again the anger of the
LORD burned against Israel, and he incited David against them
saying, “Go and take a census of Israel and Judah” ESV), the later
rendition (1 Chronicles 21:1) offers a different agent provocateur:
“Satan rose up against Israel [la@r`c=y]-lu^ /f*c* dm)u&Y~w~]and incited
David to take a census of Israel” ESV)!

Assuming an evolutionary development, Kluger first notes that in

this text, the previously regular definite noun /f*C*h^ is rendered
without an article. Given (as we know) that at the end of the
trajectory Satan has become a proper name, she probably reads
this back to interpret its use here as the earliest and only
canonical use of “Satan” as a proper noun in the Hebrew Bible:
“Here Satan is an independent personality, who in a particular
38
function appears instead of God.” Her argument is that by
1 Chronicles 21 we have the most mature notion of the Satan-
concept (and, we might add, if so the closest depiction to his
appearance in the New Testament):

37
Proposed dates range from the late-sixth century to the third
century BC. The Chronicles are thought to be contemporaneous with
Ezra-Nehemiah. Some scholars though, would argue that Daniel was
written last; between 168 and 164 BC.
38
Kluger, Satan, 39;

22
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

Satan is divested of his character as a divine function. He no

longer appears, as in the book of Job, as part of the divine
court; he is an independent figure, apparently separated
from God, who no longer stands in dialectic confrontation
with God or his angel, as in Job and Zechariah.39

Kluger’s assertions, while plausible, are not without inherent

exegetical weaknesses. First, while the indefinite noun /f*c* allows
for it to be rendered as “Satan,” a proper name, it can equally be
read as “a satan” or better still, “an adversary” bearing the
“profane” meaning Kluger detects in at least six other texts. If this
were the case then the writer of the Chronicles is merely
reassigning the blame, for instigating the census, away from
Yahweh to an unspecified agent (the apparent ambiguity then
allows for either a human or celestial adversary-figure). This is the
40
gist of Peggy Day’s counter-argument. She avers that the
earliest use of Satan as a proper name may be definitively fixed
only from the second century BC:
To sum up our findings thus far, we have seen that there is
no evidence to support reading satan as a proper name in
Chronicles. Recent research into the composition of
Chronicles-Ezra-Nehemiah suggests a redactional history

39
Kluger, Satan, 155; Sacchi, Jewish Apocalyptic, 222, adopts
the same reasoning (as most Bible translators imply when they render
the noun, “Satan”): “Towards the end of the Persian period his figure
appears again in the first book of Chronicles (21:1), where his name has
already become a proper name. It has lost the article, and from ‘the
satan’ has turned into ‘Satan’ with a capital ‘S’.” Wray and Mobley, Birth
of Satan, 67 – 68, follow the same logic, albeit more dramatically(!): “It is
as if Satan is stepping from the shadowy ranks of the heavenly host at
the back of the stage, chanting their “Holy, Holy, Holies,” to emerge front
and center as a character in his own right. Satan – no longer God’s lackey
as in the book of Job – stands alone in Chronicles, acting apart from the
divine council.”
40
See, Day, Adversary, 144–145; for the same position see
Alden Lloyd Thompson, Responsibility for Evil in the Theodicy of IV Ezra
(Missoula, Montana: Scholars Press, 1977), 37–38.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

which would date 1 Chr 21:1 – 22:1 between 520 and 400
B.C.E., yet the earliest clear evidence for understanding
satan as a proper name comes from the second century.41

A second weakness in Kluger’s otherwise creative discussion

follows from the above. The Chronicler’s only use of the indefinite
noun /f*c* simply strains under the weight of meaning Kluger
assigns to it. With little substantial evidence Kluger asserts from
1 Chronicles 21:1 that Satan is:
a. Divested of his character as a divine function
b. No longer a part of the divine court
c. An independent figure apparently separated from God
42
d. No longer in dialectic confrontation with God

Peggy Day goes on to note that in 1 Chronicles 21:15 – 30 there is

another celestial figure, the hw`hy+ Ea^l=m^, holding a drawn sword,
much like the “angel of Yahweh” in Numbers 22. She, therefore,
proposes two different “satans” or adversaries of David and
Jerusalem:

In effect 1 Chronicles 21 speaks of two celestial satans; the

first is an unspecified accuser who brings a complaint
against Israel to the heavenly tribunal, and the second is the
messenger dispatched as a consequence of Yahweh’s
wrath.43

We may, however, venture that Peggy Day may be far too

sweepingly dismissive (on the basis of her admissible arguments
regarding 1 Chronicles 21:1) to deny the existence of a shadowy
Satan figure in the entire Old Testament. She is certainly
inaccurate to claim that Satan’s “fundamental purpose and
nature” has no foundation in any of the biblical satan texts:

41
Day, Adversary, 141 – 142.
42
Ibid.
43
Ibid., 145.

24
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

If there is no Satan in 1 Chronicles 21 then there is no Satan

in the Hebrew Bible, hence to talk about a profane Satan
concept is, within the context of the Hebrew Bible texts that
use the term satan, anachronistic. In heaven as on earth,
the term satan has neither a single meaning nor a sole
referent. And when Satan as it were materializes as an
independent personality the traits attributed to him
definitely include reflections of and implications drawn from
certain of the texts that employ the noun satan, but what
we might call Satan’s fundamental purpose and nature was
not derived from any of the biblical satan texts.44

Summary on Satan in the Old Testament

Our exploration of the relevant texts in the Hebrew Bible at the
least confirms that the etymology of “Satan” shows its roots in
the Hebrew noun /f*c* which commonly spoke of any opponent,
adversary or accuser, but sometimes was descriptive of little-
known celestial figures that showed up in crisis situations on
earth, or more likely in heavenly council-scenes.

We are also able to confirm that the ancient texts do not provide
any indication of the well-defined, independent personality and
epitome of evil that we encounter more naturally within the
writings of Paul and the later New Testament.

The biblical doctrine as a whole then shows a clear development

of the Satan-concept from a general noun to the proper name of
an imposing figure. Our interest has been to ascertain if the Old
Testament evinces a stage in that development, and the study
above makes it difficult to deny that some of the key
characteristics of Satan – adversary of God, accuser of humans,
destroyer and source of misfortune – begin to emerge within the
pages of the Hebrew Bible, albeit in sketchy and tenuous forms.

44
Ibid., 62–63.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Some scholars, however, deny the Old Testament any substantial

part in the formation of the Satan concept, and prefer to view it
entirely as a foreign import from cultures that impinged on the
45
Israelites during the Exile. But this either-or approach is not
necessary; it is plausible that the later doctrine of Satan emerged
both from its infancy in the Hebrew scriptures, as well as from the
radical and accelerated shaping it received during the tumultuous
46
and dynamic period of Second Temple Judaism. It is to an
investigation of the latter that we now turn.

45
“Without the fundamental notion of a semi-autonomous
archfiend who wields the forces of evil against God’s will and to the
detriment of all humankind, there is no Satan. As many before me have
said, this notion seems not to have been an organic product of home-
grown Israelite speculation, but rather was borrowed from Zoroastrianism
and grafted onto certain branches of early Judaic thought. If this was
indeed the case, then to speak of the development of a concept prior to its
introduction is ludicrous. The notion may be said to have evolved on its
own soil and within its own thought world, and may be said to evolve in
Judeo-Christian thought after its introduction, but it cannot be said to have
developed in Israel prior to the time that it was introduced into the biblical
stream of consciousness” (Day, Adversary, 63).
46
““Satan” originally was a title of the prosecutor in Yahweh’s
heavenly court (e.g., Job 1,6), but in the post-exilic period he also becomes
the head of the wicked forces opposing God. He is the same as Mastema in
Jubilees 10, 8-11, a name also found in CD 16, 5. The name Satan does not
occur in the Qumran scrolls, however, except in three broken contexts in
which it may well be simply the common “adversary”, so it is not clear that
Satan is identified with Belial at Qumran. On the other hand, the Book of
Jubilees seems to identify Satana not only with Mastema (10, 8-11) but
also with Belial (1, 20; 15, 33). In the New Testament the figure of Satan is
well developed . . . Thus, it is clear that certain strands of the devil tradition
continued to circulate separately and did not necessarily coalesce, at least
in some circles of Judaism. Nevertheless, there seems to be a unified
tradition bringing together many or all the elements by the first century C.
E. in some Jewish circles.” Footnote No. 12 in Lester L. Grabbe, “The
Scapegoat Tradition: A Study in Early Jewish Interpretation,” Journal for the
Study of Judaism Vol. XVIII, no. 2 (1987), 158.

26
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

The Emergence of Satan within the Second Temple Period

For the most part of Christian history, the period between the Old
and New Testaments were referred to as “the four hundred silent
years”. Today, we know that those years were neither four
hundred, nor silent! The discovery of the Dead Sea Scrolls in
1947, together with the burgeoning interest in the Apocrypha,
Pseudepigrapha, and the vast corpus of related “Greco-Roman
writings from the Diaspora,” have opened new avenues (over the
last five decades or so), to understand more deeply the social,
political, and philosophical environment of post-Exilic, or Second-
47
Temple, Israelite religion – now more commonly termed Early
48
Judaism.

The Chronological and Cultural parameters of Second Temple

Judaism
This period gets its name from the events that transpired during
the second half of the sixth century BC, when, following the
return from Exile, the Judahites rebuilt the Temple of Solomon
49
under the leadership of Zerubbabel and Joshua. The dedication

47
See John J. Collins and Daniel C. Harlow ed., Early Judaism
(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2012), vii.
48
“For German scholars of the nineteenth and early and mid-
twentieth century, such as Emil Schϋrer and Wilhelm Bousset, this was
Spätjudentum, “Late Judaism.” The “lateness” was relative to the
teaching of the prophets, and bespoke decline as well as chronological
sequence. The decline reached its nadir in rabbinic Judaism, understood
as a religion of the Law. After the Holocaust, this way of characterizing
ancient Judaism was widely (but not universally) recognized as not only
offensive but dangerous. It was also inaccurate. On any reckoning, the
history of Judaism since the Roman period is longer than the preceding
history. Moreover, it is now increasingly apparent that the religion of
ancient Israel and Judah before the Babylonian conquest was
significantly different from the “Judaism” that emerged after the Exile”
(Collins and Harlow, Early Judaism, 1).
49
“Typically, scholars of Israelite history assign the dates of
1800 to 450 B.C.E. as the Biblical period, and 520 B.C.E. to 70 C.E. as the
overlapping designation for the Second Temple period. In addition,

27
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

of the Second Temple, following the prophet Haggai’s urgent

promptings to complete its reconstruction, took place in 516 BC.

Thereafter, it suffered desecration at the hands of the Seleucid

emperor Antiochus IV in 167 BC, and had to be rededicated by
Judas Maccabaeus in 164 BC. Again in 20 BC, Herod the Great
commenced a massive restoration, beautification, and expansion
programme on the Temple which would only be finalized in 64 AD.
By this stage, the material glory of the Second Temple had far
surpassed that of Solomon’s Temple, and had gained iconic status
within the Roman Empire. This, though, would be short-lived.

With the commencement of the First Jewish War in 66 AD, the

Roman army led by Vespasian laid siege to Jerusalem. Although
the latter had to urgently return to Rome to be crowned,
following Emperor Nero’s suicide, Vespasian’s son, Titus,
continued the campaign. Finally, after sufficiently starving out the
Jerusalemites, by 70 AD, Titus’ soldiers invaded the city. They had
express orders to preserve the Temple as a trophy for the
emperor, but for reasons that are unclear the Romans stormed
the Temple, looted its treasures, and set fire to it. Thus, the
historic institution of the Jewish temple in Jerusalem was brought
to a violent and tragic end.

Nevertheless when discussing this era, it is better to view it more

50
as a cultural phenomenon than a mere historical timeframe.

Hellenistic Judaism typically refers to the period between 300 B.C.E. to

200 C.E.” (Jeff Anderson, The Internal Diversification of Second Temple
Judaism [Maryland: University Press of America, 2002], 3:).
50
The limits of this period are understood variously; extending
from as early as 538 BC to as late as 135 AD. But see Collins and Harlow
Early Judaism, 2: “The conquests of Alexander are taken as the terminus
a quo, on the grounds that they mark a major cultural transition. Several
extant postbiblical Jewish writings date from the third or early second
century B.C.E., prior to the Maccabean Revolt, which has often served as a
marker for a new era . . . The reign of Hadrian (117 – 138 C.E.) and the Bar
Kokhba Revolt (132 – 135 C.E.) are taken to mark the end of an era.” Also

28
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

The irreversible effects of Alexander’s Hellenization programme,

independent kingdom of Judah under Hasmonean rule, and the
accommodations to Roman hegemony that began in the second
half of the first century BC, all contributed to provide a particular
context within which Judaism had to reinvent itself following the
cataclysmic events of 586 BC and the experience of exile. And, it is
the specific reshaping of Judaism during these centuries that
gives to the Second Temple Period its most enduring importance,
particularly as the threshold across which Christianity emerged.
Consequently, for our purposes, the narrower period from the
reign of Alexander to the destruction of the Temple (333 BC – 70
AD) will be made the focus of our enquiry.

The Literary Witness to Beliefs within Early Judaism

Until the twentieth century our understanding of what was
believed within early Judaism was limited to the information that
could have been gleaned from the canonical writings (including
the Apocrypha). And, considering the chronological gap between
the testaments and the paucity of epigraphic information, the
reasons for the significantly different religious environment,
symbols, and ideas found in the New Testament could at best
only have been a matter of speculation.

The situation has of course changed dramatically over the last

hundred years with the discovery and painstaking translations of
hundreds of Jewish documents that had originated from the
51
Second Temple period. Through this new-found window we are

see Anderson, Internal Diversification, 3: “While all designations for the

period are ultimately artificial, the preference here will be to speak of
the Second Temple period or the Second Commonwealth. Such a
designation avoids confessional rhetoric and has definable beginning and
end dates, since the second temple was completed in 515 B.C.E. and later
destroyed in 70 C.E.”
51
“If we ignore for the moment the contents of what is called
the pseudepigraphical literature (those ancient writings that are not part
of the Bible or Apocrypha), the contents of the Dead Sea Scrolls from the
Jordan Valley, the Nag Hammadi library from the Nile Valley, as well as

29
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

able to apprehend with greater certainty the ideas that had most
currency between the rise of Alexander the Great and the Fall of
52
Jerusalem.

In addition to the Hebrew Bible, three other major literary

witnesses now exist to guide us in our reconstruction of early
Judaism: the Apocrypha, the corpus classified as Pseudepigrapha,
and the Dead Sea Scrolls. And, relevant to our enquiry, all these
bodies of literature provide rich insights to Jewish
conceptualizations of evil and Satan in the period leading up to
the writings of Paul.

The Apocrypha: Meaning “the hidden things (books),” the

Apocrypha refers to a collection of Jewish writings that were not
found within the corpus of the Hebrew Bible. This collection is
understood variously within the different religious traditions
today; Jewish, Christian Orthodox, Roman Catholic, and
53
Protestant. However, for the purposes of our study a particular

the myriad documents preserved in translated form in Ethipic, Old

Church Slavonic, Greek, Coptic, Aramaic, and Latin, we must marvel as
the sheer quantity of religious literature produced between 200 B.C.E.
and 200 C.E.” (Wray and Mobley, Birth of Satan, 96–97).
52
“Thanks to the hard work of countless archeologists who
have unearthed great caches of ancient libraries and the painstaking
research of contemporary philologists, we have a more complete picture
of the fractious, unruly, and creative period that produced Judaism and
Christianity” (See Ibid., 96).
53
See Collins and Harlow, Early Judaism, 179–191. Which
books comprise the Apocrypha, their status with regard to canon, and
relative merits for religious use and spiritual edification, have been
matters of serious debate and dispute for much of Christian history,
going back at least to Jerome and the Vulgate Bible. In fact Jerome and
his contemporaries were ambivalent about their value, with some
recognizing them as useful reading and other eschewing them
altogether. While the Protestant Reformers did not discard the
Apocrypha, there was a great divergence of opinion regarding their
status, with some Reformers levelling sharp criticisms against some
books. The Roman Catholic Church reacted to the latter via the first

30
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

understanding of “Apocrypha” – as referring to the books found

in the Septuagint but absent from the Hebrew Bible – will be
sufficient. Based on the three most important Greek codices
(Sinaiticus, Vaticanus and Alexandrinus) a maximum of fifteen
54
books may be identified as “the Apocrypha”. The LXX emerged
during the third to second centuries BC from within Alexandrian
55
Judaism, and so the diabology reflected within the corpus of its
“apocryphal books” will potentially be significant to our
understanding of how the doctrine of Satan developed.

The Pseudepigrapha: This refers to a vast (and expanding) corpus

of writings, which are mostly dated to the period between 200 BC
– 200 AD. The term literarily means “books that are falsely
ascribed,” and on this basis some scholars assert that even some
books in the Hebrew Bible (Deuteronomy, Proverbs, Qoheleth,
Daniel and some Davidic Psalms) are “arguably
56
pseudepigrapha”! Nevertheless the general designation today is
to books that are outside of canon, but may not necessarily be

Council of Trent in 1546 and “pronounced a curse against any who were
not prepared to recognize all those books contained in the Latin Vulgate
Bible” (p.180). Its preference was to call the Apocrypha by the term
“Deuterocanonical Books” and use the former term to designate the
books usually called “Pseudepigrapha”!
54
Here the Apocrypha consists of: Greek Esther, Tobit, Judith, 1
Maccabees, 2 Maccabees, 3 Maccabees, 4 Maccabees, Wisdom of
Solomon, Sirach, Psalms of Solomon, 1 Baruch, Epistle of Jeremiah,
Susannah, Bel and the Dragon, Psalms and Odes (including the Prayer of
Manasseh). See Collins and Harlow, Early Judaism, 183.
55
“Unlike the nebulous situation regarding early Aramaic
translations, the probability is strong that the Jewish community in
Alexandria had translated the Torah into Greek during the third century
B.C.E. . . .in the last third of the second century Ben Sira’s grandson
translated his grandfather’s work and only casually mentions the
translation of the Torah and the Prophets and other books, which
suggests that those translations were not recent but had become widely
known”(Collins and Harlow, Early Judaism, 128).
56
See Collins and Harlow, Early Judaism, 191.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

falsely ascribed. James H Charlesworth, in his monumental two-

volume work, The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, includes sixty-
three such writings, and advances the following criteria for the
classification:
The present description of the Pseudepigrapha is as follows:
Those writings 1) that, with the exception of Ahiqar, are
Jewish and Christian; 2) that are often attributed to ideal
figures in Israel’s past; 3) that customarily claim to contain
God’s word or message; 4) that frequently build upon ideas
and narratives present in the Old Testament; 5) and that
almost always were composed either during the period 200
B.C. to A.D. 200 or, though late, apparently preserve, albeit
in an edited form, Jewish traditions that date from that
period.”57
Since our enquiry is limited to, the conceptualizations of
Satan within Second Temple Judaism and until the emergence
of the Pauline corpus, the pseudepigraphal writings we refer
to will only be those that are established to have been
composed no later than the early first century AD.58

The Dead Sea Scrolls: The chance find by a young Bedouin

shepherd, in 1946 or 1947, of a cave with ancient manuscripts,
would led to the unravelling of the greatest and most fascinating
archaeological discovery of epigraphic material of the twentieth
59
century. By 1956 a total of eleven caves had been discovered in
the region of Khirbet Qumran on the north-western shore of the
Dead Sea, and together they had yielded complete scrolls or
partial representations of over 800 original documents now

57
James H Charlesworth, The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha
Volumes 1 and 2 (Massachusetts: Hendrickson, 2013), xxv.
58
The Pauline corpus may be safely assigned to the period 49–64 AD.
59
“The manuscript find has been hailed as the greatest
archaeological discovery of the twentieth century,” Frederick J Murphy,
Apocalypticism in the Bible and Its World (Michigan: Baker Academic,
2012), 197.

32
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

60
famously called the Dead Sea Scrolls. The DSS is without parallel
in its importance, and have in one move paved the way for a
complete reassessment of what had previously been largely
assumed about the pre-Christian history of canonical texts, the
61
Apocrypha, and pseudepigraphal writings. Vermes proposes
that “Qumran’s greatest novelty” would likely be the radical
undermining of the previously-held view that ancient Judaism
was a monolithic literary-religious system:
The Dead Sea Scrolls have afforded for the first time direct
insight into the creative literary-religious process at work
within the variegated Judaism which flourished during the
last two centuries of quasi-national independence, before
the catastrophe of 70 CE forced the rabbinic successors of

60
In Cave 4 alone Emmanuel Tov, in 1992, had catalogued 575
titles (p.10). See Geza Vermes, The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls in English
(London: Penguin, 2011), 1 – 12; For an updated figure, however, also
see Collins and Harlow, Early Judaism, 206: “The present inventory of the
Dead Sea Scrolls lists around 930 items. In most cases one item
corresponds to one manuscript, but in view of the many unidentified
fragments that have not been included in the lists, it is plausible that the
material known to us, stem from more than a thousand different
manuscripts.” (emphasis added)
61
“The uniqueness of the Qumran discovery was due to the
fact that with the possible exception of the Nash papyrus . . . no Jewish
text in Hebrew or Aramaic written on perishable material could
previously be traced to the pre-Christian period;” Collins and Harlow,
Early Judaism, 204: “The importance of the Dead Sea Scrolls for the
history of Judaism lies in the combination of the size, the antiquity, and
the nature of the corpus. The scrolls are by far the largest collection of
Jewish religious texts from the Second Temple period, preserving
fragments of more than a hundred different religious compositions, most
of which were hitherto unknown. For many different aspects of Judaism,
the Dead Sea Scrolls provide the first literary evidence. Thus, for
example, the corpus contains the oldest Hebrew and Greek biblical
manuscripts, the first Aramaic translations of biblical books, the oldest
tefillin, the earliest liturgies for fixed prayers, the oldest non-biblical
halakic works, as well as the oldest exorcistic prayers” (Vermes,
Complete Dead Sea Scrolls, 15).

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

the Pharisees to attempt to create an ‘orthodoxy’ by

reducing dangerous multiplicity to simple, tidy and easily
controllable unity.62

For our purposes any allusions or references, or the evidence of a

more systemized understanding of evil and its manifestations in
the DSS, would be invaluable to help piece together
conceptualizations of Satan in the ferment of Second Temple
63
Judaism.

Aliases for Satan and Permutations of Diabology in the Second

Temple Literature
If the Hebrew Bible yielded only a shadowy and tenuous
apparition of a diabolical archfiend, the writings of the Second
64
Temple period “suddenly shifts into overdrive” and present the
uninitiated reader with bewildering permutations of the notion of
evil; its origin, manifestation, and influence on humankind.
Nothing is ‘fixed’ at this stage. Within the overarching
monotheism and covenantal theology of adherence to Torah,
65
Second Temple Judaism became thoroughly plural.

One contributing factor was the perpetual social and political

instability of the Jews all the way from the conquest of Alexander

62
Vermes, Complete Dead Sea Scrolls, 23–24.
63
Since the bulk of the material pre-dates the era of Christian
writings; Vermes, Complete Dead Sea Scrolls, 14: “In sum, the general
scholarly view today places the Qumran Scrolls roughly between 200 BCE
and 70 CE, with a small portion of the texts possibly stretching back to
the third century BCE, and the bulk of the extant material dating to the
first century BCE, i.e. Late Hasmonean or Early Herodian in the jargon of
the paleographers.”
64
Wray and Mobley, Birth of Satan, 95.
65
There were some uniform markers of Jewish identity of
course: monotheism, observance of the Sabbath, unique dietary habits,
and circumcision. Nevertheless, “what flourished in the Second Temple
Period was not a single, fixed, “normative” Judaism, but a developing,
evolving religion.” See Anderson, Internal Diversification, 5.

34
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

to the Fall of Jerusalem, and the Bar Kochba Revolt. This era was
distinctively marked by the political intrigues of the religious
leaders of the Jews, as one faction or the other attempted to
manoeuvre its way to gain favour with the powers of the time.
The resulting alienation and repeated fracturing of segments of
the community intensified the diversity of Jewish identity, along
with the diversity of the interpretation of the Hebrew Scriptures.

Significant diversity of religious outlook had already been

thoroughly woven into the matrix of Second Temple Judaism
because it emerged through the coming-together of three major
religio-cultural strands of Judaism that had developed during, and
well-after, the period of the Exile. The Babylonian exile had
resulted in the formation of large communities of Judahites in
three regions: those that had remained in the land represented
Palestinian Judaism; those who had been exiled represented
Babylonian (and Persian) Judaism; and those who had fled to
Egypt during the turbulent periods of economic deprivation, war
66
and exile, constituted Alexandrian Judaism.

It is inevitable then, that conceptualizations of Satan and views

about evil would be diverse. The first factor that strikes the
enquirer in this regard is the lack of uniformity in the designation
of Satan. The literature evinces a long list of aliases for the enemy
of God and His people. In addition to the sparing use of the
Hebrew “Satan,” he is variously called Diabolos, Beliar/Belial,
Sammael, Azazel, Mastema, Malkiresha, Semyaza/Samyaz, and
Satanael/Satanail. And, these names are by no means spread
uniformly; specific literatures adopt one or more of these names
as the standard designation of Satan. So for example, the LXX
(including the deuterocanonical books) favours Diabolos, 1 Enoch

66
All three communities claimed some sort of superiority. The
Palestinian Jews claimed priority for having lived “in the Land,” the
Babylonian returnees claimed priority by their genealogy, and the
Alexandrian Jews could appeal to sheer numbers, having over 200,000 in
that city alone. See Anderson, Internal Diversification, 63ff.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

simultaneously speaks of Semyaza, Satanael, and Azazel, the

Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs use Beliar/Belial, Jubilees
refers to Mastema, and the Dead Sea Scrolls, Beliar/Belial and
67
Melkiresha.

The Apocrypha, like the Hebrew Bible, shows the least interest in
diabology. With “a satan” appearing just once in Sirach
(Ecclesiasticus) 21:27 (“When an ungodly person curses an
adversary, he curses himself”), and diabolos (“devil)” being used
only in 1 Maccabees 1:36 (“an evil adversary of Israel at all
times”), and Wisdom of Solomon 2:24 (“but through the devil’s
envy death entered the world”), the paucity of references to the
personification of evil within the ferment of the period is
remarkable. What accounts for this disinterest, particularly when
the contemporary literature – from the third century BC to the
first century AD – presented such elaborate ideas about Satan?
One possibility is that the books that were later recognized as
“apocryphal” belonged to a stream of tradition that eschewed the
growing speculations on the demonic; in contrast to other
68
traditions that followed quite different trajectories.

67
“So the Devil goes by many names in this period . . . Although
the names may differ, the Prince of Demons’ function remains the same.
His role, regardless of the epithet preferred by a particular author, is a
subversive one.” Wray and Mobley, Birth of Satan, 108.
68
See for example Alden Lloyd Thompson, Responsibility for
Evil in the Theodicy of IV Ezra (Missoula, Montana: Scholars Press, 1977),
39 – 40: “The late OT hints of a dualistic solution to the problem of evil
were destined neither for an immediate nor total triumph, at least not
within Judaism proper. There is evidence of a struggle to maintain a
more purely monotheistic solution to the problem. This reaction is
evident in Ecclesiasticus 21:27: “When an ungodly man curses his
adversary he curses his own soul.” This passage properly belongs to a
discussion of the evil yetzer, but it definitely represents some sort of
polemic against the tendency to posit an external tempter who might
diminish man’s personal responsibility.”

36
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

By and large the literature of this period has much to say about
Satan. In fact one might argue that the devil as we know him
69
really manifests here. He emerges as an independent individual
of some importance, surrounded and supported by a plurality of
similar beings, together functioning as a “parallel kingdom”
whose highest agenda is to frustrate the will of God in the affairs
of humanity:
The devil has therefore changed from being the
metaphysical principle of evil to the head of a kind of
kingdom, parallel to that of God, to whom God actually
assigns as subjects the souls of the giants, that is, the evil
spirits. The kingdom of evil is unified and made
contemporary to humans.70

Despite the vast corpus of literature from the period, our

investigation limits us both by subject (those that make any
significant reference to Satan) and by chronology (those that
may, with some confidence, be assigned to pre-date Paul). Given
these factors, in addition to the DSS, we can identify the following
pseudepigraphal texts as promising for our research:

1 Enoch: Classified as an apocalyptic writing, 1 Enoch is a

composite work of 107 chapters made of five “books” (possibly
71
modelled after the Torah, the Psalms and the Megilloth) : The
Book of the Watchers (1–36), the Book of the Similitudes (37–71),

69
“This turbulent period also marks the adolescence of Satan.
In previous chapters we glimpsed only snapshots of the Devil’s infancy,
usually only in the background of group photos from the Hebrew Bible
where the central focus was on another subject altogether. In the
Intertestamental Period, however, Satan acquires articulation and
definition; the Devil comes of age and begins to act independently, apart
from the divine court. Satan now has his own agenda and his own band
of cosmic lackeys”( Wray and Mobley, Birth of Satan, 96).
70
Sacchi, Jewish Apocalyptic, 225.
71
See Anderson, Internal Diversification, 161 – 182; Sacchi,
Apocalypticism, 211 – 212, makes the interesting suggestion that 1 Enoch
in turn is derived from The Book of Noah, which is dated back to 500 BC.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

the Book of Astronomical Writings (72–82), the Book of Dream

Visions (83–90), the Book of the Epistle of Enoch (91–107). The
sections were composed in different periods, but some parts of
1 Enoch, such as The Book of Watchers, go back to the third
72
century BC. The importance of this writing cannot be
overstated. In addition to its antiquity, 1 Enoch is also the
fountainhead of a completely alternative, but orthodox, Jewish
73
narrative of the origin and nature of evil in the universe. The
74
thesis of “the Watchers” – first innovated in 1 Enoch – becomes
the basis for discussions about Satan and evil in other subsequent
75
writings.

72
See the discussion in Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha I: 5 – 12.
73
Anderson, Internal Diversification, 110 – 111: “The
preponderance of literary evidence would indicate that Enochic Judaism
was extremely popular in the late Second Temple period. Beliefs in the
super-human origins of evil, the freedom of these and all beings to rebel,
and the freedom of God to deliver the world from such rebellion were
the philosophical pillars of this alternative ways of thinking.”
74
Although see Sacchi, Apocalypticism, 212, who argues that
the diabology in 1 Enoch comes from the earlier Book of Noah: “The text
narrated in Hebrew how some angels, some generations before the
Flood, in the time of Jared, fell in love with women and descended to
earth to marry them, with disastrous consequences for humanity, this
event being the cause of the Flood . . . The group of angels which leaves
heaven for earth has as its head one sometimes called Asa’el and
sometimes Semeyaza, later confused in the Greek and Ethiopic
translations with Azazel . . .What is important is that in this account there
is a head of the rebel angels, whose rebellion caused great ruin for
humanity, because it was the cause of the Flood. This head of the rebels
is the first, dim image of the devil.”
75
Contrary to previous scholarly consensus that Second
Temple Judaism was uniformly Torah-centric, the “Enoch tradition”
attests to an alternate way of being Jewish; one less dependent on
externals such as Torah and cult, and grounded more in revelation-
knowledge, the immediate and the individual. On this, see Murphy,
Apocalypticism, 126 – 127: “Numerous scholars have noticed that the
Enoch literature does not put much stress on Torah. It may represent a

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 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

Jubilees: Also called “Little Genesis” because Jubilees is a retelling

of Genesis 1 – Exodus 12, which in turn was believed to have
been revealed to Moses on Mount Sinai where he spent the forty
days mentioned in Exodus 24:18. The work is dated to go as far
back as to the mid-second century BC, and recognized to be of
complex genre with affinities to, “history, testament, apocalyptic,
76
ritual law, and chronology!” The writer was well acquainted
with 1 Enoch and the story of the Watchers, and makes extensive
77
reference to evil powers in the world.

The Testaments of the Twelve: Here we are into more debatable

dating, because scholars differ on whether this work falls entirely
within a Christian provenance, or whether it was originally a
Jewish work predating Christianity, which was later shaped by
78
Christian redaction. Charlesworth has no doubt that it could not
have “been composed by anyone other than a hellenized Jew,”
and discusses a date between the completion of the Septuagint
79
(250 BC) and the reign of John Hyrcanus (137 – 107 BC). The
Testaments is a compendium of the “last words” of each of the
Twelve Patriarchs individually made just prior to their death (on
the pattern of Jacob’s last words in Genesis 49), but with a special

Judaism not fully consonant with what we think as mainstream, centered

on Torah and priesthood. The discussion is ongoing and has not resulted
in consensus . . .The lack of mention of the larger story centered on Sinai
stands in stark contrast with other Jewish apocalypses as well as the
literature of the apocalyptic community of Qumran. The religion of the
Enoch literature is Jewish, but it is not Mosaic. It is covenantal, but the
laws on which it is built are not those of Torah but are broader, rooted in
the universe as a whole. One can compare it to the wisdom tradition in
its relative lack of interest in the Sinai covenant and the particular history
of Israel.”
76
See the discussion in Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha II: 35 – 50.
77
See Thompson, Responsibility for Evil, 40: “One of the
sources which is permeated with evil spirits, led by Satan (Mastema), is
Jubilees;”
78
See Murphy, Apocalypticism, 192.
79
Pseudepigrapha, 777 – 778.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

emphasis on the significance of the tribes of Levi and Judah, the

founders of the priestly and kingly traditions in Israel. This text,
too, shows a major interest in the demonic, with Satan most
80
commonly being called “Beliar.” The cumulative result of the
multiple references to the demonic in the Testaments is that it
significantly advanced Jewish conceptualizations of Satan:
In this work earlier ambiguities about the relation between
God and the tempter are resolved: the boundary between
good and evil is clear. The devil is entirely extraneous to
God; his will is inimical to God. “You must hold fast to the
will of God and reject that of Belial” (T. Naph. 3.1). “God is
Light, Belial is Darkness” (T. Jos. 20.2). The two kingdoms
have clearly separate locales and, more than being merely
distinct are opposed.81

The Testament of Job: While resembling the “form and purpose of

the better-known Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, this
elaborates on the biblical narrative. It is indisputably Jewish, and
dated to the first century BC. Following the tradition of the
biblical book, it only uses “Satan” as the title for Job’s tormentor.

Life of Adam and Eve: Produced between 100 BC and 100 AD, this
work tells a story of Adam’s fatal illness, and how he instructs Eve
and Seth to return to Eden and get him the oil of healing from the
tree of life. Seth is attacked by an animal, and an angel informs
that the healing oil will only be available at the end of time. The
tradition about the original “Fall” that eventually persisted into
Christian theology – Adam, Eve and the Serpent – is reiterated in
this book. It also only uses “Satan” as a proper name for the
enemy of God.

80
“Another source which is permeated with a vast demonology
is the Testaments. Beliar is the head of the evil spirits, and either he or
his cohorts are mentioned in every one of the twelve testaments”
(Thompson, Responsibility for Evil, 45).
81
Sacchi, Apocalypticism, 227.

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 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

Lives of the Prophets: Dated with a degree of probability to the

first quarter of the first century AD, the Lives of the Prophets also
provide added insight into the development of the Satan doctrine
82
in Second Temple Judaism preceding Paul. Lives of the Prophets
prefers the name “Beliar” for personified evil.

In what follows we shall attempt to bring together the extant

references to the figure of Satan, and explore the most likely
underlying beliefs about personified evil in Early Judaism. For
greater clarity we shall examine these under three topics: the
Origins or Genesis of Satan, the Profile or Functions of Satan, and
the Prospects or Fate of Satan.

I. The Origin or Genesis of Satan

The most common modern assumption about the origin of the devil
is based on an idea that was least proffered in the Second Temple
period. In fact, based on the uncertainty in the dating of its source
document (2 Enoch), it is questionable if such a view even prevailed
83 84
in Jewish thinking prior to Paul. In summary, this view holds that
Satan was once a “high-ranking officer in the cosmic army, known in
the Hebrew Bible as the saba’ot or the “[angelic] hosts” who
attempted to revolt against God, and was subsequently cast down
from heaven in disgrace. 2 Enoch 29:4–5 states it this way:
But one from the order of the archangels deviated, together
with the division that was under his authority. He thought
up the impossible idea, that he might place his throne
higher than the clouds, which are above the earth, and that
he might become equal to my power. And I hurled him out

82
For dating and introductory discussion see Charlesworth,
Pseudepigrapha II: 379 – 384.
83 th
The earliest extant copy of 2 Enoch is as late as the 14
century AD. Scholars dispute if it in fact might not be a “Christian”
writing, although opinions vary as widely as the proposed dates that
range from the first century BC to the Middle-Ages! See the Introduction
in Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha I: 91–100.
84
See Wray and Mobley, Birth of Satan, 108 – 112.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

from the height, together with his angels. And he was flying
around in the air, ceaselessly, above the Bottomless.85

The language here alludes to a couple of passages in Isaiah

(14:12–15) and Ezekiel (28:12–19), which may in turn have
become the basis for speculation in later Judaism or Christianity.
The Isaiah woe-oracle to the “king of Babylon” (here called the
“Morning Star”) points out how he has “fallen from heaven,” who
had once tried to “raise [my] throne above the stars of
God...[and] make [myself] like the Most High.” The later Latin
translation of “Morning Star” – lucifer – was picked up by John
Milton in his poem, “Paradise Lost,” and went on to become one
86
of the most popular personal names for Satan in modern times.

Even though Ezekiel, too, addresses a human figure (the king of

Tyre), it is the elevated language, strong allusions, and celestial
metaphors that give rise to the possibilities that a celestial figure,
Satan, and not the human king of Tyre, is the actual object of
God’s speeches through the prophets.

The essence of John Oswalt’s comments with regard to the object

of God’s condemnation in the Isaiah text may be equally applied
to the Ezekiel passage:
Some of the church fathers, linking this passage to Luke 10:18
and Revelation 12:8, 9, took it to refer to the fall of Satan
described in those places. However, the great expositors of
the Reformation were unanimous in arguing that the context
here does not support such an interpretation. This passage is
discussing human pride, which, while monumental to be sure,
is still human and not angelic.87

85
Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha I: 148.
86
Wray and Mobley, Birth of Satan, 111. See also, 158–160, for
Milton’s influence on our conceptualization of “hell.”
87
John N Oswalt, The Book of Isaiah – Chapters 1–39 (Grand
Rapids: Eerdmans, 1986), 320.

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 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

The narrative of Satan’s origin that is more likely to have

circulated within Early Judaism – from which the above 2 Enoch
account may have originated – is found in the Life of Adam 1–17,
which relates a story of what followed after Adam and Eve had
been expelled from Paradise.

The couple suffers great sorrow, and Eve is remorseful and

suicidal. She blames herself for leading Adam to this great
disgrace, but Adam comes up with a plan to show true penitence,
and so to hope for God’s mercy. He suggests that he would stand
neck deep in the Jordan for 37 days, and Eve should do the same
in the Tigris.

Their extreme penitence makes Satan angry and he works to

successfully tempt Eve a second time (chapters 9–10). When
Adam realizes this he cries: “O Eve, Eve . . . how have you again
been seduced by our enemy?” Realizing her repeated failure Eve
cries out: “Woe to you O Devil! Why do you assault us for
nothing?” In answer to that question Satan sighs, and proceeds to
present a fascinating account of the genesis of our arch-enemy
(chapters 12–16).

All Satan’s hatred is directed towards humanity because he lost

his place in heaven, was denied any further fellowship with the
angels, and was thrown down to the earth, on account of Adam.
When God had created Adam in God’s image, Michael the
archangel had presented the man to the other angels and called
them all to “Worship the image of the Lord God, as the Lord God
has instructed.” Satan refuses: “Why do you compel me? I will not
worship one inferior and subsequent to me. I am prior to him in
creation; before he was made, I was already made. He ought to
worship me.” Hearing this “other angels who were under” Satan
also refused to worship the human creature. This rebellion makes
God angry, and he expels Satan and his followers and casts them
to earth.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

The most influential narrative about the origin of Satan was,

however, the myth about the “Watchers,” first detailed in
88
1 Enoch. As mentioned above, this work was well received
during the centuries prior to Paul, and its diabology adopted by
other esteemed works such as Jubilees. The elaborate narrative is
extrapolated from one of the most obscure passages in Genesis
(6:1–4), which talks about the “sons of God” having relations with
the “daughters of men” and producing the Nephilim (from lp^n`,
“the fallen ones”?).

The primordial ‘sin’ in this account is lust, since it is the beauty of

the antediluvian women that entices about two hundred angels
who had been appointed to watch over the universe. They
determine to breach the created-boundaries and engage in illicit,
sexual alliances with women. At the beginning, their leader is
Semyaza, who is cautious; he doesn’t want to be left carrying the
can: “I fear that perhaps you will not consent that this deed
should be done, and I alone will become responsible for this great
sin” (1 Enoch 6:3). In response, they all bind themselves by an
oath, and descend to earth and carry out their ill-advised plan. In
addition to illicit intercourse, they corrupt humanity by teaching
89
magical arts, metallurgy, and beauty culture! (1 Enoch 7–8)

A total of eighteen leaders of the Watchers are named (6:7–8),

but as the narrative progresses another Watcher named Azazel is
identified as the head of this group of rebel angels (see 1 Enoch

88
Walter Schmithals, The Apocalyptic Movement (Nashville:
Abingdon, 1975), 22: “In some cases the adversary is portrayed as the
fallen angels, who according to Gen. 6 mingled with the children of men
and begot the host of demons, the cause of sickness and the ones who
lead people astray into idolatry and other sins. This conception
dominates, for example, in the Ethiopic Book of Enoch, which knows the
angels Azazel and Semjaza as the leading figures of the evil powers.”
89
See Sacchi, Jewish Apocalyptic, 217; Murphy, Apocalypticism,
127 - 130

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 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

90
8:1; 9:6; 10:4). The Nephilim wreak havoc on the earth, and
bring great distress to humanity, and are eventually destroyed,
but their souls live on and become the evil spirits or demons that
91
would continue to torment humanity.

A third significant strand of tradition about the origin of Satan is

reflected in writings located within the DSS corpus. Here, we find
92
a systemic dualism within its apocalyptic thought that is not
characteristic of the other literature within the comparable
93
period. In The Community Rule (1QS III–IV) we find the following
ideas:

90
This echoes the name of the enigmatic wilderness-demon
mentioned in Leviticus 16:8, 10 & 26. For a discussion on the relationship
between 1 Enoch and Leviticus 16, and for the interesting argument as to
how and why the Azazel tradition served both diabology and Christology
in Judaism and early Christianity respectively, see Lester L. Grabbe, “The
Scapegoat Tradition: A Study in Early Jewish Interpretation,” Journal for
the Study of Judaism Vol. XVIII, no. 2 (1987), 152 – 167.
91
Sacchi, Jewish Apocalyptic, 218: “Regarding the giants
[Genesis 6:1-4], God made them quarrel and kill each other in fratricidal
battles. Unfortunately this measure could be only a palliative: their souls,
immortal like all souls, remained on the earth to do evil to humans and
turn them against God. In this way the evil spirits of tradition also fit
within a framework acceptable to reason, in that their origin was
explained without tracing it to God and to creation, yet without
considering them independent of the creation.”
92
Although at no point does it go as far as the absolute dualism
of Persian religion which saw no temporal relationship between Ahura
Mazda (Wise Lord) and Ahriman (Fiendish Spirit); they were viewed as
“original in being themselves uncreated representatives of contradictory
principles.” See Wray and Mobley, Birth of Satan, 85 – 87; also see
Murphy, Apocalypticism, 204: “Jewish thought could not fully
accommodate the idea that there is any power in the universe equal to
that of its God. Therefore the scrolls tell of a universe whose dualism is
transcended by God and is therefore not absolute.”
93
Although see T.Ash. 1:3 – 5: “God has granted two ways to
the sons of men, two mind-sets, two lines of action, two models, and two

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

He has created man to govern the world, and has appointed

for him two spirits in which to walk until the time of His
visitation: the spirits of truth and injustice . . . All the
children of righteousness are ruled by the Prince of Light
and walk in the ways of light, but all the children of injustice
are ruled by the Angel of Darkness and walk in the ways of
darkness . . .Until now the spirits of truth and injustice
struggle in the hearts of men and they walk in both wisdom
and folly . . . For God has established the two spirits in equal
measure until the determined end, and until the Renewal,
and he knows the reward of their deeds from all eternity. 94

Then, comparing these various traditions, we may conclude that

Second Temple Judaism was greatly burdened by the problem of
evil, and sought an explanation for its existence. This was
noticeably unlike the writers of the Hebrew Bible, and even the
Apocrypha. Those writers posited the existence of a rational and
independent being that was the fountainhead of evil, temptation
and misery. Who exactly this figure may be, and the one name he
may be called was still in flux; so various candidates appear in
different texts. However, the idea of a separate entity and an
elaborate organization of evil has, by the first century AD,
become mainstream Judaism.

Questions remain. Is Satan then to be understood to be a bene

Elohim, a member of the divine council who fell away from his
lofty position due to pride or lust, and dragged a host of other,
lesser angelic beings with him (as for example in, the Life of Adam

goals. Accordingly, everything is in pairs, the one over against the other.
The two ways are good and evil; concerning them there are two
dispositions within our breasts that choose between them”
(Pseudepigrapha 1:816–817).
94
Vermes, Complete Dead Sea Scrolls, 101 – 103; see also
Pagels, Origin, 57 – 58: “The Prince of Light thou has appointed to come
to our support; but Satan; the angel Mastema, thou hast created for the
pit; he rules in darkness, and his purpose is to bring about evil and sin (1
QM 19:10-12).”

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 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

and Eve, the Enochic literature, and Jubilees)? Or is he, as Qumran

would have it, a special creation of God for the purpose of leading
a stream of evil in the world so as to test the mettle of humans
and distinguish between those who are worthy to be called the
“children of Light” and those who ought to be condemned as “the
children of Darkness?”

II. The Profile or Functions of Satan

Judaism in general was diffident about depicting the Devil’s
physical appearance; quite unlike every other culture, where art
and sculpture almost always were primary vehicles for expressing
religious beliefs. In Hebrew religion the greater emphasis in
characterization was placed on moral qualities. Consequently the
isolated reference to Melkiresha’s physical appearance in the
Testament of Amram is arresting:

I raised my eyes and saw one of them. His looks were

frightening [like those of a viper] and his garments were multi-
coloured and he was extremely dark . . . And afterwards I
looked and behold . . . by his appearance and his face he was
like that of an adder, and he was covered with . . . together, and
95
over his eyes . . .”

Satan is portrayed as existing to persecute humanity, wreak

destruction in the world and corrupt creation. The Damascus
Document speaks about an age when, “Belial shall be unleashed
against Israel” and he will set “three nets” by which he will catch
96
Israel: fornication, riches, and profanation of the Temple. In
Jubilees 10:1 - 3 Noah’s grandchildren are being led astray,
blinded and destroyed and Noah has to pray for their rescue. We
have already seen Satan’s avowed intentions in The Life of Adam
and Eve 12:1: “O Adam, all my enmity and envy and sorrow
concern you;” and 16:3: “So with deceit I assailed your wife and

95
Vermes, Complete Dead Sea Scrolls, 571.
96
Vermes, Complete Dead Sea Scrolls, 132; it continues to warn
that those who do not hold fast to the Covenant, “shall be visited for
destruction by the hand of Belial” (135).

47
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

made you to be expelled through her from the joys of your bliss.”
In 1 Enoch 9:6 Azazel is held responsible for “all forms of
oppression on the earth,” and later God calls him the source of all
sin: “And the whole earth has been corrupted by Azazel’s
teachings of his own actions; and write upon him all sin” (10:8).
Again the Testament of Benjamin 3:3 suggests that “the spirits of
97
Beliar seek to derange [people] with all kinds of oppression.”

The Devil is known as a cunning deceiver who uses his trickery

against individuals and nations alike. In the Lives of the Prophets
17:1–4, the prophet Nathan perceives ahead that David was
going to “transgress” in the Bathsheba affair, and so hurries to
warn him. On his way Beliar tricks him by getting him to
encounter “a dead man who had been murdered”. Delayed by
this incident, Nathan is unable to help David. In the Life of Adam
and Eve, we recall how Satan masqueraded as an angel of light
98
(9:1, Pseudepigrapha II: 260). In the Testament of Job, Satan is
angry with Job because he had destroyed the “temple of the idol”
(5:1–3; cf. 4:3–4). In the subsequent story, Satan’s primary modus
operandi is cunning and deceit, on more than one occasion
coming at Job through disguise. In 6:4, he comes, “having
disguised himself as a beggar”; in 7:1, “Satan departed and put a
yoke on his shoulders”; in 17:2 he comes “disguising himself as
the king of the Persians”; and in 23:1, he deceives Sitis, Job’s wife,
having “disguised himself as a bread seller”.

With regard to the nation, the Damascus Document states: “In

ancient times Moses and Aaron arose by the hand of the Prince of
Lights and Belial in his cunning raised up Jannes and his brother
99
when Israel was first delivered.” And Jubilees 48:9 says: “And

97
Also see T.Benj. 7:1 – 2: “Flee from the evil of Beliar, because
he offers a sword to those who obey him. The sword is the mother of
seven evils: moral corruption, destruction, oppression, captivity, want,
turmoil, desolation.”
98
Pseudepigrapha 1:839–868.
99
Vermes, Complete Dead Sea Scrolls, 133; cf.

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 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

Prince Mastema stood up before you and desired to make you fall
into the hand of Pharaoh. And he aided the magicians of the
Egyptians and they stood up and acted before you.”

Satan is also (as in Job) quite dependent on God for the space and
time he is granted to exercise his evil intentions in the world. One
example is when Noah intercedes for his grandchildren who are
being led astray and destroyed by demons that had emanated
from the bodies of the Nephilim. The angels are thereby ordered
to bind the demons, at which point Mastema makes a plea that
while ninety percent may be lost, that God allows him to keep ten
percent: “And let them do everything which I tell them, because if
some of them are not left for me, I will not be able exercise the
100
authority of my will among the children of men . . .”

III. The Prospects or Fate of Satan

Despite this entire devilry, Satan is clearly a temporal being of
limited power and whose morbid end is repeatedly rehearsed. In
the Benedictions (4Q280) Melkiresha‘ is cursed:
Be cursed Melkiresha, in all the thoughts of your guilty
inclination. May God deliver you up for torture at the hands
of your vengeful Avengers. May God not heed when you call
on Him. May he raise his angry face towards you . . . May
you be cursed with no remnant, and damned without
escape. 101

I Enoch makes clear that Azazel and his armies will face
condemnation and be punished in due course; the forces of God
(inclusive of the chief angels Asuryal, Raphael, Gabriel, and
102
Michael) overwhelmingly dominate the sequence of events:
“The Lord said to Raphael, “Bind Azazel hand and foot and throw

100
Jubilees 10:1 – 9, Pseudepigrapha II:75–76.
101
Vermes, Complete Dead Sea Scrolls, 395.
102
See 1 Enoch 10; Pseudepigrapha 1:17–18.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

103
him into the darkness.” T.Levi mentions that the Lord will raise
104
up a new priest, and “Beliar will be bound by him.” T.Judah
25:3 speaks of the destruction of Beliar: “There shall be no more
Beliar’s spirit of error, because he will be thrown into the eternal
105
fire.”

References to Satan and the Theology of Paul

Within the chronological appearance of the books of the New
Testament, the letters of Paul distinguish themselves as the
earliest documents to be written. Until recently 1 Thessalonians
was regarded as the first among them, but by scholarly consensus
Galatians has now replaced it in the top slot! The latter is thought
to have been composed as early as AD 48. All of Paul’s letters had
to have been written before AD 64 when, tradition has it, Paul was
106
executed by beheading just outside the city of Rome.

Paul was in many ways the true Second Temple Period Jew. He,
like the Judaism of his time, was subject to the formative
influences of multiple cultures and traditions. In fact, Paul may be
identified as simultaneously inhabiting three worlds: Judaism, as
expressed both in the cosmopolitan context of Tarsus, as well as
through the more conservative rabbinic school of Gamaliel;
Hellenism, “which by Paul’s day had permeated most of the

103
So Raphael proceeds to put Azazel in a hole in the desert,
and covers it with sharp rocks, and prevents him from enjoying any light,
“in order that he may be sent into the fire on the great day of
Judgment.” Pseudepigrapha I:17. Later Enoch pronounces Azazel’s
judgment (13:1 – 2), Pseudepigrapha I:19: “There will not be peace unto
you; a grave judgment has come upon you. They will put you in bonds,
and you will not have an opportunity for rest and supplication, because
you have taught injustice and because you have shown to the people
deeds of shame, injustice, and sin.”
104
Pseudepigrapha I: 794 – 795.
105
Pseudepigrapha I: 802.
106
“Paul was beheaded, tradition asserts, at Aquae Salviae
(now Tre Fontane) near the third milestone on the Ostian Way,” F.F.
Bruce, Paul: Apostle of the Free Spirit (UK: Paternoster Press, 1977), 450.

50
 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

recesses of the Eastern Mediterranean world,” because of which,

“Paul [was] at home, in fact, in the street-level world of
Hellenistic discourse”; and of course, Roman citizenship, which
Paul was privileged to enjoy from birth, and which he prudently
107
used on occasion, as recorded by Luke in Acts.

What then do the letters reveal as Paul’s views about Satan?

What is the extent of his interest in the ‘enemy’? What is Paul’s
diabology? Does he maintain the intensity of interest that was
evident in the pre-Pauline literature? And, given his distinction as
perhaps the most influential exponent of Christian theology in its
early years, did he advance any innovative ideas about Satan and
the existence of evil?

It is obvious that Paul believed in a personal devil, not merely a

principle or force of evil. In his references he uses the language of
personality, indicating that Satan is capable of scheming, hindering,
entrapping, masquerading, deceiving, and leading astray.

At the same time, one is struck by the relative disinterest Paul

shows towards the subject. He mostly uses “Satan”; that, too,
only on ten occasions (Rom. 16:20; 1 Cor. 5:5; 7:5; 2 Cor. 2:11;
11:14; 12:7; 1 Thess. 2:18; 2 Thess. 2:9; 1 Tim. 1:20; 5:15), and
only four times does he refer to the “Devil” (Eph. 4:27; 6:11; 1
Tim. 3:6 – 7; 2 Tim. 2:26). Others are miscellaneous references: in
a highly disputed text (2 Cor. 6:14–18) he once refers to Satan as
“Beliar,” and on other occasions, “serpent” (2 Cor.11:3), “the
108
tempter” (1 Thess. 3:5), and “the evil one” (2 Thess. 3:3). Only
in three instances (Rom. 8:38; 1 Cor. 10:18–22; 1 Tim. 4:1) does
he refer to demons (daimonia).

107
On this see N. T. Wright, Paul: Fresh Perspectives (London:
SPCK, 2005), 3–6; also, Bruce, Paul: Apostle, 22 – 52.
108
See, D. G. Reid, “Satan” in Dictionary of Paul and His Letters
(Downers Grove: InterVarsity Press, 1993), 864; Colin Brown ed., New
International Dictionary of the New Testament Vol. 3 (UK: Paternoster
Press, 1976), 468 – 477.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Unlike the apocalyptic writers that preceded him, Paul does not
109
engage in any speculations about the origins of Satan, nor does
he dwell on Satan’s demise except to tell the Roman church, “the
God of peace will soon crush Satan under [your] feet” (16:20).
The notion of a cosmic battle between the forces of evil and the
angels of God that seemed to be a major theme in Jewish
apocalyptic writings, and would later be picked up again in
Revelation, is absent from Paul. Even in the concluding section in
Ephesians, when he refers to the “principalities, and powers and
spiritual hosts of wickedness in the heavenly places,” he ‘earths’
the battle as one that is engaged in by the church on earth, not by
the angelic beings in heaven.

There is a pragmatic feel to Paul’s references to the devil: usually

mentioned in the course of describing his ministry-experiences, or
in the process of exhorting the church or individuals to live
victorious Christian lives. Unlike subjects such as Christology,
soteriology, ecclesiology, or eschatology – on which the apostle
innovatively elaborated and bequeathed a great legacy for
posterity – Paul makes no effort at all to construct a systematic
teaching on Satan:
Paul’s references to Satan always occur in the course of
meeting the demands of his apostolic ministry; nowhere in
the Pauline corpus is there any attempt to set forth a
systematic “satanology.” But the picture which emerges
from the fragments of evidence preserved in the Pauline
letters seems in most respects compatible with that which
we find in the common “satanology” of Judaism – though in
Paul these themes are transposed into a Christian
framework.110

109
Although 1 Tim. 3:6 – 7 may constitute a faint allusion to
The Life of Adam and Eve, chapters 12 – 16, which suggest that pride was
the ‘original sin’ that resulted in a devil.
110
Reid, “Satan,” 864.

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 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

We also agree with Reid’s latter point that the connotations of

most of Paul’s references to Satan echo the pre-Pauline literature
of the Second Temple Period. The key characteristics of Satan,
found in common in both sets of literature, are: hindering or
obstructing the will of God, cunning and deceptive actions, and
the entrapment of the people of God.

Satan Hinders and Obstructs the will of God

On one occasion, Paul tells the Thessalonians that he and his co-
workers intensely longed to visit the church, “but Satan hindered
us” (1 Thess. 2:18). This is reminiscent of the account in The Lives
of the Prophets, where Nathan was “hindered” by Beliar from
111
warning David about the danger of sinning with Bathsheba.
Wray and Mobley suggest that ‘hindering’ could well be Satan’s
main function in Paul’s thought:
When Paul chooses the word “Satan” in his letters, he has
one particular role in mind: Satan as obstructor. Specifically,
Paul uses “Satan” to refer to those who hinder – usually
through undermining Paul’s teaching – the fully realized
existence that the Christian religious experience offers.112

Satan is Cunning and Deceitful

On more than one occasion Paul alludes to Satan’s cunning and
deceitfulness: a dominant characteristic of the devil in Second
Temple literature. In 2 Thess. 2:9, when he speaks about a person
who will come “according to the working of Satan “ performing
“miracles, false wonders and signs,” one is reminded of how
Mastema “aided the magicians of the Egyptians” (Jubilees
113
48:9).

In 1 Cor. 7:5 he warns married couples that wish to separate and

abstain from sex during periods of prayer, that “Satan [may]
tempt you because of your lack of self-control.” This brings to

111
Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha II: 395.
112
Birth of Satan, 129.
113
Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha II: 139.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

mind the account of Adam and Eve desperately seeking God’s

favour by separating themselves and standing neck-deep, in
silence, in the waters of the Jordan and the Tigris. The separation
114
gave Satan the opportunity to once again tempt Eve.

It is out of the same pseudepigraphal background that in 2

Corinthians 11, Paul mentions that “Eve was deceived by the
serpent’s cunning” (2 Cor. 11:3), and goes on to argue that “Satan
115
himself masquerades as an angel of light” (2 Cor. 11:14).

Satan Entraps the People of God

In Ephesians Paul portrays the devil as one who is constantly on
the lookout for an opportunity to gain a foothold through the
weaknesses in the Christian community (4:27), using methodeia
(schemes) to defeat God’s people (6:11). The objective is to
entrap Christ’s followers to make them ineffective in serving God
(1 Tim. 3:6 – 7; 2 Tim. 2:26).

In Jubilees 48:12, Mastema inspires the Egyptian army to pursue

116
the Israelites with their superior vehicles and weaponry. In the
Testament of Job, too, Satan is relentless in pursuing Job’s
downfall, and succeeds somewhat by entrapping Sitis, Job’s wife,
117
to barter her hair and urge Job to curse God and die.

Echoes from the Hebrew Bible

On a few occasions however, Paul appears to be working more
directly with the assumptions of the Hebrew Bible rather than the
later ideas of Early Judaism. In the few remaining references to

114
“Life of Adam and Eve,” Charlesworth, Pseudepigrapha II:
259 – 260.
115
See Life of Adam and Eve 9:1: “Eighteen days went by. Then
Satan was angry and transformed himself into the brightness of angels
and went away to the Tigris River to Eve and found her weeping.”
(Pseudepigrapha II: 260)
116
Pseudepigrapha II: 139.
117
Pseudepigrapha I: 848 – 849.

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 HOW THE CONCEPT OF SATAN DEVELOPED

the Devil, Paul twice talks about “handing over to Satan” (1 Cor.
5:5; 1 Tim 1:20). A closer reading shows that this drastic action is,
paradoxically, with a positive outcome in mind. In the first
instance, it is so that “his spirit may be saved,” and in the second
instance that “they may be taught not to blaspheme.” Here then,
Satan functions more like an unsavoury divine agent; one through
whom God’s purposes are accomplished (cf. Job 1 – 2).

This notion becomes most explicit in 2 Cor 12:7: καὶ τῇ ὑπερβολῇ

τῶν ἀποκαλύψεων. διὸ ἵνα μὴ ὑπεραίρωμαι, ἐδόθη μοι σκόλοψ τῇ
σαρκί, ἄγγελος σατανᾶ, ἵνα με κολαφίζῃ, ἵνα μὴ ὑπεραίρωμαι (“Now
because of the surpassing revelations, in order that I be not
conceited, a thorn in the flesh – a messenger of Satan – was given
118
to torment me, in order that I be not conceited”).

Although sitting easily within the context of the Hebrew Bible and
its high view of the sovereignty of Yahweh, the idea that the
Satan works towards the fulfilment of the divine will was
jettisoned in the Second Temple literature. In the latter context,
Satan was viewed as an almost completely independent
personality ruling over a rival kingdom. In fact, the Qumran Scrolls
come very close to a Persian-type dualism with its rhetoric about
the Prince of Darkness and the Prince of Light.

This brief mention of the “angel of Satan” in 2 Cor. 12:7 is

therefore significant. It may hint at a radical recommitment to the
sovereignty of God in Paul’s thought, and consequently explain
why, in contrast to the popular and elaborate views of Second
Temple Judaism, he maintains a ‘low-view’ of Satan. For Paul, it
appears, that although Satan was an adversary of some
intelligence and power, he was entirely finite and his most certain
future prospect was to be humiliatingly “crushed” under the feet
of those he once enslaved (Rom. 16:20).

118
It is not difficult to argue in the context of the passage that
e*doqh is a theological passive suggesting that the “messenger of Satan”
was “given (by God)” to Paul!

55
 GO AND BE RECONCILED
MATTHEW 18:15-17

MANO EMMANUEL

Usually enshrined in official procedures for, and figuring widely in

discussions about, “church discipline”, Matthew 18:15-20 is a
1
well-known, if little applied passage. The actual practice of
church discipline is fraught with difficulty, not just in Sri Lanka,
but everywhere it seems. In some parts of the world, pastors fear
being embroiled in disciplinary issues because it might result in
law suits being brought against the church. In honour–shame
cultures, since what people think is so important, church leaders
do not generally want to discipline their members, because it will
make them unpopular, and cause more trouble than seems
2
worth. The Belgic Confession (1561) emerged out of the
Reformation enshrined church discipline as one of the marks of
the true church, along with the preaching of the gospel and the
3
administration of the sacraments. Church discipline ought to be
part of discipleship: a necessary part of enabling Christians to
grow in spiritual maturity and purity. And so the involvement of

1
David L. Turner, Matthew. (Grand Rapids, MI: Baker
Academic, 2008), 431. It is hard to read a commentary on Matthew
18:15-20 without the words “church discipline” appearing, but as Turner
writes, restricting it to church discipline is “superficial and simplistic.”
2
Wong Fong Yang, Discipline or Shame? (City Malaysia: Kairos
Research Centre, 1998), 32.
3
J. Carl. Laney, “The Biblical Practice of Church Discipline,”
Bibliotheca Sacra 143, no. 572 (Oct 1986): 353.
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

the church in addressing issues of holy living amongst its members,

including unresolved conflict, seems unavoidable. In fact, Matthew
18 does not address the congregation as a whole or church leaders
in particular. It seems to address individual believers, asking them
to take the initiative to bring about reconciliation and restoration
with their brothers and sisters. It is one of the clearest explanations
of the process to be undertaken by ordinary believers facing the sin
of a brother or sister in the church.

Matthew 18:15-20 is largely unique to Matthew with the closest

parallel being Luke 17:1-5. It is found within a chapter referred to
as the “ecclesiastical discourse” in which the term ekklesia, also
unique to Matthew, appears three times. Several issues are
raised by these verses, some of which will be considered here.
Firstly, there are variant readings of verse 15. Secondly, there is
the awkward juxtaposition of a seemingly judgmental and
condemnatory attitude, especially in verse 17 compared to Jesus’
teaching elsewhere in the gospel. Even within the chapter, verses
15-18 do not fit easily in between the exhortation to seek the lost
4
sheep and the command to forgive. There is also some tension
between the apparent strictness of the church’s action on the
unrepentant believer with the warning against judging (7:12).
Barclay calls this one of the most difficult passages to interpret in
the gospel: “It does not sound like Jesus; it sounds much more
5
like the regulations of an ecclesiastical committee.” Thirdly,
there also seems to be some tension between Jesus’ teaching in
Matthew about the church being allowed to be a mixture of
wheat and tares until the final judgement (Matt. 13:24-43; 22:11-
14) and Matthew 18:18 where there is a suggestion that an

4
Ulrich Luz, Matthew 8-20, Hermeneia (Minneapolis: Fortress
Press, 2001), 450; Bridget Illian, “Church discipline and forgiveness in
Matthew 18:15-35,” Currents in Theology and Mission 37, no. 6
(December, 2010): 444.
5
William Barclay, The Gospel of Matthew, vol 2. (Edinburgh,
Scotland: Saint Andrew Press, 1975), 187.

58
 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

6
eschatological verdict can be anticipated by the church. Some
scholars suggest that Matthew 18 is incoherent and that
Matthew is caught in an unsolvable tension which he leaves as it
7
is. Luz suggests four different ways in which the passage may be
8
interpreted to deal with the tensions. He favours the idea that
Matthew is recording this teaching within the context of
covenant, confirmed by Jesus’ presence with the church (Matt.
18:20). The covenant confers both privileges and responsibilities.
Jesus reminds the church that the seriousness of sin demands
prompt action, while forgiveness is always available for the
9
repentant. Bruner suggests that while Matt. 13:24-30 forbids
the violent removal of those who are not true believers, that it is
10
not incompatible with order and discipline within the church.
Finally, for some, there is the added problem that it addresses a

6
Luz, Matthew 8-20, 450; Frederick Dale Bruner, Matthew: A
Commentary Volume 2.The church book: Matthew 13-28 (Grand Rapids,
Michigan. William B Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1990), 226.
7
Bruner, Matthew, 648.
8
Luz, Matthew 8-20, 450-51. The grace model: verses 15-18
speak not of excommunication but winning back the lost. In this case the
verb elengcheo means not to accuse or reprove but to reason. Treating
the person as a tax collector does not mean expulsion. It might even be
that the treatment is meted out by the offended individual not the
church. Luz is not convinced by this argument, calling it “absurd”.
“Borderline case model”: this passage is referring to an extreme case not
the norm. The normal model is the forgiveness which is enjoined in 10-
14, 21-22. Luz rejects this since verse 18 suggests a special heavenly
sanction for what will be a rare occurrence. The covenant model: Taking
verse 20 to be the key to interpreting this passage, Jesus’ presence in the
church reminds them of the responsibilities and privileges of being the
people of God. Jesus’ presence and his forgiveness are to be seen in this
context as is the seriousness of sin, since they call into question the
covenant relationship. The inconsistency model: In this view there is no
recognizable coherence in the passage. Matthew has chosen to place his
own church’s disciplinary procedure in the most congenial spot he can find.
9
Luz, Matthew 8-20, 450.
10
Bruner, Matthew, 226.

59
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

“church” which did not yet exist, a dilemma that leads them to
11
attribute these words, not to Jesus, but to later editors.

One of the problems with interpreting this passage is the

temptation to study and apply it apart from its context within the
whole chapter. Before we get to verse 15, Matthew sets the
scene by laying down several strands of Jesus’ teaching that will
impact our understanding of these five verses. The chapter begins
with Jesus answering the disciples’ question, “Who is the greatest
in the Kingdom of heaven?” by showing them a little child.
Considering the social standing of children at the time, the
answer would have caused some surprise. Children were loved
12
but seen as needy, dependent, and uninformed. Greatness in
the Kingdom, according to Jesus (v. 4) is based on becoming like a
child. Carson suggests that it is childlike humility and disregard for
13
status that Jesus means. France adds a necessary refinement to
this explanation. He argues that it is not the virtue of humility
Jesus is referring to, since that is a virtue children do not
necessarily posses. He suggests that it is their lack of status to
which Jesus refers. Children are not usually humble but perhaps
we might say that they are unselfconscious about needing others,
and do not possess, nor are interested in, apportioning status in
the same way and on the same basis as adults. To “humble
himself” is not “an arbitrary asceticism, or a phony false modesty;
it does not describe a character trait . . . but the acceptance of an
14
inferior position”, and is used of Jesus in Philippians 2:8. “Not
‘humbles himself as this little child humbles himself’, but rather

11
Barclay Matthew, 187. Barclay concludes that these are not
the words of Jesus but built upon actual sayings.
12
R.T. France, The Gospel according to Matthew: An
introduction and commentary. (Leicester: Inter-Varsity Press,1985), 270;
Gibbs and Kloha discuss the Mediterranean view of children in their
article.” "Following" Matthew 18: interpreting Matthew 18:15-20 in its
context,” in Concordia Journal 29, no. 1 (2003): 6-25.
13
D.A. Carson, God with us: Themes from Matthew. (Ventura,
CA: Regal Books, 1985), 112.
14
France, Matthew, 271.

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 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

15
‘humbles himself until he becomes like this little child.”’ In his
continuing discourse, Jesus tells his disciples that God places
great value and showers protective care on those “little ones”
who place their trust in Jesus (18:5-6, 10-14). This is illustrated by
the story of the shepherd who leaves behind the flock that is safe
to go in search of the one sheep who is lost. Bruner calls 18:10-
14, 15-20 and 23-35 three “other seeking stories” which sets it in
16
a different light to a procedure for “church discipline.”

In having a procedure laid out to deal with a recalcitrant member

of a community, the emerging church community was not unique.
Voluntary associations, both religious and otherwise, had formal
17
procedures for dealing with discipline. Groups such as the Essenes
and the Pharisees had detailed instructions for dealing with
offenders within the community. Discipline was, after all, crucial in
18
corporate identity formation. However, in comparison to known
practices, the notion of gaining a brother back is distinctively

15
Morris 1992, 460.
16
Bruner, Matthew, 645.
17
Warren Carter, Matthew and the margins: A socio-political
and religious reading, JSNT Supplement 204 (Sheffield, UK: Sheffield
Academic Press, 2000), 367ff; Dennis C. Duling, “The Matthean
brotherhood and marginal scribal leadership,” in Modelling Early
Christianity, ed. Philip Eslern (London: Routledge, 1995), 167. Many
scholars compare the passage to the by-laws for the Iobakchoi, a
Dionysian cult in Athens which laid out regulations with penalties for
fighting and unruly behaviour.
18
J. Andrew Overman, Church and community in crisis, (Valley
Forge, PA: Trinity Press International, 1996), 268; Duling, “The Matthean
brotherhood,”167-9; Nelson 2012, 44. The writers of the Dead Sea
Scrolls had a similar three-step procedure for addressing personal
grievances: “They shall rebuke one another in truth, humility, and
charity. Let no man address his companion with anger, or ill-temper, or
obduracy, or with envy prompted by the spirit of wickedness. Let him not
hate him [because of his uncircumcised] heart, but let him rebuke him on
the very same day lest he incur guilt because of him. And furthermore,
let not man accuse his companion before the Congregation without
having admonished him in the presence of witnesses.”

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

19
Matthean (16:26, 25:20, 22). The concern for the erring brother or
sister is consistent with the wider teaching in Matthew regarding
20
love for one’s neighbour found in 5:43, 19:19, 22:39.

In Sri Lankan churches, the process for dealing with those who
stray is vague and varied. In some churches, authoritarian pastors
administer discipline with no participation by ordinary members
of the congregation and very little consistency. A person may be
asked to leave the church because they asked awkward questions
about finances or chose to marry the wrong person, while in
other churches grave misdeeds by leaders or clergy are ignored
because of the status of the offender. A worship leader may be
ordered, in front of the congregation, to leave the podium and
take himself home because he has not shaved, while in another
church the pastor who has sexually assaulted a member of his
congregation is given a rap over the knuckles or transferred to
another church so that he is not shamed by visible disciplinary
action. A rich person is often disciplined in a different way to a
poor person. Since the rich person has a lot to lose in terms of
position and status by being “exposed”, the pastor will often
leave them alone. Prominent members of the congregation could
also cause problems for the church if they are not treated well –
by withdrawing their financial support, or influencing others
negatively. However, since a poor person is considered to have so
little position or face to safeguard, the church has less reservation
21
about publicly humiliating such a member. Confused, angry, and
unrepentant believers leave one church and join another never
dealing with unresolved conflicts with brothers and sisters.
Others remain in the church refusing to speak to or spreading
gossip about those who have offended them. A few churches
attempt to make use of small groups or disciplers to deal more
pastorally with members, with varying degrees of success.

19
Overman, Church and community in crisis, 268.
20
W F Albright and C S Mann. Matthew ( New York: Doubleday
& Co., 1971), 220.
21
Yang, Discipline or shame?, 36.

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 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

“If your Brother Sins (Against You)” (Matthew 18:15)

The two earliest manuscripts as well as patristic commentators
omit the phrase “against you” (eis se); and so, some scholars omit
the clause, finding the flow of the argument more persuasive
22
without it. However, there are compelling reasons for accepting
the longer reading. Gundry offers two reasons. Firstly, the next
verse has the clause “between you and him alone,” which
suggests that the person going has been affected by the sin, and
secondly, this section is followed by an expanded teaching on
23
forgiving a brother who has sinned “against you”. Blomberg
points out that several words found in verses 15-20 are repeated
in Peter’s question to Jesus. In its most intelligible form, his
question is literally “Lord, how often shall against me my brother
sin and I shall forgive him? Up to seven times?" The same term
24
for “brother”, adelphos, and “sin” hamarteano are also used.
Blomberg also argues that it is inconceivable that Christians could
25
“monitor all the sins of all their believing acquaintances”.

22
John Nolland, The Gospel of Matthew: A commentary on the
Greek text (Grand Rapids: William B Eerdmans Publishing, 2005), 745;
Bruner, Matthew, 225.
23
Robert H. Gundry, Matthew: A Commentary on his Handbook
for a Mixed Church under Persecution. 2nd Ed. (Grand Rapids, MI: Wm B.
Eerdmans Publishing Co., 1994), 367.
24
Craig L. Blomberg, “On building and breaking barriers:
Forgiveness, salvation and Christian counseling with special reference to
Matthew 18:15-35,” Journal of Psychology & Christianity 25, no. 2 (2006):
142,138; 1992, 278. According to Blomberg, scholars would normally go
for the harder reading assuming a later addition of the two words to aid
interpretation. However, the word for sin (amarteise) ends with two
syllables pronounced identically as the words for "against you" (ets se),
which makes it quite likely that they might have been omitted in error by
a scribe reading the words aloud, suggesting homophony.
25
Blomberg, “On building and breaking barriers,” 138. Keeping
in mind that the New Testament in several places urges believers to
intervene when seeing a brother or sister sin, whether or not the sin is
against them, (Gal. 6:1; James 5:19-20), we shall favour the longer
reading in this essay. For a detailed analysis of the arguments for and

63
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

We shall concur with Gundry, Blomberg and Luz et al. that the
situation being addressed here is the sin (amarteo) of a brother
against another. In the context of Matt. 18, the brother or sister
who sins is a “little one” who has gone astray (v6) or might even
26
have been led astray (10-14). Bruner says that in the parable of
the lost sheep this person was “at the beginning of the end” and
27
now they are at “the end of the beginning.”

This is the first time Matthew uses “sin” (hamartanein) as a

28
verb. Since the sin is not specified, we could speculate as to
what manner of offences fall into this category. Illian suggests
that in the context of Matthew 18 as a whole, sin is that which
29
causes a little one to stumble. Bruner, thinking along the same
lines, widens the definition by describing this “sin” as the sin of
deliberately and wilfully hurting another’s faith by “teaching or
living unrepentantly and shamelessly, contrary to God’s clear
30
Word and commands.” Thompson, more expansively, states
that the sin could be “public or private, serious or slight,
accidental or intentional, against God or against one’s
31
neighbour”. However, since the sin is serious enough to be the
basis for excommunication or exclusion it seems unlikely that it

against both forms of the verse see Gibbs, Jeffrey A., and Jeffrey Kloha.
2003. "Following" Matthew 18: interpreting Matthew 18:15-20 in its
context." Concordia Journal 29, no. 1 (2003): 6-25.
26
W. G. Thompson, Matthew’s advice to a divided community
(Rome: Biblical Institute Press, 1970), 176-177. Adelphos is used of a
fellow disciple in Matthew 5:47, 18:15, 21 and 23:8 and for “neighbour”
in 5:22-24, 7:3-5. Also of Jesus’ own family and the transference of those
family ties to the disciples 13:55-56, 12:46-50. Of disciples 25:40, 28:10.
27
Bruner, Matthew, 225.
28
Nolland, The Gospel of Matthew, 745. Nolland remarks that
the next time Matthew uses the word as a verb will be when referring to
Judas’ sin in 27:4. It is an interesting link to Paul’s injunction to the
church to hand the unrepentant brother over to Satan.
29
Illian, “Church discipline and forgiveness,” 445-450.
30
Bruner, Matthew, 223.
31
Thompson, Matthew’s advice, 177.

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 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

32
could be something slight. Since there seems to be a desire to
33
keep the matter private, it is probably not known to many,
which could also be expected to be the case if the matter is being
dealt with as soon as it happens.

In applying the command, we need to be clear that what has

happened is “sin” as defined by the whole teaching of scripture
rather than what has upset our sensibilities, offended our pride,
or gone against our preferences or cultural norms. It is also worth
remembering that the Bible does encourage believers where
possible to overlook, or cover over the sins of a brother or sister
(Prov. 10:12; 17:9; 19:11). In the New Testament, Paul describes
the love between believers as one that keeps no record of wrongs
(1 Cor. 13:5) while Peter states that such love “covers over a
multitude of sins” (1 Pet. 4:8). At other times, believers are
warned against being eager to meddle, or engage in useless
controversies (2 Thess. 3:11; 1 Tim. 5:13; 2 Tim. 2:23; 1 Pet. 4:15).
This suggests that the sins being addressed here must be of a
serious nature. Ken Sande lays out several conditions for deciding
whether a sin can be overlooked or not. He suggests that a
person’s sin cannot be overlooked if it is “visible enough to
obviously and significantly affect a Christian witness,” affecting us
such that we can no longer maintain the same relationship with
them, if it is hurting others, or if it is has become a habitual sin
34
that is damaging the person themselves. Keeping these
considerations in mind will be helpful in an honour-shame culture
where people often refuse to admit openly that they have been
offended and who might attempt to avoid this injunction to go,
by saying that they have no problem with anyone, or that they

32
Bruner, Matthew, 648; Donald Hagner, Matthew 14-28,
(Dallas: Word Books, 1995), 551.
33
W. D. Davies and Dale C. Allison, The Gospel according to St
Matthew: A critical and exegetical commentary, vol. 2 (Scotland: T&T
Clark, 1991), 782.
34
Ken Sande, The peacemaker: A Biblical guide to resolving
personal conflict (Grand Rapids: MI: Baker Books, 2004), 53.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

have decided to overlook the offence or “forgive and forget”, or

alternatively engage in gossip or become quarrelsome. Sin is
serious, and the church that ignores it does so at its peril (1 Cor.
5-6): “If the church refuses to face the stern reality of sin, it will
35
gain no credence when it talks of forgiveness.”

Elaine Ramshaw, warning against taking this passage out of

context, catalogues a list of offences against women and children
which has often been ignored by the church and not counted as
“sin”. Adding insult to injury, the church has then advised
relatively powerless victims to forgive (preferring to go straight to
Matthew 18:21ff), to be silent, or to leave, rather than address
36
issues of abuse. To be able to discern that there is sin involves
an element of “judging”, against which Jesus has already spoken
in Matthew 7:1-3. In fact, this argument is often used in the
church to avoid getting involved in speaking into the life of a
brother or sister. However, other New Testament passages make
it clear that Christians are expected to be able to discern what is
sinful (Matt 7:6,1 Cor.6:3), and what Matthew sets out is a series
of steps in which judgement is suspended until there is discussion
and the chance for the alleged offender to speak for himself or
37
herself. Even the speck from our brother’s eye can be our
concern, as long as we have made note of the beam in ours (Matt
7:3). Bonhoeffer says that when we judge, we are detached from
the other, observing them from a distance but love does away
with such detachment, for the brother or sister is one who always
38
has a claim on our love and service: “Judging others makes us
39
blind, whereas love is illuminating”. If our motive is sincerely to

35
Dietrich Bonhoeffer, The cost of discipleship, trns. R. H. Fuller
(New York: The Macmillan Comp. 1957), 288.
36
Elaine J. Ramshaw, “Power and Forgiveness in Matthew 18,”
Word and World 18, no. 4 (1998): 398ff.
37
Bruner, Matthew, 649.
38
Bonhoeffer, The cost of discipleship, 184.
39
Ibid., 185.

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 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

eliminate evil, we will first look for it in our own hearts where his
40
will will certainly be found.

Many times we fall at this first hurdle. In our desire to avoid

conflict we will not admit, even to ourselves, that our brother or
sister has offended. Richard Walton has suggested three reasons
for this. Firstly, many Christians feel ashamed to admit to feelings
of anger or hostility. Secondly, we balk at expending so much
emotional energy in a protracted conflict. And finally, we fear the
risks involved. We cannot predict the outcome of this
encounter—there could well be old wounds reopened,
41
unexpected reactions, retaliation, and so on. Occasionally, as
mentioned, there is uneasiness at “judging” another, and of
course, some will assume that this action is incompatible with
love. Instead, what is quite likely to happen in Sri Lankan
churches is that, not wishing to cause any unnecessary
unpleasantness, we will decide to withdraw from the offender.
“Real lovelessness, wrong judging, is to drop another person
altogether, without any attempt at seeking conversion,
42
repentance or reconciliation” (Bruner 1990, 646). The fact that
our brother or sister is caught up in a serious sin should concern
us on their behalf, rather than on ours. Discipline is part of
discipleship, part of nurturing those in the church.

“Go and Point out their Fault just Between the Two of You”
Verse 15 delivers a command, not a suggestion—“Go and point
out…”. The person who has been affected by the sin must take
43
the initiative. Laney calls church discipline the corollary of

40
Ibid.
41
Walton cited in Douglas Lewis, Resolving church conflicts: A
case study approach for local congregations (San Francisco: Harper and
Row Publishers, 1981), 22-23.
42
Bruner, Matthew, 646.
43
Bruner, Matthew, 226; Gundry, Matthew, 367; Luz, Matthew
8-20, 451.

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evangelism. Just as evangelism seeks out the lost outside the

44
church, church discipline seeks out the lost within the church.
The decision to go communicates the concern and commitment
of the shepherd in Matthew 18 who goes after the one sheep
who has strayed. It is interesting that the officials of the church
are not addressed. It appears that it is the ordinary member of
45
the community who must bear this responsibility. The
command “go” carries with it the idea of a conscious decision.
This can be taken prayerfully, at a chosen time and location, with
time for reflection, self-preparation, and time to cool down,
rather than an unprepared outburst at an inopportune time.

Going in person is to be preferred to modern, more efficient but

less personal methods of communication like letters or emails.
The latter can sometimes be undertaken to protect the writer
from the fall out of such a confrontation. Letters and emails have
the added disadvantage of not being able to convey emotions,
and can easily be misunderstood. In the Sri Lankan context, it is
not unknown for anonymous letters or phone calls to take the
place of honest, vulnerable presence before the fellow believer.
In New Testament times, while electronic communication was not
46
possible, letters were an option, but not in Jesus’ mind. Of
course, we do have one occasion where a brother is written to in
order to prevent the escalation of conflict and to advice the
church about the proper action to be taken. Paul’s letter to
Philemon was written while Paul was in prison and was to be
followed up with a meeting.

Luz, Matthew 8-20, 451; See Matthew 5. Conversely, the onus

is on the offender to go. In either case Jesus commands us to take the
initiative to seek reconciliation.
44
Laney, “The Biblical Practice of Church Discipline,” 353.
45
Luz, Matthew 8-20, 451; Bruner, Matthew, 227. If “against
you” is omitted, the grounds for going are that the private sin committed
against a fellow believer is never purely private. Sin always affects the
whole community.
46
Blomberg,. “On building and breaking barriers,” 138.

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 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

In a shame-oriented culture, communication tends to be indirect,

and so, going to the one who has offended does not come easily.
In an honour–shame culture harmony is highly valued.
Confronting, we fear, might bring about argument and hostility
and cause the offender to lose face or be shamed. Harmony will
be destroyed and the relationship might be irrevocably broken. A
person who has been sinned against might prefer to send a
message through a third party, raise the issue in a roundabout
way without specifying to whom he or she is referring, withdraw,
or show by body language that they are offended. Alternatively,
they might choose to get even by sabotaging the offender’s
ministry by disagreeing with decisions they make, by refusing to
cooperate with them, or picking a quarrel over a completely
different issue. Lewis refers to a “parking lot” method of dealing
with conflict in church. This is the tendency of believers not to
speak out in the proper forum, the church meeting for example,
but congregating in the parking lot (with their friends) to voice
their opinions, grievances and criticisms, before and/or after the
47
meeting. Similarly, a person who is aware of another’s sin
especially against him or her will tend to unload their feelings of
hurt and anger to those who are close and who can be trusted to
agree and bolster the offended party’s sense of outrage.

The verb elegkein occurs only here in Matthew (Luke uses

epitiman, “reprove” in Luke 17:3). The primary meaning of
48
elencho is “to take to task”, “to call to account”. It can indicate
any part of a judicial process from initial inquiry to passing
judgement, but the fundamental meaning is “to lay open, expose,
49
uncover, reveal, demonstrate the mistake or guilt of another”. It
50
need not include strong rebuke or imply condemnation. Bruner
translates this as “confront”, a word that implies discipline but

47
Lewis, Resolving church conflicts, 20.
48
Luz, Matthew 8-20, 451. The same verb occurs in 1 Tim. 5:20;
2 Tim. 4:2; Titus 2:15; cf 1 Thess. 5:14; 2 Tim. 2:25; Gal. 6:1.
49
Thompson, Matthew’s advice,178.
50
Ibid.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

51
not necessarily severity and calls this passage “the magna carta
52
of confrontation”. Pfitzner points out that elenchein and its
Hebrew equivalent hokia are used to describe God’s actions
53
towards people (Gen. 31:42, Ps. 6:1, 1 Chron. 12:17). The
allusion to witnesses does have the impact of including the
54
meaning “convict” to the semantic range of elengcheo. The
person going is to lay open the incident and invite the person to
accept the truth of the matter, but not to take upon themselves
the role of judge and executioner.

Churches, typically, take the fight or flight option when it comes

to addressing sin in the church. Some may be happy to go and
point out someone’s fault but do it in a manner and spirit far
removed from Jesus’ intention. We tend to translate elencho only
as “confront” which means we go unwilling to listen, defensive
and determined to get our pound of flesh. For others, flight,
ignoring the offender, or leaving the church altogether, seems an
easier and sometimes the more “Christian” thing to do, rather
than rock the boat. However, leaving just proves to the world that
sin has the final say, and its power to separate is greater than the
55
gospel’s power to reconcile.

The background to this command to go and speak openly to the

offending brother or sister is found in the Old Testament,
56
specifically Leviticus 19:17. “Do not hate a fellow Israelite in
your heart. Rebuke your neighbour frankly so you will not share
in their guilt. Do not seek revenge or bear a grudge against

51
Bruner, Matthew, 647.
52
Ibid., 224.
53
Victor C. Pfitzner, “Purified community - purified sinner:
Expulsion from the community according to Matt. 18:15-18 and 1 Cor.
5:1-5,” Australian Biblical Review 30 (1982):35. Pfitzer offers solutions to
commonly asked queries about the passage.
54
Luz, Matthew 8-20, 451.
55
Lewis, Resolving church conflicts, 44.
56
Luz, Matthew 8-20, 451; Bruner, Matthew, 225; Gundry,
Matthew, 367.

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 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

anyone among your people, but love your neighbour as yourself. I

am the Lord” (Lev. 19:17-18).

Rabbinic interpretations of this text recognized the public

admonishing of a fellow Israelite as a sign of neighbourly love and
57
of solidarity within the community of God. The Pharisees and
the Essenes both used this verse as the basis for their own code
58
of conduct. The connection made in Leviticus 19 to revenge
might suggest that the face to face conversation is meant to stop
a person allowing anger to fester in their heart, and allowing
hatred to develop because of a supposed offence against them.
The theme of speaking openly with a brother is a wisdom theme
(Prov. 26:24-25; 10:18; 25:9-10). It is a sin to keep these negative
59
or hostile feelings hidden. They must be brought into the open.
Ben Sirach (19:13-17)
Question a friend; perhaps he did not do it;
or if he did, so that he may not do it again.
14
Question a neighbor; perhaps he did not say it;
or if he said it, so that he may not repeat it.
15
Question a friend, for often it is slander;
so do not believe everything you hear.
16
A person may make a slip without intending it.
Who has not sinned with his tongue?
17
Question your neighbor before you threaten him;
and let the law of the Most High take its course.[d]

Conflict is not be denied or ignored but brought into the open

60
(Hauerwas 2006, 165). “Christian discipleship requires
confrontation because the peace that Jesus has established is not
simply the absence of violence. The peace of Christ is nonviolent

57
Luz, Matthew 8-20, 451.
58
Illian, “Church discipline and forgiveness,”446.
59
Thompson, Matthew’s advice, 179.
60
Stanley Hauerwas, Matthew: SCM Theological Commentary
on the Bible, (London: SCM Press, 2006), 165.

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61
precisely because it is based on truth and truth telling.”
Although the truth is hard to hear and sometimes hard to deliver,
leaving it unuttered is not love but abandonment of the brother.
Truth-telling in Mediterranean society was not owed to those
who were outside one’s kin-group, but it was obligatory within
62
the family.

“Just between the two of you,” metaxu sou kai auto monou: by
bringing up the matter quickly and privately there is a chance to
do away with gossip and innuendo that is common to every
community to a lesser or greater extent. The honour of the
offender is preserved. And, it might be that in the private talk, the
63
confronter is proved to be mistaken. The person is forced to
face up to what they are alleged to have done wrong but the
possibility of being exposed or shamed is kept to the minimum,
64
while repentance is made as easy as possible (Yang 1998, 43).
We are tempted to believe that time will heal conflicts but this is
not the case. If the sin is serious enough that we cannot overlook
it, then time will not heal it. The grievance festers, the sin
becomes habitual. Time merely makes one offence into a “spiral
of unmanaged conflict”. This theory suggests that an unresolved
issue (X), far from being healed by time, gains momentum and
reappears with increased intensity under different guises as time
65
progresses (X2, X3, etc.).

61
Hauerwas, Matthew, 166.
62
S. Scott Bartchy, “Divine power, community formation, and
leadership in the Acts of the Apostles,” In Community formation in the
early church and in the church today, ed. Richard L. Longenecker. (MA:
Hendrickson Publishers, 2002), 94.
63
Bruner, Matthew, 647.
64
Yang, Discipline or shame?, 43.
65
Richard Owen Roberts, Repentance: The First Word of the
Gospel (Illinois: Crossway Books, 2002), 594-95. Last YEAR, p. Susan
Carpenter and William Kennedy’s research cited by Robertson.

72
 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

X1: Presenting issue / problem arises.

X2: Sides form along the lines of the issue (that is, I am for issue X;
you are against issue X).
X3: Positions harden (I see myself as pro-X; I see you as anti-X).
X4: Communication between parties breaks down. Any
meaningful dialogue between us ceases.
X5: Resources are committed to the cause (I invest time,
energy, and money in X).
X6: Conflict spills outside the parties (I talk to others about you,
instead of to you).
X7: Perceptions of reality become distorted (I see you only as
the Enemy, not as a person with whom I happen to disagree
on issue X).
X8: A sense of crisis emerges, and the result can be litigation,
dissolution, or war.
The text does not decree that there should be only one meeting
between the parties. It is possible that this first step, as with all
the others takes time. In an honour–shame culture, time and
space and the willingness to listen to the other heals and offers
grace to the one who has been shamed by having his or her fault
exposed, even if only to themselves and another. If, as Lynd and
others point out, exposure to oneself is as painful as being
exposed to the gaze of others, there is a need to be mindful both
in speaking and listening, remembering the purpose of our going.

“If He Listens, You Have Won Back Your Brother”

Whereas Luke, in the parallel passage about forgiving an
offending brother, seems to make a condition “if he repents”
(Luke 17:3), Matthew talks of winning back a brother “if he
listens”. In Matthew, there is an emphasis on the importance of
66
hearing the word, and listening (e.g. 26:6), for discipleship.

66
Bruner, Matthew, 227.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

“Listen” is more than merely giving someone a hearing. It means

67
“to respond properly”. What constitutes “responding properly”?
68
Is it acknowledging one’s fault and repenting? Although the
term “repent” is not made explicit, it is hard to see how the erring
brother or sister can be reconciled without their agreeing with
what is said to them, accepting their fault and being willing to
change. It is important then, that repentance, however it is
expressed, is genuine. Repentance is not the same as remorse,
which is being regretful that one has failed one’s expectations,
neither is it the same as shame that one has been discovered,
nor is it merely external manifestations, such as tears. Roberts
argues that not even reformation of character is proof of true
repentance (1 Kings 21:19-24). Fear of consequences, or an attack
of conscience might trigger a short term change of behaviour but
69
that is not true repentance. Godly sorrow at falling short of
God’s expectations leads to repentance. Paul writes: “For even if I
made you sorry with my letter, I do not regret it (though I did
regret it, for I see that I grieved you with that letter, though only
briefly). Now I rejoice, not because you were grieved, but
because your grief led to repentance; for you felt a godly grief, so
that you were not harmed in any way by us. For godly grief
produces a repentance that leads to salvation and brings no
regret, but worldly grief produces death. For see what
earnestness this godly grief has produced in you, what eagerness
to clear yourselves, what indignation, what alarm, what longing,
what zeal, what punishment! At every point you have proved
yourselves guiltless in the matter” (2 Cor 7:7-10). Repentance will
be seen in a willingness to do whatever it takes to change. True
repentance will be shown in the willingness to deal with deep
rooted causes of certain behaviour and it will not be selective in

67
Craig Blomberg, Matthew. New American Commentary
(Nashville, TN: Broadman Press, 1992), 278.
68
Carter, Matthew, 367.
69
Roberts, Repentance, 94. Richard Owen Roberts lists 7 myths
of repentance in pages 85-103.

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 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

70
its abhorrence of sin. Someone who is truly repentant will be
willing to face potential disgrace, for example, being set aside
from ministry, being willing to submit to processes and
procedures set out by the fellowship and will be willing to accept
that there might be consequences to their actions that
repentance cannot erase (Luke 5:17-19). Roberts casts doubts on
the genuineness of repentance that is accompanied by
71
defensiveness and bargaining. It is common in Sri Lankan culture
that we look for mediating circumstances when confronted with
sin in the church. We are not often wise in discerning when a
person who appears contrite is merely worried about the shame
connected to being found out or is afraid of the cost of being held
accountable for his or her sin.

The aim of going is to “win back”. Bruner makes the point that
while Paul seeks to win non Christians to Christ Matthew
72
concentrates on winning Christians. The term “win back”
suggests humility and winsomeness. Wherever the term
kerdainein is used to mean “winning over” it has overtones of
73
humility. The person who wins back the brother or sister must
have observed the injunction to humble himself or herself like a
74
child (v. 4). Matthew does not say ‘shamed back” or “proved
75
yourself right” as we might sometimes want to say. “Win back”
or “have gained” is in contrast to “be lost” in Matthew 18:14.
Grace is an antidote to shame, offering the warmth of acceptance
to the one who has been exposed. However, grace cannot be the
‘cheap grace’ that Bonhoeffer so scathingly attacks. “Cheap grace
is the preaching of forgiveness without requiring repentance,
baptism without church discipline, communion without
confession, absolution without personal confession. Cheap grace

70
Roberts, Repentance, 99.
71
Ibid., 96.
72
Bruner, Matthew, 649.
73
Thompson, Matthew’s advice, 180.
74
Ibid.
75
Bruner, Matthew, 649.

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is grace without discipleship, grace without the cross, grace

76
without Jesus Christ, living and incarnate”.

There is another reminder in this verse that this person is a

brother (or sister). Matthew takes pains to emphasise the
77
brotherhood of the disciples (v 15), using the term ‘brother’ 39
78
times (as opposed to Mark’s 20 times and Luke’s 24 times). Just
as the conflict between brothers is a matter of concern for the
whole church, the winning back of the brother is also more than
personal reconciliation. It is winning back to the church a disciple
79
who might have been lost because of his sinning. Neyrey
interprets this passage as upholding the general code of honour
80
found in Mediterranean society (1998,183). Mediterranean
society was an agonistic society in which an affront to honour
must be addressed. A challenge must be answered by a riposte to
maintain one’s honour. According to Neyrey, this passage
reinforces cultural norms by telling an offended brother or sister
to “seek some redress” by telling the one offering a challenge, his
or her fault or “accusing him before some assembly” or even
81
“expelling the offender from the group” (Neyrey 1998:183).
According to Neyrey, though, Jesus undermines the general code
of honour both in verse 21-22 and in Matthew 5:6 by “declaring

76
Bonhoeffer, The cost of discipleship, 44.
77
Gundry, Matthew, 367; Duling, “The Matthean brotherhood,”165.
78
Duling, “The Matthean brotherhood,”165; Dennis C. Duling, A
Marginal Scribe (Origen: Cascade Books, 2012). Duling points out that
the term is used to allude to fictive kinship in seven Matthean passages
(5:21-26, 7:1-5, 12:46-50, 18:15-22, 35, 23:8-10, 25:40, 28:10). Reidar
Aasgaard, “My Beloved Brothers and Sisters!”: Christian Siblingship in
Paul (London: T&T Clark International, 2004), 3. Aasgaard finds that the
family is Paul’s most frequent mode of speaking of Christians, occurring
122 times in the 7 letters Aasgard attributes to Paul: Romans, 1 & 2
Corinthians, Galatians, Philippians, 1 Thessalonians, and Philemon.
79
Gundry, Matthew, 368.
80
Jerome H. Neyrey, Honor and Shame in the Gospel of Matthew
(Louisville, Kentucky: Westminister John Knox Press, 1998), 183.
81
Ibid.

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 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

praiseworthy the acceptance of insults and injury without a

riposte”. His argument that Jesus “replaces” verses 15-17 with
82
verses 21-22 is not convincing (Neyrey 1998,193).

In an honour–shame culture, for a person who has offended, to

acknowledge or confess to the offence is to add to their shame.
So, the alleged offender could well react with accusations of
meddling or denials, and retaliate by engaging in gossip, bringing
up the faults of his or her ‘accuser’ and plan some kind of
revenge, perhaps blocking the progress of the one who has come
by passive aggressive behaviour. Honour that seems to have been
lost in this exchange can be regained by gaining support within
the church or getting revenge. These are some of the negatives of
an honour–shame culture but there are values, positive aspects
of the culture that can be harnessed to bring about the objectives
of Jesus’ teaching.

In honour–shame cultures today, as in the Mediterranean of New

Testament times, the family is the most significant kin-group
83
(Bartchy 1999; Robertson 2001). Belonging is the most
significant aspect of personal identity. A vital consideration when
seeking out the erring brother or sister is how the church sees
itself. Robertson, remarking on Paul’s advice to the Corinthian
church on an incestuous relationship in the church, notes that the
church has the choice between identifying with the world or
seeing itself as set apart from the world as one family. “The
Corinthians’ choice of self-definition would, in turn, determine
how they would deal with internal disputes” (Robertson 2001,
84
597). The family is a powerful metaphor for the church in the

82
Ibid., 193.
83
Bartchy, “Divine power, community formation;” Roberts,
Repentance.
84
Roberts, Repentance, 597; Duling 2012, 215 ;see also Burke
2003, David de Silva Honor, Patronage, Kinship & Purity: Unlocking New
Testament Culture (Downers Grove, IL: Intervarsity, 2000); Wayne

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

New Testament, both for Jesus and Paul. New Testament

scholarship has identified the disciples as a ‘fictive kin group’, one
of many voluntary associations which were formed on common
interests or some other criteria (age, sex, work) rather than
85
natural kinship. In the church, the borders of family are
extended to include all believers, regardless of ethnicity, gender,
or status. “In times of conflict, it was understood that brothers
and sisters would not go outside the household network, but
rather would find a way to coordinate with the paterfamilias and
with one another to find a way forward together. That way
forward was known as the concilium, an intentional gathering of
the adult members of a household network for the purpose of
addressing problematic issues and allowing warring siblings to
86
attain compromise and conciliation.”
87
In scripture, discipline is a family matter. God is revealed as the
father who disciplines as part of his love (Heb 12:7-9). See
88
Proverbs 3:12 and 25:9. Burke states that the paterfamilias had
the role of socializing his children into the family. Imitation of the
89
father was part of that socializing. Meeks says, of the terms and
the affectionate language of Paul’s epistles: “Especially striking is
the language that speaks of the members of the Pauline groups as
90
if they were family”. The term “brothers” and “sisters”, though
used in all early Christian literature, occurs most frequently in

Meeks, The first urban Christians (New Haven: Yale University Press,
1983).
85
Dennis C. Duling, A Marginal Scribe (Origen: Cascade Books,
2012), 215; see also, Trevor J. Burke, Family Matters (London: T&T Clark
International, 2003); Meeks, The first urban Christians.
86
Roberts, Repentance, 602.
87
See Burke 2003 for a discussion of the role of fathers in
authority and discipline from both Jewish and non Jewish sources.
88
Craig Evans, Matthew, NCBC (Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 2012), 334.
89
Burke, Family Matters, 160-61.
90
Meeks, The first urban Christians, 86.

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 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

91
Paul’s writings. Paul refers to believers as his children,
occasionally naming individuals as “son”, like Timothy, Titus,
92
Philemon and others (Meeks 1982, 87). Burke highlights Paul’s
use of terms of affection for the church, including the
endearment “beloved” (1 Thess 1:4, 2:8,2:17) and the
establishment of a kinship activity, the kiss of greeting, as part of
93
in the church’s ritual. Bartchy lists some of the ‘obligations of
kinship’. Whereas among strangers, honour was considered a
limited good and constantly competed for, within the family,
honour was freely shared among siblings who were not to
compete, challenge or respond to a challenge to honour from
within the family. Honour was to be extended to brothers and
sisters in Christ who might not have been deserving of such
honour according to cultural criteria (Phil 2:3, Rom 12:10, 1 Cor
12:23-26). “The tightest unity of loyalty and affection in the
ancient Mediterranean world was experienced in the sibling
94
group of brothers and sisters.” This ‘general reciprocity’ was to
be extended to surrogate kinship groups like the Essenes, and the
church. Other characteristics included: loyalty and trust, truth
telling, an obligation to meet one another’s material needs and
opening the home. Members of these groups had a sense of a
shared destiny. Barnabas (Acts 4:36-37) is an example of one who
95
embodied these values. Loewen, therefore, calls Mt 18:15-17
96
“face to face soul nurture”. Lynd in her treatise on the search
for identity says:

91
Meeks, The first urban Christians, 87.
92
Meeks, The first urban Christians, 87. This practice of using
household terms to refer to members of a group was found in Judaism
but also in pagan clubs and cults.
93
Burke, Family Matters, 4.
94
Bartchy, “Divine power, community formation,” 93; de Silva
Patronage, Kinship & Purity, 2000, 76. Bartchy contrasts this with the
modern western view of marriage as the closest bond.
95
Bartchy, “Divine power, community formation,”94-95.
96
J. A. Loewen, “Four kind of forgiveness,” Practical
Anthropology 11 no. 4, Pt. 2 (1970):159.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Enlarging the possibilities of mutual love depend upon

risking exposure. This risk of exposure can come about only
with respect for oneself, respect for the other person and
recognition of non-personal values and loyalties of both
persons. Through such love one comes to know the meaning
of exposure without shame, and of shame transformed by
being understood and shared. Aristotle distinguishes
between feeling ashamed of things shameful “according to
common opinion” and things shameful “in very truth.” In
love there can be the exploring together of things shameful
“in very truth.”97

Bonhoeffer, in his reflection on the beatitudes, describes the

characteristic of being merciful:
Thus they go out and seek all who are enmeshed in the toils
of sin and guilt. No distress is too great. No sin too appalling
for their pity. If any man falls into disgrace, the merciful will
sacrifice their own honour to shield him, and take his shame
upon themselves. They will be found consorting with
publicans and sinners, careless of the shame they incur
thereby. In order that they may be merciful they cast away
the most priceless treasure of human life, their personal
dignity and honour. For the only honour and dignity they
know is their Lord’s own mercy, to which alone they owe
their very lives.98

The question is if the church in Sri Lanka has the confidence to

identify itself as family. Of course there are pitfalls to avoid. If the
church is family, there is the temptation to expect the pastor to
be paterfamilias, with children who will not grow up and take
responsibility. Family dysfunctions can be carried over into church
99
life. Sometimes churches fall victim to their own publicised

97
Helen Merrell Lynd, On Shame and the Search for Identity
(Abingdon, Oxon: Rourledge, 1958), 239.
98
Bonhoeffer, The cost of discipleship, 111.
99
Cheryl M. Fleckenstein, “Congregation as family? No, know
the pitfalls,” Word & World 33, no. 2 (2013): 189-91.

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 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

ideals. The congregation expects the church to fulfill their need

for acceptance, comfort, emotional support, exercise of power,
100
use of gifts and so on, all under the rubric of being family.
Bartchy makes the point that scholarship has engaged in debates
over the issue of the structure of the church as either patriarchal
or egalitarian, assuming the two to be at opposite ends of the
same power spectrum. He argues out that the two terms operate
in two different ways, and within the most important social
structures of society—kinship and politics. He suggests that while
the church is non-patriarchal, that did not mean it was
101
egalitarian. Paul’s goal was ‘not the creation of an egalitarian
community in the political sense, but a well functioning family in
102
the kinship sense.’ This leaves room for different roles,
strengths, and resources being brought by different members of
the family for the good of the whole. While the responsibility
towards our brothers and sisters should be stressed, churches
should work to bring believers to grow in wisdom and spiritual
maturity. In Galatians 6:1, Paul urges the church to look out for
and restore those who have been ‘overtaken’ or ‘ensnared’ in sin.
There is a necessity for those who undertake this task to be
spiritually mature, and careful that they do not get similarly
ensnared. Laney suggests that not everyone is qualified to deal
with sin in another’s life: “Those who are weak, easily tempted,
or unable to forgive should allow others to take the lead in the
103
task of restoration.” Could it be that if the brother or sister
does not listen, it is because we have failed in our
communication? If so, taking others along could well be a form of
protection for the offender rather than for us.

100
Jean E. Greenwood, “Beyond Shame: Toward an
understanding of church conflict,” Clergy Journal 81, no. 8 (2005): 3.
101
Bartchy, “Divine power, community formation,”97-98.
102
Ibid., 98. Petersen (1985,157) disagrees, saying that Paul
levels the playing field, so that the church consists of brothers and sisters
with no fathers and mothers.
103
Laney, “The Biblical Practice of Church Discipline,” 357.

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If the brother does not listen, the offended believer is to take

along “one or two witnesses”. Who are these witnesses and what
are they supposed to contribute to the process of reconciliation?
At this point, the offended party has to examine his or her
motives and attitudes closely. The offender has not listened.
What feelings and motivations are most likely to occur if
unchecked? Self-righteousness, anger, a desire to make sure the
offender pays, exaggeration of the offence? In those
circumstances, choosing two or three witnesses could well
become a pretext for shaming someone who has offended us. To
be shamed is to be exposed to the rejection of others, to be
found wanting, Therefore, to have one’s wrongdoing exposed to
more and more people can be seen as a deliberate attempt to
shame.

Some scholars suggest that the two witnesses are eyewitnesses

104
to the offence. This certainly seems to be the case in the Old
Testament reference in the text.

Deuteronomy 19:15 states: “One witness is not enough to convict

anyone accused of any crime or offense they may have
committed. A matter must be established by the testimony of
two or three witnesses”. This concern for ensuring fair play is
repeated in the New Testament when Paul writes to Timothy:
“Do not entertain an accusation against an elder unless it is
brought by two or three witnesses” (1 Tim. 5:19). In 2 Corinthians
13:1, Paul uses the same text in the context of repeating a
warning to the church: “This will be my third visit to you. Every
matter must be established by the testimony of two or three
witnesses. I already gave you a warning when I was with you the
second time. I now repeat it while absent: On my return I will not
spare those who sinned earlier or any of the others”. Some

104
J. Carl Laney, A guide to Church Discipline (Minneapolis:
Bethany House, 1985), 53-54.

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 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

scholars suggest that the witnesses here are not individuals but
105
Paul’s three visits.

While the allusion to Deuteronomy and the plain reading of the

text seems to indicate that the two or three are eyewitnesses to
the offence, many scholars conclude that they are eyewitnesses
not of the initial offence, but of the conversation between the
106
offender and his aggrieved brother/sister. France points out
that the context in Matthew is different to that in Deuteronomy,
107
since the brother/sister is not on trial. Pfitzner says the
witnesses are there for the sinner rather than against him. They
witness to the fact that the sinner was given every chance to
repent. Every word will be attested to so that the sinner cannot
claim that he was accosted in anger, that his or her accuser is
108
biased or pursing a hidden agenda. Adams’ argument that
there is no point trying to keep the matter private if there have
109
been witnesses to the incident must be tempered since there
are bound to be occasions when a person’s offence against
another is witnessed or known about. Horning argues that
assuming they are eyewitnesses is in tension with the pastoral
and redeeming purpose of the passage as a whole. Their role is
not primarily that of witnesses for the prosecution in case the
matter goes before the church. In Deuteronomy, the witnesses
are to help establish the guilt of a person before the judges. In
Matthew, in contrast, the role of the witnesses is to discreetly
110
help convince the fellow disciple of the need for repentance.

105
Davies and Allison, Matthew, 785.
106
Luz, Matthew 8-20, 452; Gundry, Matthew, 368; Albright
and Mann, Matthew, 220; Blomberg, “On building and breaking
barriers,” 138; France, Matthew, 274; Thompson, Matthew’s advice, 183.
107
France, Matthew, 374.
108
Pfitzner, “Purified community,” 39.
109
Jay E. Adams, Handbook of Church Discipline (Grand Rapids,
MI: Zondervan, 1986), 59-60.
110
Estella B. Horning, The rule of Christ: An exposition of
Matthew 18:15-20. Brethren Life and Thought 38, no. 2 (1993): 74.

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Gibbs and Kloha (2003) strongly disagree and argue that the
witnesses are eye witnesses to the incident since that is the sense
111
in Deuteronomy.

Taking into account the broad brushstrokes with which this

vignette is painted, where the sin is not specified, it seems likely
that these instructions can be applied in situations where there
are no eyewitnesses to an offence. It seems reasonable to
suppose that while the two witnesses might best be chosen from
those who have witnessed an offence, thereby keeping the
matter as private as possible, where there are no witnesses, the
one who is going might take with him people who will serve as
witnesses to the attempt to reconcile. The allusion to the Old
Testament text, then, is not to be followed literally but serves to
reinforce the principle that “multiple testimony is more
112
convincing.’ Bonhoeffer, also, deals with the situation where
the member of the congregation denies the charge and it cannot
be proven to the satisfaction of the witnesses. In those cases, the
matter should be left in God’s hands for “they are witnesses not
113
inquisitors!”

If they are not eyewitnesses they cannot give their account of the
incident to the church. The witness adds their persuasion to that
of the one who goes. The witnesses are there to persuade as is
seen from the fact that the offender is supposed to listen to them
(v. 17). The words they speak are first to the offender rather than
to the church as a whole. They are counsellors who become
witnesses only if the offender does not listen to them, says
Adams who suggests that they are witnesses to “every word” in
114
this conversation. They represent the community’s authority
115
and its desire for reconciliation. If they have this important

111
Gibbs and Kloha, “Following Matthew 18,” 6-25.
112
France, Matthew, 274.
113
Bonhoeffer, The cost of discipleship, 291.
114
Adams, Handbook of Church Discipline, 60.
115
Carter, Matthew, 368.

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function, presumably some care must be taken in choosing them.

116
Important aspects to consider will be their character, integrity,
their relationship to one or other or both parties, perhaps even
their spiritual authority in the church, which is not the same as
their positional authority. Osborne suggests that they should be
117
leaders in the community. In a culture rife with gossip, the
ability to keep a confidence is vital. Counselling skills and training
might be useful. The one going must avoid the temptation to
choose only those who will show unswerving and uncritical
loyalty to him or her. It is to the church’s shame that there is in
many congregations a dearth of such people who might fit these
118
criteria.

The text does not say that the church leaders need to be involved
here but Adams suggests that the qualities required of such
people would quite likely make church leaders suitable
candidates. He stresses that they go initially in their private
119
capacity though he admits this would be hard to do. A practical
suggestion for maintaining confidentiality is that the name of the
offender should not be disclosed to a potential “witness” until
120
they have agreed to take on that role. Barclay offers the insight
that a person may find it harder to listen to the one he or she has
121
offended. “A man often hates those he has injured most of all,”
so that the presence of others who will also listen to the other
side could well be beneficial and make it easier to ‘hear’.
Blomberg suggests that a person who is repeatedly offended
might be too “co-dependent” to effectively deal with the sins of

116
Blomberg, Matthew, 278.
117
Grant E. Osborne, Matthew, (Grandrapids, MI: Zondervan,
2010), 686.
118
1 Cor. 6:1-11. Paul comments on the Corinthian church’s
inability to mediate and deal with conflict in the church especially in vv. 2-5.
119
Adams, Handbook of Church Discipline, 61.
120
Ibid.
121
Barclay, Matthew, 188.

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122
people close to them. Here, too, taking others who can be
more objective will be helpful.

In Rabbinic texts, the witnesses’ duty is to warn the offender

about his deed. The use of witnesses also makes it harder to
condemn an offender for a first offence. He or she has to be
warned more than once before being condemned in a legal
123
sense. Taking this meaning, the purpose of the witnesses
would be either to provide the warning or to strengthen the
124
reproof.

Great damage can be done to a believer, especially a leader, if

false accusations are believed or slander is spread. Jesus’
instructions here avoid the danger of false accusations, slander as
well as gossip, all prohibited by scripture and damaging to the
individual and community. This extra work of going, again, shows
patience, it acts to protect the sinner from “arbitrary and
125
precipitous” action, prevents coercion (Bruner 1990, 649), and
means going the extra mile to bring back this brother or sister
126
into fellowship. It could also allow a fresh perspective and
greater objectivity. The choice of witnesses is important.

It might be good at this point to stop and consider the

alternatives to the church’s involvement in the disputes between
members. In 1 Cor 6:1-11, Paul admonishes the church for
allowing members to go outside the church to the courts to settle
a dispute. In Sri Lankan culture, litigation is not as easily resorted
to as in some parts of the worldwide church. However, it is the
underlying principles that are helpful in reinforcing Jesus’
teaching in Matthew 18. Robertson sees the link between
Leviticus 19 and Matthew 18 as reflecting the familial nature of

122
Blomberg, Matthew, 279.
123
Luz, Matthew 8-20,452;
124
Gundry, Matthew, 368.
125
Bruner, Matthew, 649.
126
Ibid.

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127
the bond between believers. It seems like there is a long
tradition of assuming that the people of God will be able to find
within its ranks wise people who will be able to adjudicate
between siblings when necessary. Robertson points to the
similarity between Deuteronomy 1:12-18 and 1 Corinthians 6
128
which he links to Leviticus 19. It is an unfortunate phenomenon
that not all churches actively seek and foster wisdom amongst its
members, even at leadership level. Perhaps this is one reason,
along with the shame characteristics of the culture that lead to
conflict not being dealt with in the church.

“If They Still Refuse To Listen, Tell It To The Church; And If They
Refuse To Listen Even To The Church, Treat Them As You Would
A Pagan Or A Tax Collector” (Matthew 18:17)
The attitude of the erring believer seems to harden as he or she
129
moves from ‘not listening’ to ‘refusing to listen.’ The focus
narrows to the one who originally went – he or she must now
130
undertake the difficult task of taking the matter to the church.
Ideally, no matter should come to the attention of the church
which has not already been carefully and caringly worked on by
one or a few brothers and sisters in the church. There is nothing
in the text to tell us how many meetings and how many days
should elapse before it is assumed that the offending brother or
sister will not listen. Scripture does give instances, though, of
matters reaching this stage without going through the previous
two stages. In 1 Corinthians 5, the church seems to have been
unconcerned at the sinful behaviour of the man who was

127
Roberts, Repentance, 598, 593-4. Robertson points out that
in this context, any victory gained outside the church is still a defeat for
the entire church as relationships change and factions develop. When
brother takes brother to court in the sight of outsiders, their familial
bond is broken.
128
Roberts, Repentance, 600.
129
Nolland, The Gospel of Matthew, 747.
130
Ibid.

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committing incest and Paul decrees on behalf of the church that

131
stage three has been reached.

Matthew is the only gospel writer who uses ekklesia, and this is
132
his second of three uses of the word (16:18, 18:17a, 17b). The
passage does not specify to whom the original party should
report. It does not state that they should be the leaders of the
church or a particular body charged with handling conflicts within
the community. Thompson argues that the use of the term
ekklesia suggests some kind of organizational structure and
formal procedure but there is insufficient evidence to specify
133
what that might be. Blomberg suggests that flexibility and
sensitivity should feature in the procedures adopted especially
134
since rigid guidelines are not laid down. For instance,
considerable damage could be done if a sin that few know about
is now publicized to the whole church. This leads Blomberg to
suggest that the text leaves it vague enough to allow the church
to exercise its discretion. He suggests that the matter is kept “as
135
private or public as the original offence”. However, if there is a
need for excommunication, then the whole church needs to be
136
told. The church’s role is “not to rebuke or condemn, but
rather to support the individual disciple in his final attempt to
137
convince and reconcile his brother.” If the person still refuses
to listen, drastic measures are taken to treat them no longer as a
brother or sister but as a tax collector or pagan.

This verse raises two questions. Who is supposed to treat the

offender as a tax collector/pagan? Is it the church or the

131
Horning 1993, p. In Gal. 6:1, Paul calls for a community
rather than individual response (the “you” is plural).
132
Gundry, Matthew, 368; Thompson, Matthew’s advice, 183.
133
Thompson, Matthew’s advice, 184.
134
Blomberg, Matthew, 279.
135
Blomberg, Matthew, 139.
136
Ibid.
137
Thompson, Matthew’s advice, 184.

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 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

individual? Secondly, what does it mean to treat a believer in that

way—is it some kind of limited exclusion such as exclusion from
the Lord’s Supper or is it excommunication? Of course the answer
to the second question will be linked to the answer to the first,
since only the church, not the individual can excommunicate.

The phrase “he shall be to you (soi) is addressed to the

138
individual which leads some scholars to suggest that it is the
individual who is to shun the unrepentant offender, so that it is a
139
“quarantine within the church, not . . . expulsion from her.”
However, the verse which follows and speaks of binding and
loosing is in the plural, and thus does not make it so easy to
settle. Brunner therefore favours the view that it is the whole
140
church that performs this action. Gundry takes a similar view
and explains that the singular is used because of the parallel with
141
the preceding instruction. Similarly, Luz who says that although
this is addressed to the offended party, for all practical purposes
this means expulsion from the church, rather than that the
142
individual offended has nothing to do with them. No mention
is made of the formalities of how this is to be done and no
mention either of the role of officials of the church in this
143
process. Other texts suggest that leaders should play a central
role here (cf. II Thess. 3:14-15; I Tim. 5:20; Titus 3:10-11).
However, If it is not the individual, neither is it the leaders alone
who undertake this responsibility – it belongs to the whole
church. “When the whole assembly participates in this decision,
and not just the leaders, the whole assembly experiences the fear

138
Bruner, Matthew, 650.
139
Bruner, Matthew, 650; France, Matthew, 275. Also
Thompson, Matthew’s advice, 185 who sees this as a” threefold attempt
at reconciliation than a juridical process of excommunication”,
140
Bruner, Matthew,651-52.
141
Gundry, Matthew, 368.
142
Luz, Matthew 8-20, 452.
143
Ibid.

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144
of the Lord and the gravity of sin.” Pfitzner states that this is
not a high-handed authoritarian act but recognition of what the
sinner has done—cut themselves off from forgiveness and
145
fellowship. In 1 Cor 5:1-12, we read of an example of such
action recommended to the church by Paul. Carter argues that
this is not excommunication based on the emphasis on mediation
and conciliation, and since there are no procedures laid out. In his
opinion it is more a recognition that the offender has placed
146
himself or herself outside the community.

What does it mean to treat someone as “a pagan or tax

collector”? Blomberg observes that Mt. 18:15-17 “resembles the
Old Testament practice of ‘cutting’ someone ‘off’ from the
assembly of Israel (e.g. Gen. 17:14; Exod. 12:15, 19; 30:33,
147
38).” Bruner comments that many commentators find it hard
to reconcile this teaching with Jesus’ own gentleness and
generosity with such people from whom Matthew himself was
148
called. It gives us a clue as to the church’s agenda for the
expelled believer—he or she is to be treated as a lost sheep to be
brought back to the fold. To be treated thus does not mean
condemnation, but does suggest ceasing to have Christian
fellowship with them. They can no longer be treated as fellow
believers. Although most commentators take this positive view of
the church’s concern for the excommunicated brother or sister,
Illian points out that in Matthew, few Gentiles and tax collectors
are portrayed positively. More often they are shown to be hostile
to God and negative examples (5:47, 6:7. 6:32, 20:25). The
disciples are told not to waste time on them (10:5). They are
149
outsiders. This must be clear in the church’s mind. Such
fellowship activities as the Lord’s Supper or such privileges of

144
Bruner, Matthew, 650.
145
Pfitzner, “Purified community,” 39.
146
Carter, Matthew, 368.
147
Blomberg, Matthew, 279.
148
Bruner, Matthew, 651.
149
Illian, “Church discipline and forgiveness,” 449.

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 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

membership of the church such as leadership or voting rights

150
would be withheld. Blomberg goes so far as to suggest that this
person should not be allowed to participate in public corporate
fellowship, but that individual Christians should reach out to
151 152
them. They are “objects of mission.” Excommunication, says
Hauerwas, is a “call to come home by undergoing the appropriate
153
penance.” This suggests that believers would still need to be
involved in the life of the offending brother or sister, exhorting
and wooing them back.

Church discipline that leads to exclusion causes a person to lose

their social standing. Not only the person but their family is
shamed. It might be that within the Christian community, the
church is shamed. Reverend Yang in his book, Discipline or Shame,
states from his survey of Malaysian churches that church
discipline is rarely practised, and if practised in the form of
excommunication, does not result in restoration. Furthermore,
154
reconciliation is never achieved. In an honour–shame culture, a
person who is publicly disciplined by excommunication, for
example, will not normally return to the church because they
have lost face. This inhibits Asian pastors from such practices for
fear of the repercussions. Yang also mentions that his survey
showed that there was little pastoral care offered to those who
had been excommunicated. Pastors were simply not equipped to
deal with the complications of church discipline in a culture of
155
honour–shame.

Disciplining a church member in this way in a shame-based

culture will make the pastor unpopular, raise strong emotions
that might well be difficult to control, alienate other members,

150
Blomberg, “On building and breaking barriers,”140.
151
Blomberg, Matthew, 279.
152
Carter, Matthew, 368.
153
Hauerwas, Matthew, 165.
154
Yang, Discipline or shame?, 4.
155
Ibid., 7.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

especially the offender’s family and close friends, and possibly

156
lose the offender altogether. In his survey Yang received varied
responses to the question of excommunication. Several pastors
felt that in shame-based cultures, such a treatment was
inappropriate. Others felt that shame could not be avoided if
church purity was to be safeguarded. One Nagaland pastor
replied that public shaming ought to be carried out. His reason
was that when a person sinned, they had already done something
which society considers shameful. The church cannot be seen to
have a lower standard than society. Public announcement of the
sin causes shame but this losing face is an important step towards
repentance. In local idiom, “the skin of his face must be removed”
157
so that all can see the true self. Yang extended his research
from Malaysia to six Asian countries to include six pastors and
two seminarians. The reality was that excessive shaming resulted
in the member being lost to the church, partly because of the
experience of being shamed and partly because the church rarely
provided a way back for the offender. However, face-saving alone
would result in all manner of sinful behaviour being left
158
unaddressed.

Since the New Testament was written to people in an honour–

shame culture, it seems that both Jesus and Paul (1 Cor. 5: 1ff)
taught that there was a point at which shame could no longer be
hidden. Yang concludes that there is a difference between
shaming someone, intentionally and with a desire for vengeance,
and allowing them to “sense” their own shame. Feeling shame
can lead to positive results. Perceptions of “being shamed” can
have disastrous results. Paul allows the offender to feel the
shame of his position and be forced to make a decision about his
159
allegiance.

156
Ibid., 32-34.
157
Ibid., 37.
158
Ibid., 38.
159
Ibid., 46.

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 GO AND BE RECONCILED (MATTHEW 18:15-17)

Shame is “a good tool in the hands of a loving community,” says

Yang. The person who is disciplined longs to return to the
community. Shame, in this positive sense, motivates healing and
reconciliation. If the community is uncaring, the person feels
alienated. The negative side of shame will overcome the
160
positive. Of course, there is no guarantee that this process will
work. Ramshaw points out that in Matthew 18:12-14, the
shepherd who goes out to find the one who has strayed rejoices if
161
he finds it, but there is the possibility that he might not. And of
course, excommunication in this day and age would not have the
same effect as it did in New Testament times. The person who
has offended merely needs to go down the road to another
church whereas in New Testament times they would have been
162
bereft of Christian fellowship.

CONCLUSION
As we gave seen, Matthew 18:15-20 is not primarily a manual for
church discipline but an impetus for pastoral care within a
covenant community called to be God’s holy people. When a
brother or sister sins against us, we are called to see their need
rather than our hurt pride, anger or even our pain. We are to see
them not as evil perpetrators but as a straying brother or sister in
danger of being lost. At the same time, we also see the
seriousness of sin, both to the individual and to the church
community. Sin left unchecked will spread, destroying the sinner
and spreading through the church. This means we will not offer
cheap grace under the guise of loving. Neither will we rush to
condemn. Our love is shown when with the attitude of humility
and unconcern for our status, we go after them, to bring them
back. If in our concern to save people from shame and ourselves
from the awkwardness, uncertainty, and unpopularity, we turn a
blind eye to sins committed against us, we are in fact causing

160
Ibid., 59.
161
Ramshaw, “Power and Forgiveness,” 399.
162
Blomberg, “On building and breaking barriers,”140.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

others to stumble, perhaps irretrievably, from the path of

discipleship. Of course, there is risk involved and no guarantee of
success. The key to being able to show someone their fault
without shaming them is to understand our identity as brothers
and sisters. Within the family, we can speak openly, protect one
another’s honour and forgive freely. This is not something that is
the duty of those in pastoral leadership, but the calling of the
whole community. This balance of pastoral care for the individual
and preserving the holiness of the church must prevail.

94
 THE ORIGINS OF
THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON:
EVENTS AND PERSONALITIES OF
THE SECOND DECADE (1918-1927)

SIMON FULLER

INTRODUCTION
1
In 2014, the Assemblies of God of Ceylon are celebrating one
hundred years of ministry in the island. In an earlier article, a
preliminary study has been attempted of the chronology of the
first phases of Pentecostal ministry in Sri Lanka, beginning from
1907 and concluding with the departure of William and Vinnie
Grier, the first missionary couple of the Assemblies of God (AG),
2
in 1917. Continuing that story, the present article addresses the
years 1918-1927.

Within this second decade, the years 1922 to 1925 in particular,

(that is, from the first visit of Mme Anna Lewini to the arrival of
Rev Walter Clifford on a longterm basis) is the critical period for
the manner in which Pentecostal Christianity in Sri Lanka was

1
This is still the correct official name of the body, despite the
country’s change of name from Ceylon to Sri Lanka in 1972.
2
‘The Introduction of Pentecostalism to Sri Lanka: A Chronology
of the First Decade (1907-1917)’, in Mihindukulasuriya, Poobalan and
Caldera (eds.), A Cultured Faith: Essays in honour of Prof. G. P. V.
Somaratna on his seventieth birthday, Colombo: CTS Publishing, 2011,
287-310.
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

formulated. It is the period in which the key local leaders

emerged, whose convictions and decisions determined the course
(or courses) of the movement. It is also the subject of much
speculation and rumour, as there are different and strongly-held
versions of the sequence of events which resulted in the
existence of two quite different groups of Pentecostal believers –
the Assemblies of God of Ceylon (AG Ceylon) and the Ceylon
3
Pentecostal Mission (CPM). The present article explores some
avenues of evidence previously unavailable or unutilized, yet at
the same time it remains subject to correction as further
evidence may yet come to light.

J J B de Silva
As the year 1918 opened, Mary Chapman, the pioneer of AG
missionary work in South India, wrote home from Royapettah,
Madras, of special meetings during the holiday period in which
the participants had been conscious of a very close encounter
with the Lord. Among them were five missionaries from other
stations, and “a dear brother from Ceylon, who received great
4
blessing.” This is almost certainly a reference to John James
5
Benjamin de Silva (c.1872-1946) . One of William Grier’s contacts
6
during the latter’s ministry in Wellawatte, Colombo in 1915-17,
he had been identified then as a zealous witness and one who
7
was eagerly seeking the baptism of the Spirit. The tribute to Bro.
de Silva written after his death by missionary C F Graves, speaks
of this same event in context:

3
This is the name still used in Sri Lanka, although the CPM is
now called by other names in other countries where it has been
established, for example The Pentecostal Mission (TPM) in India.
4
Weekly Evangel 234-235 (no.1, n.s., April 6, 1918), 10.
5
We may estimate De Silva’s date of birth from the year of his
retirement from the Audit Office, based on information gleaned from
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory.
6
The De Silvas lived at “Newlyn,” Charlemont Road, Wellawatte
(Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory, editions of 1923, 1924 and 1925).
7
Weekly Evangel 127 (February 19, 1916), 13.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

He was so hungry for God that he took the trip of more than
a thousand miles [to Pandita Ramabai’s Mukti Mission at
Kedgaon, near Poona] to seek for the Baptism in the Holy
Spirit – but came back without it. However, he was now
more hungry than ever! Next, he went to a Pentecostal
convention in Madras, determined to receive the
experience. There he walked the streets, crying to God to
fulfill His promise and fill him with the Holy Ghost. The dear
Lord heard his cry and gave him a mighty Baptism in the
Spirit, with the gift of tongues and interpretation.8

We can see, here, a parallel with the experience of another early

Sri Lankan Pentecostal, D E Dias Wanigasekera, who, having been
convinced of the Pentecostal message under the ministry of A G
Garr in 1907, ultimately travelled more than 2,000 miles to
Fyzabad in North India in his determination to receive the
9
baptism of the Spirit in 1910. In the case of both men, the
experience was preceded by an otherwise unquenchable thirst
for intimacy with God, and followed by an undeniable fruitfulness
in witness. It is a matter of regret that the present-day church
largely takes the Spirit baptism for granted, having apparently
exchanged the ‘panting of the soul’ (Ps. 42:1) for merely ‘making
a joyful noise’.

This passion to seek and serve God was to make Brother de Silva
one of the most significant personalities in the early years of the
AG in Sri Lanka. An Anglican by birth, Baptist lay-preacher by
marriage, and a government auditor by profession, this deeply
spiritual Christian gentleman influenced many towards Christ, not
only at his workplace in Colombo but by persistent witness from
10
the deep south to the far north of the island. He also probably

8
Pentecostal Evangel 1719 (April 19, 1947), 8-9.
9
Bridegroom’s Messenger 4.75 (December 1, 1910), 2, 4.
10
There are faded photographs of him preaching in the open
air before a hostile crowd at Ahangama in the Galle District; he also
pioneered and pastored the first Pentecostal church in Jaffna.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

influenced fellow Baptists such as J S Wickramaratne and P I

Jacob to seek the baptism of the Spirit.

Sadhu Sundar Singh’s Visit

In May–June 1918, the iconic Indian Christian Sadhu Sundar Singh
(1889-1929) visited Sri Lanka, ministering for six weeks around
the island. Although not yet thirty years of age, his apparent
spiritual authority and authentically South Asian gospel message
impacted thousands. His meeting at the Methodist Church in
Galle in particular made a deep impression upon the 17-year-old
11
Alwin de Alwis , which was to be instrumental in shaping the
latter’s concepts of a radically indigenous ministry which later
12
found expression in the founding of the CPM.

J M Hickson
Two years later, in November 1920, healing services were
conducted in the island by the Anglican missioner James Moore
Hickson. Arriving from a time of ministry in the Coptic churches in
Egypt, Hickson was on a remarkable and extensive missionary
journey which would take him through India, Burma, Malaya
(including Singapore), China (including many cities in the interior),
Japan, and Philippines before returning to Colombo a year later.
Hickson (1868-1933) was not a Pentecostal but had a remarkable
healing gift and sought to restore the healing ministry to the
Church at large. It is said that he could discern demons by their
13
smell. Thousands flocked to his meetings (in India, tens of
thousands), which were generally conducted entirely within the
structure of the Anglican Church, and many were healed.
th th
Between November 9 and 18 , he conducted crowded but well

11 th
Alwin was born on 8 March 1901. This date has been
obtained from passenger lists of his later travels to Europe and North
America, via the website www.ancestry.com.
12
See G. P. V. Somaratna, Origins of the Pentecostal Mission in
Sri Lanka, 30-31.
13
http://healingandrevival.com/BioJMHickson.htm (accessed
Sept. 14 2010).

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

coordinated healing services at Holy Emmanuel Moratuwa, St

Michael and All Angels Polwatta, Christ Church Galle Face, Holy
Trinity San Sebastian, St Paul’s Milagiriya, St Paul’s Kandy, and
Christ Church Kurunegala. In addition, he visited bedridden cases
at home and in hospitals, as well as the deaf and blind school and
the mental asylums. All his messages were interpreted into
Sinhala and Tamil, and he entrusted the clergy with the
14
responsibility of continuing the healing ministry. He returned
for a shorter visit a year later.

J S Wickramaratne
15
It was around this time that, John Samuel Wickramaratne, a
customs officer and Baptist lay preacher, received the Baptism of the
Holy Spirit. In his own testimony, published in 1938, he recounts,
In 1920 I was led to seek the Baptism with the Holy Spirit
and was filled according to Acts 2:4. Many of my associates
were also endued with power from on high and we prayed
that the Lord would send us a missionary who could give us
a better explanation of our new found truth. Two years later
in answer to our prayers a lady missionary came to Ceylon

14
Born in Australia, Hickson had moved to London by 1901. He
was an accountant by profession and ministered strictly as a lay member
of the Anglican Church. From his home address (130, Sutherland Avenue,
London W9) he issued a paper entitled The Healer. In his first missionary
tour of North America between March 1919 and June 1920, he
conducted no less than 80 missions and thousands were healed. His
second tour, lasting from September 1920 to April 1924 took him to
countries of the Middle East, South and East Asia, Europe, Southern
Africa and Australasia. His account of this long journey by faith entitled
Heal the Sick was published in 1924 (New York, E. P. Dutton and Co.).
15
J. S. Wickramaratne (c.1894-1951) became a member of the
first Executive Committee of the AG Ceylon. He was the father of former
General Superintendent of the AG Ceylon Rev. Dr. Colton Wickramaratne
(b.1931) and grandfather of the present holder of that office Rev. Dishan
Wickramaratne.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

who told us more about the truths of Pentecost. We joined

together and started a work for the Lord” [my italics].16

There can be no doubt that the “lady missionary” in question was

the Danish former actress Anna Lewini, as all sources, including
photographic evidence, are agreed that J S Wickramaratne
worked with her. Some latitude could be allowed for the
recollection of the date (so “1920” might possibly be 1921); but
the sequence of events is clear. It indicates without ambiguity
that he received the Pentecostal experience before Sister Lewini’s
17
arrival in the island, and that the latter took place c.1922.

In this account, Brother Wickramaratne is strangely silent about

exactly how he was led to seek the Baptism in the Holy Spirit.
There seems a good possibility that Brother J J B de Silva (who
was also a Baptist lay preacher) may have been instrumental in
this regard. Certainly, Wickramaratne and de Silva later were
closely associated in the Pentecostal ministry of open-air
18
evangelism. Another line of enquiry is a comparison of the
testimonies of Brother Wickramaratne and Brother Paul, the
Anglican catechist who became co-founder of the CPM.

In a personal conversation, Rev Colton S Wickramaratne

recounted that at that time the Wickramaratne family were living
at No. 34, Mohandiram’s Road, Colpetty, and that it was upstairs
in that house that his father, J Sam Wickramaratne, with his
friend Ram Paul prayed together and received the baptism in the

16
Pentecostal Evangel 1272 (September 24, 1938), 7.
17
That is, unless Pastor Wickramaratne’s account has been
garbled by editors - a possibility which can never be entirely ruled out,
although in this case the published version says it has been sent in and
verified by Walter Clifford, who had known him for fourteen years.
18
This was confirmed by Kerrigan LaBrooy, de Silva’s great-
grandson (personal communication, Oct. 19, 2013).

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

Holy Spirit. However, Ram Paul at that time received “only a

19
stuttering tongue”.

Ramankutty Paul
According to his official biography, Pastor Paul, born Ramankutty,
later co-founder of the CPM, was baptized in the Holy Spirit in the
20
year 1921 at Colombo. This account is both somewhat different
from that recounted by Rev Wickramaratne and also highly
elaborated.

Said to have been born in 1881 to Hindu parents in the Trichur

District, Travancore State (now Kerala), Ramankutty came to
Ceylon as a teenager in search of employment, as did many
21
Malayalis at that time. He worked in the Aserappa household at
‘Zion House,’ Maradana Road, Borella. Although the CPM sources
say that he became a Christian in the home of his employer, one

19
C. S. Wickramaratne, personal communication, Sept. 2, 2012.
20
The Biography of Pastor Paul, Chennai: The Pentecostal
Mission, Third edition, 2004, p.24.
21
In this nearly hagiographical account of his life, Paul’s place
of birth is given as Engandiyur village in Trichur District (p.2), and his age
when he first came to Ceylon for employment as fourteen years (p.3).
Regarding his family background, Paulson Pulikottil states plainly, “Pastor
Paul was a Dalit convert of the Ezhava caste from central Kerala.”
(‘Ramankutty Paul: A Dalit Contribution to Pentecostalism,’ in Allan
Anderson and Edmond Tang (eds.), Asian and Pentecostal: The
Charismatic Face of Christianity in Asia, 245). Thus the statement that
Paul’s grandfather was a Hindu priest (p.3) and other details in the
official Biography and similar documents such as
http://ceylonpenthecostalmission.mannoor.com/history_of__ceylon_pe
nthecostal_mission_in_india.html (accessed Sept. 25 2010) and
http://conversionsinindia.wordpress.com/2008/11/06/raman-kutty/
(accessed Sept. 25 2010) may be legendary additions. Certainly the
authors of these documents do not hesitate to ‘improve’ history; for
example the last mentioned “testimony” entirely expunges Pastor Alwin
de Alwis (the sole Chief Pastor of the CPM from 1945 until his removal in
1962) from the record, by claiming that from the death of Pastor Paul in
1945 it was his son Pastor Freddy Paul who led the movement.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

22
Dr Aserappa, who was a converted Hindu, in fact the Aserappas
were members of the Colombo Chetty community who had been
Christians (at least in name) for several generations. From the
Aserappa side of the story, it was in fact Mrs Selina Aserappa (née
Perera), widow of Mr John De Melho Aserappa (1831-1891), a
lawyer and businessman, and herself a committed evangelical
Anglican, whose example and words were instrumental in
Ramankutty’s conversion to the Christian faith c.1899 and
23
baptism as “Paul” in 1902. Selina had three daughters and five
sons, one of whom, Dr John Jeremy Aserappa, may be the
Dr Aserappa of the CPM account. She was a member of St Luke’s
Church, Borella, which was built opposite their house on
Maradana Road in 1880-81. St Luke’s at that time had services in
Tamil as well as English and Sinhala, in order to reach the
students of a Tamil boarding school for boys, which was situated
24
on Ward Place close by. Therefore, it is highly likely that this was
Paul’s first church.

Mrs Aserappa prevailed upon the Church Missionary Society

(CMS) to start a specific ministry to the Malayalis in Colombo.
Because of the considerable number of Malayalis employed at
the Wellawatte Spinning and Weaving Mills on Havelock Road,
the new Malayalam Mission got established in that vicinity, and
therefore the Church of the Good Shepherd at Thimbirigasyaya
25
was given over entirely to this Mission in 1912. Eventually, Paul

22
Biography, p.3.
23
Details of the Aserappa family are given by A. T. S. Paul, The
Colombo Chetties – Who Were They? at http://www.infolanka.com/org/
srilanka/cult/26.htm (accessed July 26 2014)
24
F. Lorenz Beven, A History of the Diocese of Colombo: A
Centenary Volume, 1946, 267.
25
This modest church building, situated at the junction of
Thimbirigasyaya Road and Jawatte Road was given its present name only
after its renovation and reopening in 1895, although it had been
originally built a generation earlier (1867). From 1895 it was used for
services in Sinhala for some time, but with changing settlement patterns,
in 1912 Sinhala services were no longer required and hence it was given

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

was employed as a catechist or evangelist for this Anglican

Malayali congregation. Whether and what he studied at the CMS
Bible Seminary in Kottayam, as recounted in the official
26
Biography, may be subject to verification, although the
27
nickname ‘Paalupadesy’ (“Catechist Paul”) seems real enough.
This was his situation when he first came into the Pentecostal
28
experience. He was married and already the father of two
29
daughters and three sons: Helen, Freddy, Dora, Sam and Harry.

over to the Malayalam ministry. See F. Lorenz Beven, A History of the

Diocese of Colombo: A Centenary Volume, 1946, 262-3, and also the
church’s website at http://cogslk.org/ (accessed July 26 2014).
26
See The Biography of Pastor Paul, p.12
27
http://conversionsinindia.wordpress.com/2008/11/06/raman
-kutty/ (accessed Sept. 25 2010)
28
Mrs. Paul is said to have been from a traditional Christian
(i.e. Syrian Christian) family from Trichur. This being the case, it is
possible that her family background was from the Chaldean Syrian
Church (the Indian branch of the Assyrian Church of the East, referred to
pejoratively as “Nestorian”) which is based in Trichur. Her name is
unfortunately mentioned nowhere.
29
See The Biography of Pastor Paul, p.15. The same account
(p.134) says that his eldest son Freddy (Thyagadas Frederick) was born in
February 1915, and (p.121) that his second son Sam (Samuel) was born in
July 1919. The date of birth of the last son Harry is not mentioned, which
is regrettable since it has a direct bearing on dating the beginning of the
CPM ministry. According to G. P. V. Somaratna, Origins of the Pentecostal
Mission in Sri Lanka, p.30 and 32, Pastor Paul’s wife died due to
unattended complications at the birth of their fifth and last child (i.e.
Harry Paul) in December 1923, at the very inception of the ministry.
However this is contradicted by the statement of Rev. Colton
Wickramaratne (personal communication), heard from his father, that
Mrs. Paul’s hands had turned blue; she died from septicaemia or blood
poisoning because a child had died within her womb. This would indicate
a sixth pregnancy. Furthermore the official Biography says that Mrs. Paul
“entered eternal glory when Pastor Paul’s gospel ministry was gaining
widespread acclamation” (p.121).

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Though there can be no doubt that Paul was indeed a catechist at

the CMS Malayalam Mission in Colombo, finding contemporary
documentary evidence of this is difficult. Entries in Ferguson’s
Directory give some details of the Mission, but regarding Pastor
Paul the evidence is elusive.

Dr Verghese Chandy, in his recently published autobiography,

testifies concerning Pastor Paul: “When he resigned from the
Good Shepherd Church, my father was appointed by the CMS to
be the Catechist/Pastor in place of Pastor Paul at the Malayalam
30
Mission.” This is a specific statement which should be verifiable.

M M Chandy (the father of Dr Verghese Chandy) is indeed listed

in Ferguson’s as the Catechist of the Malayalam Mission – but
31
only from the May 1928 edition onwards . In the previous
edition (May 1927), we find not one but three Catechists listed:
C C I Abraham, Kottayam; M I Kurien, Reading Room, Wellawatte;
32
and W A Paul, Reading Room, Panchikawatta. In the 1926
33
edition it is the same. Editions of previous years do not name
any Catechists. It would be a remarkable coincidence if M M
Chandy’s predecessor as Catechist was a different Paul – and yet
if W A Paul is indeed the same as Ramankutty Paul, there is a
serious problem of dating. Paul’s official biography acknowledges
that after receiving the Spirit baptism he continued in the
34
employment of the CMS for “only” about three years, i.e. until
about 1924, but six years would be excessive.
35 36
The Ferguson’s editions of May 1926, February 1925, and May
37
1924 do not name any Catechist for the Malayalam Mission,

30
Verghese Chandy, War and Grace, 2013, 53.
31
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1928, 538.
32
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1927, 498.
33
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1926, 722.
34
Biography, 27-28.
35
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1926, 958.
36
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1925, 980.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

but they do list a parallel “Malayalam Christian Endeavour

Society” formed in 1915, the President of which (Rev A E Dibbon)
was also the Superintendent of the Malayalam Mission (formed in
1912). The committee members are listed as M O Varieghese,
A D Solomon, P K Luke and C K Raman. The last name is intriguing,
given Paul’s pre-conversion name of Raman Kutty. Could it be the
same man? The verdict should probably remain open. The
previous year (May 1923) does not include the name Raman, but
gives the committee members of this society as M O Varighiese,
38
C O Matthew, M Samuel, and J Joel. The first two of these
names are similar to those of two of Paul’s first disciples
39
(Varghese and Matthew) as described in his Biography.

P I Jacob
The CPM tradition is that Paul received the Holy Spirit Baptism
through the ministry of two Australian missionaries who came to
Colombo in 1921 on the invitation of Rev P I Jacob, a Malayali
friend of Paul with whom he had studied at the Seminary at
Kottayam and now a pastor in a Baptist church, who had met the
40
missionaries while on a family visit to Madras. The names of the
two missionaries are given as “Todd and Ebenezer”.

37
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1924, 940.
38
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1923, 844.
39
Biography, 38-39, 75.
40
Biography, Chapter 3, 16-24. Michael Bergunder in The South
Indian Pentecostal Movement in the Twentieth Century, (Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 2008) p.287, neatly summarizes the story thus: “In Colombo,
one of his [Paul’s] friends was P. I. Jacob, a Baptist pastor who hailed
from Kerala and whose children lived in Madras. In the early 1920s when
Jacob went to visit his children in Madras, he became acquainted with
two Australian Pentecostal missionaries who were most probably guests
in the congregation of Benjamin Jacob. Impressed by their teaching, he
invited them to Colombo, where they held Tarrying Meetings in 1921.
During this time P. Paul received the baptism of the Spirit, and eventually
Ceylon Pentecostal Mission was started, in which he became the
dominant figure.”

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Rev Jacob seems to have been a key person in the early history of
Sri Lankan Pentecostalism. Only he and Ms Lewini are mentioned
by name, if only in passing, in both the CPM and AG published
accounts of their formative events. Yet, ironically, he disappears
from the histories of both groups almost as fast as he appeared,
and has consequently been much overlooked. He appears by
41
name in the AG story at Chilaw in December 1923, and again
(unnamed but identifiable) in the Glad Tidings Hall in Colombo in
42
January 1925.

Rev P I Jacob is listed in various editions of Ferguson’s Ceylon

Directory, and his changing locations and affiliation accord
precisely with the details available in the AG and CPM sources. In
the edition of 1920-21 (revised up to October 1920), he appears
43
as “Tamil Pastor B.M.S., Cinnamon Gardens, Colombo.” In the
next edition (revised up to February 1922) he is listed as “Tamil
Pastor, Baptist Missionary Socy., Mohandiram’s Road, Colpetty,
44
Colombo;” the same information is repeated for the edition of
45
May 1923. In the May 1924 edition, however, we find him
under the Baptist Missionary Society list at Chilaw, while S M
46
Edward is now at “Muhandiram’s Road, Kollupitiya.” In the
edition of February 1925, while S M Edward is listed at
47
Muhandiram’s Road under the Ecclesiastical listing, Jacob’s
name has been removed from the list of Baptist clergy but
appears in the general address list once again as “Tamil Pastor,
Baptist Missionary Socy., Mohandiram’s Rd., Colpetty,

41
Pentecostal Evangel 552 (June 28 1924), 11.
42
‘Work Opens in Ceylon,’ Pentecostal Evangel 588 (March 14
1925), 10.
43
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1920-21, 929.
44
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1922, Part II, 161.
45
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1923, Part II, 177.
46
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1924, 578. The name
“Kollupitiya” alternates with its Anglicized form “Colpetty” just as
“Muhandiram” does with “Mohandiram.”
47
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1925, 646.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

48
Colombo.” However In May 1926, he has become “Jacob, Rev.
49
P. I., Tamil Pastor, Pentecostal Mission, Colombo” ; this entry is
50
repeated in the editions of 1927 and 1928 . Meanwhile by 1928,
Rev S M Edward’s address has been upgraded to “B.M.S. Gospel
51 52
Hall , Muhandiram’s Rd., Colpetty.”

Thus, Rev P I Jacob, an independently documented Spirit-baptized

ordained Baptist minister, can be seen as an important figure in
linking together the disparate narratives. It was he who invited
the Australian Pentecostal missionaries from India to minister in
Colombo and invited Paul to hear them. His address at
Mohandiram’s Road, Colpetty dovetails with Pastor Colton’s
account of his father and Brother Paul first speaking in tongues at
34 Mohandiram’s Road. Mohandiram’s Road was (and is still) a
narrow but thickly populated lane leading off the “Galle Road”
near the Kollupitiya Police Station (Colombo 3). It is inconceivable
that Wickramaratne and Jacob, as fellow Baptist preachers living
down the same small road, could have not been well acquainted;
he would surely have been one of the “associates” whom
53
WIckramaratne speaks of in his testimony. One is inclined to
guess that it was, in fact, Jacob who introduced Wickramaratne to
Paul – a fellow-Baptist to a fellow-Malayali.

48
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1925, Part II, 136.
49
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1926, 151. This entry is
unique in that no other Ministers of the Pentecostal Mission are listed.
50
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1927, Part II, 169; Ferguson’s
Ceylon Directory for 1928, Part II, 181.
51
The name “Gospel Hall” does not necessarily imply that
there was a purpose-built chapel; the AG “Glad Tidings Hall” moved from
one rented house to another until the erection of its own building (the
Colombo Gospel Tabernacle) in 1936. The Tamil-language Baptist
ministry in Kollupitiya later shifted to Bagatalle Road where a chapel was
built. Rev. S. M. Edward, the minister of that church, was the father of
Rev. John Edward, an AG minister who was a close friend and fellow-
Bible School student of Rev. Colton Wickramaratne.
52
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1928, Part II, 119.
53
Pentecostal Evangel 1272 (September 24, 1938), 7.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Rev Jacob’s presence at the Cinnamon Gardens Baptist Church

may also have been one factor in Walter Clifford’s ability to hold a
healing meeting there in November 1923. Perhaps we could
speculate that he was one of those who invited Walter Clifford to
come from India to minister in Ceylon. By the end of 1923, Jacob
was in Chilaw, and participating with Anna Lewini and J J B de
Silva, another fellow Baptist, in a Pentecostal convention there.
After joining the ministry of the Glad Tidings Hall at Borella in
1924-5, he seems by 1926 to have thrown in his lot with the CPM
group led by his fellow-Malayali, R Paul.

H N Todd and Y T Ebenezer

In the CPM traditional narrative, the Pentecostal missionaries
whom Rev Jacob invited to Colombo are named “Todd and
Ebenezer” (in that order, not alphabetically), suggesting that it
was “Todd” who was the leader of the pair. Providentially, it is
now possible to identify them as H N Todd, a missionary of the
Pentecostal Mission, based at the Good News Hall in North
54
Melbourne, and his South Indian co-worker Y T Ebenezer.

Henry Nathan Todd, who was born in 1867 at Sandhurst, Victoria,

55
Australia, had been ministering in South India since 1911,

54
The Good News Hall, situated at 104 Queensberry Street,
North Melbourne, founded in 1909, was Australia’s first Pentecostal
church (despite some doctrinal aberrations regarding the Godhead), and
was the headquarters of the Pentecostal Mission (later known as the
Apostolic Faith Mission of Australasia from 1926). The Mission was led by
Mrs. Sarah Jane (‘Jeannie’) Lancaster, who had prayed for and received
the Baptism in the Holy Spirit in Australia after reading a Pentecostal
tract. This was the first church in Australia that Smith Wigglesworth
ministered in when he arrived in Australia in February 1922.
55
His name appears in references of the Good News Hall,
Melbourne both as ‘Nathan Todd’ and ‘H. N. Todd.’ Based on this, a search
in the International Genealogical Index of the www.familysearch.org site
for all persons in the SW Pacific Region with the surname Todd,
unambiguously identifies him as Henry Nathan Todd, born in 1867 at
Sandhurst, Victoria, the son of Nathan Todd and Elizabeth Percival.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

56
having been first accompanied by Athelstan Lancaster, son of
Mrs Lancaster, the founder of the Good News Hall. A number of
references from Australia are sufficient to establish the general
outline of his ministry as a Pentecostal missionary in South India
57
(and Ceylon) between 1911 and at least 1927. Their ministry in

56
Alfred Athelstan Lancaster, born in 1884, was the second son of
Alfred Lancaster and Sarah Jane Lancaster née Murrell, cf.
http://mepnab.netau.net/m/m18.html (accessed Aug.29, 2010).
57
In 1911, Nathan Todd together with Athelstan Lancaster, son of
Sister Lancaster, had gone as missionaries to South India. From there they
had written to Good News Hall requesting a married couple to come and
assist them so that they could minister more effectively to women and girls.
Although no couple came, two dedicated single women answered the call, as
reported in the Good News 1:5, January 1913, 9 (as cited by Barry Chant, ‘The
Hallowed Touch: A Reflection on the Assembly of God Church Cairns, North
Queensland,’ in Australasian Pentecostal Studies, Issue 9, 2006, at
http://webjournals. alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/aps/issue-9/10-the-
hallowed-touch-a-reflection-on-the-assembly/, accessed Aug. 29, 2010).
Twenty years later the ministry in Madurai by these four, i.e. Todd, Lancaster,
and “Sisters Mortomer and Ethel” was still remembered with appreciation at
least by a few. Good News 24.2 (February 1933), 10 at http://media.
alphacrucis.edu.au/webjournals/pdf/GN/gn-vol24-no2-feb-1931/ GN1933.02
_web.pdf (accessed Aug. 29,2010).
Ten years later, in an ‘Open Letter’ of February 1923, Mrs.
Lancaster speaks approvingly of, among others of her associates, missionary
Nathan Todd (Barry Chant’s thesis, citing Good News 9:1, 17, says that she
refers to “Nathan Todd, missionary to Japan.” The Spirit of Pentecost: origins
and development of the Pentecostal Movement in Australia, 1870-1939,
pp.247-8 at http://barrychant.com/ thesis/7Love.pdf (accessed Aug. 29,
2010). However the reference to ‘Japan’ must be an error for ‘India’; this
edition of Good News is unfortunately not available online for verification).
Most significantly, there is a notice dated March 1927 of the
Apostolic Faith Mission of Australasia advertising a “10 Days’ United
Campaign, Unique in the History of Pentecostal Australia” from April 15-24
1927 at the "Good News Hall" in North Melbourne. At these meetings, “H. N.
Todd (Missionary in India)” is advertised as one of the “noted Pentecostal
leaders” who would be the speakers. http://webjournals.
alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/GN/gn-vol18-no3-mar-1927/11-notices-
apostolic-faith-mission-gn-mar-1927/ (accessed Aug. 29, 2010).

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India, at least at the beginning, was perceived as controversial

58
even by other Pentecostals. He was accompanied by his wife
(always referred to simply as “Sister Todd”) until her death in
59 60
1927, and also his son Clarence. His dedicated and effective
co-worker Brother Y T Ebenezer, whose mother (referred to as
“Mother Timothy”) was also a member of the ministry team,
61
passed away in March 1926, unmarried, and a warm editorial
tribute to “this talented young man” was published in the Good
62
News magazine of the Good News Hall, Melbourne.

58
Pentecostal missionary George E. Berg writing from Frazertown,
Bangalore in 1912 reported, “A band of workers calling themselves the
“Australian Pentecostal Band” have settled south of Bangalore and are
teaching many wrong and foolish things. We want it understood that we
have no part or lot with these people or their teaching.” ‘Lights and Shadows
in India,’ Latter Day Evangel, September 1912, 23. “These people teach and
spread false doctrine such as “no Trinity,” “no eternal hell” and what all, all
this under professed Pentecost accompanied with speaking in tongues. What
a lot of harm it is doing and has done already God knows …” Bridegroom’s
Messenger August 15 1912, 1.
59
Todd’s wife passed away in 1927 on the return voyage to
India from Australia, and was buried at sea.
In 1927 Todd would have been 60 years of age. How long he
remained in India thereafter is not known. However Australian Electoral
Rolls (located via the ancestry.co.uk website) record his presence at
Bendigo, Victoria in 1936 and again in 1942. He died in 1943 (Australia
Death Index, 1787-1985 record at ancestry.co.uk website).
60
See ‘A Letter from Brother Todd’ dated July 17, 1923 at
http://webjournals.alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/GN/gn-vol-14-no-10-
november-1923/16-a-letter-from-bro-todd-india/ (accessed Aug. 29, 2010)
61
Good News, April 1926, at http://webjournals.
alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/GN/gn-vol17-no4-apr-1926/19-notices-gn-
april-1926/ (accessed Aug. 29, 2010).
62
Good News, June 1926, at http://webjournals.
alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/GN/gn-vol17-no6-jun-1926/14-greetings-in-
the-lord-jesus/. A study by him on “Salvation” was printed in the Good
News magazine http://webjournals.alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/GN/gn-
vol18-no5-may-1927/21-salvation/. After the loss of Bro. Ebenezer, his

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

In the May 1924 edition of Good News appears a detailed account

by one John E Monk of the ministry of Brother Todd and his
Pentecostal Band among the Anglo-Indians at Perambur,
63
Madras. At Perambur, Todd published a paper for free
distribution entitled Glorious News. “And through the ‘Glorious
News’ two doors were opened and money was sent for Brother
Todd to go and give the Word to them. So in this way the Lord
undertook for the train fare to Mangalore and to Ceylon; many in
those parts were greatly blessed, awakened and stirred up, and
many got healed.” The date of this, Brother Todd’s initial ministry
visit to Ceylon, is not given here, but it was between 1919 and
64
1924.

These references, important as they are, do not enable us to

verify the exact date of Brother Todd’s ministry visit to
65
Colombo. However, assuming that CPM traditional date 1921 is
reasonably accurate, it would be safe to say that his visit
predated the arrival both of Sister Lewini and of Brother Clifford.

role seems to have been fulfilled by Bro K. G. Daniel. See

http://webjournals.alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/GN/gn-vol18-no4-apr-
1927/13-letter-from-our-native-evangelist-in-madras/, and http://
webjournals.alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/GN/gn-vol18-no5-may-
1927/17-a-tamil-evangelists-story/ (accessed Sept. 5, 2010).
63
Having been baptized in the sea at Royapuram at the hands
of Bro. Ebenezer in July 1918, and baptized in the Spirit on the same day,
Monk recounts that later “I was led to ask Sister Williams to write to
Brother Todd, who was then at Guindy, to come to our place at
Perambur and hold cottage meetings occasionally.” This led to Bro. Todd
relocating the Band to Perambur.
64
‘My Testimony, and God's Dealings with us—The Anglo-
Indians of Perambur,’ http://webjournals.alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/
GN/gn-vol-15-no-5-may-1924/my-testimony-and-gods-dealings-with-
us8212the-angl/ (accessed Sept. 5, 2010).
65
The definitive answer to this question can likely be found by
referring to editions of Good News of the years 1921-22; however in the
set of editions online at http://webjournals.alphacrucis.edu.au/ (accessed
Sept. 5, 2010), there is regrettably a lacuna between 1913 and 1923.

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Hickson’s Return Visit

In November 1921, J M Hickson made a return visit to the island.
He addressed large crowds and prayed for many sick persons at
the Colombo Anglican churches of St Michael’s Polwatta and Holy
Trinity San Sebastian. His words are significant: “It was a great
pleasure to find the work going forward so well, and the interest
in Christian Healing which was kindled during the time of the
66
Mission a year before just as keen as ever.” From Colombo he
67
resumed his missionary journey to Egypt, Palestine, and from
thence to South Africa and onwards to Australia and New
Zealand. Although much less famous now than his
contemporaries, healing evangelists Smith Wigglesworth and
Aimee Semple McPherson, probably because he chose to confine
himself to the “mainline” church of his birth, Hickson’s ministry
not only brought relief to many sufferers, but would have
prepared the way for the spread of Pentecostalism by creating a
public awareness and expectation of the operation of
supernatural gifts.

Madame Lewini
Toward the end of 1922, Anna Emilie Lewini, one of the key
figures in the planting of Pentecostalism in the island, arrived in
Ceylon for the first time. Born July 22, 1876 in Denmark, into a
68
theatrical family of partly Jewish ancestry, she had previously
been an actress, both on stage and in at least one silent film.

66
James Moore Hickson, Heal the Sick, Chapter 4, at
http://webjournals.alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/EB/heal-the-sick-
hickson-1924/04-the-christian-healing-mission-in-china-japan-an/
(accessed Sept. 14, 2010)
67
A report of his Mission of Healing at St. George’s Cathedral,
th th
Jerusalem from December 27 to 30 1921 appears in Confidence, July-
September 1922, pp.38-39.
68
Her surname Lewini is of Jewish origin. Her grandfather
William (William Horton Isidor Lewini, 1810-1887) was born of Jewish
parents on the island of St Thomas in the Danish West Indies (now the US
Virgin Islands) and moved to Copenhagen where he was at first a

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

Copenhagen was the cultural capital of Scandinavia and in the

entertainment field could compete with Paris. The period 1890-
1920 was considered the golden age of Danish theatre. However,
she was radically converted under the ministry of Thomas
69
Barratt who preached in Copenhagen in 1908-9 soon after

typographer but became a successful actor and theatre director. He and

his actress wife Hansine (née Jakobsen) (1816-1890) celebrated their
golden wedding anniversary in 1885 – a very rare event in the theatrical
world. (For some details of Hansine Lewini’s theatrical roles see
http://www.litteraturpriser.dk/1850r/personnr318.htm, accessed Aug. 9,
2010). Their daughter Emilie (Emilie Marie Annette Sophie Lewini, 1844-
1893) also acted, making her theatrical debut in 1856 and playing a wide
repertoire in both Denmark and Norway until retiring from the theatre in
1883 to settle into married life with Mr. Rasmussen. She died only 10
th
years later on 9 July 1893 at Fredericia. (See pp.95, 169 and 201 of
Meddelelserom skuespil og theaterforhold i Odense; I anledning af
hundredeaarsdagen for den førstedanske comedies opførelsepaa Odense
theater, den 18. Nov. 1896, at http://www.archive.org/
stream/meddelelseromsku00schmuoft/meddelelseromsku00schmuoft_d
jvu.txt, accessed Aug. 22, 2010). Anna Emilie (born 1876) was their
daughter. This explains the otherwise cryptic note, “Skuespillerinde,
lægprædikant Anna Emilie Lewini, født Rasmussen …” (“Actress and lay
preacher Anna Emilie Lewini, born Rasmussen …”) at
http://www.danskefilm.dk/skuespiller/8987.html (accessed Aug. 9,
2010), where “Rasmussen” is not the name of Anna Lewini’s place of
birth (as one might expect, except that there is no such place) but rather
her father’s surname.
69
Thomas Ball Barratt (1862-1940) was one of the key persons
in the early years of the Pentecostal ministry. Born in Cornwall, England,
but living in Norway from the age of four years, he was a Methodist until
on a visit to USA in 1906 he heard of the events at Azusa Street and was
baptized in the Holy Spirit. He was the first to bring the Pentecostal
revival to England (September 1907), and ministered powerfully in the
five Scandinavian countries (Norway, Sweden, Denmark, Iceland and
Finland) as well as Estonia and Poland. In addition he spent several
months of 1908 (April 3 – August 15) ministering in South India,
especially to the missionary community at Coonoor in the Nilgiris. See
http://www.revival-library.org/pensketches/oth_pentecostals/ barratt.html
and http://www.pentecostalpioneers.org/Barratt.html (both accessed

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

70 th
returning from India. Experiencing salvation on 27 April 1909
th 71
and baptized in the Holy Spirit on May 13 1909, by the time
she came to Ceylon in 1922 Ms Lewini was a mature woman in
her upper forties with 13 years of solid Pentecostal experience
and witness behind her. This is important for us to appreciate,
since the commonly held view is that her arrival was without
much preparation, for example the following garbled account:
Anna Lewini, a Danish actress who had accepted the Lord
and been filled with the Holy Spirit in the early 1920s,
stopped in Ceylon (now Sri Lanka) on her way to India
where she was scheduled to make a movie. She had
meetings in Colombo’s theatrical center… 72

Regarding her marital status, she is referred to in local Pentecostal

memory respectfully but ambiguously as “Madame” Lewini. In fact,

Aug. 9, 2010); also Michael Bergunder, The South Indian Pentecostal

Movement in the Twentieth Century, 24.
70
Anna Lewini was also much influenced by her colleague Anna
Larssen (née Halberg, 1875-1955), who had appeared as a child actress
from the age of 7 and had become probably the foremost and most
popular Danish actress of her time. Larssen was baptized in the Holy
Spirit on December 13, 1908 through Barratt’s ministry, left the theatre
(breaking her contract) amidst a storm of publicity and became an
itinerant evangelist with her (second) husband Sigurd Bjørner. See Svend
Løbner, ‘En skuespiller oplever Helligånden’ at
http://www.udfordringen.dk/art.php?ID=16826, and also Jørgen
Mortensen, ‘Vækkelse blandt kultureliten’ at http://www.domino-
online.dk/?p=2499 (both accessed Aug. 9, 2010).
71
Anna Lewini’s testimony, which would have caused a
sensation at the time, was published in Danish in 1910. Min Omvendelse
og hvorledes jeg modtog Aandens Daab med Tungetale: Personligt
Vidnesbyrd (‘My Repentance and how I received the Spirit Baptism with
Speaking in Tongues: a Personal Testimony’), 1910, 24 pages; reprinted
1912, 23 pages.
72
From a document strangely entitled “Sinhala, the Language
of Sri Lanka” to be found at http://www.lifepublishers.org/
widgets/download.aspx?file=%2Ffiles%2FCase+Studies%2FSinhala+FB+C
ase+Study.pdf (accessed Aug. 9, 2010).

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

she had been married to a fellow-actor Sigurd Lomholt (born 4

April, 1871, at Copenhagen) and appeared with him under her
married name Anna Lomholt in a silent film I sidste Sekund (“At the
Last Moment”), produced in 1913. So she did not leave her acting
career immediately upon conversion, although she did eventually.
Her marriage (date not yet discovered) was unfortunately
73
dissolved. However, because she had been a married lady she
continued to be referred to by other missionaries in Ceylon as “Mrs
Lewini”. Her ex-husband apparently never re-married and passed
away on 19 March, 1948, in Denmark. The couple apparently had a
son (Carl Thorstein Lewini Lomholt, born c.1897), who migrated to
74
the USA in 1920, after which date Anna would have been free of
any family responsibilities and therefore able to commit her life to
overseas mission. She returned from Ceylon to Denmark for the
last time in about 1949, where she passed away on 7 December,
1951, and was buried at Aarhus. Although Sister Lewini welcomed
the arrival of Rev Walter Clifford and cooperated with him, it is very
likely that her marital status (having a former partner still living)
was a factor in her never obtaining credentials with the Assemblies
of God.

The Date of Mme Lewini’s Arrival

According to G P V Somaratna’s Origins of the Pentecostal Mission
in Sri Lanka (1996), Anna Lewini first arrived in the Island in the
75
year 1919, and returned to Denmark in June 1920 “after more
76
than one year’s work in Sri Lanka”. The date 1919 has been
widely quoted from this source, even in recent Assemblies of God
publications. However, this date does not seem to be supported

73
http://www.danskefilm.dk/skuespiller/8987.html and
http://www.danskefilm.dk/skuespiller/7195.html (accessed Aug. 9, 2010).
74
US Naturalization Records Indexes 1794-1995; also 1930
United States Federal Census record at North Bergen, New Jersey; both
courtesy of www.ancestry.com.
75
G. P. V. Somaratna, Origins of the Pentecostal Mission in Sri
Lanka, 16-18
76
Ibid.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

by any documentary evidence. Some other secondary or tertiary

sources mention the year 1920. However in Somaratna’s next
book Walter H Clifford: Apostle of Pentecostalism in Sri Lanka
(1997), which gives a fuller account of Ms Lewini, the earliest date
mentioned for her presence in Sri Lanka is 1922 (pp.14-15, 17).
Then, in The Events of Christian History in Sri Lanka (1998), p.42,
Somaratna gives the date of her arrival in the island more
precisely as December 1922. On p.114 of the same book he says
that she arrived in Sri Lanka in 1922 and founded the Glad Tidings
Hall in December 1923.

The later dating of Lewini’s first arrival in the island (i.e. late 1922)
seems certain for a number of reasons. First, it is clearly
documented that she participated for three months between
February and May 1921 in the meetings of Smith Wigglesworth in
Sweden and Denmark. There she was personally refreshed and
77
strengthened and Wigglesworth became an important influence
in her own life and ministry. It is in fact by her testimony to
Wigglesworth’s ministry in Scandinavia that her name is most
widely known outside Sri Lanka (as a search for her name on any
78
web search engine will demonstrate). In her account of
Wigglesworth’s 1921 Scandinavian ministry, published in England
in April 1922, she gives her address as 149, Winston Road, Stoke

77
She admits candidly that she came to Orebro, Sweden “to
seek help myself, being worn out with long unbroken service in the
Lord’s work. I had not heard of Mr. Wigglesworth before, but I knew that
Pastor Barratt, my spiritual father, was there. … As hands were laid upon
me the power of God went through me in a mighty way. I was
immediately well.” http://www.smithwigglesworth.com/life/
scandinavia1921.htm.
78
Her glowing account of the meetings in Scandinavia,
originally published in Confidence magazine (Sunderland, England), was
reprinted in the Pentecostal Evangel of 22 May 1922, p.10, and
subsequently in Smith Wigglesworth’s well-known book Ever Increasing
Faith (1924).

116
 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

79
Newington, London. Furthermore, on Pentecost Sunday 1922,
she was one of the prominent personalities present at the
dedication of the new Pentecostal church building in Østerbro,
80
Copenhagen.

The passenger list survives for her journey on the ship

th
“Narkunda” which departed from the port of London on 15
September 1922 bound for Sydney. Describing herself as a
“Missionary,” aged 47, she had contracted to land at Bombay,
81
and gave her country of intended future residence as India.
Thus the traditional story of her visiting Ceylon “on the way to
India” is right, although the idea of her being on the way to make
a movie is rendered rather implausible in view of her self-
identification as a missionary.

During Anna Lewini’s first visit to the island, she held evangelistic
meetings at the Tower Hall in Maradana which she hired for the
purpose, very possibly drawing on her theatrical connections to
do so. She is said to have been accompanied by two other
missionary ladies, Sisters Pauline and Margaret, about whom
82
nothing else is now known. According to Rev Colton S
Wickramaratne’s book published in 2007, his father John Samuel
83
Wickramaratne and mother Lillian Wickramaratne, both
received the Baptism of the Holy Spirit in these meetings of Anna
84
Lewini at the Tower Hall. This basic account has been

79
Confidence 129 (April-June 1922), 22-23, 26; at
http://www.smithwigglesworth.com/life/scandinavia1921.htm.
80
Jørgen Mortensen, ‘Apostolsk Kirkes historie’ at
http://www.nyk-frikirke.dk/default.asp?id=49520&SStID=4.
81
Passenger list accessed courtesy of www.ancestry.com. Her
last address in the United Kingdom was 7 Eton Road, Haverstock Hill
(London NW3).
82
G. P. V. Somaratna, Origins of the Pentecostal Mission in Sri
Lanka, pp.16-18
83
Her maiden name was Lillian Matilda Fernando.
84
Colton Wickramaratne, with Dishan Wickramaratne and Hal
Donaldson, My Adventure in Faith, 2007, 27.

117
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

85
elaborated upon at the hands of others. However, as noted
above, according to J S Wickramaratne’s own testimony
86
published in 1938, he received the baptism and shared this
experience with his friends two years prior to Sister Lewini’s
arrival. After this first visit, Ms Lewini moved on to India,
apparently both for the purpose of preaching and possibly in
order to fulfill the final obligation of her acting career. Pastor
87
Colton states that she “reluctantly did the last trip to India.”

The Beginnings of Glad Tidings Hall

In mid-1923, Anna Lewini returned to the island, this time to stay.
88
She came to Ceylon in response to a divine call , after a powerful
and fruitful ministry at the Mukti Mission of Pandita Ramabai in
89
India, which had been envisaged as part of a worldwide
evangelistic tour. Her words, penned soon after her arrival, are
worth quoting in full:
God told me to go to Ceylon, but I did not think that I was to
settle down here. But the Lord clearly told me to do so and

85
For example, the Assemblies of God Division of Foreign
Missions Field Focus: Sri Lanka, August 1980, which begins with the usual
tale that “Madame Lewini accepted the Lord and was filled with the Holy
Spirit while under contract to make a film in India,” continues with the
theatrical scenario: “… she gathered some Christian friends together and
held meetings in a place called Tower Hall. Among those who attended
these services was a Protestant lay minister, John Wickramaratne. These
believers noticed Madame Lewini had a special anointing of the Holy
Spirit. One day some of her friends asked her what it was. Madame
Lewini’s answer was to share with them her Pentecostal testimony. Then
she took a group of these friends into a side room and prayed with them.
John Wickramaratne was one of those filled with the Holy Spirit that day.
When Mr. Wickramaratne told a pastor friend about his experience, this
man also received the Holy Spirit…”
86
Pentecostal Evangel 1272 (September 24, 1938), 7.
87
Colton S. Wickramaratne, personal communication,
September 2, 2012.
88
Pentecostal Evangel 513 (September 8, 1923), p.9.
89
Pentecostal Evangel 500 (June 9, 1923), p.8.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

to open up a Pentecostal mission station, the first and only

one among Ceylon’s five million people. I believe God wants
this place as a center for the Pentecostal power. We know
10 or 12 in the island who have received their ‘Pentecost’
and a few who are really longing for it. God has given me
the opportunity to proclaim this truth all over Colombo and
in other parts of Ceylon and now we are preparing to open
up a real Pentecostal hall. Pray for a mighty outpouring of
the Holy Spirit. We hope to start the meetings in a couple of
weeks. God has sent Miss Minnie Houck (one of the workers
who went out with Miss Abrams) down from Newara Eliya
[sic] to stay with me…90
91
She rented a hall at Borella to commence the meetings.
rd
Apparently this was located opposite the Hotel de Roi at 3
92
Division Maradana Road. In this endeavour she was financially
supported by two Burgher ladies, Sister Sauliere and Sister
93
Margenout , while Brother J S Wickramaratne and Brother

90
Pentecostal Evangel 513 (September 8, 1923), p.9.
91
G. P. V. Somaratna, Origins of the Pentecostal Mission in Sri
Lanka, p.17, says that “Soon after her return to Sri Lanka, she rented a
hall at Borella to conduct the gospel meetings in 1922 because the
nucleus of a group of believers had already been formed.” However this
date is problematic, since the Pentecostal Evangel of June 9, 1923
reports that “Miss Anna Lewini … is at the present time making a world-
wide evangelistic tour. She sends a very encouraging report of the revival
that God has sent to Mukti in India.”(my italics).
92
This information was supplied by Rev. A. O. Speldewinde
(Superintendent of the Assemblies of God of Ceylon from 1957 to 1964)
writing in the Souvenir to mark the twenty fifth anniversary of the
Assemblies of God of Ceylon in 1971, p.1. Rev. Speldewinde (1902-1983)
may be considered a very reliable witness as he came into the
Pentecostal fold in 1930 through the Glad Tidings Hall ministry and was
well known for his no-nonsense factual manner.
93
This is very likely the Miss M. Margenout who was the Hostel
Superintendent at the YWCA in Union Place, Colombo 2. See Ferguson’s
Ceylon Directory for 1924. Part II, 236.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

94
(Ramankutty) Paul were working with her in the ministry. An
early photograph survives of a small congregation of 27 adults
with 6 children gathered under the banner “Glad Tidings Hall” in
which Mme Lewini, Brother Wickramaratne, and Brother Paul are
unambiguously all together.

During this period Brother Egbert, an evangelist from India also

ministered in the Glad Tidings Hall and it is said that through him
95
many were added to the church. Egbert, an Indian national, was
associated with the ministry of Benjamin Jacob, the founder
pastor of the church which later became known as the Madras
Pentecostal Assembly. This latter ministry had also a Scandinavian
input in its origins, having begun in 1913 through the visit of two
Swedish ladies Karin Andersson and Ida Nilsson who had, like
96
Anna Lewini, spent time at the Mukti Mission.

Anna Lewini’s residential address in Colombo was “Mizpah”,

97
Ridgeway Place, Bambalapitiya. It is not impossible, although
unverified, that the present day Life Centre Assembly of God
Church at No. 5 Ridgeway Place is providentially, although
unwittingly, built on the same location.

94
A. O. Speldewinde, op. cit. p.1.
95
Ibid., p.1.
96
http://stanleyvasu.blogspot.com/2013/2013_10_01/archive.
html (accessed May 10, 2014); also Bergunder, The South Indian
Pentecostal Movement in the Twentieth Century, 25.
97
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1924. Part II, 224. In this
“who’s who” of the island’s society, her listing reads, “Lewini, Mme. A. E.,
Danish Lady Evangelist. “Mizpah, Rodgeway [sic] Place, Bambalapitiya,
Colombo.” This edition was revised up to May 1924, and thus may be
taken as a further evidence that Lewini took up residence in the island
between May 1923 (the date of the previous edition in which she is not
listed) and May 1924. The same address is repeated by subsequent
yearly editions of Ferguson’s to 1929 at least.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

Walter Clifford
98
In November 1923 Walter Clifford, an Assemblies of God
missionary appointed to North India, made his first visit to the
island, as part of a month-long healing mission tour of South India
(including Bangalore, Salem, and Tuticorin) and Ceylon.

Born October 2, 1887 at the picturesque stone-built village of

Box, Wiltshire in the West of England, he was the second son of
James Clifford, an agricultural labourer, and his wife Mary. After
joining the army in England in 1907 he had done military service
in Malta (1908-11) and North China (1911-1913) before being
assigned to North India.

Clifford came to a living faith in Christ in June 1914 in Quetta,

Northwest India (now Balochistan, Pakistan) where he was
stationed. He was married to Gertrude (née Eveleigh) at Bombay
99
on 15 June, 1916, and they returned to Quetta. They were
worshipping with the Plymouth Brethren and were at first
prejudiced against reports of Pentecostal things. However, after
100
the death of their first child in October 1917, they were ready to
listen to a former missionary to the Tibetans who came to their
home at Quetta and shared the Pentecostal message, and Clifford
was baptized in the Holy Spirit the following month (30 November).

98
The estimate of the month November is based on the fact
that Clifford’s report of the entire month-long tour, of which the Sri
Lankan leg came last, was published in the February 9, 1924 edition of
the Pentecostal Evangel, and allows for a typical time-lag of close to two
months between writing in Ceylon/India and publication in USA.
99
India, Select Marriages 1792-1948, via www.ancestry.com.
Since their marriage was registered at Colaba, Bombay (in the
southernmost part of the city), it is quite likely they were married in the
famous ‘Afghan Church’ (the Anglican Church of St John the Evangelist),
with its military associations.
100
Violet Mary Eileen Clifford, born 1917, died October 12
1917 and buried the next day at Quetta. (India, Select Deaths and Burials,
at www.ancestry.com).

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

In December 1918, he received the believer’s baptism by

immersion at the hands of Alfred Blakeney, an Assemblies of God
missionary in Saharanpur, North India. Early the following year,
he left the army, and in April 1919, became a full-time missionary
associated with the Assemblies of God. He served first at
Saharanpur before moving up into Afghanistan for a time, and
then down to Lucknow at the end of October. His official
Assemblies of God Missionary appointment to India was given on
th
November 25 1919; thus, he joined the General Council of the
Assemblies of God without leaving India. In his first term (1919-
1924), he served in Lucknow, Mankapur and Fyzabad. He was
ordained by the Assemblies of God at a moving service in
th
Saharanpur on Sunday November 7 1920. In a “Report of the
India Conference, Assemblies of God, Convened at Saharanpur,
Nov, 3-14, 1920,” we find the following account:
On the Lord's day, November 7th, the Lord especially blessed
the coming together of the missionaries. At the beginning of
the service Brother W. H. Clifford was ordained to the
ministry by the laying on of hands of the Presbytery. The
presence of the Lord was very real, for the Holy Spirit fell
upon the whole assembly. Some wept, some laughed and
there was a shout in the camp. Even strings that were
thought to be slack and out of tune began to tune
themselves to the praises of God.101

Thus, Walter Clifford came to Ceylon as a fully-fledged Assemblies

of God minister from the start and not as an “independent
missionary”, as claimed by some. However, the fact that he was
an Englishman whose spiritual journey from conversion to
ministry as a gifted healing evangelist and ordination by the
Assemblies of God took place entirely within South Asia set him
apart from the more “typical” American missionaries who were to
follow.

101
Pentecostal Evangel 380-381 (19 February, 1921), 20.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

Clifford’s first public meeting in the island was held at the

102
Jampettah Methodist Church. He ministered in Colombo, Jaffna,
and Madampe, and a number of remarkable healings and
deliverances took place. In Colombo, a Hindu woman who had not
eaten solid food for eight months and was close to death was
carried in on a chair by a Buddhist boy and his friends; after Brother
Clifford’s prayer she left the meeting on the chair but at her own
request got down and walked home, ate rice, and recovered. In
Jaffna, a number of deaf and dumb children were delivered.

In a later recollection of this first visit, Clifford says that he “found

just one other Pentecostal missionary [i.e. Anna Lewini] and
about half a dozen people who had received the Baptism in the
103
Spirit according to Acts 2:4.” On one Sunday afternoon he had
104 105
a tarrying service with Sister Lewini’s congregation.

In an account based on the family recollections of some early

rd
Pentecostal believers, it was on November 3 1923 that Pastor
Clifford had a meeting at the Ferguson Memorial Hall of the
106
Cinnamon Gardens Baptist Church in Colombo. On that day
when he prayed for the sick, the first person to go forward was a
very fashionable English-trained teacher who had heard about
the meetings at the birthday party of a friend. Because of the
large number of tablets she was using, she was described as a
“walking hospital” by her friends. She was Frances de Alwis, a

102
‘On Tour in India and Ceylon,’ Pentecostal Evangel 533
(February 9, 1924), 10-11.
103
W. H. Clifford, ‘The Work in Ceylon,’ Pentecostal Evangel
745 (April 28, 1928), 11.
104
“Tarrying” (from Luke 24:49, KJV) refers to the Pentecostal
practice of waiting upon God for the baptism of the Holy Spirit.
105
Walter H. Clifford, ‘Latter Rain in Ceylon,’ Pentecostal
Evangel 1356 (May 4, 1940), 6.
106
This account is based on a written document provided by
Mr. Raju Niles (personal communication Sept. 17, 2012), who received it
from his cousin the late Mr. Samson Rajaratnam. Their grandparents Mr.
and Mrs. Nagalingam were early believers in the CPM.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Methodist from Kalahe in Galle. Because of the healing touch she

received from God when Pastor Clifford prayed for her she
continued to attend the same church (Cinnamon Gardens Baptist)
and later decided to take water baptism, a step for which she was
teased by her sisters and brothers. Frances kept in contact by
letter with Clifford and thus she knew that he would return to
Colombo in March.

During the December holiday period of 1923, a Pentecostal

convention was held at Chilaw, convened by Brother J J B de
107
Silva, a Spirit-baptized layman conversant in all three
languages, assisted by Mrs Lewini and others from Colombo. In
her account of this event, missionary Minnie Houck refers to
108
“Brother Jacob’s home,” this being perhaps the place where
meetings were held. This is none other than Rev P I Jacob, the
Baptist minister who had invited Todd and Ebenezer to Colombo.
Sometime between May 1923 and May 1924, Jacob had relocated
from Mohandiram’s Road, Colpetty to Chilaw, while still being
109
associated with the Baptist Missionary Society. Miss Houck also
reports that “after this Convention, Mrs Lewini felt definitely led
to open up work in a new place in Colombo”.

Clifford’s Second Visit

110
In March 1924, on the way home to England on a much
111
overdue furlough from North India, Walter Clifford stopped in

107
Bro J. J. B. De Silva was a mature Christian, a little older than
Sis. Lewini; the eldest of his four daughters Sis. Dorothy De Silva (one of
the first batch of graduates from the Ceylon Bible Institute in 1949) was
born in 1898. The others were Marjorie (Mrs. de Silva), Hilda (Mrs.
Berenger), and the youngest Esme (born 1910). Unusually for a member
of the Burgher community, he was competent in both Sinhala and Tamil,
a skill acquired in the Civil Service.
108
Pentecostal Evangel 552 (June 28, 1924), 11.
109
Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1924, 578.
110
In the Pentecostal Evangel 544 (April 26, 1924) on p.10 we
find, ‘Brother Walter H. Clifford of Mankapur, India writes: “I am writing
from Colombo, Ceylon, where we have come to hold some Full Gospel

124
 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

th
Ceylon for a month of special meetings, beginning on the 9 .
Minnie Houck recounted: “A few weeks later [i.e. after the
convention in Chilaw] God sent Brother Clifford to conduct a
112
series of meetings at Glad Tidings Hall.” Such was the impact
of his ministry, he was labeled: “The Colombo Conversion
Company” and accused of turning the city upside down. In the
short time that he was in the Island, over two hundred persons
were saved, large numbers healed, twelve baptized in water, and
113
one baptized in the Spirit. After the meetings in Colombo,
Pastor Clifford went on to have a powerful series of meetings for
four days in the Galle Methodist Church. “Some seventy souls

th
meetings prior to going home. We started meetings on the 9 …”’ The
rd
Cliffords’ daughter Ruby was born at Mankapur on 3 February, giving
them just time to recover from childbirth, pack their household to leave
on furlough and travel from North India by land and ship to Colombo in
th
time to begin the meetings on 9 March.
111
He had been continuously away from home, first in military
service, then in missionary service, since 1908. In the spring of 1923 he
had written from Mankapur, N. India, “We are feeling the need of a
furlough. This fall will make fifteen years away from home without a
furlough so we are praying that we may be able to go next spring if it be
His will.” (Pentecostal Evangel 500 (June 9, 1923), p.12). Later in the year
his wording was more direct: “It is fifteen years ago the fifth of
November of this year that I left my home for the field, and during all
those years have not had a furlough. The reason we desire to go on a
furlough is, that we are both tired and worn out, and we feel that if we
can get a change and rest for these tired bodies of ours, we shall be able
to return, D.V., better equipped for the battle than we are at present.”
(Pentecostal Evangel 526 (December 15, 1923), 10). From these poignant
words we can understand something of the physical and financial
constraints under which the Cliffords lived a life of faith and faithfulness;
furthermore his dynamic ministry in Colombo and Galle in March 1924 is
all the more remarkable when we understand that he was already
exhausted when it began.
112
‘Good News from Ceylon,’ Pentecostal Evangel 552 (June
28, 1924), 11.
113
Pentecostal Evangel 548 (May 24, 1924), 10.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

were dealt with for salvation during those four days, and many
114
were healed.”

Sister Frances de Alwis

Clifford later recalled that in the tarrying service he held in
Colombo on this visit, “a young Singalese [sic] woman, a
schoolteacher who had been healed of tuberculosis in the 1923
meetings, received the baptism in the Holy Spirit. She is now the
115
leader of a Ceylonese Pentecostal work.” In another account
(written in 1928) of the same event he says: “In 1924 we held an
evangelistic campaign for three weeks…. We were only able to
hold one tarrying meeting at that time, but in that meeting a
Singhalese sister was baptized in the Holy Spirit and has been
instrumental in winning her entire family to the Lord, three of
whom are now active in gospel work among the Singhalese and
Tamil people. Another sister in this family has a school for
116
Pentecostal children…”
The young Sinhalese woman referred to in these accounts was
117
Frances de Alwis , the fashionable young teacher he had met
when she was healed four months previously. Aged about 28 in
118
1924, she belonged to a large family at Kalahe, Galle, who were

114
Walter H. Clifford, ‘Latter Rain in Ceylon,’ The Pentecostal
Evangel 1356 (May 4, 1940), 6.
115
Ibid.
116
W. H. Clifford, ‘The Work in Ceylon,’ The Pentecostal
Evangel 745 (April 28, 1928), 11.
117
Frances Vivian de Alwis (c.1896-1981).
118
According to the recollection of Mrs. Nirmali Beling, a great-
niece of Frances de Alwis, there were altogether 17 children in the
family. The Methodist community roll of 1901 onwards lists 15 names; of
these Mrs. Sylvia Weerasingha (b. 1922, mother of Rev. Tissa
Weerasingha) could remember 13 including her mother Helen, the eldest
th
(personal communication, 14 March 2014). These 13 siblings of the de
Alwis family who survived childhood were Helen (Mrs. Weerackoon, b.
c.1879), Lucy (Mrs. Ranasinghe, b. c.1880), Alice (Mrs. Wijesekera, b.
c.1881), Enid (also Mrs. Wijesekera, b. c.1883), Samuel (b. c.1885), Harris
(b. c.1887), Felix (b. c.1891), Clement (b. c.1893), Blanche (Mrs.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

119
prominent members of the Methodist Church there. After being
a founder member of the CPM she later became the leader of the
Zion Pentecostal Mission, which she founded when she broke
away from the CPM over disagreements concerning the status of
women; hence, Clifford was able to refer to her in 1940 as “the
120
leader of a Ceylonese Pentecostal work”. Her younger sister
121 122
Freda and youngest brother Alwin are the other two whom
Clifford described in 1928 as “active in gospel work among the
123
Singhalese and Tamil people.”

Jayasundera, b. c.1894), Frances (CPM sister, b. c.1896), Freda (CPM

sister, b. 1897), Victorine (Mrs. Weerasinghe, b. c.1898) and Alvin (CPM
Chief Pastor, b.1901). Mrs. Sylvia Weerasinghe further mentioned that
the mother of this large family (Eliza Catherine de Alwis) was married
twice, the second Mr. de Alwis being the brother of the first; also that
she had a younger sister who married a third de Alwis brother and they
were the parents of (among others) Stephanie (Mrs. Guruswamy, b.1914,
at 100 years the oldest living member of the family).
119
Michael Bergunder, The South Indian Pentecostal Movement
in the Twentieth Century, in a summary of Pastor Alwin de Alwis’ life on
p.256, repeats erroneous hearsay “it is said that he [Alwin] had been
converted to Christianity from Buddhism. In any case, he probably
belonged to the Baptist Mission in Ceylon before he became
Pentecostal.” In fact the de Alwis family were staunch Methodists.
120
Origins of the Pentecostal Mission in Sri Lanka, p.27
mistakenly identifies the sister who was healed as Frances’ younger
sister Freda, who was also a teacher trained at the English Teachers’
Training College at Maharagama and also became a founder member of
the CPM, but never “the leader of a Ceylonese Pentecostal work,” since
the CPM, to which she remained loyal until her death, did not allow
women to hold leadership positions.
121
Freda Beatrice de Alwis, b. 26 August 1897.
122
Alwin R. de Alwis (1901-1967).
123
One cannot fail to be impressed by Clifford’s constructive
tone and generous spirit in the way he describes this family, who had by
the time of writing broken away from him, taking others with them, to
form an independent ministry.

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124
Sister Frances recalled what took place in March 1924 , at Ms
Lewini’s rented hall in Borella. When Pastor Clifford asked those
who wished to receive the baptism of the Holy Spirit to come
forward for prayer, she was unprepared and she was asked to go
home and read Romans 12:1 and return the following day.
Through meditating on that verse she was convicted that she
needed to forsake worldly things including her fashionable
clothes and to offer herself as a living sacrifice. The following day,
she attended the meeting with a transformed attitude and
wearing plain white. The power of God fell on her “like a flash of
lightning” and on the third day she spoke in other tongues.

Since Frances now faced ridicule at the YMCA hostel where she
was staying, she moved in with Sister Lewini, who was at that
time staying at “The Grange”, a home in Slave Island. When the
school term ended she went to her ancestral home at Kalahe in
Galle and shared this experience during their family prayer time.
The result was that Freda, Alwin, and their mother also received
the Holy Spirit in that house. After some time, Frances felt led by
the Lord to give up her teaching. After the death of their father,
the sisters started a school and faith-home in a house at Magalle.
Their brother Alwin, who was still teaching, used to come and
preach there. Sister Lewini was also a regular visitor. Through
Sister Lewini, Pastor Paul also visited there and wanted to send
his children to the school. Later again, “Pastor Paul wanted to join
the mission and ‘live by faith’ as Frances and others were
125
doing.” It must have been at this point that there would have
been a split in the Glad Tidings Hall, where Paul had hitherto been
ministering alongside Sister Lewini and Pastor J S Wickramaratne.

124 th
Mrs. Nirmali Beling (personal communication 14 March
2014) recounted this testimony as she heard it directly from Sis. Frances
who was her great-aunt. Supplementary details are from the account as
written by the late Mr. Sam Rajaratnam based on what he heard from his
grandparents who were early CPM members.
125
Account written by late Mr. Sam Rajaratnam. The content of
this paragraph is condensed from this narrative.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

Later still, Freda continued the school and faith-home at Magalle,

while Frances, Alwin, and Paul moved to Colombo to begin a
faith-home, first at Pamankade and subsequently at Borella.

In G P V Somaratna’s initial research on this subject, based on

recollections of older members of the CPM, the year 1923 is
mentioned as the date of the founding of the Mission by Paul and
126
Alwin. However, this is too early given that the very first
contact the de Alwis family had with Walter Clifford (Frances’
healing) was on his initial brief mission tour in November 1923,
127
and their first Pentecostal experience was in March 1924.

The CPM official biography of Pastor Paul (38-39, 75) gives a

somewhat different version, namely that the first three “whom
Pastor Paul received as fellow-workers when he began the gospel
work in the city of Colombo” were Brothers Adam (who was
healed of leprosy), Varghese (a father of two), and Matthew (a
businessman who had been contemplating suicide and was given
this name upon baptism). It was only thereafter, albeit “within a
short time” that “Mrs. Alwin and her children i.e. Alwin, Francis
and Freeda (who were later known as Pastor Alwin, Sis. Francis
and Sis. Freeda) came forward for the gospel work and joined
Pastor Paul”. This is the only mention of the “Alwin” (i.e. de Alwis)
family in the whole book, and the contempt shown towards them
by the present TPM/CPM leadership is reflected in the fact that
three of the four names are carelessly misspelled.

Organization of the Glad Tidings Hall

In April/May 1924, Minnie Houck, the American independent
Pentecostal missionary residing in Nuwara Eliya, reported that:
…before Brother Clifford left [in April 1924], the first
Pentecostal Assembly was formed in Colombo. Two

126
Origins of the Pentecostal Mission in Sri Lanka, 30.
127
Clifford is quite specific that 1923 was his first visit to Ceylon
(‘Good News from Ceylon’, Pentecostal Evangel, 552 (June 28, 1924), 11).

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brethren, both people of Ceylon, were set apart for the

ministry.128

These are significant words, since they record the formal

beginning of the Colombo congregation of the Assemblies of God
that was known as the Glad Tidings Hall and would later be
known as the Colombo Gospel Tabernacle. Of the “two brethren”
set apart for the ministry, one would have been J S
Wickramaratne. The other may have been Brother Paul. If so, not
only the 1923 date for the beginning of the CPM is definitively
impossible, but also, the CPM account which says he remained in
the employment of the Anglican CMS for about three years after
receiving the Holy Spirit Baptism until stepping into a life lived by
faith alone, must be interpreted to mean that his life lived by
faith actually began in the ministry of the Glad Tidings Hall.
(Another remote possibility is that the second brother was not
Pastor Paul but J J B de Silva. However, if so, it is difficult to see
why J J B de Silva is, even after this, always referred to as a
“layman”).

Minnie Houck continued her report: “Though Mrs Lewini is still

the missionary in charge, she is praying that someone may be led
129
to take her place”. Again, these brief words give important
insight into the leadership roles at the time. Two Sri Lankan men
had been set apart as pastors for the congregation (one
Sinhalese, the other Malayali or possibly Burgher), while Sister
Lewini as the pioneering missionary was still the acknowledged
leader of the group (even without AG credentials!). She was
praying for someone to take her place – not because she
intended to leave the field (she in fact remained for at least
twenty years more), but because she believed that a mature man
was needed.

128
‘Good News from Ceylon’, Pentecostal Evangel 552 (June
28, 1924), 11.
129
Ibid.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

Miss Houck herself was still in charge of an orphanage in Nuwara

Eliya. She says: “I am…asking God to send me a consecrated
person to take charge of my orphanage, then we can get about
over the island to establish Pentecostal centers. Please join us in
praying that the Pentecostal flame may spread over Ceylon and
also be kindled up here in this hill station for I have been praying
for the past ten years that it may break out here”. On the other
hand, work in the Colombo area was advancing; she writes: “We
praise God for the earnest workers who are now carrying on the
work in the suburbs of Colombo with great success and we are
130
confidently looking forward to a great revival…”. Thus, in the
summer of 1924, everything seemed positive.

Inauguration of the Jaffna ministry

This optimistic picture was augmented when in June 1924,
Brother J J B De Silva commenced the Assemblies of God ministry
131
in Jaffna . Thus, the Jaffna AG Church owes its origin to a
layman from the South. De Silva was ahead of his time in several
ways. He was the first Sri Lankan to pioneer a Pentecostal Church
(as opposed to doing evangelism alone); he was a lay person (an
auditor by profession), who lived by his own resources, not a
“full-time” minister or missionary; and most impressively, he
ministered in what would have been his third language. Although
he was from a family which self-identified as Burgher, he had
acquired competence in both Sinhala and Tamil in the course of
his government service in the Audit Office. Seeing the need in
Jaffna, he began to evangelize there and upon retirement in
132
1927, devoted himself completely to the ministry there, using

130
‘Good News from Ceylon,’ Pentecostal Evangel 552 (June
28, 1924), 11.
131
Pentecostal Evangel 588 (March 14, 1925), 10.
132
In Ferguson’s Ceylon Directory for 1926 (Revised up to May
1926) p.610, under “Audit Office,” J. J. B. De Silva is listed as the second
in seniority among the 11 listed Principal Clerks (and numerous other
unlisted Clerks), drawing an annual salary of Rs. 4,900 (a very
considerable amount of course in those days). In the 1927 edition of the

131
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

his pension to support his family in Colombo. In the modern

jargon, he was a tent-making cross-cultural church-planter. The
present-day Jaffna Assembly of God with its dozens of daughter
churches and branches all over the North is the direct
continuation of Brother de Silva’s pioneering work.

Todd and Ebenezer Return

133
In July or early August of the same year Brother H N Todd and
Brother Y T Ebenezer arrived for their second period of ministry in
Ceylon. By May 1924, Brother Todd’s ministry among the Anglo-
Indians at Perambur, Madras, had continued for “over five years,”
and become well established, so that the Australian Pentecostal
Band was now “free to accept a call to a needy field in Ceylon”.
The Editor of Good News appealed to readers in Australia to pray
and support this new outreach which would require the “removal
of four people [which] requires money” – the four people
referred to being Brother Todd, Sister Todd, Brother Ebenezer,
134
and possibly either the Todds’ son or Ebenezer’s mother.

However, their time in Ceylon was one of severe testing. On

rd
September 3 , Brother Todd wrote that he and his wife were

same work (revised up to May 1927), p.156, under “Audit Office”, his
name is not listed. This indicates that he retired from Government
employment between May 1926 and May 1927. If he retired at 55, this
would place his date of birth as c.1872.
133
The July 1924 edition of Good News was published “on the
eve of the removal of the Australian Pent. Band from Perambur to
another hopeful field …”http://webjournals.alphacrucis.edu.au/
journals/GN/gn-vol-15-no-7-july-1924/revival-anglo-india/ (accessed
th
Sept. 5, 2010). But by August 13 Bro. Todd was already down with
malaria in Ceylon - see http://webjournals.alphacrucis.edu.au/
journals/GN/gn-vol-15-no11-nov-1924/13-field-news-i/ (accessed Sept.
5, 2010).
134
‘My Testimony, and God's Dealings with us—The Anglo-
Indians of Perambur,’ http://webjournals.alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/
GN/gn-vol-15-no-5-may-1924/my-testimony-and-gods-dealings-with-
us8212the-angl/ (accessed Sept. 5, 2010).

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

both “living skeletons” after weeks of malarial fever. A few days

later, Brother Ebenezer added: “We are chastened, but not killed.
Though He slay us, yet we will trust in Him. Our confidence is in
Him Who is able to deliver us from death”. He mentions also “a
dear young man here [who] is earnestly longing for the Holy
135
Spirit.” (Could this possibly be a reference to Alwin de Alwis?)
136
It is uncertain for how long the team remained in Ceylon. The
next available reference finds them back in South India in
137
November 1925, but they likely returned very much before that.

Given that Pastor Paul’s conversion to Pentecostal experience is

attributed to the ministry of these two brothers (on their earlier
visit c.1921), it is almost certain that he and any associates would
have been associated with them during this their second sojourn
in the island. The refusal of the Australian/Indian Pentecostal
team to resort to medicine even in extreme circumstances would
have also influenced Pastor Paul’s convictions on the subject. The
question is, had Pastor Paul and the fledgling CPM group already
separated itself from the Glad Tidings Hall at this stage or not?

In this regard, there is one more piece of relevant evidence, albeit

from three years later. In September 1927, the same year in which
H N Todd was a convention speaker (in April) at the Good News
Hall in Melbourne, now renamed the ‘Apostolic Faith Mission of
Australasia,’ the announcements page of the same Mission
advertises the ministry of Mrs A E Lewini in Ceylon and that of H N
138
Todd in Madras side by side. Moreover, we know that Smith

135
Good News, November 1924. http://webjournals.
alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/GN/gn-vol-15-no11-nov-1924/13-field-news-i/
(accessed Sept. 5, 2010).
136
Unfortunately editions of Good News for the year 1925,
which would settle this question, are not available online.
137
http://webjournals.alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/GN/gn-vol-
17-no-2-feb-1926/what-god-hath-wrought-in-south-africa-also-india-j/
(accessed Sept. 5, 2010).
138
The relevant portion of the notice (listing all places of
worship and service times of the mission), reads,

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Wigglesworth, with whose ministry Anna Lewini had been closely

associated for three months in 1921, went to Australia (via
Colombo) to minister at the very same church in Melbourne in
early 1922. Thus it is very probable that H N Todd and Anna Lewini
were well known to each other and that the circles of believers and
contacts they ministered to in Colombo overlapped
139
considerably. In that case, the decision of Pastor Paul to set out
independently with Alwin would likely have taken effect late in
1924, after the departure of Brothers Todd and Ebenezer.

The picture that thus emerges of this early period is of a Spirit-led

cooperative network of ministries with input from Scandinavia,
Britain, Australia, India, and America. It must also be borne in

FORIEGN MISSIONS [sic]:-- CEYLON. For times of meetings,

apply to Mrs. A. E. Lewini—Missionary, "Glen Ville," Campbell Place,
Maradana, who will welcome any passing that way. * * * INDIA. Brother
H. N. Todd, Ballard Street, Perambur, Madras, S. India. * * * (Good News,
September 1927, at http://webjournals.alphacrucis.edu.au/journals/
GN/gn-vol18-no9-sep-1927/12-a-vision-of-flying-dovesnotices-of-the-
apostoli/ (accessed Aug. 29, 2010). The identical notice is carried in the
editions of Good News up to November 1927, after which the details
pertaining to Mrs. Lewini alone are carried in December 1927 and up to
March 1928. (e.g. at http://webjournals.alphacrucis. edu.au/journals/
GN/gn-vol18-no12-dec-1927/11-notices-of-the-apostolic-faith-mission-
of-austr/ accessed Aug. 29, 2010).
139
The exact nature of the relationship between Anna Lewini
and the Good News Hall, Melbourne is unknown, although it would be
fascinating to discover. By this time the latter had moved into doctrinal
orthodoxy, abandoning the heterodox teachings which characterized
early editions of its publication the Good News. (Mrs. Lancaster’s original
non-Trinitarian position had been not the “Sabellianism” of the Oneness
Pentecostals, but a kind of “Subordinationism” by which she saw God the
Father and the Holy Spirit as One, but the Lord Jesus Christ as the Son of
God, but not God the Son). The name of H. N. Todd’s Assembly in Madras
was the “Glorious News Hall” – an Indian variation on “Good News Hall”
the name of the mother church in Melbourne. The name “Glad Tidings
Hall,” given presumably by Anna Lewini herself to the Assembly she
pioneered in Colombo, perhaps also bears a family resemblance.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

mind that at this early stage, the total number of Pentecostal

missionaries in the world was a very finite set. Therefore,
doctrinal details and denominational affiliations still took a back
seat to the more pressing realities of the outpouring of the Spirit
and the urgent need for world evangelism. It is, therefore, all the
more regrettable that the subsequent division of the Pentecostal
congregation in Colombo into two ideologically different
organizations became so entrenched.

The Naming of the CPM

A delightful anecdote attaches itself to the name Ceylon
140
Pentecostal Mission. Mrs Nirmali Beling recounts how she once
directly asked her Great Aunt Fanty (i.e. Sister Frances de Alwis)
why she named her church the Ceylon Pentecostal Mission when
it ought to have been Assembly of God. Sister Frances replied that
indeed at Magalle they did once have an Assembly of God
nameboard, but it was stolen in the night, and they therefore
decided that that name was not God’s will and set up the Ceylon
Pentecostal Mission board instead. The tradition recorded by the
141
late Mr Sam Rajaratnam offers an elaborated version of this
incident, saying that the original name Ceylon Pentecostal
Mission was suggested by Mme Lewini. However, Pastor Clifford
regarded Sister Frances as his convert and therefore wanted her
to use the name Assembly of God, so to please him they
exchanged the CPM board for an AG one. However, because the
new board was removed by thieves, they decided that it was not
God’s will and the CPM board was restored.

This curious story illustrates the close relationship, yet with their
different opinions, which existed between the main players in the
early years of the Pentecostal movement. It also suggests how
even though the relationships were cordial, the Sri Lankan

140
Mrs. NIrmali Beling is a granddaughter of Frances de Alwis’
elder sister Mrs. Lucy Ranasinghe.
141
As related by his grandparents Mr. and Mrs. Nagalingam.
Personal communication from Mr. Raju Niles.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

believers may still have felt a certain pressure of competing

loyalties between different missionaries. The role of Pastor
Clifford in this exchange of ideas may well have taken place by
correspondence, as he was out of the island between April 1924
and September 1925.

Herbert and Lillie Maltby

142
On Christmas Eve 1924, Mrs Lillie Doll Maltby and her husband
143 144
Herbert Sanford Maltby , a middle-aged American couple
who had been serving as Assemblies of God missionaries in Basti,
North India, arrived in Ceylon. Appointed by the AG headquarters
in Springfield, Missouri, their task was to continue the work
begun by Clifford nine months previously. They were not the first
missionaries who would be called upon to step in where Brother
Clifford had left off, which (as they were to discover) was no easy
145
task. However, Mrs Maltby in particular was a well-seasoned
146
worker and not averse to challenges.

Lillie or Lillian E Doll, who was from Jersey City, New Jersey, had
been one of the party of seven Spirit-baptized single women (of

142
Lillie Estella Doll (1868-c.1948), born at Quakertown,
Pennsylvania.
143
Herbert Sanford Maltby (1864-1937), born at Placerville,
California, died at Coonoor, Nilgiris, South India.
144
Herbert and Lillie were aged 60 and 56 respectively when
they boarded the “Hobson’s Bay” at London, bound for Colombo (record
via www.ancestry.com).
145
Spencer May in 1927, Walter Foster in 1930-31, Carl Graves
in 1931-34 and others all faced the challenge of trying to conserve the
fruits left by this charismatic pioneer when he was absent from the
island.
146
For example, Miss Blanche Cunningham, Lillie Doll’s co-
worker at Basti (prior to her marriage), wrote, “After a time permission
was received from the C.M.S. at Gorakhpur to occupy the deserted C.
M.S. mission houses. Miss Doll moved in at once, even before it was fit to
live in, and slept on the floor with the rats and moles crawling around …”
Latter Rain Evangel 4.2 (November 1911), 18.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

which Minnie Houck was another) led by the veteran missionary

Minnie Abrams who arrived in Bombay from the USA on
147
December 2, 1910. Brother Herbert S Maltby and Miss Lillie E
Doll were married at Basti, UP, India on March 17, 1921 and
148
continued to minister in that area.

Upon arrival in Colombo, the Maltbys were met by Brother J J B

De Silva, who almost immediately took them along to Jaffna to
minister at the first convention he had arranged there
commencing December 27. About 100 persons were present each
day, 12 were baptized in water, and 12 definitely received the
149
Holy Spirit baptism.

Upon returning to Colombo in January 1925, the Maltbys

proceeded to take charge of the congregation (“Glad Tidings
Hall”) that was set up by Walter Clifford in the first quarter of
1924. Mrs Maltby reported that “the Lord has given us a Spirit-
baptized preacher as our worker. He is an ordained minister,
150
formerly under the Baptist Church.” This evidently refers to
Rev P I Jacob; it cannot refer to J S Wickramaratne or J J B de
Silva, both of whom had been only lay preachers in the Baptist
151
Church. We can take note that Mrs Maltby makes no reference

147
See the Latter Rain Evangel, October 1910, 11; The
Pentecost, November 1910, 14; Stanley M. Burgess and Gary B. McGee,
Dictionary of Pentecostal and Charismatic Movements, 7, and Gary B.
McGee, ‘Baptism of the Holy Ghost and Fire! The Revival Legacy of
Minnie F. Abrams,’ at http://enrichmentjournal.ag.org/
199803/080_baptism_fire.cfm (accessed Aug. 14, 2010). Some account
of her ministry with Miss Abrams at Uska Bazar and Basti in 1911 is given
in ‘Prayer Answered in North India,’ Latter Rain Evangel 4.1 (October
1911), 9-10.
148
Pentecostal Evangel 396-397 (June 11, 1921), 12.
149
‘Work Opens in Ceylon,’ Pentecostal Evangel 588 (March 14
1925), 10.
150
Ibid.
151
J. S. Wickramaratne was finally ordained in 1947 together
with R. N. Asirwatham and Eric Nathanielsz, subsequent to their election

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

in her report to the two men set apart for the ministry as
reported by Miss Houck nine months previously. Evidently
something had happened. She comments obliquely that
“circumstances beyond our control are hindering us from laboring
in Basti District, India at present as we had expected to do”.

In the May 1925 edition of the Latter Rain Evangel, in addition to

a repeat account of the Jaffna Convention, a remarkable
statement of Mrs Maltby is recorded: “The Missionary in charge
of the work in Colombo has asked us to take charge of the work
as she is leaving. This we have done. It is a large and responsible
152
work and we need your earnest prayers…” In fact Sister Lewini
153
left the island in February 1925 , and spent time in Sweden but
154
returned in October the same year after the arrival of the
Cliffords. We know that she had already been praying for several
months for the right successor, but her decision to leave at this
critical stage seems surprising. Could it be that she was
discouraged over some developments that had occurred?

A Great Sifting
After a few weeks of ministry at Colombo, Mrs Maltby reported
again more candidly:
The Ceylonese Pentecostal work has undergone a great
sifting time and was in a very unsettled state when we took

to serve on the first elected Executive Committee of the Assemblies of

God of Ceylon in August of that year. J. J. B. de Silva was never ordained,
having passed away probably in the previous year.
152
Latter Rain Evangel, May 1925, 17 (my italics).
153 th
She arrived in Southampton, UK on 14 March 1925 having
rd
travelled 3 class on the Australian ship “Hobson’s Bay” from Colombo.
(UK Incoming Passenger Lists 1878-1960, from www.ancestry.com).
154
She boarded the Australia-bound “Moreton Bay” from the
th
port of London on 6 October 1925, having contracted to land at
Colombo. She gave her last address as in Norrkoping, Sweden. (UK
Outward Passenger Lists 1890-1960, from www.ancestry.com).

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

up the work in Glad Tidings Hall a few weeks ago. Last

Sunday a break came…”155

Her choice of the word “sifting” suggests both a testing or shaking

(Luke 22:31) and a separation. Most probably this “great sifting”
(and even perhaps the more veiled “circumstances beyond our
control” of her previous letter) refers to the separation of the
group (led by Pastor Paul and the de Alwis family of Galle) who
began the CPM. This means that the split between the CPM and
the AG Glad Tidings Hall took place in the latter part of 1924.

Various reasons have been mentioned for the separation. One is

Alwin’s vision of a truly indigenous ministry (inspired by Sadhu
Sundar Singh), which was in conflict with submission to a foreign
organization and leadership (epitomized by the Assemblies of
God). Another was Paul’s insistence on the ascetic life including
denial of conjugal relations, a position which was rejected as
unscriptural both by J S Wickramaratne (who nevertheless
156
continued to be Paul’s friend) and Walter Clifford. An emphasis
on the new birth, the baptism of the Holy Spirit, the soon coming
of Christ, and divine healing were shared by both groups, but the
de Alwis siblings and Paul interpreted the faith life in a more
radical way, insisting on dependence on God alone to supply not
merely spiritual salvation and physical healing but all their
material needs too. The biography of Pastor Paul alludes to Mme
Lewini in this context in the following passage:
When Pastor Paul was doing the gospel work being
steadfast in faith life, a missionary named Miss Livini [sic]
met him. That lady had come to know that Pastor Paul was
living a faith life having given up the ministry in the CMS
church. Therefore, she rendered a small financial help to
Pastor. Two months later she informed pastor saying she

155
Pentecostal Evangel 595 (May 2, 1925), 10.
156
Rev. Colton Wickramaratne recalls vividly a car being sent
regularly by Pastor Paul to pick up the Wickramaratne family to bring
them to the CPM at Borella. This would have been in the 1930’s.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

was prepared to help him financially, if he joined her in

gospel work. However, he did not accept it. He had realized
that it was against the norms of faith life to receive regular
financial aid from someone to do the ministry of God.157

This alleged incident must have occurred in 1924, since the same
biography states that he continued in the employment of the
158
CMS for three years after being baptized in the Spirit in 1921.
The reality was that Paul did join with Sister Lewini (and J S
Wickramaratne) for some time, as evidenced both by the iconic
photograph of the Glad Tidings Hall congregation which still
survives, and the testimony of early members of the Pentecostal
159
Mission. However, a scenario in which Pastor Wickramaratne
160
accepted an allowance to provide for his family whilst Pastor
Paul felt that it was worldly or indicative of a lack of faith to do so,
is a plausible reason for their decision to part as far as the
161
ministry was concerned. This is particularly persuasive given
that the separation took place at a time (1924) when Sister Lewini
was leading the church and no Assemblies of God missionaries
were present.

157
Biography, Chapter 6, p.45.
158
Ibid. pp.27-28.
159
The narrative of the late Mr. Sam Rajaratnam based on the
recollections of his grandparents Mr. and Mrs. Nagalingam states, “Miss
Levini [sic] visited Galle and Magalle frequently while Frances [de Alwis]
was in Magalle. Pastor Paul a catechist from C. M. S. Thimbirigasyaya
who was working for Miss Levini visited Magalle and wanted to send his
four children to the school … “
160
In 1924 Pastor Wickramaratne and his wife Lillian already
had two small sons (Andrew and Calvin).
161 th
Rev. Gerald Senn (personal communication, 12 April 2014)
said he had heard from his parents, who were committed members of
the CPM during the time of Pastor Paul, that it was over the issue of the
handling of money that Pas. Paul had separated from Pas.
Wickramaratne, although he was aware that this was not the story that
most people told.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

The Maltbys continued for a few months at the Glad Tidings Hall
in Colombo before moving to Kandy in June 1925 to restart the
AG work there, which had been commenced by the Griers in
162
1913-15.

Walter Clifford Petitioned to Return

At some point during his stay in Britain in 1924-5, Walter Clifford
received a definite invitation to return to Ceylon on a longterm
basis. It should be remembered that until this time he was
appointed by the AG to serve at Mankapur in North India. In a
personal communication written years later, he says that “while
on furlough we received a petition signed by about 25 people
asking us to come to Ceylon and open an Assembly of God work
in Colombo. After much prayer and consulting with the brethren
163
we decided to go to Ceylon.” It is not clear whether the focus
of the petitioners was on Brother Clifford personally (as distinct
from any other missionary known or unknown), or on the
Assemblies of God (as distinct from any other fellowship or
organization or even the absence of any), or in fact both.

Clifford Appointed to Ceylon

On September 19, 1925, Walter Clifford with his wife Gertrude
164
(née Eveleigh) and their three children arrived back in

162
Pentecostal Evangel 625 (December 5, 1925), 18, and 627
(December 19, 1925), 11.
163 th
Letter dated August 16 , 1950 from Walter and Viola
Clifford at “Anathoth”, Route 2, Red Wing, Minnesota, addressed to Mrs.
George Carmichael of 234, W. Pacific Street, Springfield 1, Missouri.
164
The identity and background of Walter Clifford’s first wife
Gertrude has been missed by all previous writings on this subject. Her
maiden name was Eveleigh; this is established from the obituary notice
of Walter and Gertrude Clifford’s daughter Ruby Jean Schafer who
passed away in 2007. http://www.kramerfuneralhome.com/
sitemaker/sites/Kramer1/obit.cgi?user=800_RHerveySchafer178,
accessed Aug. 14, 2010).
We also know that Gertrude was two years older than Walter
Clifford. This is evident from the couple’s Applications for Ordination

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Colombo, now with an AG missionary appointment to Ceylon. He

was taken to the Glad Tidings Hall at Borella, where he received
the gift of prophecy. Recalling this day twelve years later, Clifford
wrote: “In the afternoon of that day some twenty people met us
at the rented meeting hall at Borella for a time of fellowship and
rejoicing. Of that number some are now in the glory, some are
165
still with us and a few of them never joined us.” The last phrase
is interesting and reflects the fact that a number of those who
turned out to welcome Clifford back and acknowledged him as
their spiritual father nevertheless declined to join the Assemblies
of God. Since September 19, 1925 was a Saturday, the twenty
persons who gathered for a perhaps impromptu meeting may not
fairly reflect the strength of the entire congregation.

Smith Wigglesworth’s Visit

In March 1926, Clifford’s ministry was further strengthened when
he was able to host the notable Pentecostal healing evangelist

Certificate with the Assemblies of God in late 1919, in which she gives
her age as 34 whereas Walter gives his as 32. This information is
sufficient to identify her as Gertrude Eveleigh, born 1885 at Ottery St
Mary, a large village on the River Otter, in the eastern part of the county
of Devon, in southwest England. The town of Honiton is further up the
river to the northeast. Her parents were Richard Eveleigh (born 1848 at
Talaton, Devon) and his wife Elizabeth Sarah J. Isaac (born 1851 at
Feniton, Devon), whom he married in 1871 at Honiton. Details of all of
Gertrude’s 4 grandparents and 8 great-grandparents are also given on
this page, with details of her lineage in the Eveleigh line traced back 10
generations to one Michael Eveleigh, born in Devon in 1585.
http://www.familysearch.org/eng/search/PRF/pedigree_view.asp?recid=
1433168232&familyid=1431144556&frompage=99 (accessed Aug. 14,
2010).
A comparison with the entries for the family in the 1881 and
1891 census enumerations reveals that Gertrude Eveleigh, later Mrs.
Walter Clifford, was born the seventh of nine children in her family; her
father Richard Eveleigh’s occupation was described in 1881 as “Assistant
to General Merchant” and her mother Elizabeth was a “Dressmaker.”
165
Walter H. Clifford, ‘What God Hath Done!’ Pentecostal
Evangel 1230 (December 4, 1937), 9.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

Smith Wigglesworth who stopped in Ceylon on the way to

166
Australia and conducted healing rallies for two weeks. (Four
years previously In early 1922 Wigglesworth had passed through
Colombo en route to Australia, but there is no specific record of
167
him conducting any meetings at that time.)

Ministry in Matara
Clifford’s ministry grew rapidly. It was by no means confined to
Colombo; he travelled widely, conducting Pentecostal rallies with
their emphasis on salvation, divine healing, baptism in the Spirit,
and the Second Coming of Christ. In the middle of 1926, Clifford
168
together with Spencer May , a fellow British missionary who
had arrived during the Wigglesworth meetings and stayed on to
assist the work for a few months, conducted one such five-day
mission in Matara, at which they were able to minister to a cross-
section of society including a good number of professionals. The

166
Pentecostal Evangel 648 (May 22, 1926), also 649 (May 29,
1926).
167
Smith Wigglesworth arrived at Melbourne, Australia on
February 16, 1922 (as reported in Confidence, April-June 1922, 11), and
started meetings the same day at the Good News Hall; after three
months of ministry in Australia he moved on to New Zealand for
meetings in May-June (see http://www.smithwigglesworth.com/
life/australianz1922.htm, accessed Aug. 9, 2010); from there he crossed
the Pacific from Wellington and arrived in San Francisco on July 31 1922,
to begin a period of ministry in the USA (this date being confirmed from
official immigration records via the ancestry.co.uk website). Therefore
his stopover in Ceylon must have occurred on the way to Australia in
January or early February 1922.
168
Rev. Spencer Edward May (1901-1956) was a Welsh-
speaker from the coal-mining community of Ystradyfodwg (Rhondda),
Glamorganshire, who had first arrived in Travancore (now Kerala) in 1923
and ministered alongside pioneer AG missionaries Mary W. Chapman
and Robert F. Cook. He and his wife Daisy Maud (née Scott) joined the
British Assemblies of God and served two terms of service in India
(including time in Sri Lanka) from 1923 to 1928 and 1931 to 1946. Later
he was involved in Bible College ministry at Bristol in England and finally
in New Zealand where he passed away, aged 55.

143
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

conclusion of this outstanding event was described in Clifford’s

own words,
At the close of the last meeting, we had a consecration service;
about 60 came up to the altar to consecrate their lives and their
bodies as a living sacrifice unto the Lord. Truly it was a
wonderful time. A letter since received from there says, about
100 were saved, that the voice of praise and prayer is being
heard all over the city, and that they are begging us to come
again.169

As much as the work was growing and flourishing, Clifford also

had a tendency to overstretch himself. His friend May could
foresee the dangers of this and the need for co-workers:
The work is on the increase and dear Brother Clifford has
really more than he can cope with alone. He surely does
need some Spirit-filled helper. May the Lord send him one
after His own heart.170

The Maltbys in Kandy

The work in Kandy also prospered. The Maltbys were based at
171
No. 22A, Halloluwa Road. In about November 1926, Mrs
Maltby was able to write from there: “We have just closed a
blessed convention, with Rev Egbert and Dr Andrews of Madras
with us. A special awakening with souls saved and others seeking
the Baptism in the Holy Spirit is the result. Five were
172
immersed.” A few days later she writes again (presumably still
referring to the work in Kandy): “At the present time we have six
earnest, Spirit-filled workers, two women and four men, who
represent different nationalities and languages and are blessed in
their ministry. With the last move we made Sept. 1, we have far
better accommodations for the work and are within reach of both

169
Pentecostal Evangel 661 (21 August, 1926), 11.
170
Pentecostal Evangel 663 (September 4, 1926), 11.
171
Herbert S. Maltby, Application for Extension of Passport
dated September 11, 1925 (via www.ancestry.com).
172
Pentecostal Evangel 681 (January 22, 1927), 10.

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

town and outside district work. We also have a prayer room

where any of the workers or those from the town who desire can
spend an hour in prayer for the requests which are listed. … The
morning Bible Study classes continue with unabated interest.
173
Almost all the students are our own workers.”

The Valley of the Shadow of Death

Clifford continued to stretch himself. A few months into 1927 his
world fell apart. On May 19, after a brief illness his wife Gertrude
died, aged 41. She was buried the following day at the hill station
174
of Yercaud in Salem District, South India. Just a month later
(June 23), she was followed in death by their eldest surviving
daughter, Queenie, aged 8. Clifford suddenly found himself alone
175
with three small children aged 5, 3 and 1. Grieving and also
physically seriously ill, unable even to lift pen to paper, he took a
176
break at Landour in North India. It was there that he met Viola
May Nourse, an American missionary whom he married on
st
November 1 at Pasrur in Punjab (now in Pakistan), where she
had been serving as a missionary nurse in the United Presbyterian
177
Church. In the period of absence and incapacitation of Brother

173
Pentecostal Evangel 682 (January 29, 1927), 10.
174
India, Select Deaths and Burials, 1719-1948 at
www.ancestry.com. This is despite the impression given in Pentecostal
Evangel 707 (July 23, 1927), p.10 that she died in Colombo.
175
The children of Walter Clifford by his first wife Gertrude née
Eveleigh were, (1) Violet (died in infancy, 12.10.1917); (2) Queenie (died
23.06.1927, aged 8 years); (3) Walter Paul (born 12.06.1921, died
16.10.1945 in Italy while serving in the Royal Air Force Volunteer
Reserve); (4) Ruby Jean (born 03.02.1924 at Mankapur, U.P., India;
married Hervey Schafer of Sherburn, Minnesota; died 25.12.2007); and
(5) John Vernon (born 09.02.1926 at Colombo; married Janet Rosemarie;
living in Australia).
176
Landour, Mussoorie in U.P. (now in Uttarakhand State) was a
popular “hill station” for expatriates and Anglo-Indians.
177
They met at Landour but married at Pasrur in Punjab (now
in Pakistan), where Viola had been serving as a missionary nurse in the
United Presbyterian Church.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Clifford, his ministry in Colombo was covered by his Welsh friend

178
Brother Spencer May. Yet, in the words of 2 Corinthians 4:9,
Clifford was “struck down but not destroyed”. By the time 1928
dawned, he was able to bounce back into ministry with renewed
vigour with his new American wife, and a new chapter in the AG
history in Sri Lanka could begin.

The Kandy Ministry Handed Over to Indigenous Leadership

At the end of 1927, the Maltbys withdrew from Kandy, entrusting
the work to the leaders they had trained, and moved on to
179
Bangalore to start a new work there. Now aged 63 and 59,
Herbert and Lillie were unfazed by the idea of handing over their
hard work to those whom they had discipled and embarking on
another church planting project. The move was quite deliberate
and reflects their belief in the priority of training indigenous
leaders. Even in the middle of 1926, Lillie Maltby was writing
concerning their training classes for leaders at Kandy: “The aim in
180
our work is to lead all work to become self-supporting”.
Unfortunately records have not survived to give us an idea of the
health of the Kandy ministry in the period following their
departure. However, their daring move contrasts with the
methods of a later generation of American missionaries who
tended to hold on to the key churches until pushed by
181
circumstances.

Mme Lewini Withdraws from Prominence

Anna Lewini continued to minister in Colombo, but apparently on
somewhat independent lines. After leaving the island early in 1925
(leaving the Glad Tidings Hall in the hands of Herbert and Lillie

178
Pentecostal Evangel 707 (July 23, 1927), 3, 10.
179
Christ’s Ambassadors Monthly, February 1929, 11, 14.
180
Pentecostal Evangel 655 (July 10, 1926), 18.
181
It is said that as late as 1955 when Pastor Colton
Wickramaratne succeeded missionary Rev. William Farrand as the pastor
of the Assembly of God Kandy, he was the first national pastor
successfully to make this transition!

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

Maltby), she had returned in the latter part of the same year after
Walter and Gertrude Clifford’s arrival, and remained until June
1928. She was to return to the island for another sojourn from
August 1930 to February 1935, and again from October 1937 until
182
she finally retired to Denmark in about 1949. For the final
decade or more, she was to live a life of prayer at the village of
Makevita.

In December 1927, a notice of the Apostolic Faith Mission of

Australasia (organized in that year, with headquarters in North
Melbourne, Australia), advertised the addresses and service times
of its branches throughout Australia, and then lastly, under the
heading “FOREIGN MISSIONS,” listed: “CEYLON. For times of
meetings, apply to Mrs A E Lewini – Missionary, “Glen Ville,”
Campbell Place, Maradana, who will welcome any passing that
183
way”. Apart from telling us Sister Lewini’s location – still in the
184
Borella area – this notice shows us that while cooperating with
the AG work, she also maintained other contacts of her own.

182
The dates except that of her final return are taken from
passenger lists accessed via www.ancestry.com.
183
http://webjournals.alphacrucis.edu.au/ journals/GN/gn-
vol18-no12-dec-1927/11-notices-of-the-apostolic-faith-mission-of-austr/
(accessed Aug. 29, 2010). To advertise Sis. Lewini’s Colombo address on a
notice distributed in Australia was not as strange as it might seem today;
ever since the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 until the advent of
international passenger flights, Colombo was a familiar stopover for
passengers between Australia and Europe and vice-versa.
184
Campbell Place (originally Jail Road, now Ananda Rajakaruna
Mawatha), connects the Maradana Road at Punchi Borella Junction to
the Baseline Road at the Welikada Prison, running past the Campbell
Park and All Saints’ (Roman Catholic) Church, Borella. Thus although the
address, then as now, is officially in Maradana (Colombo 10), it is
centrally located between Borella, Dematagoda and Maradana, close to
the original location of the Glad Tidings Hall.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

An Assessment of Clifford’s Ministry

As Rev Walter Clifford as perhaps the main personality in the Sri
Lankan AG history of this period, it is appropriate to comment on his
ministry in context of what preceded and followed it.

It is not difficult to discern a difference between the first and second

generations of Western Pentecostal missionaries. The first
generation was characterized by reckless faith, a passionate belief in
the supernatural leading and enablement of the Spirit, and a concern
for the urgency of world evangelization in view of the imminent
coming of Christ. With little or no preparation financially or culturally
and no formal theological education, they left all and travelled the
world in faith, usually with no arrangements regarding their return
journey. Some crashed while others thrived.

The second generation, from the late 1920s onwards, was required
to undergo Bible School training, to be accountable to a leadership,
to have a budget and to be generally systematized and organized.
These innovations were done in good faith and in reaction to
embarrassing mistakes, excesses, and casualties, which had
sometimes occurred in the past.

The Griers who ministered in the island in 1913-17 clearly belonged

to the first generation, as did the Garrs whom preceded them in
1907; the Graveses who were to follow Clifford belonged clearly to
the second. The ministry of Walter Clifford spanned both
generations; however, his spiritual mentoring and preparation for
ministry was entirely in India under the early ministers who were
typical of the first generation. Having no Bible School background, no
home church or district, indeed having never so much as stepped
foot in North America until 1931 (the year of the Graveses’ arrival in
Ceylon), Clifford was clearly different. In ministry he was a pioneer, a
healing evangelist who proclaimed Christ with signs following. His
ministry was established and recognized solely on the basis of his
fruits. He had no theological certificates, but such was the power of
his preaching and prayer that he was dubbed the “Colombo
Conversion Company”. He drove himself to the limit and likely

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 THE ORIGINS OF THE ASSEMBLIES OF GOD OF CEYLON

expected others to do the same. Wherever he went there were

healings and conversions.

Clifford made disciples and expected to leave them in charge and

move on. This was the method of the Apostle Paul. Later in life, he
recalled with a sense of achievement that he had had the honour of
serving as the first Superintendent of the Assemblies of God of
Ceylon (in 1946-47), and that in the following year all the office-
185
bearers were nationals.

Like the Apostle Paul, Clifford was also possessive in a parental sort
of way of his converts. He regarded Frances de Alwis in this way,
which is why he wanted her to put an “Assembly of God” board
outside her prayer centre in Galle. His possessiveness of the believers
adversely affected his relationship with Brother Spencer May, the
Welsh missionary who stood by his side and looked after the Glad
Tidings Hall congregation when Clifford was incapacitated by illness
and grief at the loss of both his wife and eldest daughter in the space
186
of a few weeks in 1927. Likewise Clifford blamed Ram Paul for
taking people away from Glad Tidings Hall to the CPM.

185
He however discreetly refrained from mentioning what to
him would have been a great disappointment, namely that this
committee in which all the office-bearers were nationals, including the
first Sri Lankan Superintendent Richard Nalliah Asirwatham, lasted for
only one year (1947-48), whereafter he was recalled to America and the
AG Ceylon reverted to missionary leadership for another 9 years under
the Reverends Cawston, Graves and Farrand.
186
When Walter Foster, who pastored the Glad Tidings Hall in
1930-31 in the absence of Walter Clifford (who had had to leave the
island suddenly to save the life of his second wife Viola), was himself
physically and mentally exhausted, Spencer May stepped in once again
to fill the gap. However based on Clifford’s disapproval of this
arrangement, May’s offer was refused by the Committee of the South
India and Ceylon District of the AG. May in turn was stung by the refusal
of his offer and wrote, “Let me clearly state that if your Committee fears
we desire to creep in and hold Mr. Clifford’s work, their fears can be

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

CONCLUSION
In this second decade of Pentecostal ministry in Sri Lanka, we can
see several attractive personalities whose combined faith and
influence were instrumental in the Pentecostal faith being
decisively established in the land. Although no church buildings
were made during this period,187 we can see tremendous
progress in faith and ministry. The spiritual passion which
characterized the period puts the present day church to shame.
The determination to empower disciples and release them into
ministry is another lesson that many present-day leadership-
hungry ministers could learn from. The example of J J B de Silva
who, already past middle-age, planted a church in his third
language while earning his own living, is an example of creative
ministry that is impressive even in today’s missiologically-aware
generation. On the negative side, the separation of the AG and
CPM, both of which claim to be filled by the same Holy Spirit,
which remains entrenched to this day, is a matter of deep regret.
Undoubtedly, this first rift set the precedent for numerous other
more trivial splits which have happened over the years.

quite dispelled, for we would not consider it for one minute … We do not
desire to have any conflict with any of the old matters” (my italics).
(Quoted from a letter dated June 13, 1931 written by Spencer May to
Rev. Thomas Stoddard, the District Superintendent of South India and
Ceylon, preserved in the archives of the British Assemblies of God;
http://digitallibrary.usc.edu/cdm/compoundobject/collection/p15799col
l14/id/37458/rec/20, accessed May 10, 2014).
187
The first AG church building in Sri Lanka was the Berean
Gospel Tabernacle at Cripps Road, Galle, built in 1935 within a year of
the arrival there of Rev. Carl F. Graves.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING:
THE STORY OF PERADENIYA TEACHER TRAINING COLONY
(1916-1962)

G P V SOMARATNA

INTRODUCTION
1
The founding of the Teacher Training College at Peradeniya (PTC)
in 1916 by the Anglican and Methodist Churches was a
remarkable achievement with regard to inter-church co-
operation in Sri Lanka. It worked across denominational barriers,
taking candidates from other Protestant Churches as well. A good
number of school teachers and evangelists who received training
at the Peradeniya Training College (PTC) became the main source
of Sinhala teachers for the schools and catechists for the
Protestant church in the Sinhala districts.

In the first place, the PTC was an ecumenical body. The Church
Missionary Society (CMS) and the Wesleyan Methodist
Missionary Society (WMMS) in Sri Lanka federated as regards the
governing of this institution which was in the hands of a special
Council selected by them. The CMS had the preponderating

1
This institution is referred to as Peradeniya Training College,
Peradeniya Training Colony, Ceylon Training College and Teacher Training
College at Peradeniya. It is located at Penideniya village. But it is known
as Peradeniya Training College because of its postal address at
Peradeniya.
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

interest on the basis of larger capital invested, but there was

nothing in the constitution which gave special rights or privileges
to either society. In this ecumenical set up they could worship
together, while maintaining their own liturgical traditions. Unity
and fellowship were marked features of the Training College
2
during the period of its existence.

This ecumenical teacher training Institution, often known as

Peradeniya Teacher Training Colony, derived its name from the
region, 8km outside Kandy. The institution which was sponsored
and supported by the Anglican and Methodist Churches lasted
from 1916 until nationalisation in 1962. The Institution was
situated on Penideniya Hill, overlooking Peradeniya railway
station. It was inaugurated on September 14, 1916, by the CMS
mission, mostly as an Anglican institution, as others who were
invited did not join at the initial stages.

Eventually, it worked in close collaboration with Protestant

Churches, particularly the Anglican and Methodist
denominations. Its aims and objectives were distinctively
ecumenical. Baptists and Salvationists also could avail themselves
of the use of the facilities of the institution for training their
teachers. Baptists and Salvationists did not run as many schools
as the Anglicans and Methodists. Therefore, they could not offer
their full participation to the Colony.

The Colony has always stood for certain ideals in the life of the
Church in Sri Lanka. In the first place, as a union institution it
sought to bring together students of all the Protestant Churches
in the island. This was achieved while introducing them into the
wider fellowship of the Church of Christ without impairing their
loyalty to their own Church. Although opportunities were given
for specific teaching of their own church service every Sunday

2
G. C. Jackson, Basil: Portrait of a Missionary (Colombo:
Ecumenical Institute for Study and Dialogue, 2003), 17; Peter C. Phan,
Christianities in Asia, (London: Wiley-Blackwell, 2011), 51

152
 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

morning, yet the main currents of their spiritual life and religious
teaching were deeper than any denominational teaching of
worship. The daily experience of quiet time for meditation and
their worship every Sunday evening remained with the students
long after they departed into distant and often remote corners of
the island. They were able to transcend their denominational
loyalty in the context of their service. The students could fit into
3
this larger fellowship which they found in the Colony.

Although the PTC was a training institution for teachers, it had a

considerable component of teaching of Christianity in practical,
personal and theoretical ways. Its curriculum had a great
emphasis of Christian living in order to make the trainees living
agents of evangelism. The timetable was filled with lectures, drill,
evangelism, social service, and prayer. For nearly fifty years these
trainees worked among the predominantly Buddhist society in
imparting subject knowledge and Christian ethics. The holistic
impact that these teachers made on their pupils in the Sinhala
society cannot be measured in statistical terms.

Background
The twentieth century saw the rise of Asian nationalism. The
missionaries, who were closer to the people than the
administrators, had to face up to the repercussions of emerging
nationalism in many countries. The Buddhist majority was
gradually gaining ground in the political arena in Sri Lanka.
Emerging national leaders viewed Christianity as an important
aspect of imperialism, and therefore resisted what they perceived
as an alien religion. Sporadic resistance to Christian activities
locally in the south and south-western parts of the country forced
4
Christian missionaries to seek less militant forms of evangelism.

3
Ceylon Methodist Church Record, Hereafter referred to as
CMCR, 1928, 94.
4
For an account of this period of militant evangelism see:
Kitsiri Malagoda, Buddhism in Sinhalese Society 1750-1900: A Study of

153
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Therefore, it was advisable for the churches to equip the people

of the land to evangelize their own people. Some missionaries of
this era were convinced that peoples of these nations could be
brought to Christ without leading them into the culture of
Western civilization. Some individual missionaries in Sri Lanka
embarked on programmes of ecumenism as well as incorporation
of indigenous culture to present the Christian faith to the people
of the land. The Colony clamoured for indigenization of the
Church without deviating from the objective with regard to
conversion of the masses. The Colony instilled in the minds of the
teachers, who underwent training there, that being a Christian
did not mean the rejection of everything that was national and
embracing everything that came from the West.

This idea was confirmed by the findings in the “Missionary Survey

of Ceylon” published by A S Beaty and W J T Small in 1925, based
5
on the census of 1921. It showed that the percentage of
Christians of the total population had not changed since censuses
were taken regularly from 1871. It proposed that the indigenous
Christians should be equipped to take the gospel to their own
people. They found the paid evangelists were not suitable for the
6
task. Regarding missionary work, critics have pointed out that
the failure to communicate the gospel at the deepest level
occurred because of their disregard of the worldview of the
people of Sri Lanka. This has produced negative results.
Missionaries did not contextualize their theological teaching
because they did not understand that their own theology was
conditioned by their own culture of origin. However, they
imposed changes on the receiving people, which was tantamount
to rejecting indigenous culture.

Religious Revival and Change (Berkeley: University of California Press,

1976).
5
A.S. Beaty and W.J.T. Small, Survey of Missionary
Work in Ceylon, (Colombo: NCC, 1924). 8.
6
K.M. de Silva (ed.) Sri Lanka: A Survey, (London: C. Hurst and
Company, 1977) 305.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

At the same time, church and mission history is also thankfully

blessed with exceptional examples of fine pioneers and groups
who tried to contextualize their valuable message with sensitivity
and creativity. The experiment carried out in the Teacher Training
College can be regarded as one such episode in the tapestry of
contextualization of Christianity in a local culture.

The Need for Training

The Ceylon Training Colony for training of Sinhala teachers and
evangelists was established largely through the efforts of the Rev
A G Fraser (1873-1962), who was the Principal of Trinity College,
7
Kandy (1904-1924). The scheme which he put forward was for a
Christian community which he named ‘colony’, where all the
Christian churches of the Sinhala-speaking areas in Sri Lanka
could co-operate to train men and women as teachers and
evangelists. He believed that the effectiveness of organised
Christian work for the extension of the Kingdom of God depends
on the quality and character of the workers. He saw it as a
8
missionary problem. Gibson, who became the first Principal of
the Colony, also made a similar point in 1918 in an article at the
time of the centenary of the CMS Sri Lanka mission. One reason
he gave for the slow progress in the Christian mission was that it
was always evangelism that suffered in the activities of the CMS.
He pointed out that the evangelists so far did not need to reach
any specific standard in training, whereas teachers had to reach
9
an agreed government standard.

7
Rev. A.G. Fraser (1873-1962) was the Principal of Trinity
College, Kandy, for a twenty year period from 1904 to 1924.
http://trinitycollege.lk/rev-a-g-fraser (accessed 12/6/2014). Rev. Fraser
left in 1924 to head Achimota School in Gold Coast (Ghana).
8
Lord Hemingford, “Fraser of Trinity and Achimota,” Learning
for Living 5, no. 2 (November 1, 1965): 31–32.
9
Gordon Hewitt, The Problems of Success: A History of the
Church Missionary Society, 1910-1942, vol. 2 (London: SCM Press, 1971),
174; Anoma Pieris, Architecture and Nationalism in Sri Lanka: The
Trouser Under the Cloth (Abingdon: Routledge, 2012), 251.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

In a pamphlet published by Gibson in 1920, “The Key to the

Missionary Problem,” he indicated that the mistake the
missionaries made was entrusting difficult pioneer work in the
villages largely to untrained or inadequately trained workers,
10
catechists and schoolmasters. In 1911, Wesleyan schools alone
had over 1100 teachers in the country. The number of trained
evangelists was insufficient for their schools. The majority of the
teachers were not formally trained to bear the responsibility of
an educator. The same predicament was shared by the CMS and
other missionary societies. The missionary societies disliked the
idea of employing non-Christians on the teaching staff in their
schools. The Sinhala-medium schools could not overcome the
difficulty by finding teachers from South India as was done in the
case of Tamil-medium schools in the island. The government
controlled the number of Christian training colleges for fear that
such a contingency would create more than the necessary
11
number of trained teachers. Fraser, who realised this appalling
situation, intended to set aside someone from the Trinity staff to
visit village schools, helping the teachers who were already in
12 13
service. Writing in 1908, Fraser proposed a training institute
close to Trinity College for male and female teachers separately.
These proposed institutions were to be added to an existing
school run by the CMS.

Discussions
This design had to be worked out in detail with its financial
implications. The proposal was laid before the relevant
ecclesiastical bodies whose co-operation was desired, during the
years 1910-1912. The Church Missionary Society both in London

10
Ceylon Churchman, XXXI, 1936, 307.
11
D.K. Wilson, The Christian Church in Sri Lanka: Her Problems
and Her influence, (Colombo 1975) 30
12
W.E.F. Ward, Fraser of Trinity and Achimota, (Ghana
University Press, 1965), 77. (Hereafter Ward, Fraser)
13
Extension of Trinity College, Kandy, Ceylon (Aberdeen: The
Aberdeen University Press, 1908), 17.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

and in Colombo, the Friends’ Mission, the Wesleyan Methodist

Mission, the American Missions, and the Dutch Reformed Church
all expressed their agreement to this suggestion. At a meeting
th
held on 12 December 1912, the Standing Committee of the
Diocese of Colombo appointed a Select Committee to consider
the proposal and draw up a Constitution for formal action.
Indigenization
During the years immediately prior to the First World War, the
Protestant as well as Roman Catholic missionaries responded to
the critical attitude to their work arising in South Asia by seeking
to accommodate the nationalist resistance to the Western
14
appearance of Christianity. The intention in this period was to
make the missions become visible as indigenous institutions so
that they would be less conspicuous as foreign agencies. The
Training Colony can be considered as a step towards making
Christianity appear Sri Lankan. The missionary thinking in Sri
Lanka was very much influenced by the tendencies in
neighbouring India. In his The Christ of the Indian Road, Stanley
Jones described the progress of how Christ was becoming
15
naturalized in India. There was a widespread attempt to search
for ways to prevent a revulsion against the easy association of
Christianity with Western culture. Before that, the missionaries
had a condescending view towards the cultures of the non-
Western world. On the other hand, some sectors of the
missionary education movement took a positive view toward
non-Western cultures and criticised the non-Christian aspects of
16
Western culture from the beginning of the twentieth century.

14
K.M. Panikkar, Asia and the Western Dominance, (George
Allen & Unwin Ltd. 1959), 16; Richard Gombrich, Gananath Obeyesekere,
Buddhism Transformed: Religious Change in Sri Lanka (Princeton, New
Jersey: Princeton University Press, 1990), 290.
15
E. Stanley Jones, The Christ of the Indian Road (London:
Abingdon Press, 1925).
16
Dana L. Roberts, “The First globalization: The
internationalization of the Protestant Missionary Movement Between the
World Wars,” International Bulletin of Missionary Research (2002): 54.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

The writings in this period on missionary work clearly expressed

that interpreting Christ according to each culture was a vital task
17
for the indigenisation of Christianity.

Rev Alec Fraser was one who believed in the necessity of

indigenous expression of Christianity. He introduced Sinhala and
18
Tamil languages to the curriculum of Trinity College, even
19
though many other missionaries criticised him for it. His attitude
to swabhasha was disliked by the High Church people of the
Anglican Church. Nevertheless, his vision continued with regard
to the formation of the Ceylon Training Colony. Rev Gibson who
served as the first Principal had to put some of those ideas into
practice. His Vice Principal, Basil Jackson, believed that the
missionary should adequately equip Sinhalese Christians to
express their faith in terms of their own culture. When he
20
became the Principal in 1930 he put those ideas into practice.

Ecumenism
There was a predisposition in the first decade of the twentieth
century for interdenominational initiatives aimed at greater
Christian unity and cooperation. The missionary principle in this
period was no longer a matter of expansion so much as of
consolidation and slimming down. Missionary education was a
field where the transformation of this attitude was felt. The
Protestant denominations were now considering the futility of
wasting their energy in sectarian squabbles among themselves. It
was during this period that the Edinburgh Conference of 1910
was held to seek co-operation among the non-Roman Catholics.
The World Missionary Conference, held at Edinburgh in 1910, was

17
Op. Cit., 58.
18
Trinity College, Kandy, founded in 1872 (first begun in 1857
and re-opened in 1872 as Trinity College) by Anglican missionaries, as an
Independent elite private boys’ school providing primary and secondary
education in the English medium.
19
Ward, Fraser, 46-47.
20
Trinity College Centenary, 1972, 37.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

an interdenominational conference convened by societies with

foreign missions in both Great Britain and the United States. This
conference was convened as a discursive enterprise. However,
there was a decision to establish a Continuation Committee when
Commission VIII’s report was presented. In the next few years,
members of this committee, under the direction of John R Mott,
headed to, among other countries, India and Sri Lanka in their
Asian tour to encourage ecumenical cooperation.

Several of Sri Lanka’s Protestant Christian leaders, including

missionaries, attended the Ceylon Missionary Conference held at
the Bible House in 1912. At this conference, common strategies
for ideology and practice with regard to missionary work as well
as inter-denominational co-operation were discussed and agreed
upon. Deliberations were presided over by John R Mott (1865-
21
1955) and Sherwood Eddy (1871-1963). The latter was a
speaker at the convention, held over several days at the Old
22
Racquet Court Building in Colombo. Most of the addresses
were given by Mott and Eddy. This was followed in November by
another meeting at the All-Ceylon YMCA. A call for unity among
Protestant missionaries was a common desire expressed at the
conference. This, in fact, helped the Protestant missions in Sri
Lanka to seek co-operation among themselves and to make some
23
significant efforts to synchronize their activities. The foundation
of the National Christian Council germinated here.

Training Colony
A G Fraser made a special attempt to go down to Colombo when
John R Mott came to Sri Lanka to hold talks for missionary

21
George Sherwood Eddy (1871-1963) was an American
Protestant missionary, author, administrator and educator.
22
Racquet Court was an open space outside the east gate of
the Colombo Dutch Fort by the side of the lake. The Fort was demolished
in 1870. However the name remained.
23
J.P.S.R.R. Gibson, Limited Company with Unlimited
Possibilities, (London, 1926) 220.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

cooperation. He made it point to attend these meetings together

with some teachers of Trinity College. His views on ecumenical
co-operation received an impetus as a result of attending the
Missionary Conference. Thus, he became the man behind the
initial moves to establish a co-denominational teacher training
institution where teaching would be in the Sinhala language.

Leadership of the Protestant Church

One has to remember that the leadership of the Christian Church
in this period was predominantly European. In the case of
Anglicans, Methodists, Baptists and Salvationists, the leaders
were British. The Anglican Bishop of Colombo was Ernest
Copleston, DD (1903-1924), and the Chairman of the South
Ceylon District of the Methodist Church was Rev W H Rigby
(1907-1917). In addition, the leader of the Baptist Missionary
Society was H J Charter (1913-1914), and of the Dutch Reformed
Church were John Francke (1913, 1918), David Tweed (1914,
1919), L A Joseph (1915), and D MacMichael (1917). They took
decisions regarding the evangelical and pedagogical work of the
Sinhalese teachers who were expected to take part in the rural
mission.

Local Church Conferences

Local Conferences were meetings of missionaries. They held
meetings at least once a year to decide on the policy of their
mission. Special meetings were called by the district
superintendent or the church board. The local church decided
upon the number of business meetings to be held each year.
Public announcement of these meetings was made well in
advance of the meeting date. It was recommended that at least
two weeks or two Sundays be considered as an appropriate time
for advance notice. Special meetings were called by giving at least
one week’s notice to all members. This may not have been the
pattern always, as changes were made according to the need of
the hour. However, all the decisions were in the hands of the
missionaries who came from Britain for a limited period of service
in Sri Lanka.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

Normal Schools
The early documents regarding teacher training in the British
period refer to an institution known as ‘Normal School’. A Normal
School is a school created to train the students, who received a
recommendation from missionaries, to be schoolteachers. Its
purpose was to establish teaching standards or norms. Most such
schools were later called ‘Teacher Training Colleges’. This was
usually a programme of studies for men and women between 18
and 21 years of age. To qualify for entrance, the candidates had
to have completed the sixth standard and have been a teacher in
a mission school. Missionaries who came to Sri Lanka during this
period introduced the concept to Sri Lanka as they maintained a
large number of Schools in the country. However, the vernacular
schools were set up mainly for introducing Christianity to the
local people with a view to converting them. Therefore, the
missionaries waived their policies according to their necessities
and the requirements in the country.

Government Training Schools

Concurrently with the missionary schools, there were schools run
by the government. These were the schools originally run by the
VOC, now under the Anglican establishment. Their teachers,
during the Dutch period, were trained in the Colombo Seminary
till the end of the Dutch rule in Sri Lanka in 1796. However, the
Colombo Seminary ceased to function in the British period while
the government schools functioned on a low key. Under British
rule, a Normal School was maintained in Colombo to train the
school teachers. As a result of the reduction in government
revenue due to the end of the first coffee boom in 1848 there
was a drop in the education vote in the budget. The government
was now placing less emphasis on vernacular education and the
Normal School for the training of vernacular teachers was under
threat. In 1823, the government assisted the Methodists to open
a Normal school for the Training of teachers at Kollupitiya. In
1858, training of vernacular teachers became the sole
responsibility of the Christian denominations. Nevertheless,
Government Sinhala Training Schools existed from 1870, in the

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

main cities such as Colombo, Kandy, Bentota, and Udugampola.

24
An English Teacher Training College was established in 1903.

In 1905, the Sinhalese Women Teachers Vernacular Training

School of CMS, which had been started in a hired house in
Colombo by Miss H P Phillips, was moved to Kotte under the
25
superintendence of Miss K Gedge. In 1930 there were three
government teacher training schools and twelve aided teacher
26
training institutions. In 1942, when the country felt the effects
of the war, the Sinhalese Branch of the Government Training
College was evacuated to Peradeniya, and made use of the
Colony buildings for two and a half years. Later, this college found
permanent quarters at Mirigama.

General Education
Education in the English medium was the key to lucrative jobs in
the country. Secondary education was provided exclusively in
schools which taught in English. The recognized English medium
teacher training institution was set up only in 1928 with 47
students. The more lucrative careers in government service or
professions were in their hands. The swabhasha schools were
27
free and taught little beyond the three Rs. The government
decision to enforce compulsory education in schools from the
ages of five to fourteen was significant. An increasingly vocal
Buddhist and Hindu opposition to the extension of the Christian

24
K. H. M Sumathipala, History of education in Ceylon, 1796-
1965: With special reference to the contribution made by C.W.W.
Kannangara (Dehiwela: Tisara, 1968), 43.
25
J. W. Balding , One Hundred Years in Ceylon: Or, The
Centenary Volume of the Church Missionary Society in Ceylon, 1818-
1918, (Colombo, Diocesan Press, 1922), 138.
26
K. M. de Silva (ed.) University of Ceylon: History of Ceylon,
vol. III, (Colombo: University of Ceylon Press, 1975) 473.
27
The three Rs refer to the foundations of a basic skills-
orientated education programme within schools: reading, writing and
arithmetic. It came from the humorous spelling reading, 'riting, and
'rithmetic.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

missionary school system led the Christians to concentrate largely

28
on improvements of existing missionary schools, after 1920.

Since then, the administration of schools was organized under

government supervision. In 1920, a new education ordinance was
introduced. It was a reasonably comprehensive legal enactment
on education in Sri Lanka. Methodists and Anglicans welcomed
29
the proposed state-church partnership in education.

Throughout this period, the content of education in schools

retained a strong academic bias. The cost was less as far as
facilities for Sinhala-medium education was concerned. There
was no agricultural or technical education. In 1901, a school
garden scheme was initiated to make the swabhasha school a
centre for practical and useful knowledge as well as mere book
30
learning. The farm school at Peradeniya was opened in 1922. It
provided a one-year course in Sinhala.

A G Fraser
th
By the early 20 century, there were only two places for training
of Sinhala teachers in a Christian atmosphere in the South: one at
Richmond Hill under the Wesleyan Methodist Mission, and
another at Kotte for women, under the CMS. Baptists and
Salvationists who had Sinhala schools had training of teachers
under individual missionaries. Each denomination trained their
school teachers separately in their own institutions.

As noted earlier, the idea of an Interdenominational Teacher

Training College was first put forward by Mr A G Fraser. As
Principal of Trinity he desired to produce a complete individual,

28
K.M. de Silva (ed.) Sri Lanka: A Survey, (London: C. Hurst and
&Company, 1977) 406.
29
C. V. S. Jayaweera, “Education Ordinance , No1 of 1920”, in
Education in Ceylon: A Centenary Volume, (Colombo: Ministry of
Education and Cultural Affairs, 1969),545-556
30
Ibid., 407.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

which aim he sought to achieve in a variety of ways. The main

outline plan for a vernacular Teacher Training Colony was
31
proposed by him as far back as 1906. Almost from the beginning
of his service at Trinity, Fraser had been active in planning for
ways and means of presenting Christ in an indigenous and united
manner to the people in Sri Lanka. An ecumenical Teacher
Training School was an answer to this hope. Originally, his
proposal was to make the Training Colony part of the Trinity
College extension scheme. Eventually, it was realised that the
project was adequately important to be treated as a separate
entity.

Among his aims for the proposed Colony were the training of
Christians in Sri Lanka to present “Christ that their hearer may
realize Him not as a foreigner, but as the real and true fulfillment
of all that is best and highest in their aspirations and in their
32
past.” To achieve this purpose he recommended “the
establishment of a good training college for Christian teachers in
the vernacular and English; and creation of a ladder from the
33
village school to the college with its possibilities of leadership.”
He believed that the hope for future of Christianity in Sri Lanka
“lies with the native Christians”. Instead of employing the
energies of the mission aiming at Hindus, Muhammadans, and
Buddhists, he wished to build up a wise, eager, and indigenous
34
Christian community. He believed that it would be the best
investment in terms of evangelising the Sinhalese.

Permission
The CMS conference in 1909 asked Fraser to draw up a report on
the CMS work in Sri Lanka in order to frame future policies. In
January 1910, he submitted his report to the CMS conference in
Sri Lanka. It is he who indicated that the “Society’s work was

31
Balding, Centenary Volume, 85.
32
Referendum, 1.
33
Referendum, 1.
34
Quoted in Balding, Centenary Volume, 80.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

hampered because most of its teachers and catechists were

35
untrained.” He proposed training for the young teachers and
catechists which would improve the situation. For that purpose
there was a need to establish a college or to organize proper
training for the teachers. In July 1910, he published a pamphlet,
“The Key of the Missionary Campaign, the Training of Catechists
and Teachers”, indicating his plans.

In January 1911, he requested the Ceylon Conference of CMS to

allow him to go to England and America to raise funds for starting
36
a Training Colony. He also reported that the Methodists and the
Friends were anxious to join. Thereafter, the Sri Lanka Conference
of the CMS gave authority to Fraser to look for land in the
neighbourhood of Kandy.

The general plan of the Training College emerged from these

discussions very clearly. The land and the buildings of the college
should be under care of trusties of the communities in the scheme.
The Training College Trust should be incorporated in London. Each
denomination taking part in the project should have a hostel and
warden’s quarters separately for their own use. A governing body
from these should consist of three representatives from each
denominational body involved. In addition to that, the Principal and
the Anglican Bishop should be members of the Governing Board.
The Governing Board would have the right to appoint staff. The
participating communions can appoint staff for their own sections,
but are subject to the approval of the Governing Board. The control
of funds and the appointment of the Principal was the
responsibility of the Governing Body. Participating communions
could control funds for the upkeep of their own hostels. Most of
Fraser’s proposals were implemented during the period of the
PTC’s existence. However, there were occasions where his vision
was threatened by some leaders of his own Church.

35
W.E.F. Ward, Fraser of Trinity and Achomota, (Accra: Ghana
University Press, 1965), 144.
36
Ibid., Fraser of Trinity and Achomota, 77.

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Land
Alec Fraser was authorised by the CMS to visit the United States
and Britain in February 1912 to make a fundraising tour for
capital costs and for an endowment for the proposed Teacher
Training College, most of which was collected in England. Some
businessmen in Leeds, in particular, who were much interested in
the project gave a large sum. His trip to America was not
successful in raising funds. Although the initiative was taken by an
Anglican, much of the money was raised from non-Anglican
sources. It was, from the beginning, a joint scheme for which
money was raised. He brought over £8,000. He returned to Sri
Lanka in November 1912 at the time of the All Ceylon Missionary
conference convened under the auspices of John R Mott.

The Select Committee, for considering the setting up of a training

colony, met many times in 1913 and 1914 to work out the details.
In August 1913, Alec Fraser was authorized by the Ceylon
Conference of CMS to search for a suitable land in the
neighbourhood of Kandy. In June 1914, he found a 20-acre plot of
land, known as Rose Hill, in the vicinity of the Peradeniya railway
station. Fraser considered that it was near enough to Kandy to
preserve the connection with Trinity College. The presence of the
37
Department of Agriculture in the neighbourhood was
considered an asset to obtain practical work on which much
stress was laid. The price for the land was Rs. 43,000. Fraser’s
38
friends considered it a good bargain. It had a large building
which could initially accommodate the students and staff till
permanent buildings were set up.

37
Formalized agricultural education for middle level
agriculturists began in 1916 at the School of Tropical Agriculture
attached to the Royal Botanical Gardens at Peradeniya. This school
offered practical agricultural training for agricultural teachers, student
instructors, and headmen interested in agriculture in a professional level.
38
Fraser of Trinity and Achimota, 76-81, Balding, Centenary
Volume, 79.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

Tamil Teachers
Rev A M Walmsley, in his Memorandum on CMS Sectional Capital
Funds at the Training Colony, Peradeniya, states: “The original
training Scheme contemplated the training of Tamil Teachers and
Evangelists, both men and women, and it was so noted in the
Draft Constitution of the Colony. This scheme was subsequently
modified, as it was felt at the Colony to be impracticable. Min. 10
th
of Sectional committee held on August 28 1924, definitely ruled
39
out the training of both Tamil teachers and Tamil Evangelists”.

The same report says: “Any sum in excess of this can be operated
on by the CMS Conference or its sectional Committee for work at
the Colony, or for other cognate purposes, like the Tamil training
40
work at Jaffna”.

Indigenous Expression
How missions coped with the reality in different contexts of other
religions is one of the fascinating parts of the story of mission
history in Sri Lanka. Fraser realized that the complaint in this
period of emerging nationalism in Sri Lanka was the perception
that Christianity was foreign and more specifically a Western
41
religion. The main outlines of the Christian religion were
directed from the countries of the West. The local management
also was in the hands of those who were appointed by the
mission bodies in foreign countries. There was no programme to
assist the local Christians to take the leadership of their own faith
in Christianity. The theologians in the West guided the Christian
thinking even on behalf of the local Christians. On the other hand,
there was growing nationalism nourished by the Hindu and
Buddhist revivalism that depicted Christianity as a foreign body
and unsuitable to Sri Lanka. Therefore, most far-sighted
missionaries contemplated ways and means of making

39
Diocesan Archives, Colombo, Document dates 10/1/28. the
Rev. A.M. Walmsley, C.M.S., Hon. Chaplain, Ceylon Defence Force in 1924.
40
Ibid.
41
Balding, Centenary Volume, 80.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Christianity less Western in appearance. One solution in that

direction was to equip the vernacular teachers to take a more
responsible role.
Paul Gibson, writing in 1919 states: “Among the palm groves of
the South, the growth of a nationalist spirit, good in itself, but
which confounds Christianity with denationalization, has created
a virile opposition to all mission work. Everywhere there is the
same need for Christian teachers trained in the faith, fired with
zeal, controlled by knowledge and tact, sustained by courage, and
42
full of hope in a Christ who must conquer.”

According to Fraser’s proposal the training should “draw the

students into closer touch with village life and with native
thought and industry. It would include the study of the history of
the island and Buddhism so that the student may be able to
relate the learning to the thoughts of the people”. Fraser shared
the view of the Christian missionaries of this period that mass
education through vernacular schools was a means of conversion.

Endowment Fund
Rev Fraser was concerned about the viability of the existence of
the institution. He knew that funds available from the missionary
organizations would be subject to change determined by the
exigencies of the time. Therefore, he embarked on a programme
of building an endowment fund set up by an institution in which
regular withdrawals from the invested capital could be used for
ongoing operations or other specified purposes. Since
endowments for educational institutions were funded by
donations, they were tax deductible for donors. Therefore, Fraser
could approach his friends for the purpose.
All these things were done in a period when the CMS was
considering retrenchment in their work in Sri Lanka. A E Dibben,
CMS Secretary, wrote to inform Fraser of a seven percent cut in
the CMS grant to mission schools. Fraser’s reply was that he was

42
Gibson, The Foreign Field, (London , 1932) 218.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

willing to give up the whole of the annual grant of Rs 1,000 to

Trinity College, provided that the grants to native agents and
43
village schools were not cut.

Spirit of Ecumenism
Regarding the principles that led to the foundation of the Colony,
these are given by Paul Gibson in 1919 under the title, “An
Experiment in Federation”, contributed to Volume XIV of The
Ceylon Churchman:
The great war has been the schoolmaster of the nations.
Under its stern discipline they have learned to act on
principles previously only agreed to in theory. The
paramount necessity of victory has made it imperative to
combine forces and act with a united front. The value of
mutual trust and the importance of reinforcing the weak
points of an ally, without recrimination, have been revealed.
The Churches are in the process of learning the same
lessons. A Common problem that faces warfare are not
carnal, and though they seek to win over rather than to
subdue, yet the experiences engendered of the war are
pregnant with meaning for them.
The success that has attended the federation of the Church
Missionary Society and the Wesleyan Missionary Society in
Ceylon for the purpose of training teachers and evangelists
is due to the exercise of the above principles. The Ceylon
Training College has come into being during the war, and
the minds of those responsible for it have both consciously
and unconsciously been influenced by the lessons learned in
world politics. The need of a united front is generally
conceded. But stress must be laid on the need also of
mutual recognition and spiritual equality. There can be no
united front while any member discounts the value of his
neighbour. The lamb tucked up inside the smiling lion is not

43
Gorden Hewitt, op. cit., 174.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

co-operation but its antithesis, and any attempt to absorb

or, even worse, to patronize, is foredoomed failure.44

Gibson’s interest in education in the vernacular languages, his

sympathy for nationalist aspirations, and ecumenism were not
always popular among his fellow missionaries. It is reported that
sixty missionaries, in Sri Lanka and abroad, petitioned the CMS
headquarters in London to recall him. The Anglican Bishop of
Colombo, Ernest Copleston (1903-1924), censured him for
allowing ministers of non-Anglican denominations to preach at
45
Trinity.

The Number of Protestant Mission Schools

At the time of making proposals for the Training College there
were a large number of Sinhala Vernacular schools under the
CMS, WMMS, BMS, and the Salvation Army. Each denomination
trained their own teachers separately. In 1910, Protestant
churches had the following number of schools and pupils. These
numbers cover the statistics of the entire island.

Denomination Number of Schools Number of Pupils

American 131 12,433
Anglican 403 32,783
Baptist 30 2,561
Friends 21 1.047
Presbyterian 4 556
Salvation Army 2 1421
Wesleyan 348 29,192
Taken from: K H M Sumathipala, History of Education in Ceylon.

44
The Ceylon Churchman (1920) 188-189.
45
Trinity College magazine, (1911-1912) 6-8.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

The need for trained school-teachers was felt in this period. Far-
thinking Protestant leaders were now thinking in terms of
ecumenism. It received a boost after the founding of the Ceylon
Missionary Council comprising the Anglican, Wesleyan, and
Baptist denominations. Under such circumstance the proposed
training college had to be in an ecumenical setting.

Place
The Colony premises were acquired and opened in 1914 as an
Anglican institution connected to Trinity College. As mentioned
earlier, the PTC premises were known as Rose Hill Estate or
German Watte, and originally contained 20 acres of land planted
with tea and rubber. Subsequent purchases extended the area to
46
about thirty-seven acres planted with tea, rubber and Coconut.
There was a German guesthouse run by an Italian named
Dvacono, showing that the land already had some buildings on it.
Some of the buildings could be immediately put to use for the
college. The guesthouse building could be utilized as the
Principal’s bungalow. Mr D T Jayasinghe, the ‘master builder’ of
Trinity College, was assigned to the Colony to oversee the
47
erection of other buildings as required. Eventually, several other
buildings were added to the premises.

About the beauty of the place, Gibson writes in 1919: “To equip
men and women for such work as this is the task entrusted to us
by God at the Peradeniya Training Colony...a beautiful hill-top
estate among the glorious mountains around Kandy. The
situation is lovely beyond words. Our grounds are well covered
with tea plants, and the stately coconut palms and rubber trees.
All around the hill are mantled with the wonderful green foliage
of the Tropics. Our full title is “The Ceylon Training Colony Ltd.

46
Balding, Centenary Volume, 87. Wanasinghe, Op. Cit. 9.;
CMCR, (1962): 34.
47
Valessa Reimann, History of Trinity College, Kandy, (Madras:
Diocesan Press, 1922), 170.

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Some has aptly described us as a Limited Company with unlimited

48
possibilities”.

Hostels
PTC was a residential campus from the very beginning. Teachers
and students resided on the premises. The idea of the residential
college, whose purpose was to train men and women to teach, is
comparatively new. Its beginning goes back to early years in
49
England. The Anglicans, who were the first to come, used the
existing bungalow of the estate as the residence of students and
the Principal. The original student body was only Anglican male.
From the beginning, plans were there for the establishment of
separate hostels for male and female students of each
50
denomination. The co-residence of staff and students was what
made the culture of the Colony rich in social relations. The small
and mixed student community enhanced the corporate ethic.

Fraser’s original intention was for the Colony to be a co-operative

51
venture of all non-Catholic Christian denominations. “Each faith
will have its own hostel or rather its own village or hamlet in the
large land of the Training Colony, and will provide religious
services and lectures for the students of its own denomination,
the Warden of the various hostels combining to form the
teaching staff of the Colony and lecturing upon many subjects
52
which are common ground”. This plan did not fully materialise
as the co-operation of other denominations was lacking at the
beginning.

48
J.P.S.R.R. Gibson, Limited Company with Unlimited
Possibilities, 218.
49
Elizabeth Edwards, Women in Teacher Training Colleges,
1900-1960: A Culture of Femininity, Routledge, 2000, 6.
50
Beven, A History of the Diocese of Colombo, 295.
51
Trinity College Magazine, 1911-1912
52
Referendum, op. cit. 2.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

The Principal’s bungalow was the guesthouse which already

existed. The women’s hostel known as Laurie Hall was completed
53
in 1916. The men’s hostel known as Ashley Hall was opened in
1917. The main teaching building, Fraser Hall, came up in 1918.
There were houses for the married staff, a dispensary, and a
building for the Evangelical department. Students of both
denominations lived in the same hostel and ate, slept, and
frequently worshipped together. When Salvationists and Baptists
were admitted to the Colony they also got in to the same
54
routine.

Management
The Training College was a co-denominational institution. The
CMS and the WMMS in Ceylon federated for the work of the
institution. The governing of the institution was in the hands of a
special council selected by the federating churches. There was
nothing in the constitution which in any way gave special rights or
privileges to either church. The council was the governing body of
the whole institution. Each society organized its own sectional
committee and provided a Vice-Principal of whom one was
elected Principal. A Council composed of representatives of the
two missionary societies directed the policy of the institution,
which had a CMS missionary, Paul Gibson, as its first Principal.
55
The Colombo Diocesan Synod refused even to discuss the
constitution in its draft form, with the result that the CMS
Conference undertook the duties of the ‘federator’ status of the
Anglican Church. The CMS appointed its sectional committee. The
Methodists also acted in a similar manner.
The constitution was intended to be transitional as the missionary
societies had to formally ratify it. The approval of federation was
under review from 1919 to 1932 in the Anglican Church. The
transitional constitution lasted even into the 1940s as the dispute

53
Balding, Centenary Volume, 87.
54
Gorden Hewitt, op. cit. 190.
55
Ibid.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

between the CMS and the Diocesan Council could not agree on it.
On the other hand, there was no dispute between the Methodist
representatives of the Colony and the South Ceylon Synod, which
dealt with Methodist ministry amongst the Sinhalese. The
Methodist members of the federator committee of the Training
College continued to be selected by the South Ceylon Synod.

Administration
Gibson, explaining the work of the PTC states: “The institution
was governed by a joint Council, and everything on the
compound was run jointly. The students work and play and take
their food together. So also do they worship together, except
once a week when, as members of their local church or chapel,
they go there for public worship and Holy Communion. It is the
natural federation of radically similars, and not the mere
56
juxtaposition of essentially separates”.

The responsibility of the administration of the College was under

the Principal, and regular staff meetings were held. The wardens
of the hostels and Vice Principal shared a considerable part of the
responsibilities. The Principal’s wife played a big role in looking
after the girls and helping out when there were problems related
to them.

The Anglican Federation

The Anglican Diocese of Sri Lanka was included in the Church of
India, Burma, and Ceylon in 1930, and from 1948 the Church of
India, Pakistan, Burma, and Ceylon, which continued until 1970.
These changes affected the Anglican relationship with the PTC.
The Federation was transferred from the CMS to the Diocese of
57
Colombo in 1930. With the unification, all Anglican work in Sri
Lanka came under Diocesan control. The Anglican missionary

56
J.P.S.R.R. Gibson, Limited Company with Unlimited
Possibilities, 220.
57
Gordon Hewitt, The Problem of Success: A history of the
Church Missionary Society, 1910-1942, London: SCM Press, 1971, 175.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

societies were incorporated in the diocesan management. The

duplication of work under High Church and Low Church could not
be continued any longer. Eventually, in 1931, the Parent
Committee of the CMS expressed its willingness to accept the
Diocesan Board of Management instead of the CMS Conference,
which by then had ceased to meet as the local body responsible
for the Anglican section. It was, therefore, proposed and
accepted both by the Diocesan Council and the Council of the
Training College that the Diocese should be associated with the
58
Church Missionary Society as the Anglican Federator.

The Diocese was invited to take over the work of the Training
Colony, which so far had been under CMS management. The
question of non-Episcopal ministries had been under
consideration in the Anglican establishment in England since
1931. The question of intercommunion at PTC, where Methodists
also participated, was an issue at the time of winding up of CMS
work in Sri Lanka. The Diocesan Council in 1931 was prepared to
accept the federator position on the colony, on conditions which
restricted the inter-communion. This restricted the communal
worship so far practiced which was embodied in the Colony's
constitution. Carpenter Garnier who opposed to inter-
communion continued to be the Bishop of Colombo until 1938.
The Bishop stated that he could only approve of the Colony if it
had a separate chapel and a separate hostel for Anglican
students. Such a change would have jeopardized the close
fellowship and communion that the Methodists and Anglicans
had enjoyed for nearly two decades.

There was an informal meeting at the CMS headquarters in

th
London on 19 February 1931 to consider the Angelical Diocesan
Council’s proposal to have restrictive communal worship. A G

58
In 1922, the Society split, with the liberal evangelicals
remaining in control of CMS headquarters, whilst conservative
evangelicals established the Bible Churchmen's Missionary Society. CMS
assets in Sri Lanka were gradually transferred to the Diocese of Colombo.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

59
Fraser and L G Gaster were present at this meeting. As Gibson
was unable to attend, he sent a letter stating that the proposal of
the Bishop would contribute to a breach of trust with those who
had contributed to the endowment if CMS handed over its
60
responsibilities to the Anglo-Catholic Diocese of Colombo. He
further stated:
The wording and working of the constitution of the Ceylon
Training Colony are an expression of the vital importance of
this first axiom of federation. There is no authority that
cannot be wielded by either society, and no office that is not
open to both. So also there is no responsibility not equally
shared. The chairman of the governing council can be
Anglican or Wesleyan; the principal of the institution may be
drawn from either body. The expenses of management are
equitably shared, and the maximum of four votes on council
may be attained by either federator on the payment of a
fixed scale of capital.
There are two main ways in which a federated institution
can be run. The underlying principle of the first is that of the
juxtaposition of essentially separates, or in other words the
agreement to work together of two parties, who feel that
their differences are more important than their bonds of
union, and who therefore keep their respective students as
far apart as possible and set themselves primarily to
safeguard their own particular interests. This method results
in the hostel system where the students of the one church
eat and sleep and worship together, only meeting those of
the other Churches in the lecture hall.
The underlying principle of the second method of working is
that of the brotherhood of those radically one. Under such a
conception the students of both Churches live in the same
hostel and eat sleep, and frequently worship together. The

59
G.N. Premawardene, An examination of Evolution of
Architecture of Trinity College Kandy, B.M. dissertation, Faculty of
Architecture, University of Moratuwa, 1992. 55-57.
60
Gordon Hewitt, op. cit. 193.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

close touch of the lecture hall is cemented in the hostel.

While there naturally must be denominational safeguards,
to use the old word, yet these do not protrude and do not
rank as the all-important factor, and the special religious
heritage of a Church is grafted on to the strong common
stock of brotherhood in Christ Jesus. This is the plan
adopted in the training colony at Peradeniya.61

Gibson’s letter was taken seriously by the CMS Council to ratify

the existing policy of joint communion at PTC. Therefore, the
institution continued to be co-denominational until the takeover
by the Government in 1962.

Wesleyan Methodists
When the Peradeniya Training Colony was founded in 1914, only
the CMS sent their students. It was from 1916 that the Methodist
Church joined in. The constitution of the Federation for the
Training Colony became effective from early 1917. The Council,
which is the Governing Body, had representatives of the two
missionary societies and it directed the policy of the institution.
Though the understanding was to have two missionaries on the
staff at any given time, this was not always possible.

The Richmond Hill Training School of the Wesleyan Methodist

Mission was transferred to Peradeniya in September 1917. Miss
1
Winifred A Murch, BSc of the WMMS Women’s Auxiliary joined
the Colony to take charge of the women’s side of the work in
1920. Training of Local Women Workers at Richmond College was
transferred to PTC with her.

According to the constitution of the Training College, Rev A A

Sneath, the first representative of the Wesleyan Methodist
62
Church on the staff, was appointed Vice Principal in 1921. He

61
The Ceylon Churchman, XIV, December 1920.
62
CMCR, 1922, p.1. Rev. A.A. Sneath, MA, had served for ten
years at Mfantsipim, a Methodist secondary school in Cape Coast,

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

was succeeded in 1922 by Rev W J T Small who remained at the

63
Colony until 1926. Rev G B Jackson of the Methodist Mission,
who succeeded Rev Small as Vice Principal in 1926, became
Principal in 1930 and remained in that position until 1941, when
he was transferred by the Methodist Church to pastoral work in
64
Matara. Subsequently, he became the Chairman of the South
Ceylon District. Thus, Rev Gibson of the CMS and Rev Basil
Jackson of the Wesleyan Methodist Church were the longest
serving missionaries of the Training Colony, and the contribution
they made to teacher training in this country through the Training
Colony is immense.

From that point on, the Training Colony Council consisted of the
CMS and WMMS. When the CMS was absorbed into the Diocese
of Colombo the Diocesan Council resolved to participate in the
65
Council. The capital share of WMMS was 40 to the CMS share of
60; this ratio continued in this period as well.

Baptists
The Baptists partially joined the federation in the late 1920s.
Although the Baptists were not able to participate fully as a
partner of the federating body, they continued to support it by
66
sending their trainee teachers and at times providing teachers.
One of the Baptist missionaries, H J Charter, BA, BD, who served
as the first Principal of Carey College in 1924, was on the tutorial
staff of PTC from 1936 to 1940. He wrote in 1935: “At Peradeniya
the daily ‘Quiet Time’ was a regular institution. Students and
teachers went to the chapel for half an hour before classes
began. We mostly sat on cushions on the floor, leaning against
the wall or other support, and knelt for prayer, but each

Ghana. He was the principal of Richmond College, Galle from 1922 to

1940.
63
CMCR, Oct. 1922, p.1.;CMCR, 1927, p.1
64
Small, History of the Methodist Church in Ceylon, 371
65
CMCR, 1929, 25.
66
Small, History of the Methodist Church in Ceylon, 370

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

individual did as he thought best, dividing the time between

private Bible reading and prayer. Women students did the same
67
at another place”.

The teacher trainees of the BMS continued to be sent to PTC.

However, the numbers were not comparable with the Methodists
or Anglicans. Salvationists also sent their teacher trainees to this
institution. They had to pay a higher tuition fee as their
denominations were not among federators who funded the
maintenance of the College.

Government Support
The government treated the PTC in the category of State-assisted
Denominational Schools. The Colony was grant aid, examined,
and inspected by the government Department of Education.
According to the tradition prevalent in England since the late
1880s, training colleges received maintenance grants from the
state for each student. Government grants amounted to just over
Rs 7,000 until 1929. The salaries of the teachers of Assisted
Schools were paid by the government till the takeover in 1962.
Until 1929, the government gave each student in the Training
College an annual grant of Rs 100. In the wake of worldwide
depression, the government withdrew its scholarship grant of
68
Rs 100 per annum per student, in 1930. Therefore, the Training
College had to raise the fees paid by the students by Rs 60 to a
maximum of Rs 160 per annum. The payment of fees had been
burdensome to many students. As a result of the generosity of
the churches, the College charged very much less from the
students than other Assisted Training Colleges. Student teacher

67
Substance of a paper given by H.J. Charter on June 18th,
1935, at the Annual Meetings of the Rawdon College Brotherhood.
68
The Great Depression in the United Kingdom was a period of
national economic downturn in the 1930s. It originated in the US in 1929
and spread to the other parts of the world. Britain's world trade fell by
half (1929–33), the output of heavy industry fell by a third, employment
profits plunged in nearly all sectors.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

trainees received monthly salaries regularly from the government

69
since 1959, as W Dahanayake, who was the Minister of
Education, ordered it. Thereafter, the economic difficulties of the
students were reduced.

In 1962, writing about the last phase of the Training Colony, Rev
Harold de Mel stated: “The grant paid by the state to the Training
College annually never exceeded 2500 rupees. On the other hand the
Anglican and Methodist churches have given double that amount to
70
maintain the institution”. The government did not pay the minor
staff, upkeep of the buildings, water and electricity service, etc.

The government gave the guidelines for the activities of the

Training College in order to accept the certificates issued by the
Training College. In the years after 1942, the entrance
examination to PTC was conducted by the Government. The
students’ entrance requirements were also stipulated by the
Education Department of Sri Lanka.

Principals
The main executive officer of the Colony was the Principal.
Anglican and Methodist ministers held the post in turn. The Vice
Principal was from the other denomination. His counsel was
usually accepted by the incumbent Principal.

Work in the Colony

As there were short-term refresher courses conducted at the
Training Colony before the intake of teacher trainees was
received with the approval of the government, the Principal took
up residence in October 1914 in the estate big bungalow which
was the only building at that time in the estate. Students were
housed and taught in rooms adjoining the Principal’s quarters. By

69
Mr. Dahanayake was a pupil of Rev. Small at Richmond
College. He had a very cordial relationship with Rev. Small. It is likely that
this relationship contributed to this gesture.
70
CMCR, 1962, 35.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

November 1914, six men of comparative youth were being

prepared for confirmation. Four other men who were older were
being trained as evangelists. In December, the first retreat for
teachers and other Christian workers was held. It lasted one week
of the year according to the scheme prepared by Fraser. As it was
found to be successful, a similar training was attempted later. The
teachers who had already had training in the Government
Training College were given a short course in evangelism. In April
1915, a Bible study was held for Methodists and Anglicans.

At one time, A M Walmsley, who was on the tutorial staff of

Trinity from 1906 to 1911, believed for some reason that he
would very likely leave Trinity to take charge of the Training
Colony when it opened. His expectations were not based on any
71
agreement with Fraser, therefore it did not materialize.

J P S Gibson
As the Training Colony was originally intended to be a part of
Trinity College, its staff had a pivotal role in the early years of its
establishment. The Training Colony’s activities, however, were
72
separated from Trinity from the start. In 1915, it was decided
that Rev Paul Gibson, a teacher at Trinity College, was to be
appointed as the first Principal.
th
Gibson arrived in Sri Lanka on 12 October 1908 in the company
of Fraser and A C Houlder from England. He was recruited by
73
Fraser in England. He was to come with A G Fraser when the
latter returned to the island after his furlough. Rev Gibson served
from 1908 to 1914 on the teaching staff of Trinity College and
went to England on his first furlough in 1914. Campbell and

71
Fraser, 84. A.M. Walmsley was a Cambridge graduate, and
held a first class certificate from Borough Road Training College. Mrs.
Walmsley was a science graduate and a first class certified teacher. A.M.
th
Walmsley - Memorandum of 29 January 1930
72
Trinity centenary Volume, 1972, 72.
73
Fraser of Trinity and Achimota, 98.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Saunders also arrived with Fraser in Kandy in November 1914.

74
Gibson came one month later after his furlough.

He was a scholar of Sidney Sussex College, Cambridge, Medieval

75
and Modern Languages Tripos (Honours of Aegrotat), Harness
Prizeman, Burney Prizeman, and Fellow of the Institute of
Actuaries. Therefore, the Training College was to gain from his
academic achievements and in many ways PTC was his creation.
The missionary societies involved in the College did not interfere
with his experiments such as joint communion services.

Rev Paul Gibson's appointment was subject to confirmation by

the Governing Body of the Training College when it was formally
constituted. However, those who were interested in supporting
76
the Colony, the ABCFM, the Friends, the Wesleyans, and the
Dutch Reformed Church decided not to take part in the activities
of the Colony. Therefore, the Peradeniya Training Colony began
as an Anglican undertaking and as a result Gibson’s appointment
77
was easily ratified.

A G Fraser chose J P S Gibson as the first Principal and the Head of

the Anglican section of the newly-formed Teacher Training
78
College. He served in that capacity from 1914 to 1928. His
Principalship lasted almost fourteen years. He served in the
period of formation of the College. Much of the activities of the
College owe their origin to this period. He laid down the policy

74
Fraser of Trinity and Achimota, 61, Balding, Centenary
Volume, 81.
75
The University of Cambridge divided the different kinds of
honours bachelor's degree by Tripos. An undergraduate studying
Medieval and Modern Languages is thus said to be reading for the
Medieval and Modern Languages Tripos.
76
American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions
(ABCFM).
77
Fraser of Trinity and Achimota 96
78
Gordon Hewitt, op. cit. 184.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

and principles by which the College has served for the rest of its
existence.

It was Fraser who conceived the idea of the Training Colony and
raised most of the funds necessary. However, it was Gibson who
was responsible for its coming into being. He was the one who
was responsible for “its predominant characteristics of simplicity
79
and zeal”. It was he “who laid the foundation of its religious life
in the morning quiet time and in united worship; and, who more
than anyone, took the riches of Sinhalese culture and adapted
80
them for Christian use.

Paul Gibson was appointed Principal of Ridley Hall, Cambridge, in

1927. He and his wife left for England in 1928, a few weeks before
the opening of the chapel which he endeavoured to build. His
tenure of office coincided with the period of the First World War
and the period of post-war reconstruction. He left before the
onset of the Great Depression in 1929. These events affected the
funding for the College. His departure was a loss to the Colony.
There was a period of crisis soon after his departure and the
appointment of G B Jackson to the post of Principal.

Aims of PTC
The main aim of the Colony was the training of teachers for
vernacular mission schools of the Protestant Churches. The
Training College has been able to achieve a sense of brotherhood
between teachers of different denominations and also between
the leaders of the missions. This is not confined to those at work
in the Colony itself but also those who have had common interest
in the work of the Colony. The opportunity available in the Colony
has been abundantly used to give attention to problems relating
to missionary work and to work out practical matters for making
Christianity a living force in village life.

79
Beven, A History of the Diocese of Colombo, 296.
80
Gordon Hewitt, Op. cit. 191.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

The Colony has attracted the best available vernacular teachers in

all the missions for the work of the training of teachers in the
country.
81
Gibson and the Bishop
Although Gibson was far from being an ardent Anglican in the
traditional sense, he greatly enjoyed devising localized ways of
sowing and reaping ceremonies, and procession and services for
special occasion. He had a special worship service on Ascension
Day which involved the whole community going to the top of a
nearby hill, worshipping the exalted Christ there, and then
returning to the city with great happiness. There was a deep vein
of Protestantism in Paul Gibson's evangelical faith as in some
traditional circles of the Anglican Church.

It is reported that “his distrust of traditional ecclesiasticism,

combined with a passion for church unity, set him tragically on a
collision course with Carpenter-Garnier,” who was appointed
Bishop of Colombo in 1924. “He adopted the Methodist custom
of inviting ‘all who loved the Lord’ to receive Holy Communion
when he was the celebrant, certainly during the pre-terminal staff
retreats, and apparently at other times; and the corporate
Sunday evening service as a modified form of Anglican Evening
Prayer which he and the Methodist Vice Principal conducted in
turn, with the other person preaching. The Bishop said that inter-
communion in any form must stop and that the only form of
corporate service for the whole Colony which he could authorize
was one of an informal, prayer meeting type. Gibson's case was
that since the chapel had not been consecrated for Anglican
worship, its services were not under the Bishop's jurisdiction in
the same sense as those of a parish church. The Bishop’s case was
that he had licensed Gibson as a priest within his diocese, and
that he, therefore, owed him obedience in liturgical matters. It

81
Mark Carpenter-Garnier (1881-1969) was the Bishop of
Colombo from 1924 to 1938. The Times, Thursday, Feb 14, 1924; pg. 15;
Issue 43575; “Who was Who” 1897-2007 (London, A & C Black, 2007).

184
 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

was the sort of confrontation between these two devoted and

determined men which could have no happy outcome. Gibson's
call to Ridley Hall, Cambridge, came at a time when the CMS
ecclesiastical committee was anxiously looking for a solution. In
November 1927, the Bishop wrote to the CMS headquarters
saying that he must ask for a definite undertaking that Prayer-
Book services would not be used in communal worship at the
82
training colony.”

There was a difficult period after the departure of Gibson. As the

CMS did not appoint a Principal immediately because of the
disputes with the Diocesan Council, work was disturbed from
time to time by the want of a permanent Vice Principal. There
83
were many temporary appointments for short lengths of time.

A C Houlder
After a short period, Rev Alfred Claude Houlder (BA, Oxf.), CMS
Missionary, was appointed as Principal of PTC. The Rev A C and
Mrs Houlder were at the Colony in 1928-9 and again in 1932-3.
They had the support of an efficient Vice Principal. Mrs Houlder
recalls that when her husband was appointed Principal in 1928,
the Bishop told him very clearly that he must not follow Gibson's
practice of disobedience to his Bishop. When he agreed to the
proposal, the practice of intercommunion ceased. The Sinhalese
staff and Miss R Overton felt this was going backward.

Rev Houlder came to Sri Lanka in 1914 and served at Trinity

College, Kandy. He was later transferred to PTC. According to
Jackson, Houlder was a person of less courage than Gibson to
84
stand up to authorities in the Anglican Church. Soon after his

82
Gordon Hewitt, Op. cit. 191.
83
Kevin Ward and Brian Stanley, Missionary Society and World
Mission, 1799–1999, London: Curzon Press, 1999, 28.
84
Jackson, Basil, o.p. cit. 16n.; Percy Eldred Wickremesinghe,
George Benjamin Ekanayake and Alfred Claude Houlder, The Nugegoda

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

appointment the practice of joint communion at the training

Colony was abandoned.

Houlder took office at a time when Bishop Mark Carpenter-

Garnier (1924-1938) was interfering with the CMS activities in the
Colony. When Gibson left the Training College in June 1927, he
wished to see that his successor would continue the practice of
joint communion. The Bishop of Colombo insisted that the person
appointed should promise not to allow inter-communion to take
place in the chapel. The Bishop also proposed that the person
who succeeded Gibson to the post of Principal should be an
Anglican. He also stated that no one should use the Prayer Book
to conduct a service in the chapel of the Training Colony unless
that person was an ordained Anglican priest; and that “…no one
except an Anglican priest could preach at such a service”. There
was a short, but difficult period as a result.

The Vice Principal, Basil Jackson, was not able to oppose the
Bishop. Basil’s view was that “It is a pity that it should be in the
power of people outside the Colony, some of whom know
nothing of it, to take away from the life of the Colony a service
85
which has been the centre of corporate life of the staff”.
Jackson was very sad that intercommunion was discontinued. He
felt that the unity of fellowship was in danger. He stopped
corporate communion of the staff at the beginning of each term.
However, Basil's view was that “Corporate Communion is not an
end in itself. It has been a very precious symbol of our unity in the
Colony, but it is not worth preserving the symbol at the cost of
86
that for which it stands”.

Mission after ninety-one Years. With a record and retrospect of the

Diocese of Colombo (1940).
85
Jackson, Basil, 18.
86
G.C. Jackson, Basil: Portrait of a missionary, (Colombo, 2004),
17.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

G B Jackson co-operated with the Principal who encouraged the

growth of interest in Scouting and Guiding. The Colony in this
period did much pioneer work in developing vernacular troops,
and several times carried off All-Island prizes, particularly for
87
Ranger work.

Rev A C Houlder had a difficult time as he had to promise the

Bishop that he would be obedient to the Bishop regarding the
running of the activities of the Colony. This was a critical period of
the Colony’s history as the Bishop’s behaviour would disrupt the
unity and cordial relations that the Methodists and Anglicans had
so far. When the question of the ratification of the CMS work
came up, the Bishop had felt that he could approve of the Colony
only if it had a separate chapel and a separate hostel for Anglican
students.

The news of the problem reached the Anglican authorities in

London. The CMS conference concluded that no breach of trust
would be involved over the administration of the Colony by
handing over the administration of the Colony to a diocesan
body. The CMS wished to retain the ownership of the property.
However, the Diocese was allowed the use of property and the
interest of the endowment. After these discussions in London on
the issue of inter-communion, the Bishop was prepared to allow
one chapel and to allow attendance of Anglican students at all
corporate services except Holy Communion. Fraser, who was
present at the meeting of the CMS committee in London, stated
that inter-communion was not part of the constitution. The
Methodist Conference acted cautiously during this period.
Methodists, under the guidance of Jackson, were ready to accept
the Diocese of Colombo as the Anglican federator in view of the
safeguards already in the constitution of the training colony.

During this time A C Houlder introduced self-government in the

men’s hostel whereby the management of internal affairs, and to

87
Beven, A History of the Diocese of Colombo, 298

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

a lesser extent, matters of discipline were entrusted to a Court of

88
Honour elected by the students.

Basil Jackson
Rev Basil Jackson arrived in Sri Lanka in 1926 and accepted the
position of Vice Principal of PTC. Before he became Principal in
1930, he had acted as Principal on a number of occasions when
Gibson was away. Basil and Gibson had a very cordial relationship
and shared many values in common. They worked together in
complete confidence. When Gibson decided to retire, the CMS
committee was planning to send their own man to be the
successor. However, that did not last long as Houlder’s tenure
89
came to an end in 1929. Gibson nominated Jackson’s name.
Both of them were interested in working together across
denominational lines. They were disturbed by the rules that
seemed designed to separate Christians in the name of
denominational loyalty. Rev Gibson introduced the practice of
sharing joint communion at the beginning and at the end of each
90
term even though the denominational rule forbade this. It was a
joint communion service for all staff members and students. The
fact that the rule of the Anglican Church did not approve such
practices did not hinder Gibson; therefore, Jackson continued it.
th
Mrs Jackson came on May 24 1927. She became a valuable asset
to the running of the extra-curricular activities under the charge
of the Principal. She took over the social services of the Colony.
Dayanivasa, which Rev Jackson began, received her attention. The
counselling of female students fell on her shoulders; and, the
wives of other teaching staff and lady lecturers also helped in
this. The work of the dispensary fell solely on her shoulders as she

88
Beven, A History of the Diocese of Colombo, 299.
89
G.C. Jackson, Basil: Portrait of a missionary, (Colombo, 2004)
11.
90
Ibid., 15.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

had taken a short course in medical work before she arrived in Sri
91
Lanka.

In 1940 Jackson was transferred by the Methodist Church to

Matara to pastoral and evangelical work in that area. He later
became the Chairman of the South Ceylon District of the
Methodist Church.

The Jackson Era

The colonial administrative pattern began to change after the
legislative reforms in 1931. The Donoughmore Commission
proposed reforms which were implemented as the so-called
Donoughmore Constitution, resulting in the abolition of the
Legislative Council of Ceylon as the colony’s legislature, and its
replacement by a State Council in 1931. The first election to the
State Council of Ceylon was held from 13 to 20 June 1931. This
was the first election in a British colony using universal adult
franchise.

Education was placed under the control of elected

representatives. Education became free in government schools
which held about 60 percent of the total number of schools in the
country in 1942. The Executive Committee of Education was set
up to exercise its powers to create new regulations paving the
way for the establishment of a new system of education in Sri
Lanka. The new system was expected to ensure that education
was provided with equal opportunities for all children in the
country, irrespective of social class, economic condition, religion,
or ethnic origin. In 1942, a special committee was appointed with
C W W Kannangara as chairman to report on the status of
92
education in the country. Among the recommendations for
providing “lasting value to the nation” given in the report, which
was published in 1943, were that education should be free from

91
Ibid., 12.
92
K. M. de Silva, A History of Sri Lanka (London: C. Hurst,
1981), 472-474.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

kindergarten to university. Vernacular education received a boost

after 1944. Literacy went up to 70 percent in 1946. Education
became compulsory between the ages of 5 and 13.

The Education Ordinance of 1939 made an attempt to bring the

denominational schools under the control of the government.
However, the Bill did not receive sufficient votes to be passed by
the State Council.

Dress
There were changes taking place in the national culture of Sri
Lanka during the first half of the twentieth century. The Sinhala
Buddhist leader, Anagarika Dharmapala (1864-1933) wished to
93
give a national appearance to the Sinhala Buddhist society.
Most nationalist leaders of the South were impacted by his
teaching. One of the resolutions passed at the meeting of the
94
First State Council in 1931 was that a dress reform was essential
and that in the evolution of a national dress the cloth, which was
a four to six-foot long white or coloured strip of cotton, for men
95
and the sari for women should be the form. During the
principalship of Jackson, the teacher trainees were encouraged to
attend classes in the national dress. Therefore, girls wore the
Kandyan sari while male students wore the dhoti and kurta. Some
scholars have stated that this was a “part of the process of
96
coming to terms with nationalism”. Thus, we can see the
missionaries encouraging the use of “indigenous names, dress, as

93
Dharmapala's advice was the Sinhalese man should
not wear trousers like the fair Portuguese.
94
This National Assembly was the first one elected
under universal franchise granted by the Donoughmore Commission in
1929. Nira Wickramasinghe, Dressing the Colonised Body: Politics,
Clothing, and Identity in Sri Lanka, London: Orient Longman, 2003, 14,
20.
95
Personal File of ‘Kannangara leaflet’ quoted in Sumathipala,
op.cit. 107. The Ceylon Daily News of July 7, 1931 has a symposium of
view on dress reform.
96
Sri Lanka: A Survey, 395.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

well as the cultivation of native arts and crafts among the

97
Christians.”

Before that, the dress of the male teacher trainees was the
European jacket and a white cloth (or a tweed cloth on special
occasions). Female students wore a long dress reaching to the
ankles. The older generation of school teachers continued to
wear this dress. National dress also gave way to trousers and shirt
after the swabhasha medium was introduced to higher education
in 1960. Before that, European dress was limited to those who
could converse in the English language. Anyone who wore the
European dress in that period was expected to be able to speak
the English language.

J C Harvey
An Anglican priest, J C Harvey, succeeded Jackson. He had come
to the Colony in December 1936. He was, simultaneously, the
chaplain of the Holy Trinity Church, Pussellawa, during the period
1941-1945. The Vice Principal was H G Sanders for three years
(1939-1942). After four years of ministry in Uva, he returned to
the Training Colony and remained there for one more year.
Thereafter, the Colony had only one missionary in charge.

Canon Harold de Mel

Canon Harold de Mel served as Principal from 1951 till the
takeover of the Training College by the Government in January
1962. He was the first Sri Lankan Principal of the Training Colony.
He was there when the Training College was taken over by the
Government. He continued the traditions created by the previous
Principals. However, he was able to move more closely with the
students because of the fact that he was a Sri Lankan national.

Vice Principals
The post of Vice Principal was as significant as the post of
Principal in the constitution of the Colony. Of the two

97
Sri Lanka: A Survey, 395

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

denominations federated for the Colony one would be appointed

Principal and the other Vice Principal. Therefore, when an
Anglican was in the chair of the Principal, the Vice Principal was to
be a Methodist. In the initial years there was no Vice Principal as
the Methodists joined the Colony two years after the Colony was
set up. The cordiality of relationship between the Principal and
the Vice Principal was vital to the running of the institution. The
far-sighted personnel who held these two posts enabled the
institution to run smoothly, even though there were issues where
the two parties did not agree.

Alec Sneath
Rev Alec A Sneath (1890-1948) served at the Training College for
two years as Vice Principal. Before coming to Sri Lanka in 1921, he
was the Headmaster at Mfantsipim College, Gold Coast (Ghana).
th
He took over the reins of Richmond on 25 September 1922. He
and Rev W J T Small exchanged places: Rev Small came from
Richmond College, Galle, to the Training College, while Rev
Sneath took over the principalship of Richmond College.

In a lecture given in 1921 in Kandy, Rev Sneath referred to

what he called the “Dead Hand of Buddhism”. This
impaired the susceptibilities of the Buddhists, and roused
them to wage a violent campaign against the missionaries
in the Buddhist Chronicle, a weekly Buddhist journal. Referring
to the presence of missionaries in Ceylon, the question was
asked: “Have the missionaries from Europe left their home
because no one will listen to them?”, and missionaries
were requested to quit Ceylon and to go back to their own
people who were without a religion. In view of the
vehement attacks that appeared in the local papers against
the missionaries, it was felt that an expression of solidarity of
the South Ceylon District Synod should be secured. This was
done in 1923 by a resolution of confidence in the
missionaries voted upon by the Ceylonese members of the
Synod. The inability to communicate in Sinhala was a

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

drawback in Sneath’s career at PTC. Needless to say, he could

not maintain a close relationship with the students as a result.

W J T Small
W J T Small served in the capacity of Vice Principal from
December 1922 to December 1926, mostly in connection with the
Methodist responsibilities of the Training Colony. He served again
from 1953 to 1962 as Warden in charge of the same
responsibilities. There were two reasons which made Small
decide to move to Peradeniya in 1922. One was that his wife fell
sick in Galle. It was believed that her health would improve in the
mild climate of Peradeniya. The second reason was that he
desired to engage his time in evangelical work. However, he had
to leave Sri Lanka owing to the continuing ill-health of his wife.
During this time, the Principal of the Colony was Paul Gibson,
with whom Small had a very convivial relationship.

Small’s saintly character won him the love of the Colony

community as well as that of the neighbours. His desire for
98
evangelism is seen in the reports of his evangelical tours. He
organised social gatherings, and conducted dramas, excursions,
and mountain climbs with students to improve fellowship among
them. These activities were also used as practical lessons to
inculcate Christian social ethics in the students.

By this time, he was well-known among the Methodist

missionaries as a person who could work in the Sinhala language
with fluency. During this period Rev W Reginald Taylor (b 1898),
who arrived in Sri Lanka in 1924, was sent to Peradeniya for one
year to learn Sinhala with the help of Small at the Training
College.

98
K.H. M. Sumathipala, History of education in Ceylon, 1796-
1965: With special reference to the contribution made by C.W.W.
Kannangara (Dehiwela: Tisara 1968)145.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

It was during his second period at PTC (1953-1962) that Small

99
prepared a concordance in Sinhala for the Sinhala Bible. It
became very useful for the students at the Training Colony as well
as outside.

Evangelistic Tours
An important part of the training of evangelists was the
evangelistic tours, which occurred several times a term. Following
the final examinations of the teacher trainees, a considerable
number of them joined the evangelism classes. Some of them
took part in these tours. There are reports of Small accompanying
students on evangelistic tours. On these tours, the students were
exposed to different types of living in rural Sri Lanka. Four
evangelist students from the Training Colony with their teachers,
100
Lekamge, John Eagle, and Small went on an evangelistic tour to
101
Laggala, in 1923. During their visit to Laggala they discovered
that “there is now no education whatever for girls in the district.
The women are kept much in the background and marriage
102
customs are lax.” These evangelistic tours continued in the
period of the next Vice Principal, G B Jackson, as well.
According to the testimony of Messrs D M Liyanage, D J E
103
Karunaratne and I M E Fernando, in some of these annual
excursions, both male and female students took part. They went
to Sigiriya, Alagalla, and even Batticaloa, in order to familiarize
the students with the variety of cultures in Sri Lanka and create a
close and cordial fellowship among the students. CMCR 1942
reports the drowning of two lady teacher trainees at the
104
Dunhinda falls. Every other year they were taken to a place in
India. They went to Kanjipuram in 1959 where the students were

99
Published in 1963 by CLS, Colombo.
100
He was in charge of Kandy Methodist circuit from 1920 to 1925.
101
CMCR (1923): 97-99.
102
Ibid.
103
They were students in 1922 to 1923 period.
104
CMCR (1948): 373.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

hosted by a Methodist church. The lecturers were with the

students. Therefore, they received good treatment while in India.

In Small’s second tenure, he worked with Canon Harold de Mel.

Small’s wife had died in 1950 when he came to Sri Lanka for the
second time. He continued the practice of evangelism by
travelling to various places of the island. Unlike his first tenure,
the second tenure was a period of serious challenge to
Christianity in Sri Lanka. He had the sad experience of seeing the
loss of the Methodist educational establishment that he
contributed to build in Sri Lanka with the takeover of
denominational schools and training colleges. In fact, most of his
time in 1962 was spent on helping the smooth handing over of
the assets of Richmond College, Galle, and the Teacher Training
College to the Government.

Faculty and Staff

PTC had an academic faculty of international scholars, led by the
Principal, who worked interchangeably with the colleagues
appointed by the constituent churches. The Principal was assisted
by a Vice Principal. At the time of the takeover of PTC by the
government, the teaching staff included the Principal, five male
and two female teachers. Two adjunct teachers were also in
service.
Two indigenous personnel attached to the Training College
deserve attention. One was Edward Samuel Peiris Lekamge. He
embraced Christianity and was baptised in 1890 at a CMS school
in Hanguranketha. Later, he was trained at the CMS Training
Institute in Kotte. He was in one of the first batches of evangelism
trainees. He joined the teaching staff of the Training College later.
The other was Bezalel Patabendige who designed the structure of
the Colony chapel and did its wood carvings.

Other than the missionary teachers, there was a complaint of

inadequacy with regard to the academic standing of teachers.
Many of them were not sufficiently acquainted with school

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

conditions and practice. The insufficient number of teachers

meant that one lecturer had to play many roles. However, the
fact that the staff was in residence at the Colony was important.
The presence of women lecturers and missionary wives in
residence at the Colony was also an advantage to the female
students.

Students
As mentioned earlier, the first batch of male students of the CMS
came into residence in 1915, for a refresher course for one term.
The WMMS Training College in Galle was closed and the students
were transferred to Peradeniya in 1917. The regular Men’s
st
Department was opened on 21 September 1917. On September
th
24 1917, the first combined lectures for male and female
students commenced. In 1918, the Training School had fifty-two
students, including regular students, evangelists, and catechists.
105
Twenty-eight regular students completed their training in 1922.
The students were expected to come into residence before they
registered for classes.

The Dalton Plan of teaching was introduced to PTC in 1930. It was

an educational concept that used as the model for teacher
training in this period. It was created by Helen Parkhurst in
106 th
1914. On 27 May 1920, a very enthusiastic article describing
the working of the Dalton Plan was published in the Times
Educational Supplement. It was inspired by the intellectual
ferment at the turn of the twentieth century. The Dalton Plan
completely restructured the secondary school day into subject
studies, with students determining their own daily schedules. The
aim was to achieve a balance between a student’s talent and the
needs of the community. The Dalton Plan was a method of
education by which pupils work at their own pace, and receive
individual help from the teacher when necessary. In 1922, the UK

105
CMCR (1930): 183.
106
Helen Parkhurst, Education on the Dalton Plan (New York: E.
P. Dutton & Company, 1922), 15–16.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

Board of Education gave official approval and many hundreds of

schools in England adopted some form of the Dalton Plan.

The Principal, in his annual report in 1924 stated, regarding their

method of teaching, that “it is an adaptation of the Dalton
Method. As far as possible the students work by themselves
under the guidance of the Staff. Leading questions are set and
107
more active initiative and thought encouraged.” This method
of education did not bring about the expected results. Therefore,
it was abandoned.

In 1931, the curriculum of the Training College changed as a

result of the proposals given by the Education Department of the
Government. The extracurricular activities outside the time table
were abandoned. The Dalton method which required leisure for
private study was given up because of the difficulty of
supervision. Most attention in the curriculum was given to
teacher training and practical work relating to teaching in
vernacular schools.

Female Students
Throughout the half century of its existence PTC made a valuable
contribution by training female teachers with the same vigour it
gave to the training of male students. In fact, more than one half
of students of the Training Colony throughout this period were
female. Their service in the classes at primary level was sought in
all schools.

Teaching
The teacher trainees were given two years’ training in a spiritual
atmosphere. In addition, they were given three months of special
study in the methods of evangelistic work and Scripture teaching.
On the other hand, the students who were trained as evangelists

107
Wanasinghe, op. cit. 11.

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of the Methodist Church “were given three years training before

108
they were sent out into the field”.

In 1936, the training course for teachers was extended from two
years to three and this eased the pressure of an overcrowded
curriculum. The Church Record says: “We have felt immediate
benefits from it in the restoration of extra time table subjects like
gardening to the curriculum. A number of small Literary, Scientific
and Art Societies have begun to flourish in the new-found
leisure”. The Record continues: “All the leaving men students
qualified in the Scoutmasters’ District Training Course while at the
Colony. The Women’s Ranger Company distinguished themselves
by winning the All Island Challenge Cup in open competition with
English and Vernacular Ranger Companies from all over
109
Ceylon”.

Jackson reports in 1929 that “…thirteen Wesleyan students

completed their training at the Colony, eight men and five
women. One woman failed in the Government final Examination,
and will be returning to the Colony for an extra year but the
twelve successful students have been appointed to Wesleyan
Schools. Requests for the appointment of 12 women teachers
were received from Principals and Managers of Wesleyan schools.
Those available were appointed to the most needed schools.
Fourteen Wesleyan Candidates – 7 men and 7 women – have
110
been accepted for training this year”.

The classes were held from 8.00am to 4.00pm with a lunch break
of one hour. Subjects in the Colony since 1950 were Sinhala,
Arithmetic, Geometry, History, Geography, Hygiene, General
Science, Principles of Education, Methods of Education,
Psychology, and Kindergarten Teaching Methods. English was
taught during five periods of the week. There were three grades

108
Small, 370.
109
CMCR, 1936
110
CMCR, 1929, 25.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

of classes depending on the English proficiency of the student.

Art, Kandyan Dancing, Agriculture, Handwork (rukkala), and
Physical exercise began at 7.30am and continued for half an hour.

Criticism
Criticism of the Training College’s overcrowded lecture
programme, the lack of freedom for students to discover things
for themselves, petty restrictions on male-female relationships
were not without reason. There was also the opinion that the
two-year course was not sufficient for students entering upon
their training at 18 years of age. The frequently expressed charge
in this period was that the Training Colony imposed a discipline
on their students which was unsuited to young people of the age
group 18-22. The restrictions were more prominent as this was a
co-educational institution.

Entrance Qualifications
Up to the year 1942, the Training Colony had the freedom to
select the candidates from churches as they wished. However,
the Methodists and Anglicans had their own entrance
examinations where Scripture knowledge and the knowledge of
other subjects were tested. In addition to this, the local minister’s
111
recommendation had an influence. These applications had to
be supported by the recommendation of the Quarterly Meeting
of the Methodist Synod.

The students were admitted to the normal direction of the

Training College by each federating body according to their own
choice in the early years before the Entrance Examination
conducted by the government was introduced. The Colony
Entrance Examination was held in July each year. In addition,
Wesleyan candidates for training were required to take an
nd
examination in the 2 Catechism. On their selection, they were
expected to pay a certain amount of money per term. The
syllabus for the Colony Entrance examination included General

111
CMCR, 1929, p.33 - 33.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Scripture Knowledge, General Knowledge, Arithmetic, Sinhala

Grammar, Composition, History, and Geography. The standard of
the Colony Examination was similar to the Government Teachers’
112
Preliminary Examination. The candidates so admitted were
bound to serve the Methodist Church as well as the Anglican
Church, depending on the student’s denominational affiliation,
for a period of five years. They were required to go to whatever
school the Church deemed to appoint them to on leaving the
Colony. The first appointment was normally for a period of at
113
least one year.

Government Intervention
In 1942, the government insisted on a common examination for
all training schools in Sri Lanka. There was a fear that the
examination would enable non-Christians also to enter the
Training Colony. In 1942, fifteen students not belonging to the
federation churches were admitted to the Training Colony on the
results of the entrance examination. They amounted to a quarter
of the student population of the Colony at the time. In addition,
the Government Training College also was evacuated in 1942 to
Peradeniya Training Colony. The Government Training College
functioned as part of the Training Colony for two and half years
114
till the permanent buildings were ready at Mirigama.

Practicing Schools
Peradeniya Teacher Training College had some practicing schools
for teacher trainees to practice their teaching skills. These were
the best of the ordinary public schools. The practicing schools
were at Gatambe, Peradeniya, and Boyagama. It was a
requirement for the teacher trainees to undergo a period of
teaching practice. The lecturers of the College supervised the
teaching activities of the students on the days they went to
practicing schools. An advisory teacher from the Colony staff

112
CMCR, 1929, 33.
113
CMCR, 1929, 33.
114
Beven, A History of the Diocese of Colombo, 301.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

visited these schools to give practical help and advice. Two

lecturers came to supervise the students practising their teaching
in these so-called practicing schools. The students were expected
to teach in the presence of their lecturers.

Social Mobility
The slow progress of social mobility for vernacular teachers was a
consequence of government policy. Most of the students of the
Training Colony came from the lower social classes. They were
from manual labour or peasant class. The swabhasha teachers
who passed out from the Training College were expected to teach
a wide variety of subjects. Their classes were large and the
facilities in the vernacular schools were poor. Compared to that
the English teacher trainees were able to specialize in two or
three subjects. The specialization meant they gained more
prestige and a higher salary. They commanded a higher status in
society because of their ability to communicate in the English
115
language. The swabhasha educated were only able to occupy
the lower levels of the occupational ladder. Therefore, they
remained socially also in the lower ranks. The swabhasha
teachers believed that they were being treated as second class
116
professionals. In 1922, the Department of Education fixed the
salary scale for teachers in vernacular schools. In 1927, the School
Teachers’ Pension Ordinance was introduced to provide for the
teachers in denominational schools. The English trained teacher
began at a salary nearly double that of a swabhasha trained
teacher. There was a big gap between these two groups of
117
teachers. The English teachers’ pupils also came from
influential families, thereby increasing the prestige of their
teachers.

115
Howard Wriggins, 338; K.M. de Silva, op.cit, 330;
Obeyesekere, Buddhism Transformed, 96.
116
Wriggins, 337
117
Hansard 1927, 918; Sumathipala, 191.

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Regarding this disparity, C W W Kannangara made a statement to

the State Council in 1944: "We have divided the population into
two sections, one superior and the other inferior – one trousered
and the other cloth-ed. We have two classes of society in this
118
country divided by English education”. The Kannangara
Committee in 1943 stated: “The development of our educational
system has resulted in two types of schools – one attended
mainly by those who can afford to pay fees and the other
119
attended by those whose means do not permit them to do so”.

The Peradeniya Teacher Training College was a vernacular

educational institution. The students aspired to be teachers in
vernacular Sinhala schools. The highest that they could aim till the
introduction of Sinhala as the national language in 1956 was to be
a headmaster of a Sinhala-medium school. The students with
vernacular education could not aspire to hold white-collar jobs in
this period.

New horizons for the Sinhala educated emerged during the

period of agitation for swabhasha. The trainees of this institution
also contributed to the clamour for the rightful place of the
restoration of the local languages and culture in the country in
the 1956 elections. The swabhasha teachers formed a powerful
force in Bandaranaike’s Pancha maha balavegaya (five great
120
forces). The Sinhala Only Bill was passed in Parliament in June
1956. The salaries of Sinhala-trained schoolteachers were
brought to the same level as those of the English medium in that
121
year.

118
Hansard, 1944, 847.; Carlton Samarajiwa, “Unaided
Schools”, in Education in Ceylon: A Centenary Volume,(Colombo:
Department of Education and Cultural Affairs, 1969),735-744.
119
Quoted in Carlton Samraijiwa, op. cit. p. 740.
120
K.M. de Silva, A History of Sri Lanka, 495.
121
Swarna Jayaweera 2010, op.cit.48

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Evangelist Department
The Peradeniya PTC had a separate department for training
122
evangelists. At the beginning, trainees included evangelists,
students preparing for confirmation and a few others coming for
short programmes. The male and female departments of the CMS
Teacher Training College at Kotte were transferred in 1916 to the
123
instituted Training Colony at Peradeniya. From 1916, the
Wesleyan Methodist Mission combined with the Church
Missionary Society in maintaining this centre for the training of
Sinhala-medium teachers and evangelists. In May 1916, the
Women’s Training School of CMS was transferred from Kotte to
Peradeniya. Training of evangelists of the Methodist Church was
also begun by Miss Annie Wightman at Richmond Hill, about
1912; and in 1925, this work was transferred to the Peradeniya
Training Colony, and Miss Elsie Abayasekera, who had been on
the staff of the Richmond Hill School for a number of years and
had assisted in training work, was transferred to Peradeniya to
take charge of the training of Women evangelists. She continued
124
this work till 1934.

Even the teachers who were trained there often had some
evangelistic content in their education. The Methodist Training
Centre of female evangelists begun in 1912 at Richmond
Missionary Compound was transferred to the Peradeniya Training
Colony in 1925.

In 1929, five men and two women evangelists of the Methodist

Church completed their training; they were all recommended by
the Training College staff. They had had regular practical training
on evangelistic tours to Laggala and other outstation locations
125
and in the Dispensary of the Colony. In 1939, there were eleven
men and women professionally trained as evangelists at the

122
Jackson, Basil, 22.
123
Balding, Centenary Volume, 58.
124
W.J.T. Small, History of Methodist Church in Ceylon , 287
125
CMCR, 1929, 25.

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126
College. Anglicans called them catechists. Methodists called
them evangelists.

The Methodists conducted an examination for those whose

names were supported by the recommendation of the Quarterly
Meeting of the Methodist Synod. They were required to undergo
a medical examination before they were finally accepted by the
Synod. These examinations were held in November each year.

The Methodist candidates had to sit for an entrance examination.

The subjects were Grammar and Language, History and
geography, Arithmetic, Essay Writing, and General knowledge. In
addition to this, their religious knowledge was also tested. This
section was held separately for men and women. The knowledge
of the Second Catechism was compulsory for both men and
127
women.

Problems in the Evangelist Department

In the normal department no teacher is ever considered
unless he is fully qualified by special training for the work,
but in the Evangelist Department we have been content
hitherto to make use of the services of unqualified men in
the capacity of pupil teachers, or else to be content with a
weekly visit from some minister resident in the
neighbourhood.128

The Evangelist Department trained Catechists, Evangelists, and

Colporteurs, with the hope of supplying such candidates to the
129
federating churches. The department suffered due to the
unavailability of suitable teachers. Jackson says, in 1930, that
“During the last two years the Rev. D.F.R. Wijesinghe (CMS) has

126
Jackson, Basil, 24.
127
CMCR (1930): 32-35.
128
Jackson’s Memorandum dated 29/1/30 (available at the
Methodist Archives, Colombo)
129
Ibid

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

been coming for one day a week, but his duties in Gampola have
130
made his visits very irregular of late...”. Therefore, he
suggested that an arrangement be made with the Christian
Council Literature Committee to obtain a person on a half-time
131
basis to teach evangelism.

Music
Music was an important component in the teaching of the
Training College where evangelism played an important part. The
teachers who passed out from the Colony had to teach every
rural believing member to sing the congregational hymns of the
church with meaning. It is believed that “couched effectively in
music and sung in clear, distinct tones, the truths of God find
ready lodgement in sincere hearts”. This is important in the
Sinhala culture where the tradition of using music for religious
worship was not known. Writing in 1962, Rev Harold de Mel, the
last Christian Principal of the Colony, stated:
These trainees were specially talented in music; with their
help we were able to popularize Sinhalese lyrics. We also
had an Orchestra of Stringed instruments, and two past
students working in Kandy strengthened it. Our help was
sought by the Kandy schools, churches and the University in
singing lyrics. Several new lyrics were composed and
published, some of them to Tamil tunes too. We have been
able to broadcast on festive occasions and for the Christian
half hour we produced a 'Geetha-natakaya' or traditional
opera. On the invitation of the Bishop, our orchestra played
at the Kurunegala cathedral twice. At our last carol service
there was a record gathering of all denominations, including
seven Roman Catholic Brothers from Ampitiya Seminary.132

130
Ibid
131
Ibid
132
CMCR (1962), 24.

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The Day’s Work at the Colony

Regarding one day’s work at the Colony, Gibson wrote:
We have planned out the training with each specified need in
view. A lonely Christian life demands above all the power to
meet God in silence. Hence meditation is encouraged, and
the first half-hour of each day (6.45 to 6.15 a.m.) is spent in
this form of worship. So often, we in England nearly knock at
God’s door in the early morning to tell Him we are starting
and then rush off without Him. How different is the day spent
in the sure knowledge of His accompanying presence! If there
is power in our work at Peradeniya one at least of the causes
is the silent period spent in Bible-reading and prayer.
The body must be kept fit: so after prayer comes drill. This not
only gives health, but the efficient students get a Government
certificate, which enables to teach drill and earn a special
grant in the village school. The public prayers that follow are
an expression of co-operate worship. Though in a lonely
village it may be difficult to reproduce this, yet the memories
of a hall spacious and beautiful re-echoing to the praise of
many voices should be an inspiration in the days to come.
The Scripture lesson supplies the knowledge of Christian truth
needed for one’s own growth as well as for bringing others to
Christ. We divide the scripture as we do other subjects. To the
Entrance class the facts of the life of Christ and of the Old
Testament history are simply taught. To the first year is given
a general knowledge of the books of the Bible and of the
development of the early Church. We try to take the second
year very simply but deeply into the glorious heritage of our
Faith and explain its fundamental truths to them.
The usual day’s routine follows. Necessary class-teaching to
enable them to obtain their Government Certificate as
teachers. Routine work done by the staff, of whom I can say,
with joy and gratitude that not one is working here merely for
his or her salary. Our examination results have been excellent
for some years, and we have received the praise of the

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

Educational Department, and increased grants. Praise is not

so hard to get: increased grants are rarer.
It may help you to appreciate the solid work our staff have to
do when I say that some students come hardly knowing how
to add and multiply correctly, even though they have passed
their eighth standard, and within three years we have to
make them able to pass an equivalent to the Primary National
Teachers Diploma. The Examination, of course, includes
practical teaching and class-work as well as the theory of
education, and a sound knowledge of usual elementary
subjects.”133
Games follow in the evenings. A teacher who cannot recreate
his children, as well as teach them, should resign. Games keep
our students fit, teach them discipline and control, and
inculcate the elements of (co-operate) corporate effort so
sorely needed in this land. While some play, others do
agriculture. If the teacher of history and arithmetic can grow a
better coco-nut and produce a finer rice crop, then he can
truly guide the destinies of his village, and this is what he
ought to do, and no less.
A great lack in all villages is the absence of the artistic. Here,
as far as possible, we have decorated our buildings with
Sinhalese work – painting and carving. The students learn to
appreciate the best art of their country and once a week the
opportunity is given to all in turn to learn decorative painting
of wood or clay.
In these various ways we try to train them to meet with God
and wait upon Him and to come forth to teach what they
have learned and to develop in themselves and others all that
makes for beauty and health of body, mind, and spirit.134

133
J.P.S.R.R. Gibson, Limited Company with Unlimited
Possibilities 1921, 220
134
Gibson, op.cit.. 219

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Church Union
The fostering of a desire for a single united church in Ceylon,
and along with this a better understanding in the case of
each Mission of the principles for which each Society stands.

Regarding the ecumenical nature of the institution Rev Gibson

reports: “This is not merely our estimate of ourselves, but the
verdict of men who have travelled, visiting Missions in the East. One
such traveller said that throughout a long tour he had heard much
135
about re-union work, but here for the first time he saw it”.

The Teacher Training College at Peradeniya has been considered

136
to be a practical step taken towards church union in Sri Lanka.
This experiment led to the discussion between Ernest Copleston,
the Bishop of Colombo, and the Chairman of the Methodist
Church, Rev A E Restarick, regarding a possible union between
the two denominations. The Synod of the Methodist Church in
1920 adopted a resolution to accept comity among the missions
in Sri Lanka.

The erecting of the chapel at the compound of the Training

College has also been regarded as a valuable contribution to the
prospective church union discussions. Having been inspired by
the experiment at the Training College, the Church leaders met at
Trinity College, Kandy, to discuss the problems relating to the
issues of Church Union. The moving force was Basil Jackson, the
Principal of the Training College. They formed a society called
Friends of Reunion. Basil Jackson proposed: “The Synod of the
South Ceylon District requests the Provisional Synod to issue an
137
invitation in the name of the Methodist Church in Ceylon.”

As a result of the successful experiment of PTC, a notable event in

1922 was the Union of Teacher-Training for Women for Tamil-

135
Gibson, op. cit. p.220.
136
Kanagasabai Wilson, op.cit.48.
137
Kanagasabai Wilson, op. cit. 49.

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medium teachers. The first United Christian Women’s Teacher

Training College was begun in Vembadi. This union was of the
Methodist, Anglican, and the American missionaries in Jaffna.

Ecumenical (Corporation) Cooperation

Rev Jackson wrote: “The Training Colony has always stood for
certain ideals in the life of the Ceylon Church. In the first place, as
a Union Institution it has sought to bring together students of all
Protestant Churches in the Island, and without impairing their
loyalty to their own church introduce them into the wider
fellowship of the Church of Christ. Although opportunity is given
for the specific teaching of their own Church, and students attend
their own Church Service every Sunday morning yet the main
current of the spiritual life and religious teaching is deeper than
any denominational teaching or worship….Long after the students
leave the Colony to go into distant and often remote corners of
the Island, there is evidence of their loyalty to this larger
fellowship, at once enriching and transcending their
denominational loyalty”.

There were special occasions with special celebrations. The

students and teachers took part in an Easter celebration before
the students went home for the Easter vacation. They got up at
4.00am, lit their candles and went on a procession to the top of
the hill shouting hallelujah.

Pastoral Supervision
The Peradeniya Training Colony was a source of strength to the
Kandy circuit of the Methodist Church. Pastoral oversight of the
students at the Training Colony was the responsibility of the
Kandy circuit, and arrangements were made for all Methodist
students to attend the Sinhalese service at Kandy during term
138
time.

138
Small, A History of the Methodist Church in Ceylon, 1814-
1964, (Colombo: Wesley Press, 1971). 350

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Anglicans and Baptists had their own oversight of teacher

trainees. The Baptist ministers at Kandy, Matale, and
Beligodapitiya had a hand in the spiritual formation of these
students. Anglicans were mainly under the supervision of the
chaplain at Trinity College.

Foreign Dignitaries
Several foreign dignitaries on their visit to Kandy made it a point
to visit the Training College mainly to see the chapel built
according to Sri Lankan architecture. Among them was Rev G G
Findlay, co-author of The History of the Wesleyan Methodist
Mission. The Rev G G Findlay, DD, who at that time was the
Professor of New Testament Language and Literature, Headingley
College, visited PTC in 1922.

When the University of Ceylon was set up at Peradeniya in 1952

there was no facility for a residence of the Protestant Chaplain.
Rev Somasiri K Perera (1931-2010) who was the first chaplain
resided at the Training College, Peradeniya, while he was the
university chaplain from 1955 to 1957. While at the Colony he
took part in counselling and worship services.

Ecumenical
The Training College was the venue of many ecumenical
gatherings of the Protestant Church. Christian conferences,
holiday camps, Bible courses, training of evangelists were
139
conducted regularly during the vacations. In 1977, Rev Small
said: “Peradeniya was a successful experiment in missionary
cooperation, and during our four years there we practised full
communion together, and there was a delightful sense of
freedom. The Principal, Rev Paul Gibson, was an inspiring
colleague, as was also Mr E S P Lekamge, Head of the Evangelistic
Department. I am glad to have had those four years of experience

139
CMCR, 1962, 34.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

there which brought me into closer touch with our Sinhalese

140
teachers and evangelists”.

Motto
Even the motto that Fraser selected showed an insight. Mottos
are generally quick and short expressions capturing the purpose,
mission, maxim, and the spirit of higher educational institutions.
The PTC motto was “Victory through self-sacrifice” (Phil. 2:6–8).
Christian texts such as those in Revelation depict victory through
self-sacrifice. Most mottos in this period appeared in Latin or
Greek. However, Rev Fraser introduced a biblical expression in
Sinhala as the motto of the Training College. It was an indication
of his desire to enhance Christian work in Sinhala.

PTC was, from the beginning, an institution to train Christian

teachers who would serve as catalysts of dissemination of the
Gospel in villages. Their motto displayed that spirit. Therefore,
G C Jackson states: “...The Church continued to insist that all the
staff of their schools should be Christians. They had no freedom
to use the school as a means of direct evangelism, but by staffing
them entirely with Christians they created in rural Ceylon, groups
141
of Christians who were part of the local community”. “...At the
same time, the Church hoped that since each school had a small
group of Christian teachers who inevitably became part of the
community, it might happen that the Church would grow here
and there in rural Ceylon.”

Buddhist Reactions
PTC was considered by the missionary founders as a centre for
evangelism. Therefore, missionaries who were interested in
142
evangelism desired to come there. From 1921 to 1922, the
Methodist representative in the teaching faculty of the Training

140
Darsana, 1977,p. 8
141
Jackson, Basil, 13.
142
http://richmondcollege.org/principals/small.html
(retrieved: April 10, 2013).

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College was Rev Alec A Sneath, who had served as the

Headmaster of Mfantsipim School in Ghana from 1911 to 1918.
He had a reputation of being an efficient administrator while at
Mfantsipim. Alec A Sneath was the first Vice Principal of the
Training College and assisted Rev Gibson, representing the
Methodist Church. His publication entitled The Dead Hand of
Buddhism created opposition from the Buddhists in the Kandy
143
area. As a result, Rev Sneath found it difficult to live in a
Buddhist enclave like Peradeniya. He made a mutual arrangement
with the Principal of Richmond College to exchange places, and
th
took over the reins of Richmond College on 25 September
144
1922.
The arrival of Rev Small enabled the opposition to fizzle out. His
associations with the Buddhists in the neighbourhood of
Richmond Hill enabled him to deal with the Buddhists in
Peradeniya in a cordial way. His conversational ability in Sinhala
was an added advantage in the Teacher Training College where
education was imparted in that language. Rev Small was aware
145
that Buddhist opposition was nationalistic rather than religious.

The Old Students’ Association

The students who passed out of the Colony kept in touch with the
institution through the Old Students’ Association. Each year there
was a meeting and eminent educationists were invited to address
the members.

In 1932, when Rev Houlder was acting as Principal there was a

th
programme of discussions and talks for twelve days, from 27
th
August to 9 September, at the Training Colony for the passing-

143
CMCR (1919): 111; Sneath, "The dead hand of Buddhism,
"The Buddhist Chronicle (December 12, 1923): 6ff.
144
From the Peradeniya Training Colony he changed places
with Rev. Small as Principal of Richmond College, Galle. Mr. & Mrs.
Sneath moved to Richmond on 25th September 1922 and left Ceylon at
the end of February 1939.
145
Stanley Bishop, “Retrospect and Prospect,” CMCR (1926): 29.

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out students. Besides the twenty-eight regular students who had

just finished their training, there were seven evangelists and four
catechists of the WMMS. There were six Bible teachers of the
CMS and several members of the Colony staff present. Among the
speakers were Rev Restarick (WMMS), H J Charter (BMS), and
146
Miss Evelyn Karney (CMS). The tradition of conducting courses
for alumni of the PTC was sporadically undertaken with the help
of teachers from the Colony as well as outside. Jackson tried to
conduct the holiday refresher courses for alumni on a regular
basis. It did not continue after his departure, despite the fact that
the experiment was successful.

Women
Peradeniya Teacher Training College was a mixed school. For the
first time men and women students were taught together in the
same class and worshipped together from the first joint worship
147
service.
Single-sex education and religious education in the division of
education along gender lines as well as religious teachings on
education have been traditionally dominant in Sri Lanka. There
was some progress in female education since the beginning of the
nineteenth century. It initially tended to be focused on the
primary-school level and was related to the upper sections of
society. As women’s employment and education was recognized
as valuable very early in the British period there was a need for
female teachers. In 1921, the female literacy rate was 50 percent
148
among Christians while the rate for Buddhists was 17 percent.
From the beginning, PTC had female students. As noted earlier,
the female section of the CMS teacher Training College was
transferred to PTC in 1916.

146
CMCR (1932): 173.
147
Beven, op. cit. 297.
148
Walter Nubin, Sri Lanka: Current Issues and Historical
Background (New York: Nova Science Pub Inc., 2003), 167.

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Gibson states: “...we are co-educational. Men and women are

trained together; the classes are joint, and, what is most
remarkable of all, there are Singhalese women teachers taking
joint classes of men and women. I believe this is unique in India
and Ceylon, if not in the East generally. The results are highly
satisfactory. There is careful organization and supervision, and
there has been no trouble. The men learn to respect the women
students and teachers, and also are forming ideas as to the kind
of girl best suited to become a teacher’s wife, so that later
marriage will be more than a mere lottery. The threat of holding
up to ridicule the next love letter discovered has prevented any
149
further undue waste of time in that direction”. Edward
Fernando reminiscing about his life at PTC in the 1959-60 period
stated: “Although there was cordial and friendly relationship
among both sexes love affairs were not allowed. If there were
such affairs they did not express in public. Some couples have got
married after they left the Colony”.

Special Worship Services

There was another special service to celebrate seed sowing and
harvesting, which was known as ‘beating the bounds’. Jackson
made the Harvesting Service “... based upon the harvesting
ceremonies used in every Sinhalese village in that period, only
instead of the element of fear and propitiation of evil spirits, it
150
has been made a service of praise and thanksgiving”. Students
carried the sheaves of paddy with songs of thanksgiving and the
151
beautiful rhythmic chant of Sinhala ‘kavi’ to the threshing floor.
Beating the bounds is an ancient custom observed in some
English and Welsh parishes. A group of old and young members
of the community would walk the boundaries of the parish,
usually led by the parish priest and church officials, to share the
knowledge of where the boundaries lay, and to pray for

149
Gibson, Ceylon Churchman (1929): 220.
150
Wanasinghe, op. cit. 11.
151
CMCR (1928): 94

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protection and blessings for the parish lands. They walked round
the parish, striking certain points with rods. This was a large
procession, headed by the clergyman, that would beat the
bounds over a period of two days. These traditions taken from
England were amalgamated with local traditions to present an
indigenous Christian form of celebration.

There was also a special programme of worship for the out-going

students. This was known as the valedictory service. It was held
after their final examinations and before leaving PTC for
employment. A closing or farewell statement or address delivered
by a special guest was a significant part of the graduation
ceremony. Each student was blessed by the Principal and the Vice
Principal on this occasion.

Indigenous
In the establishment of the Training Colony, even before the
Methodists entered the scene, Rev A G Fraser showed much
vision in selecting a site, pronouncing the intention of the Colony.
He identified twenty acres of land at the Peradeniya Junction
because of its proximity to the local agrarian community: “The
training was to be such as would draw the students into closer
touch with village life and with native thought and industry”. It
would include “instructions in teaching and preaching, the study
of the history of the island and the tenets of Buddhism, that
students may relate their teaching to the thoughts of the people”.
The Training Colony did not deviate from the objective of the
founding fathers with regard to conversion of the non-Christian
masses. PTC did instill in the minds of the teachers who
underwent training there that “being a Christian does not require
the rejection of everything that was national and embracing
everything that came from the west”. The Colony stood for
indigenization of the Church. Basil Jackson wrote that an ideal of
the Colony was “that of a truly Sinhalese Church, preserving and
adapting that which is good in the life and worship of the older
churches of the west, but not afraid to go forward into new paths

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and to express the worship of God in forms and services which

are natural and truly expressive of the emotions of the
worshippers.”

The students who went through the Training Colony in such an

environment were expected to undergo total development of
‘Heart, Hand and Head’. When educational psychologists speak of
development of cognitive, affective, and psycho-motor skills, they
also refer to the development of these three domains on which
Jackson insisted.

A great deal of off-the-job techniques, too, were adopted in

teacher development at PTC. Mention has already been made of
the activities of the Old Students Association in organizing
seminars and discussions on wide-ranging topics which would
have broadened the outlook of PTC alumni in the field. In 1930,
the SCD organized a Vacation School in Matara for teachers of
village schools. Seventy-five teachers attended the course though
it was held during school holidays. It aimed at giving teachers
some basic training in teaching as well as providing an
opportunity to receive Christian teaching and experience
Christian fellowship. Church records also speak of the Teachers’
Conference held from time to time in places like Galle, Colombo
152
and Kandy, at which eminent scholars addressed the teachers.
In these gatherings, the alumni of PTC were the driving force.

Social Services
Social service was part of the student curriculum. In 1931, the
students made a special contribution when the area around the
Colony was affected by serious floods, caused by the swelling of
the Mahaveli River due to heavy rain, in May. All available
resources of the Colony were devoted to helping and caring for
the neighbours. The Peradeniya Methodist vernacular school was

152
Number 1922 (CMCR [1922]: 173).

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

situated on the banks of the Mahaweli Ganga, and was washed

153
away by floods in 1837.
There was a regular flow of poor individuals who came to seek
help from the missionary teachers on a daily basis. They usually
came very early in the morning before the day’s work began.

Dispensary
From 1927 to 1950, there was a dispensary in the Training
Colony. It was a place where the neighbours could come for
medical treatment. It was one of the chief tasks assigned to the
Principal’s wife. Mrs Sandy Jackson had undertaken a course of
studies in First Aid which covered simple nursing before she
arrived in Sri Lanka. Basil Jackson’s letters to his wife in England
shows that they administered vaccinations against smallpox in
154
this dispensary. Mrs Jackson spent two days a week to attend
to the patients at the dispensary. The malaria epidemic of 1934-
35 was devastating to the neighbourhood of the Colony. It gave
an opportunity for extensive social work among the people. In
December 1934, when the malaria epidemic was severe in the
area, the staff and students played a major role in providing
relief. The Colony logbook reads: “The Principal was responsible
for the temporary hospital opened at Yalegoda in close proximity
of the Colony. This dispensary was active during the floods in
1933, 1940 and 1941. During the widespread epidemic of Malaria
in 1934 there were 104 patients who were offered residential
facility for a short period in the Dispensary. Evangelist students
and second year women students made a house-to-house
visitation, distributing quinine and attending to the sick. An
155
emergency meeting of the Village Improvement Society of the

153
W.J.T. Small, A History of the Methodist Church in Ceylon,
1814-1964, 72. (Hereafter HMC).
154
Basil Jackson’s letter 6th February 1926. (Quoted in G.C.
Jackson, op. cit. 9)
155
The Village Improvement Society was formed in the village
mainly at the suggestion of the PTC students to deal with the emergency
situation.

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Gangapalata was called to organize relief”. It is reported that

about 300 patients were treated for Malaria at the dispensary,
Relief Centre at the Colony and by the same team of students and
teachers of PTC at Gelioya. There was a visit of a government
official to the Relief Centre in this period to oversee the work.
“He promised a grant of Rs. 75 and medicine. Dispensary referred
to here is the one run by the Colony for the benefit of the village
in the vicinity.”

Mission Compound
A mission compound is a group of buildings and related
formations used primarily for Christian missionary work. They are
separated from the rest of the neighbouring community for
purposes of safety and security. A normal mission compound
included a church, gardens, learning halls, dormitories and fields.
A missionary who was involved in evangelism, offered support
through education, healthcare and economic development. The
mission compound was helpful in the co-ordination of their work.
The Training Colony was somewhat similar to a mission
compound although it was an ecumenical institution. The
missionaries often requested the Colony to offer shelter to
persons from remote villages who were interested in Christianity
but were rejected by their families.

Dayaniwasa was a part of the mission compound. It was an idea

of Rev Jackson to help the new converts to prepare for baptism. It
was opened in 1939, and served as a little hostel. It was a
converted rubber store, which the Colony opened at the premises
as an experiment in the training of those who wished to learn the
Christian faith. It is said that the inspiration for this came from
156
Evelyn Karney’s “House of Joy” at Talawa. Dayaniwasa started
with one candidate. Later the numbers increased. There were
157
seven men in residence in 1940. Jackson says that “they vary in
their antecedents. One is an illiterate, one is something of a

156
Beven, A History of the Diocese of Colombo, 299.
157
CMCR, 1930,p.395

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pundit. One was the driver of the gospel van, another was a
Buddhist priest. One comes from the jungles of the North-west
Province and another from Colombo. All these inmates found
asylum at Dayaniwasa. However, they had to work hard by doing
manual work. They did the work in the household and additional
work necessary for the institution to go on. Although there was
reluctance at the beginning, in the end all were ready to do their
share of work. A part of the day was spent in the field. The large
paddy-field in the Colony compound was useful for this purpose.
158
Two hours or more were spent in the class room.” Dayaniwasa
lasted two and half years. It was meant for male candidates only.
Twenty men passed through the institution during these years. A
hostel for women was opened in 1939 the same year as the male
hostel. However, it lasted less than one year. The lack of suitable
staff and students brought its premature demise.

The authorities of the Colony wanted it to be self-supporting. The

Dayaniwasa type of work was revived later, making use of the
experience gained. Some of those who passed through the
institution kept in touch with the Colony. Several of them showed
159
a real desire to do evangelistic work.

This work of providing asylum to new converts in the mission

compound continued until the time of the takeover of PTC by the
government. In the last three years there were two ex-Buddhist
monks receiving Christian instruction while living in the
compound.

Sports Activities: Scouting

From the beginning, physical exercise formed a significant part in
the Training College curriculum. Scouting for boys and guiding for
girls were compulsory. Houlder and Jackson greatly encouraged
the growth of interest in these two activities. The Colony did
much pioneer work in developing vernacular troops and

158
CMCR, 1937, 8.
159
Beven, A History of the Diocese of Colombo, 300.

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therefore carried off all-island prizes for Ranger work several

160
times.
Girl Guides was an important area of training. Mrs Jackson was in
charge of the Guide Company of the Colony in the 1930s. It is said
to have been the first swabhasha one in the country. In 1936, the
PTC Rangers won the All Ceylon Rangers Challenge Cup in open
competition with the Ranger companies from the rest of the
country.

Volleyball was a popular game among the male students while

netball was the game available to the female students. In the
evenings, the boys played volleyball. The volleyball team had
161
been visiting the Remand Jail in Kandy from the early 1930s.
There were volleyball tournaments where outsiders were invited
to play at the Colony. The students of the Colony were also
invited outside to play volleyball tournaments.

Caste Barriers
The education at the Training College cut across caste barriers in
a period when caste was regarded as a distinctive social unit. By
this time, the increase in literacy had contributed to the
relaxation of caste barriers in the low country of Sri Lanka. People
of different castes were brought into one classroom and one
boarding house where they had to interact with each other. In
1908, writing about the work of Trinity College, Fraser says: “The
Boarding principle has not yet been tried in Ceylon in its
162
completeness”. His view regarding the boys of Trinity College
was also applied to the proposed PTC. He stated that the youth of
the country should be given an extended view of life and instilled
with a sense of responsibility. The boys from all parts of the
country should be educated together in a large boarding
establishment. Then they could be trained in such a manner as to

160
Beven, A History of the Diocese of Colombo, 299.
161
CMCR (1933): 31
162
Extension of Trinity College, Kandy Ceylon, 28.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

be a credit to themselves and set before their people a high ideal

163
of national responsibility.

It is generally accepted that “the Christian mission schools in Sri

Lanka helped to reduce caste consciousness, ameliorated the
plight of the under-privileged, and in general emphasized the
164
ideal of equality”. Caste was a social concern in the Sri Lankan
society in this period. Caste prejudices were there among
students even though it was not overtly seen. Most Christians of
the Protestant churches came from the status of secondary castes
in the low country such as Karawa, Salagama and Durava.
However, there were a few from the Goyigama caste as well.
Some Anglican and Salvationist teacher trainees who came from
the Rambukkana area belonged to the Batgama caste. The
students of these communities could use the dining table and
classrooms without any complaint of discrimination. By contrast,
in the same period, the problems caused by the caste system
made it difficult for non-Vellala people to sit together with the
Vellalas even in the Christian educational institutions in the Jaffna
165
Peninsula. The Training Colony was a great success where
missionaries were able to bring together so-called high castes,
secondary castes, and low castes into one dining-hall. Cordial and
lasting friendships were developed in the period as they lived in
the fraternal fellowship of the Colony.

Basil Jackson commends this regard of Bezalel Navaratne, who

was the wood carver and designer of the PTC chapel , saying:
“Years passed by, and the family developed in Christian grace and
service. At one time the question arose as to giving hospitality to
some ‘low caste’ person. Bezalel at once offered. When the

163
Ibid., 28.
164
Brian Holmes, Educational Policy and the Mission Schools:
Case Studies from the British Empire (place: Rutledge Library, 2013), 105.
165
J.V. Chelliah, A Centenary of English Education: The Story of
Batticotta Seminary and Jaffna College (Tellipalai: American Mission
Press, 1922), 3-4.

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visitor left he gave us a picture; from inside of the family life,

which made us praise God for the Christianity it revealed. It is
hard enough in western circles to make an unfamiliar guest
166
perfectly at home, it is harder in the East.”

Chapel
The chapel was the main place of religious expression at the
Colony. The students were expected to attend chapel service
even before a special building for the chapel was built. All
students came to the chapel after breakfast for a time of prayer
and meditation. The Bible held an important place in the sermon
delivered at this time. There was a prayer session before
releasing students for sleep. This was done at the hostels.

An appeal was made in 1923 by the Principal of the Training

Colony, Rev Paul Gibson, for a Chapel. He proposed two
conditions for the project in order to maintain the ecumenical
nature of the institution. One was that it should not be
“consecrated”. The second was that the Bishop of Colombo
should cooperate with the Chairman of the Wesleyan
167
Methodist Church at the opening ceremony.

Missionaries usually built beautiful worship centres which were

often not compatible with the climate and culture of the country.
They were almost exact copies of denominational churches in
their home countries. Critics of the missionary movement have
dismissed much of the Protestant mission movement as cultural
and religious imperialism and therefore harmful to the
presentation of the Gospel. This may be a debatable issue.
Nevertheless, one can easily see attempts made by a few
visionaries to read the writing on the wall. In this atmosphere, the
chapel built at the Teacher Training College is unique in many
ways.

166
CMCR, 1930.
167
HMC, 371.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

Trinity College’s Chapel was built at the same time as that of the
Training Colony. The same people, more or less, were involved in
the planning of the two chapels. Initial plans for these chapels
were drawn up during the time of Rev A G Fraser (1904 – 24) who
had been planning a new chapel for Trinity College. The design
and the construction work of the chapel was done in 1922 by Rev
168
Lewis J Gaster, the Vice Principal of Trinity College at the time.
The chapel that L J Gaster was asked to design was an inter-
denominational one. Its design made it possible for both
Methodists and Anglicans to worship together. According to
Beven: “The Chapel, as it stands today, is the product of many
minds and hands, but its primary conception of a Christian church
169
in the style and idiom of the Kandyan Country was Gibson’s”.

They received ideas from the Royal audience hall of Kandy and
Embekke Devale as well as the ruins in Anuradhapura and
170
Polonnaruwa. In the building of the chapel, symbols of
Christian faith have been incorporated. This can be seen in the
carvings of the pillars. The chapel of the Training Colony followed
the same design as it was done under the inspiration of Rev A G
Fraser at Trinity. As mentioned earlier, the Trinity Chapel as well
as the Training College Chapel were designed by Gaster: one of
stone, taking after the Anuradhapura style, and the other of
171
wood, adopting the Embekke Style.

168
L. J. Gaster came to came to Sri Lanka in 1910. He served as
assistant chaplain, Master and Vice Principal at Trinity from 1910. Before
that he had been teaching at the CMS St. Mark’s Training College. He had
his studies at an art College in London. His wife Harriet (Hobson) had
been working for the CMS in Kotte since 1908. Beven, A History of the
Diocese of Colombo, 297; Balding, Centenary Volume, 81.
169
Beven, A History of the Diocese of Colombo, 297.
170
Trinity Centenary, 78; John F. Butler, “Nineteen Centuries of
Christian Missionary Architecture,” Journal of the Society of Architectural
Historians 21, no. 1 (Mar., 1962): 3-17.
171
Harold de Mel, Confidential Report: On Training College
Chapel in 1973 (Available at the Teheological college of Lanka archives), 2.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Dedication
The construction work on the Colony chapel was planned in 1923.
th 172
The foundation stone was laid on 4 July 1924. The foundation
stone of the Chapel was jointly laid at a simple service by
representatives of the two main denominations that federated.
Rev A S Beaty of the Methodist Mission and the Rev A G
Fraser of the CMS, together, declared the foundation stone to
173
be “well and truly laid”. The structural work began in
September 1924. Fifty-eight wooden pillars, each of a single log of
wood cut from the forest, were erected in 1926. The structural
th
work was completed for the dedication service to be held on 25
June 1927. The building was declared open by Rev A G Fraser of
174
the CMS and Rev A E Restarick of the WMMS.

The work of the chapel continued even after dedication. The

carving of most of the pillars had to be completed. This was done
by Bezalel and his son, with some outside assistance, at the
chapel after fixing the pillars. The work continued from 1927 to
1936. The aisle in the church was completed with funds raised on
the occasion of the thanksgiving service in 1935. The money was
raised mostly from the contributions of past students.

Gibson left the Colony in 1927 before the completion of the

chapel. He was able to see the partly completed chapel when he
came to Sri Lanka on a visit in 1935. Mr and Mrs Gibson paid a
th
special visit on 6 January 1936, on the occasion of the
dedication.

The silver jubilee was celebrated in 1939. The funds collected on

175
that occasion were used for the building work of the vestry.
These special celebrations were occasions to raise funds to
improve the structure of the chapel.

172
Trinity College, Kandy, centenary number 1872-1972, 77.
173
HMC, 370.
174
Ibid.
175
Beven, A History of the Diocese of Colombo, 299.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

The Training Colony Chapel stands as a monument of this ideal,

the indigenization of the Church. This and the Trinity College
Chapel may be the first occasions when national architecture was
used for Christian churches. They are successful adaptations of
traditional indigenous architectural forms in buildings of Christian
religious worship. According to Jackson: “From the beginning it
had two ideals, of a United Church of Christ, and of a National
Church of Christ, which have found their prime expression in the
176
building of our Chapel”.

In this venture, the typical architecture of the Kandyan Period

was used for the first time in the building of a Christian
church. Basil Jackson stated with regard to the completed chapel:
“Departing from all conventions of ecclesiastical architecture, and
taking as our model the best of the magnificent heritage of art
and architecture of the old Kandyan Kingdom, we have designed
a chapel which is at once adapted to the climate of the country
and to the conception of beauty of those who will use it. There
has been no servile imitation. As in the services, so in the building
the designs and architecture of the country have been adopted
and adapted, the symbols of the Christian Faith having been
incorporated in the carving of the pillars and in the plan of the
177
building”.

Anglicans were satisfied with the structure of the building. The

apsidal east end was good from the Anglican point of view as it
was wider than the sanctuaries which followed the monastic
tradition. The Lord’s Table of well-chosen teak wood was suited in
proportion to the structure of the building. Benches were set up
in the nave of the chapel. On special occasions mats were laid on
the floor by pushing back the benches.

Before the chapel was built, the Anglicans and Methodists

attended separate Sunday worship services at their own

176
CMCR (1928): 94.
177
Ibid.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

churches. However, on other days students worshipped together

in the Colony. “When the design was agreed on, even when the
building operations commenced, nobody could be sure that the
project was practicable for there was no precedent by which to
go and no contractors could tender for a building that had not
178
been attempted of centuries”. Thus, the two chapels were
constructed in a spirit of adventure.

Bezalel
“The man primarily responsible for the design and decoration of
the chapel, without whom the conception must have remained a
dream, is Bezalel Pata Bendi Muhandiram, a Sinhalese artist of
179
the first rank”. Bezalel and his son, Paul Navaratne, were able
180
to put the ideas of the CMS missionaries into practice. Bezalel
had become a Christian while employed as a teacher of pottery
painting at the Colony five years before he was assigned this
work. “Since then he devoted his time to the creation of a new
art, expressive of the new faith he had found, and his work, while
remaining true to the conventions of Sinhalese art, is infused with
a new spirit such as has characterised the art of every age of
religious revival.” Bezalel’s knowledge and skill and devotion
made possible the realization of that long-cherished dream.
Gibson requested Bezalel to carve the pillars and furniture for the
chapel. He was also asked to teach art in the Colony. The style of
art was traditional Sinhalese design inspired by the Temple of the
Tooth and Embekke Devale. The last pillar was carved in 1936.
“The traditional motifs carved on the pillars of the chapel form a

178
Trinity Centenary Volume, 78.
179
According to Beven he was appointed by the government to
take charge of the decoration of the Ceylon Pavilion at the Wembley
(Beven, A History of the Diocese of Colombo, 299).
180
Catholic Messenger Newspaper (05th Feb 2012).

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

181
witness and a source of inspiration to the nation.” Bezalel died
on April 8, 1937, soon after the completion of the Chapel.

The Chapel does not have walls, therefore, it is an open structure.

It has a low platform. The location is on a hill far from the
residential areas. Therefore, the sound of the music and worship
does not disturb the neighbourhood. It did not have a bell tower.

Sunday Worship
In the ‘50s the Methodist students were supplied a bus by the
Ceylon Transport Board to go to Kandy. This was because of the
respect for Rev Small. The other denominations did not have that
facility. The students of the other denominations went to several
places on Sundays. Their times of travel varied. Therefore, it was
not possible to provide a special bus for them. However, the
Penideniya bus station was less than 500 metres distance from
the PTC, therefore students could get buses easily if they timed it
well.

Life in the Training Colony

The first Principal of PTC, Gibson, says:
First half hour of every day is spent communally in silence,
as we wait on God, read His Word, and put our needs before
Him. Drill follows, and then prayers in the main lecture hall.
A hymn and prayers in collect form are the expression of our
corporate sonship. The scripture lesson is the first on the
time table, and the vast amount of truth that we all have to
learn as Christians in quiet is sufficient to provide subject
matter, without dealing there with controversial and
ecclesiastical problems.”
The strains of Let’s Breath God’s Air Freely in the voices of
the students, both men and women, however different in
ages may be, seem to reverberate every morning at the

181
Frederick Medis, The Church of Ceylon: A History, 1945-
1995,(The Diocese of Colombo, 1995 ) 58.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

break of day, as they jump out of their beds for organized

physical jerks lasting thirty minutes. In the meantime while
rota of women students with flowers in hand make their
way to the chapel, and keep themselves busy in cleaning the
sanctuary, the pews and floor.
Within another half an hour, i.e. 7.00am, well groomed
students, one hundred and twenty in number in long
procession enter the House of God for morning devotion.
Forty minutes of varied spiritual exercises seem to be hardly
sufficient even to catch the glimpse of the holiness of God
and to obtain vital spiritual nourishment so necessary for
the day’s work. Usually after the period of silence a hymn of
praise or a lyric is sung followed by a psalm and the reading
aloud by an individual of the daily portion of scripture as
given in Bible Reading Fellowship Notes, which incidentally
are used by all students; the introduction of this booklet has
been of immense value. In quiet the notes are read and
meditated upon, or occasionally series of five minute talks
are given as an aid to meditation. Every member of staff is
given the opportunity once a week to conduct this service.
At the end of it prayers are offered, particularly for past
students working in different provinces taking an area or
two each day, thus maintaining the link in Christ between
the past and the present. After the general assembly and
roll-call the lectures go on from 7.45 a.m. to 3.00 p.m., with
a tea interval at 9.45 and break for lunch at 11.30. Before
and after meals one would hear ringing through the air of
the compound a hymn of Grace or of Thanksgiving sung by
men and women together.
Outdoor activities such as games, national dancing and
gardening, scouting and guiding keep the students occupied
till 5.30 p.m. on three days of the week. Wednesday
afternoon is devoted mainly to the meeting of different
societies which vie with one another for pride of place. In
addition to routine work, Art society holds exhibitions and
literature as Dramatic society tries to produce plays and
concerts. Very recently a play, based on the Independence
poem, was written. History and Geographical Society

228
 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

arranged educational tours which requires a good deal of

co-operative planning, especially if such excursions take a
few days at a stretch. The Colony Magazine is the combined
effort of all societies.
On Friday evening denominational classes are conducted by
Ministers of different branches of the Church. Church of
Ceylon students and Methodists meet separately. Baptists
and Salvationists may join the others – a certain amount of
Christian instruction is imparted, in addition to Biblical work
done during lecture hours. Each set of students gets,
however, only two periods of Scripture a week. Under the
existing circumstances at the Colony no more provision
could be made for this all-important aspect of Christian
Education. This definitely points to what may be termed
spiritual vacuum within the College life. At least one more
Minister with living faith willing to give religious instruction
“on a level of technical competence equal to that demanded
in other subjects of the curriculum” is urgently needed. On
Sunday morning students join the respective parishes in
Kandy for worship. In the afternoon a united Service is held
in the Chapel. By 7.00 p.m. students assemble in the hall for
hymn practice or for community singing. After dinner joint
family prayers are conducted in the dining room itself whilst
on week days except Wednesdays dormitory prayers are
said before they retire by students themselves.
Lecturer in charge of Hostels gets the opportunity to say
prayers with the students in mid-week. From day to day
routine we may turn away to consider other Christian
avenues open in the Colony. Each term begins usually with a
Quiet day, with a few thought-provoking Christian addresses
interspersed with intercession and quiet time.
Two of the most enjoyable and inspiring Services that
should regularly be held every year are the Service of
beating the bounds and Harvest Festival. In the Service of
beating the bounds, which is usually held in February, the
students divide themselves into two sections and with
palms in hands go in opposite directions along the Colony

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

boundary singing hymns and saying the appropriate prayers

at different places. Having gone right round the compound
visiting every building the students repair to the Chapel at
dusk with oil lamps on their palms and final thanksgiving is
offered to God.
At Harvest Festival last year the students who cultivated the
field gathered round the paddy field with sickles in hand:
prayers were said and the first sheafs (sic) of corn cut out by
the Principal were handed over to the women students who
wore three small hanging mats with them, while the men
students in a procession carried the mats to the Chapel, and
the leaders hung them in Chapel and an appropriate hymn
of thanksgiving was sung. Thus an opportunity was given to
Christianize the age-long Sinhalese custom of offering the
first fruit to God. A good deal has been done to foster a
keener interest in agricultural pursuits on scientific lines
with the help of the Departmental officers. A fairly big
vegetable garden is being opened up by the students
themselves.
The methods adopted not only help the students to learn
facts about the Bible and habits of the devotional life and to
be ambassadors on behalf of Christ in the villages to which
they ultimately go as Christian teachers. But also to make
them valuable among our people, who normally seek their
counsel. To quote a report of Rev A G Fraser who saw the
first vision of the Colony about forty years ago, “that is in
this training of men (and women) to be useful and
sympathetic to the life and needs of their own communities
lies the secret of national education. A man is
denationalized by his education when it makes him out of
place and useless among his own people. He is nationalized
by it just in so far as it tends to make him understand, and
be useful to them”.182

182
This portion is taken from Ceylon Churchman, Vol. XLV
(1950): 497-500.

230
 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

War Years
In 1942, when the country felt the effects of the war, the
Sinhalese Branch of the Government Training College was
evacuated to the PTC campus, and made use of the Colony
buildings until the end of the war, for two and a half years. Later,
this College was transferred to permanent buildings newly set up
at Mirigama. The trainees of the Government Training College
who temporarily used the PTC campus found the training at PTC
different from theirs. They were impressed by the cordial
fellowship prevalent amongst the Christian inmates of the
campus.
The introduction of universal franchise in 1929 and the election of
1931 gave political power of the country to those who received
the majority of votes. The 1940s were difficult days for Christian
schools. In November 1943, the Special Committee on Education
of the State Council had a discussion for the future takeover of
assisted schools and training colleges. In view of this, the PTC was
challenged either to expand considerably accommodating non-
Christians as well or to give up its work of training teachers
altogether. The war situation and the impending elections before
Independence stalled the Education Bill. Therefore, the Church’s
decision was in favour of continuing the work at PTC as long as
possible.

Opposition
The Buddhist majority continued to view the Christian minority as
183
a privileged group with vested interests. They were adamantly
against the survival of the denominational system in education.
Buddhists wanted to eliminate what they considered the main
instrument of conversion to Christianity. According to them, the
denominational school system was the basis for Christians to
enjoy many privileges. They argued that the mission schools
depended on government financing, while the majority of the
pupils in most schools were non-Christians. They also indicated

183
G. C. Mendis, CMCR (1947). 33.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

that the Christian denominations avoided recruitment of non-

Christians to the teaching staff in their schools while the salaries
of the teachers were paid by the government.

There were opinions expressed in the Christian camp as well with

regard to the wisdom of maintaining a large establishment of
schools where non-Christians were the majority. Some Christian
leaders argued that although the schools began as instruments of
conversion that purpose had been pushed to the background.
Now that conversion was not the main aim of these schools,
there was no necessity to continue having so many of them
where the Christian presence was marginal.

At the time of national independence, over 86 percent of school

children received education in swabhasha. A few of them
qualified to be teachers in the swabhasha medium. It was the
highest that a swabhasha teacher could aspire to through
184
swabhasha education. Critics argued that in Christian schools,
indigenous culture was tolerated, but the attitudes, values and
185
beliefs of the management were not sympathetic to it. This
“charge that the church established schools in order to further its
work of bringing the light of the Gospel to the people of Ceylon”
186
is entirely true and the missionaries accepted it. Conversion
was purely a voluntary affair in this period.

Takeover
The nationalist social and cultural movements which began in the
last decade of the nineteenth century set in motion a reaction
against the privileged position of Christian denominational
organizations in the predominantly non-Christian country. The
Buddhist relationship to Christians underwent momentous
changes after the introduction of universal franchise in 1931 and
reached its nadir after national independence in 1948. With the

184
K.H.M. Sumathipala, op. cit., 202.
185
K.H.M. Sumathipala, op. cit., 210.
186
Jackson, 1955, op. cit., 1.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

establishment of the rule of the majority, Buddhism sought to re-

establish itself as the prominent religion of the land. It took a
number of measures to enhance the stature of Buddhism in the
land and to address some perceived grievances Buddhists had
against the colonial powers. In this process they attempted to
limit the influence of the church in its excessive power in areas of
education.

The Minister of Education of the State Council, C W W

Kannangara, vehemently distrusted the denominational system of
education even though his primary and secondary education as
187
well as his training as a teacher had been in Christian schools.
He stated, in 1943, in the State Council: “If the teachers of the
future are not to be brought up in a free atmosphere with
opportunities for mixing with one another, irrespective of race,
caste or creed, their training, I am afraid, will be narrow”. The
teachers “should not be segregated in denominational training
schools. The products of denominational training schools are to
be sent out as teachers into denominational schools. They will
never imbibe the spirit of tolerance and sympathy for the other
man’s point of view, which are qualities so essential in a
188
teacher”. The Christian hierarchies had become a powerful
189
factor in the political and economic field of the country.
Kannangara said that this country is a country of minority rule
and it looks as if none of the Christians can insist on justice being
done to them”.

The plan to take over the assisted schools was there from the
time the government of Mrs Bandaranaike came to power in July
1960. She promised in the election manifesto that the SLFP
government would nationalise all the denominational schools
once they came to power. The newly-formed government was
very keen in keeping that promise. When the Christian leaders

187
Sumathipala, op. cit., 163.
188
Sessional Papers XXIV (1943), 167.
189
Sumathipala, op.cit., 167.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

realized that plan, there was a proposal to set up the Ecumenical

Theological College of Lanka at the Peradeniya Training Colony
Campus. Thereby, teacher trainees and divinity students could
fellowship together. That proposal did not materialize because
the Christian leaders were vacillating in taking a decision; and
thereby lost a valuable location with a magnificent chapel.

The SLFP election manifesto at the 1960 July election declared

that the assisted schools would be vested in the state on their
coming to power. Accordingly, the Schools Takeover Act was
passed in Parliament with a majority of 60 members. Only the
UNP and the Federal Party voted against it. By the Assisted
Schools and Training Colleges (Special Provisions) Act No 8 of
1961 the administration and ownership of these institutions were
vested in the Department of Education. The Teacher Training
College at Peradeniya was taken over by the Government of Sri
Lanka under the powers granted to the Department of Education
by the Parliament. The new status of these denominational
schools in the educational structure was further defined by the
Assisted Schools and Training Colleges (Supplementary
190
Provisions) Act, Sessional Paper V of 1962. There were 17
denominational teacher Training Schools at the time of the
191
schools takeover in 1962.

The Mission’s involvement with the Training Colony ended when

the government took over the institute in 1962 under the
Assisted Schools and Training Colleges (Special Provisions) Act. At
the time of the takeover by the government, the Anglican

190
Sessional Paper VIII of 1961 (Colombo: Government Press,
1962).
191
2649 schools were taken over by the government. Among
them there were 1181 Buddhist, 688 Roman Catholic, 446 Protestant,
310 Hindu and 24 Muslim schools. 54 schools became non fee levying
private schools. The existing 15 schools which had opted out of the free
education scheme continued to function as private schools (Jayaweera,
49).

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

Principal was Rev Canon Harold de Mel, and the Methodist

Warden was Rev W J T Small. The teaching staff, including the
Principal, was five males and two females. There were two
adjunct teachers as well.

The last batch of trainees sent out in 1961 was 50, with an equal
number of men and women. In the year 1962, there were 107
students in the Colony. The number of first year students was 56
and second year was 51. The total number in the work force at
the Colony in 1964, two years after the takeover, was 25. Even
under the government control, the Training College continued to
function as a Teacher Training College till 1965 when it changed
192
over to train specialist English teachers.

Contribution to the Formation of the Theological College of Lanka

The Training College grew to be the forerunner of the Theological
College of Lanka in ecumenical co-operation and
contextualisation of Christianity in a Buddhist environment. In
fact, the formal decision to set up the Theological College of
Lanka coincided with the termination of the Christian
193
management of PTC. Rev Jackson, who served as Principal of
the Training College, and who later spearheaded the discussions
to set up the Theological College of Lanka, saw the working of the
Training College as the example for ecumenical co-operation in
educating clergy.

The PTC lasted forty-eight years under the management of the

Christian Church. It trained all the formally qualified
schoolteachers of the schools managed by the Protestant
Churches in the Sinhala medium. In addition, the Colony provided
a good percentage of Sinhala-speaking evangelists, catechists and
colporteurs to Methodist and Anglican churches. These teachers

192
Wanasinghe, Printed document available at Methodist
Archives, Colombo, 12.
193
Somaratna, Origins of the Pentecostal Mission, (Nugegoda:
Margaya Fellowship, 1996) 73.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

who were trained in a supervised religious atmosphere generally

had higher standards of ethics and went in for teaching as a
Christian ministry. They were able to impart Christian values and
ethics to their pupils in rural schools. Therefore, the impression in
that period was that the pupils and products of missionary
schools were disciplined with high ethical values. The Christian
character of the institution gradually disappeared after 1962. The
traditions which were upheld for nearly fifty years petered out.

CONCLUSION
During the fifty years of its existence, PTC made an immense
impact on education and training in the country. Looking back at
the work of the Training Colony and the teachers produced at this
institute one could see that the Church, working under many
constraints, provided the education system of the time with a
well-balanced and well-equipped set of teachers to serve in many
remote parts of the country. The disciplining of teacher trainees
in vigorous social life, expressed itself in activities of many kinds,
and social work improved their self-esteem while it benefitted
the neighbouring communities. They were appointed to
vernacular schools and served villagers who could not pay for the
education of their children. If not for the services provided by
these teachers, many of the rural children of that time would not
have received any education.

There is criticism regarding many shortcomings in the system

introduced by the missionaries. Critics have stated that the
missionaries ruined the existing cultural values of Sri Lankan
people. Nevertheless, one should remember that the trainees of
PTC were trained not merely for a profession which ended in
receiving a wage. As embodied in their College motto (“Victory
through self-sacrifice”), they were sent out as messengers of a
noble purpose to serve people. While the teaching component of
their training was significant, they were given a thorough training
to formulate their character so that they would be examples of
Christian ethical values.

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 ECUMENICAL EXPERIMENT IN TEACHER TRAINING

Appendix
List of Principals Period
J P S Gibson (MA, Dip. Ed.) 1914-1928 (Anglican)
A C Houlder (MA, Dip. Ed.) 1928-1929 (Anglican)
G B Jackson (MA, Dip. Ed.) 1929-1941 (Methodist)
J C Harvey (MA, Dip. Ed.) 1941-1944 (Anglican)
C M Peiris (acting) 1944-1947
C Ratnayake (acting) 1947-1951
Harold de Mel (BA, Dip. Ed.) 1951-1962 (Anglican)

Vice Principals Period

Alec Andrews Sneath (MA (Manch)) 1921-1922 (Methodist)
W J T Small (BA, MA) 1922-1926 (Methodist)
G B Jackson (MA, Dip. Ed.) 1926-1929 (Methodist)
A C Houlder 1932-1933 (CMS)

Wardens Period
H G Sanders 1929-1942 (Methodist)
C L Abeynaike 1942-1949 (Anglican)
C B Gogerly 1949-1953 (Methodist)
W J T Small 1953-1962 (Methodist)

Anglican Bishops of Colombo Period

Ernest Copleston (DD) 1903-1924
Mark Carpenter-Garnier (DD) 1924-1938
Cecil Horsley (MA, DD) 1938-1947
Rollo Graham Campbell (DD) 1948-1964

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Chairmen of the
Period
South Ceylon Methodist Synod
W H Rigby 1916-1917
A E Restarick 1918 and 1919
W J Noble (Acting) 1920
A E Restarick 1921; 1922-1923; 1926-1929
A S Beaty 1930; 1931-1933
H R Cornish 1934

Chairmen of the
Period
All Ceylon Methodist Synod
S. George Mendis 1950-1952; 1953-1954
James S. Mather 1955 -1959
Fred S. de Silva 1960-1962; 1963-1964

238
 THE CITY, THE SHIP, AND THE TOWER:
READING THE BABEL STORY THEOLOGICALLY
AND AS A NARRATIVE IN ITS CONTEXT

M ALROY MASCRENGHE

INTRODUCTION
The Tower of Babel has perplexed the readers and commentators
for thousands of years. While serving as a perfect parable for the
1
need for communication, it has left commentators confused as
to why the builders of the Babel Tower were punished. The
narrator of the book of Genesis does not give the reasons clearly
as he does in other stories such as The Fall, The Exile of Cain, and
The Flood. In each of these narratives, a reason or sin such as
disobedience, murder, and violence are respectively presented as
justification for the ensuing judgement. What then was the sin of
Babel? Christian tradition has taken the sin of Babel as man

Scripture quotations taken from The Holy Bible, New

International Version® NIV® Copyright © 1973, 1978, 1984, 2011 by
Biblica, Inc.™ Used by permission. All rights reserved worldwide. The
“NIV” and “New International Version” are trademarks registered in the
United States Patent and Trademark Office by Biblica, Inc.™
1
As the perfect parable for the need for communication it has
been used even in Software Engineering books, to cite but one example
Frederick P. Brooks Jr, referring to the Tower of Babel, concludes that the
reason for large software projects to fail is the lack of communication,
th
The Mythical Man-Month: Essays on Software Engineering, 20
Anniversary Edition (Delhi: Pearson Education Asia, 2001), 74.
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

challenging God (vertical), while the Jewish tradition see the sin
2
as failure to scatter and fill the earth (horizontal). Interpreters
have held many different views as to why God judged Babel, the
most prominent of which are:
34
1. Pride (Hubris) ,
5
2. Not filling the earth (Disobedience)
6
3. Violence
7
4. Cultural Diversity
8
5. To encourage religious pluralism

2
P. J. Harland, “Vertical or horizontal: The Sin of Babel,” Vetus
Testamentum 48 (1998): 515-533.
3
According to Theodore Herbert only one medieval scholar
moved away from the pride-punishment theme. See, Theodore Hiebert,
“The Tower of Babel and the Origin of the World's Cultures,” Journal of
Biblical Literature 126, no. 1 (2007): 29-58.
4
Some have even seen this as a criticism of Solomon - referring
either to the hubris underlying the desire for a - name, or to the failure
to see that one‘s house and name consist of a people and not a temple.
See, David Noel Freedman, Anchor Bible Dictionary (New York:
Doubleday, 1992).
5
Walter Brueggemann, Genesis, IBC (Atlanta: John Knox Press,
1982), 99-102.
6
W. Creighton Marlowe, “The Sin of Shinar (Genesis 11:4)”
European Journal of Theology 20, no. 1 (2011): 29–39
7
Theodore Hiebert has argued that the whole point of the
story is to show the cultural diversity of the world and how the different
languages and cultures came about. See responses from others: André
Lacocque, Whatever Happened in the Valley of Shinar? A Response to
Theodore Hiebert, Journal of Biblical Literature 128, no. 1 (2009): 29–41
and John T. Strong, Shattering the Image of God: A Response to
Theodore Hiebert’s Interpretation of the Story of the Tower of Babel
Journal of Biblical Literature 127, no. 4 (2008): 625–634. Theodore
Hiebert also doesn’t do justice to the phrase ‘making a name’.
8
‘God's replacement of one language with many is interpreted
by Ashkenazi to mean the replacement of a single, dominant, exclusive
religious consensus with religious pluralism’. See, Byron L Sherwin, “The

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This article will try to put the Babel incident in its theological
background and as a narrative within the context of Genesis 1–11
and especially against the backdrop of the Flood. It will analyse
Babel as one of three building projects, the other two being Cain’s
city and Noah’s ark. It will compare and contrast these three
building projects and will analyse the peculiarities of the Babel
project. In doing so, this article will provide new insight for
accepting some of the more traditional reasons for punishment
listed above, namely hubris and disobedience.

One might object to this approach, noting that these events

9
occurred in three different tôlëdôt panels and it can be said with
confidence that each of these panels is a self-contained unit.
However, these panels assumed knowledge of the preceding
panels. For example, the genealogy in Genesis 10:1 continues
10
from where the genealogy in Genesis 5 stopped. Mark A
Awabdy notes several literary features which show evidence of
knowledge of the preceding panels:
One may contend that the tôlëdôt clause in Genesis
functions as a literary device: recurrence of tôlëdôt clauses
creates continuity, while the distinctive material, even form,
of each tôlëdôt panel creates discontinuity. Continuity is
doubly achieved as tôlëdôt panels always recount aspects of
a progenitor’s progeny and as tôlëdôt clauses consistently, if
always, demarcate literary units. Discontinuity is achieved as

Tower of Babel in Eliezer Ashkenazi's Sefer Ma'aseh Hashem,” Jewish

Bible Quarterly 42, no. 2 (2014).
9
Genesis is a book of accounts. The opening formula ‘This is
the account (tôlëdôt) of’ is followed by the narratives of the main actor.
5.1-Adam, 6.9 -Noah, 10.1- the sons of Noah, 11.10 - Shem, 11.27 –
Terah. The narrative sections that follow are often called panels or
tôlëdôt panels. They are used as a device to demarcate literary units.
10
However, differences in genealogical continuity are there
and have been noted by Mark A. Awabdy, Babel, Suspense, and the
Introduction to the Terah-Abram Narrative, Journal for the Study of the
Old Testament 35 no. 1 (2010): 3-29.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

tôlëdôt panels differ in content from other tôlëdôt panels in

one to seven (or more) ways.11

Therefore, the fact that these events occurred in three different

tôlëdôt panels doesn’t mean that comparative elements in each
tôlëdôt panel cannot be explored or that these panels combine
together to make a greater narrative.

Cain’s City
Cain is credited with building the first city: “Cain was then
building a city” (Gen 4:17). It is important to understand these
verses within the context of the greater Cain narrative.

The Lord had cursed him for killing his brother Abel. The curse
went as follows:
1. “The ground will no longer yield its crops to you” (4:12)
2. “You will be a restless wanderer” (4:12).
3. Being chased out from the Lord’s presence (4.14)

Thus cursed, Cain was afraid that whoever finds him would kill
12
him (Gen 4:14). God acknowledges Cain’s fear and provides a
13
remedy by putting a mark on Cain and promising that he would
be avenged seven times. God promised Cain security.

11
Ibid., 12
12
According to the book of Jubilees Cain eventually died when
his house fell upon him. ‘He was killed by its stones, as he had killed Abel
by a stone – by a stone was he killed in righteous judgment’. Jubilees 4.
31 In James H Charlesworth, The Old Testament Pseudepigrapha, (New
York: Doubleday, 1985).
13
Sailhamer argues (John Sailhamer, Pentateuch as Narrative,
Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1992) that the city is the sign given to Cain – in
the tradition of Cities of Refuge, one of his reasons being that it is
preceded by the sign narrative. Same view shared by Joel N. Lohr, “So
YHWH established a sign for Cain: Rethinking Genesis,” ZAW 4, no. 15

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 THE CITY, THE SHIP, AND THE TOWER

Following this assurance from God it is interesting to see what

Cain does next: “Cain lay with his wife…and she gave birth to
Enoch” (Gen 4:17). So it appears that when threatened by death,
the immediate thing Cain does is to make sure that even after
death he will continue to live on by way of his offspring. He
14
transmits his life to his children.

When he is chased away from the presence of the Lord he goes

on to build a city. He satisfies his desire for eternity by producing
children and he satisfies his desire for security by creating a place
15
that belonged to him. In a way, Cain built his own city of
16
refuge. In this building of the city there was a sense of
independence from God. Cain did not seek security from the Lord
but from the world. He did not trust in God’s promises – as God
had promised security. Cain named his city after his son. The city,
therefore, becomes the combined symbol of his self-made
security and legacy. We see the same trend in Babel – where they
fear being scattered and want to make a name for themselves.
17
“City is a mixture of pride and fear,” remarks Kass.

(2009): 121. Bd., S. 101–103. However Cain was cursed to be a wander.

So if God gave City as the sign then God would be contradicting himself.
14
Jacques Ellul, The Meaning of the City (Downers Gorove:
William B Eerdmans, 1977), 5, John Calvin also comes to the same
conclusions in his commentary on Genesis. See his comments on 4.17.
For a critical study of cities see Frick S Frank, The City in Ancient Israel
(Montana: Scholars Press, 1977). This is the same thing that his father
Adam did when he was cursed and chased away from the presence of
the Lord. He was told that he ‘will die and return to the ground from
which he was taken’. It appears that this is same with Hezekiah, who was
given fifteen years life extension. He goes on to father Manasseh who
was twelve years old when he became a king. Manasseh turns out to be
the worst king that Judah has ever seen.
15
Ellul, City, 5.
16
Frick, City, 207.
17
L.R. Kass, “What’s wrong with Babel?” American Scholar 58,
no. 1 (1989): 41-60. While our approach has been to place Babel in the

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

The narrator does not define a city. It would have been too
obvious to his ancient and even modern day readers. However,
18
what is the definition of a city? One that has walls? A gate?
Guards? A watchtower? Concentrated habitation? A well? While
the narrator does not answer any of these questions, he gives us
a hint. Maybe the most important attributes of this particular city
– from the narrator’s point of view – is that it has a founder and it
has a name. Cain founded it and he named it after his son. As we
shall see, the emergent motif of making a name will recur again
and again in the Genesis narratives. We are already starting to
see similarities between this and the Tower of Babel where the
Babelites wanted to make a name for themselves.

It is quite possible that the descendants of Cain lived in the city he

founded – we see his descendants described after the description
about the city. We see that the characteristic of the original
founder lives on in the inhabitants of that city: in Genesis 4:23-24
th
we are presented with Lamech (5 generation from Cain) who
continues the violence of Cain, confessing to a murder.

It is also noteworthy that in Cain’s descendants there are people

th
who take pride in saying that they are from Cain: Tubal Cain (6
generation from Cain, Gen 4:22) means ‘offspring of Cain’. So
their value system is different – they value what others despise.

events that happened before it, Kass’s approach is to place it in the

events that happen after i.e. within the context of the Abraham narrative
esp. his call. Mark A. Awabdy, “Babel, Suspense, and the Introduction to
the Terah-Abram Narrative,” Journal for the Study of the Old Testament
35, no. 1 (2010): 3-29; also follows the same line of thinking – but he
uses the Babel narrative to understand the Abraham narrative.
18
Gates and Walls are seen as the primary marks of a city. See
Joel N. Lohr, So YHWH established a sign for “Cain: Rethinking Genesis,”
ZAW 4, no. 15 (2009): 121. Bd., S. 101–103.

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 THE CITY, THE SHIP, AND THE TOWER

Cain’s Line versus Seth’s Line

Adam has another son in Abel’s stead: Seth. It is interesting to
note what happens when these two – Cain and Seth – have their
own children. When Cain has a son, he is called Enoch, meaning
19
‘to introduce or initiate’ . He names a city after him (Gen 4:17).
When Seth has a son, he is called Enosh (Gen 4:26) meaning
20
‘man’, often associated with weakness and frailty. Men began
to call on the name of the Lord. One generation glories itself.
Another glorifies God.
Then the narrator describes ‘the account’ of Adam’s line in
Genesis 5:1 as he had described Cain’s line in Genesis 4:17-24.
Notice that Seth’s line is marked as Adam’s line. Cain, Adam’s
firstborn, is completely ignored – i.e. Adam’s line doesn’t
continue through Cain. It is as if Cain was also created on par with
Adam. Cain’s line is given separately. So when Cain killed Abel it
was not simply a matter of sibling rivalry – it was an act of
defiance against God and his parents. A loose comparison would
be that of David’s son Absalom sleeping with his father’s
concubines in public to convey a message: that he is no longer his
father’s son. He has become David’s enemy. The message was
that he doesn’t relate to David as his father anymore. So Cain is
now independent and becomes the seed of the serpent. I cannot
but quote Robert Alter’s observation that “the entire book of
Genesis is about the reversal of the iron law of Primogeniture
about the election through some devious twist of destiny of a
21
younger son to carry on the line”.

However, what is striking is the fact that the narrator relates how
22
the descendants of Cain became technologically advanced. The

19
Anchor Bible Dictionary on Enoch
20
Victor Hamilton, Genesis 1-17, NICOT (Grand Rapids: William
B Eerdmans, 1990), 142.
21
Robert Alter, The Art of Biblical Narrative, 2 ed. (New York:
Basic Books, 2011), 5.
22
If they lived in Cain’s city this becomes one of the earliest
examples of urbanization.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

age of Seth’s descendants is given but the age of Cain’s

descendants is not given. What is given includes only a few
generations. So the purpose of the narrator seems to be to
highlight these inventions:
Jabal: Father of those who live in tents and raise livestock
Jubal: Father of those who play flute and harp
23
Tubal: Cain Father of those who forged iron and bronze metals
Why did the narrator put this information here? Remembering
that after the flood none of these people survived and whatever
they invented survived simply because Noah or his family had
learnt these skills somehow? One reason is that these men also
made a name for themselves by inventing these technologies.
This is to continue in the line of Cain and in the Tower of Babel.

The other reason is to do with what they invented. Raising

livestock was something that was done by Abel – the slaughtered
brother of Cain. It was Abel who was the father of those who kept
livestock. Since he died, his trade did not continue. Could it be
that Cain and his descendants not only kill, but also take the
victims’ very lives away from them? Could it be that Cain couldn’t
stand his brother Abel making a name for himself – actually God
making a name for Abel by accepting his sacrifice – so much so
that he killed him? And, his descendants made a name for
themselves as being the ‘first’ by taking what belonged to Abel?
He also is said to have introduced the nomadic lifestyle –
something that Cain was supposed to follow – but eventually
abandoned by building the city. In some sense, the nomadic

23
Frick has identified these groups as ‘guilds’. Guilds are
craftsmen working in specialized production using a raw material.
“Preindustrial city's economic organization is the guild system which
pervades manufacturing, trade and services. Such guilds are peculiar to
towns and cities, not to villages; only in the former are, full-time
specialists to be found in numbers significant enough to warrant
organization”(Frick, City, 129).

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 THE CITY, THE SHIP, AND THE TOWER

lifestyle promotes violence. It is easy for unsettled people groups

to be violent towards other settled people groups.

The flute and harp are a part of celebrations (cf Gen 31:27). So it
could have helped wild carnivals and celebrations.

Making of bronze and Iron tools would definitely have helped to

increase violence.

Now all of these things are not bad in themselves. Livestock

would have been used as an offering (as in Abel’s case), flute and
harp could be used (and actually were later used) for Yahweh
worship (if Gen. 4:26 refers to a public worship then this certainly
makes a connection), and of course iron and bronze tools could
be used for many good things – including working the soil.
However, the narrator may be trying to tell us that the
descendants of Cain led the world to the pre-flood state, which
angered Yahweh and brought about the flood as punishment.
Violence was a major reason for the flood and the availability of
iron and bronze tools would certainly have helped to increase the
violence on a larger scale.

In Seth’s line, we are presented with Enoch, who “walked with

God,” (Gen 5:21) and the righteous Noah. The contrast between
the two groups is clear. Cain’s descendants become known for
their inventions and violence, while Seth’s descendants are noted
for their relationship with God. Self-reliance versus trust in God.

Noah’s Ark
By the time we come to Noah’s father, Lamech (a descendant of
Seth) the world has become a ‘difficult’ place to live. Lamech
laments his very existence and looks at his son as a comfort (Gen
24
5:29). Very soon the world becomes a ‘bad’ place to live in.

24
Perhaps the expectation was that he would somehow
restore the same restful work that was envisioned for humanity before
the fall (Gen 2.15) – rather than the back breaking work which has now

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People are violent and having physical relationships with the

wrong kind. It is then that the narrator begins the account of
Noah. This time God entrusts man with a building project. God
himself gives the exact specifications. This building project is to
be based on God’s word and His promises. His word is twofold:
that everything on this earth will perish and that Noah and his
25
family will survive by way of the Ark.

God gives a very detailed description about the Ark in Genesis

6:14-16, and the narrator is careful to assert that Noah did
everything that the Lord commanded (Gen 6:22; 7:5; 9:16). It was
absolutely necessary for Noah to do everything that the Lord
26
commanded just as he commanded. For instance, if the size of
the ship was different, he would not have been able to

become the norm. See “Paradise Lost Again: Violence and Obedience in
the Flood Narrative,” Journal for the Study of the Old Testament 62
(1994): 3-18.
25
‘In the case of Noah's wife, in Jubilees it is given as Emzara,
his cousin (Jub. 4:33). Genesis Rabbah 23:3 identifies Naamah, the
daughter of Lamech and sister of Tubal-Cain (Gen. 4:22), as Noah's wife.
This is consistent with the rabbinic approach to identify unnamed biblical
characters with pre-existing, named biblical characters.’ So according to
Jubilees the entire humanity came from Seth, but according to the
Rabbinic tradition it came from Seth (on Noah’s side) and Cain (on
Noah’s wife’s side). Zvi Ron, “The book of Jubilees and the Midrash Part
2: Noah and the Flood,” Jewish Bible Quarterly 42, no. 2 (2014): 103-113.
If the latter was the case then it explains how very soon after the flood
the seed of Cain takes root and controls Ham. For a survey of Noah
traditions in the extra biblical literature see Dorothy M. Peters, Noah
Traditions in the Dead Sea Scrolls Conversations and Controversies of
Antiquity (Atlanta : Society of Biblical Literature, 2008), and Michael E.
Stone, Aryeh Amihay, and Vered Hillel, Noah and His Books (Atlanta:
Society of Biblical Literature, 2010).
26
According to extra biblical book - Sefer Harazim – from the
tradition of the Jewish magical literature – Noah was handed over a holy
book by Angel Raziel from which he learnt to make the ship. Michael E.
Stone, Aryeh Amihay, and Vered Hillel, Noah and His Books (Atlanta:
Society of Biblical Literature 2010), 23.

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accommodate all the animals; if he used different materials or did

not coat it with pitch inside and outside maybe the water would
have started to come inside the ship. The fact that he did what
the Lord commanded is repeated to show that he indeed was a
righteous man and was walking with God (Gen 6:9). In contrast to
the other building projects in Genesis, this one was done in
obedience to the Lord’s word. Noah gets a mention in the hall of
fame in Hebrews 11 because he trusts God’s word and starts to
build. So Noah’s story is actually a contrast to that of Cain.
Whereas Cain built the city out of insecurity and unbelief in God’s
word Noah built the Ark because he believed the word of God.

The description about the Nephilim (Gen 6:4) says that they were
the men of renown. The word for ‘renown’ is the same word as
for ‘name’ (shame). So these Nephilim also made a name for
themselves. How did they make a name? It is said that they were
the heroes of old. The word for heroes (gibbor) is the same word
27
used of Nimrod in Gen 10:8. It can also be translated as a
mighty warrior (as it has been in most versions). How does one
become a mighty warrior? By unleashing a saga of violence and
becoming known as someone who cannot be beaten or killed.
Violence. This is the main sin for which God decided to punish
mankind. So Nephilim were making a name for themselves by
28
violence.

27
Some have identified Nimrod also as a Nephilim, see Robert
S. Kawashima’s Essay on Sources and Redaction In Ronald Hendel
Reading Genesis, Ten Methods (New York: Cambridge University Press,
2010), 58.
28
Note that in chapter 6 there are two pronouncement of
punishments. First, immediately after the mention of sons of god,
Yahweh says that Man’s days will be 120 years. Then comes the mention
of the wickedness of mankind and then comes the second
pronouncement – I will wipe mankind through the flood.

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29
When Noah comes out of the Ark, God blesses him and his sons
and commands them to increase and fill the earth. He does it
twice: in Genesis 6:2 and in Genesis 6:7. He assures that the fear of
them will fall upon the wild animals – he promises this as a
reassurance to fill the earth – so even when they go to uninhabited
territories the animals will not harm them because the animals will
now fear the humans.
30
He also inaugurates capital punishment. This would further
encourage people to fill the earth, as people would fear killing,
because the punishment for murder would be death itself. One of
the fears people had when they break away from the tribal
structure to venture into new territories is that they will be killed
by strangers. This was Cain’s fear when God cursed him to be a
wanderer on the earth.

This was also a way of making sure that the earth would not return
to its pre-flood state, because the main sins for which God
punished them through the flood was violence (Gen 6:11, 13). So
now having capital punishment was a way of curbing the violence.
A law was in place – probably the first law.

God also establishes a covenant with Noah, promising that He

would never again destroy all living creatures by the waters of the
31
flood. We need to understand the decisiveness of this promise

29
Some have wondered why a man so righteous in the eyes of
God that he was spared of all the people of the earth behaved so
indecently after coming out of the ark – in drinking wine and laying
naked. One interesting suggestion is that he was having Post Traumatic
Stress Disorder after seeing the whole world destroyed and turned to
alcohol as an outlet - Something very common in people with PTSD.
Steven Luger, “Flood, Salt and Sacrifice: Post Traumatic Stress Disorders
in Genesis,” Jewish Bible Quarterly 38, no. 2 (2010).
30
It is noteworthy that Cain was not given the capital
punishment.
31
This will be a problem for those who argue for a local flood.
As there have been many floods after this promise by Yahweh - which

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that has been attested by a covenant to understand the Tower of

Babel. In Isaiah 54:8-10 we read:
“In a surge of anger I hid my face from you for a moment, but
with everlasting kindness I will have compassion on you,”
says the LORD your Redeemer. “To me this is like the days of
Noah, when I swore that the waters of Noah would never
again cover the earth. So now I have sworn not to be angry
with you, never to rebuke you again. Though the mountains
be shaken and the hills be removed, yet my unfailing love for
you will not be shaken nor my covenant of peace be
removed,” says the LORD, who has compassion on you.
To show how much He loved Israel and how certain the promise
of His everlasting kindness to Israel was, God refers to the waters
32
of Noah . We see how much God valued the covenant He made
with Noah. He uses this as the measurement scale. To paraphrase
His words: “You see how I have kept my promise. There has never
33
been a flood so as to annihilate the entire human race . That is
because I promised Noah. In the same way I am now making a
promise to you. Just like the promise to Noah has been kept this
promise too will be kept”. It is an irony that God, even when
dealing with the chosen nation, refers not to the covenant He
made with Abraham nor to the covenant at Sinai but to the
covenant he made with Noah – the father not particularly of
Israel but of all nations. “These were the three sons of Noah, and
from them came the people who were scattered over the whole

destroy entire populations. So it doesn’t mean that God’s promises are

void. But the promise was of a different nature. The whole earth won’t
be destroyed again as it was destroyed during Noah’s time.
32
The flood could symbolise the exile and Noah could
symbolise the reminiscent people of the exile. Frank H Polak, “The
Restful Waters of Noah,” JNES 23 (1995): 69-74
33
Alec Motyer concludes that the equivalent of ‘the waters of
Noah has passed. Judgment has fallen the punishment that brought
peace to us 53.5…Thus the anger of God is totally allayed’ (Alec Motyer,
The Prophecy of Isaiah, An Introduction and Commentary [Downers
Grove:InterVarcity Press, 1993]).

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earth,” (Gen 9:19). In the account of Adam, the descendants of

Seth and their ages are listed (Gen 5), and in the account of Shem,
34
Ham and Japheth, countries that came from them are listed
(Gen 10). So just like Adam becoming the father of the human
race, the three sons of Noah became the fathers of nations.

The next episode ‘account’ is that of Noah’s sons – Shem, Ham

and Japheth – which starts in chapter 10. Note the positioning of
35
these genealogies in the primeval history: in each case it is listed
before the punishment. To highlight this point, the parallels
36
between Cain’s story and Noah’s story are noted in Table 1:

Table 1: Comparison between Cain and Noah

Cain’s Story Noah’s Story

Family Disintegration (Cain killing Abel) Ham desecrated Noah37

34
Thomas Brodie sees a parallel between the post flood events
and creation. See Thomas Brodie, Genesis as Dialogue, A Literary,
Historical and Theological Commentary (New York: Oxford University
Press, 2001). Robert W.E. Forrest sees a parallel in the fact that God
created man out of the dust of the earth and that Noah was a man of the
ground. For a comparison between creation and the flood narratives see
Robert W.E. Forrest, Paradise Lost Again, 8.
35
One interesting thing to note in these chronologies is that
Noah lived until the time of Abraham.
36
There is another similarity between Adam, Cain and the flood
narratives. In each of those stories, God either expels or destroys man
(kind) to protect the earth (Robert W.E. Forrest, Paradise Lost Again, 7).
37
What exactly was Ham’s sin? Several views have been
offered 1. Voyeurism – traditional view. 2. Castration – Ham castrated
Noah, rabbinic view 3. Paternal Incest – Ham sexually abused Noah 4.
Maternal Incest – Ham had relations physical with his mother. The last
view is based on the fact that to see the mother’s nakedness is to see the
father’s nakedness (Lev 18.14), the word uncover can mean sexual
intercourse (Lev 20.17), the imagery of the vineyard is often associated
with heterosexual intercourse (Gen 19.30-38, Songs 1.2), the curse on
Canaan – Ham had union with his mother and Canaan was the fruit of

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 THE CITY, THE SHIP, AND THE TOWER

Cain’s Story Noah’s Story

Curse on Cain Curse on Canaan38
Account of Adam’s line (Gen 5) Account of Noah’s sons (Gen 10)
Genealogy of Gen 5 Genealogy of Gen 10
Description of the incident that causes the punishment
Building of the Tower of Babel in
Violence in Gen 6
Gen 11
Judgement: Confusion through
Judgement: Flood
Languages

While the Genealogy in Genesis 5 happened before the flood in

narrative time as well as in real time, the genealogy in Genesis 10
happens in real time after the Tower of Babel incident, which is
described in Genesis 11. As we shall see, this is quite common in
Genesis.

the union. See John Sietze Bergsma and Scott Walker Hahn, “Noah’s
Nakedness and the Curse on Canaan (Genesis 9:20–27),” Journal of
Biblical Literature 124, no. 1 (2005): 25–40. However this view doesn’t
explain why they went backwards and covered the father’s nakedness.
There is no reason to assume that their mother would still remain there
– it was Noah who was drunk. And in the case of Reuben the narrator
was very explicit. Gen 35.22. Even the euphemism in Gen 49.4 – ‘went up
to my bed and defiled it’ (KJV) – is very indicative. So if such an incest had
happened here it is not unreasonable to expect the narrator to be more
explicit. Moreover abusing one’s own mother (not stepmother) doesn’t
have any parallels in the Bible. So it is best to take the scriptures at face
value and take the traditional meaning.
38
Why should Canaan be cursed for his father’s sin? Several
views have been offered: 1. Canaan was involved in Ham’s sin – he too
went and saw Noah’s nakedness 2. Since God blessed Noah and his sons
Noah cannot curse Ham 3. A mirroring punishment – Ham Noah’s
youngest son sinned against him so Ham’s youngest son, Canaan is
cursed 4. Ham embodies and personifies the character traits of his
descendants (Wenham, Genesis, 201).

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Genesis 10 prepares us for the Tower of Babel incident, after

which they are scattered to these lands and territories– according
to their language. So language now plays an important role. Not
only did it stop people from building the tower, but it also helped
to define national territories. The narrator chose to explain what
happened first and then tell us why it happened. The Babel
incident shows how the sons of Noah became nations; and, the
purpose of this in turn is to show how the curse on Canaan could
39
be fulfilled .

Gordon Wenham notes the fondness for seven-numbered lists in

Genesis 10. Japheth’s sons total seven as do his grandsons, etc.,
while with some minor adjustments the nations that descend
40
from Shem, Ham and Japheth total seventy. This does not mean
that the Tower of Babel created only 70 languages. Traditionally,
seventy means a large group. So it is better to take it as a large
number of nations. The ones that are mentioned here are the
major people groups known to Israel and with whom Israel had
41
some kind of relationship. In the table of nations, the order of
42
Noah’s sons is reversed, making a climatic effect for Shem. The
list begins with Japheth, with whom Israel had the least amount
of contact. They are handled first and briefly. Later, the
descendants of Ham are treated: the Babylonians, Egyptians (the
Mizraim of Gen 10:6 are actually Egyptians: the same word is
used for Egypt in other places), and the Canaanites – the most
43
notorious neighbours of Israel . Finally, the Semites are
described – the ancestors of Israel herself. This pattern of
describing the non-elect (or non-righteous) before the elect is
common in Genesis: Cainites before Sethites (Gen 4-5), Esau (Gen
36) before Jacob (Gen 37-50).

39
Wenham, Genesis, 215.
40
Wenham, Genesis, 213.
41
Ibid., 214.
42
Nahum Sarna, Understanding Genesis (New York: Schocken,
1970) 68.
43
Wenham, Genesis, 214.

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Peleg
In Genesis 10:25 we come to the much discussed Peleg: “In his
44
time the earth was divided”. Various opinions have been given
45
as to the meaning of the text. Since the Babel incident is
narrated soon after this, I think it is safe to take it as meaning the
people of the earth. The people of the earth were divided during
Peleg’s time by the Babel incident. Although the word to divide
(pawlag) is not the same as disperse (poots) it still can be used of
46
confusing speech .
In Genesis 10, the genealogy is given through Peleg’s brother
Joktan. In chapter 11, the genealogy is carried up to Abraham
through Peleg. The narrator seems to be making an important

44
Some of the views are: 1. Division of languages 2.
Continental drift 3. Canalization see David M. Fouts, “Peleg in Gen
10:25,” JETS 41, no. 1 (March 1998): 17–21, Although continental drift is
a modern theory claims have been made that Jewish interpreters held
this view long before, see Joshua Backon, “For in those days the Earth
was divided: Classic Jewish sources for a Physical Division of the Earth,”
Jewish Bible Quarterly 37, no. 2 (2009).
45
Continental drift theory i.e. continents which were a one big
land mass at one time split into various continents. The claim is that it
happened during the time of Peleg - explains how kangaroos got to
Australia after the flood. However if that were the case the mere moving
of the continents itself would have caused massive floods – that would
have wiped the face of the earth (Bobie Hodge, Tower of Babel, Cultural
History of our Ancestors [:New Leaf Publishing Group, 2013]). Hodge
gives the 2004 Tsunami that hit many Asian countries – including Sri
Lanka as an example – this was caused by the movements of the plates
underneath. Pangaea and the continental drift theories are modern day
theories. The biblical writers did not know about such theories. Our
theory is very simple - people would have migrated to these lands and
would have taken the animals with them. Genesis 10.5 talks about
maritime people – so they built similar ships that of Noah and migrated
to distant lands – maybe to places like Australia. The knowledge about
ship building comes from Yahweh himself. Since Noah’s three sons were
involved in ship building, that knowledge would have been passed to the
later generations.
46
Wenham, Genesis, 231.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

distinction here. Not only did the languages come into play and
people were scattered but also two great lines of humanity
diverged even from the sons of Shem; the same distinction is
being made as that of Cain and Seth. One line of people make a
name for themselves and for the other God Himself will make a
name. In the call of Abraham, God promised to make his name
47
great. While the Babelites tried to make a name for themselves
by staying in the same place, God made a name for Abraham by
asking him to live a nomadic life. God promised two things to
Abraham that Cain and the Babelites tried to produce by
themselves – a name and a nation. As a matter of fact, God
promised more to Abraham: they wanted to make a name, God
promised to make his name great, they wanted to make a city,
God promised Abraham a nation. “Abraham completes the
48
rejection of Babel and heads off to find Gods new way”. One
kind of people tried to make a name for themselves by
disobedience: the other made a name for themselves by
obedience.

The Tower of Babel

As per our thesis, the Tower of Babel must be understood in the
background of the Flood. The Babelites thought of the tower as a
way to escape a future flood. The height of the building was
supposed to give them security. The “tower reaching to the
heavens”: in the Flood story we see the word ‘heavens’ again and
again (Gen 7:11, 19, 23; 8:2), so maybe they thought that by
building a tower reaching to the heavens they could escape a
flood. Again, rather than trusting the promises of God, mankind
embarks on its own journey of finding security. We have seen the
same pattern in Cain and in Noah (contrast).

God had set His bow in the clouds (awnan) as a reminder of his
promise that He would not destroy the earth by a flood. Yet the
humans are now reaching the heavens (shawmeh) with a tower

47
Sailhamer, Pentateuch.
48
Kass, What's wrong with Babel?

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 THE CITY, THE SHIP, AND THE TOWER

that maybe touching the clouds, where the bow of God is set as a
reminder of his covenant. They fear the floods. They also disobey
God’s command to scatter and want to make a name for
themselves.

So the motives behind the tower deserved punishment. This time

God did not judge the world by destroying it. Humans may not
believe the promises of God. God remembered His promise.
Instead of destroying the human race again by a flood, He judged
them by confusing their language. While the Tower of Babel
stands primarily as a monument of human arrogance it also
stands as a witness to God’s faithfulness. Even when the human
race – as a whole – was independent of Him, He still was faithful
to His promises. The Tower of Babel did for each individual
language group what the Flood did for Noah – give them a fresh
start.

Parallels exist between the Flood and the Babel incidents. In both,
God is said to see the plight of mankind. In both, the judgement is
of a global scale. Violence was the reason that God brought the
flood and there could be an allusion to violence in the Babel
incident (especially if we connect Nimrod with the Tower of
Babel, see the section on Marlowe). In both, the judgement
comes after the building project has progressed (Noah, it is
completed; Babel, probably not completed); in both, there is an
allusion to making a name for oneself – In Noah’s story the
Nephilim had made a name for themselves and in the case of the
Babelites it was their expressed intention. In the following section
we look at the Babel incident in detail.

Analysis of the Tower of Babel Incident

The ‘now’ of Genesis 11:1 connects it with the main line of
narratives back in Genesis 9 – the interlude in Genesis 10:1-32
had been taken to narrate the genealogy. Since the narrator does
not refer to any of the clans or tribes – which he just finished
describing in Genesis 10 – he refers to the Babelites as ‘the whole
world’ and ‘men’. This is another proof that the table of nations in

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

chapter 10 happens after the Tower of Babel incident. It is the

entire (not yet divided) human race – as one corporate entity –
which is building this tower.
They say two things:
49
1. Come let us make bricks and bake it thoroughly
2. Come let us build a city with a tower

Notice that it talks about a two-step construction process. First,

the bricks are made and burnt and then the city and the tower is
built. This two-step construction process seems to be consistent
with other Ancient Near Eastern texts, for example, in the
50
Akkadian Enuma Elish , tablet VI, lines 55-64:
When Marduk heard this,
Brightly glowed his features, like the days:
Like that of lofty Babylon, whose building you have
requested,
Let its brickwork be fashioned. You shall name it the
sanctuary.
The Anunnaki applied the implement;
For one year they moulded bricks.
When the second year arrived,
They raised high the head of Esagila equalling Apsu.

49
Sheila Keitter has seen an allusion between the words ‘come
let us’ used here and the words of the Pharaoh in Exo 1.10. She sees a
motive of pride and arrogance and translates Exo 1.10 as ‘Come let us
deal shrewdly with Him’ so that the primary target is not Israel but their
God. She also sees a thematic similarity between the use of bricks and
tar in both places. Sheila Tuller Keiter, “Outsmarting God: Egyptian
Slavery and the Tower of Babel,” Jewish Bible Quarterly, 41, no. 3,
(2013).
50
There are similar parallels between the Tower of Babel and
other Ancient Babylonian stories. George Smith presented some tablets
to the British museum which indicated about a building, a destruction at
night and confounding of speech. See The Chaldean Account of Genesis,
George Smith, 1880 accessed online.

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 THE CITY, THE SHIP, AND THE TOWER

Having built a stage tower as high as Apsu,

They set up in it an abode for Marduk, Enlil, Ea;
In their presence he adorned it with grandeur.51
For the first year they moulded bricks and the second year they
52
raised the high head of Esagila.

Making of the Bricks

They said to each other, “Come, let’s make bricks and bake
them thoroughly.” They used brick instead of stone, and tar
for mortar. (Gen 11:3)
The fact that the narrator has cared enough to mention about
bricks and tar would pose a question of its purpose at two levels.
One, on the suitability of the material (brick and tar) for this
building project. Two its purpose at a narrative, literary level.
Wenham comments that the narrator was trying to make a
contrast between Mesopotamian building practices (brick and
tar) and Israelite practices (stone and mortar). However it seems
more likely that the contrast is between what they had used up
until that time and what they are using now. Von Rad also seems
to be agreeing with this view when he comments on the
53
inventiveness of the crowd .

On the use of the stone, Von Rad observes that the narrator’s
point was that they were simply using the wrong materials – if
they wanted a gigantic structure they should have used stones
but they are using bricks. While this is possible it could very well
be that they were far away from a stone quarry or a mountain.

51 rd
James Pritchard ed., Ancient Near Eastern Texts (ANET), 3
Edition, (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969).
52
Allen P. Ross, “The Dispersion of the Nations in Genesis 11:1-
9,” Bibliotheca Sacra 138 (1981): 119-38. While some have claimed that
what the Babelites built was the E-temen-anki (E-sag-ila was the
sanctuary and E-temen-anki was the tower) founded by Herodotus
others have disagreed (See ibid., 123).
53
Gerhard Von Rad, Genesis, 148.

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54
They were in the valley of Shinar . Burning the bricks in fire
55
would make them very hard and durable . And in this way all the
stones would look the same way – just like the uniformity of the
56
human race for which this city with the tower is a witness .

Baking the bricks would make sure that they can bear the
crushing weight of tall structures. Working with bricks might look
relatively easier than working with stone, because the stones will
have to be carved to the required specification, but in the case of
bricks they could be moulded to the exact size required. However,
the bricks had to be baked ‘thoroughly’ often around 900 degree
Celsius to 1000 degree Celsius heat. There could be a lot of waste
due to over- and under-burning. The fuel (could be dry reeds or
wood) consumption can be up to a quarter of the weight of the
57 58
bricks. So this is an expensive building material. The use of tar
or lime – could indicate a water resistant material (cf. Ex 2:3). This
observation is further strengthened by the fact that in Ancient
Near Eastern Architecture baked bricks as a rule were used in

54
Whether Shinar = Sumer has been discussed and challenged.
See Ran Zadok, "The Origin of the Name Shinar," ZA 74 (1984): 240-44.
55
Allen S. Maller, “The City of Babel and Its Tower,” Jewish
Bible Quarterly, 40, no. 3 (2012): 171-173.
56
‘The use of uniform bricks made it easier to construct giant
building projects with much higher structures, and even a skyscraper-
sized tower...Beyond this practical reason to use uniform, manufactured
bricks, there was a powerful symbolic reason to use them as well. They
did not want each stone to be a different shape and colour from all the
other stones in order to symbolize their wish to unify themselves by
teamwork expressed as highly organized conformist factory behaviour,
as well as an all-encompassing common purpose’ (ibid., 172).
57
Gwendolyn Leick , A Dictionary of Ancient Near Eastern
Architecture (Taylor & Francis e-Library: Routledge, 2003), s.v. Baked
Bricks.
58
John H. Walton also agreed that the building material was an
expensive one, John H. Walton, “The Mesopotamian Background of the
Tower of Babel Account and Its Implications,” Bulletin for Biblical
Research 5 (1995): 155-175.

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parts of the building that were exposed to damp (in courtyards,

bathrooms, drains, the revetment of ziggurats, foundation walls
59
near rivers, etc.) . Even in the Nebuchadnezzar’s Babylon, huge
bulwarks of baked brick protected the wall at the places where
60
the Euphrates entered the city. While sun-dried bricks were
used for common buildings such as houses, kiln-dried bricks were
61
used only for prestigious buildings – such as palaces. Even
Kathleen Kuiper agrees that mass production of baked bricks was
62
a difficult task due to the scarcity of fuel.

According to the midrash when a person died, during the

construction work people would not mourn but when a brick fell
63
and broke they would weep. This could be an exaggerated way
of showing the value they placed on the bricks – as they made the
bricks before they started the building. So if the brick is broken
half way through it is difficult to make them again and will delay
the building project. This again proves that baked bricks was an
expensive material to use.

So the fact that the Babelites used the expensive water-resistant

baked bricks – for the entire tower and not only for the damp
exposed areas – shows how high the flood waters would have
risen during Noah’s time. It also shows the value these Babelites
placed on this building project. If it was common building they
wouldn’t have used baked bricks and tar. This was their priced

59
Leick, Dictionary of Ancient, s.v. Baked Bricks.
60
Gwendolyn Leick, Historical Dictionary of Mesopotamia, 2nd
Edition (Maryland: The Scarecrow Press, 2010), s.v. Babylon.
61
Don Nardo, Greenhaven Encyclopaedia of Ancient
Mesopotamia (Farmington Hills: Gale, Cengage Learning, 2007), s.v.
Building Materials and Method. Apparently there was even a month for
sun-drying the bricks - ‘The best time of the year for making sun-dried
bricks was during the heat of summer. In fact, the first month of summer
came to be known as “the month of bricks.”’
62
Kathleen Kuiper, Encyclopedia Britannica (2011), s.v.
Mesopotamia, The World’s Earliest Civilization.
63
Maller, City, 172.

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product. The human race was creating its masterpiece in the

Tower of Babel. Their chef d'œuvre which they went to great
pains to create. They wanted to make sure that it would stand
forever proclaiming their names. The narrator took the trouble to
mention the material to make this point, which his ancient
readers would have readily understood.

The view that the Babel tower was built at least partly to escape a
future flood finds support in Josephus too. According to him, it
64 65
was Nimrod who rebelled against God and led others astray:
“He also said he would be revenged on God, if he should have a
mind to drown the world again; for that he would build a tower
too high for the waters to be able to reach! And that he would
66
avenge himself on God for destroying their forefathers!”

Jacob’s Ladder
67
Parallels exist between Jacob’s ladder (Gen. 28:11-22) and the
Tower of Babel. In Jacob’s ladder the angels were ascending and
descending from heaven to earth. In the Tower of Babel, the
human race was building a tower so that it could reach the
heavens. The same two words – top (roshe) and reaching the

64
For a study of Nimrod see K. van der Toorn and P. W. van der
Horst, ‘Nimrod Before and After the Bible’, Harvard Theological Review
83, no. 1 (1990): 1-29, and Yigal Levin, “Nimrod the mighty, king of Kish,
king of Sumer and Akkad,” Vetus Testamentum 52 (2002): 3.
65
Antiquities of the Jews 1.4.2.
66
However there has been attempts to explain why Josephus
might have ‘rewritten’ these stories, see Sabrina Inowlocki, “Josephus’
Rewriting of the Babel Narrative (Gen 11:1-9),” Journal for the Study of
Judaism 37 (2006): 2. Inowlocki explains that Josephus was influenced by
the political climate of his own time. Zealots and of John of Gischala
seems to have influenced his re-writing of Gen 11. According to
Inowlocki Josephus particularly seems to have projected the character of
John of Gischala onto Nimrod. However this is speculation at best.
67
Sarna, Genesis.

262
 THE CITY, THE SHIP, AND THE TOWER

68
heavens (Shamayim) has been used in both places. Yet another
allusion is the phrase ‘gate of heaven’ (Gen 28:17) in Jacob’s
story. Jacob really thinks that the place is truly the gateway of
heaven. In Akkadian, Babel means more or less the same – gate
of the god or heaven. Jacob named that place as the house of
God – Beth-el (house of el). The Babelites named the city as
confusion – Babel. One story is a man-made attempt to reach
heaven the other is God’s provision for Jacob to enter into a life
of heaven.
However, it would not be wise to argue that the Tower of Babel
69 70
was a ziggurat temple built to worship a deity. If that were the
case, then that would have been commended by God and not
punished. And, if the issue was that they were building it for the
wrong deity then they would have been punished along those
71
lines – for idolatry or other-God worship . However, when God
speaks about the tower the point is not idolatry (Gen 11:6-7).
Furthermore, the earliest ziggurats consisted only of a clay brick

68
The Esagila - the ziggurat completed by Nebuchadnezzar has
th
been described by Herodotus - a 5 century Greek historian who is said
to have visited Babylon. It is noteworthy that the meaning of Esagila is
‘the house whose head is raised up’. The name is somewhat similar to
the Tower of Babel description – ‘reaching to the heavens’.
69
Some 30 odd ziggurats have been found by archaeologists.
For a survey see A. R. George, House Most High: The Temples of Ancient
Mesopotamia (Winona Lake, Indiana: Eisenbrauns, 1993) and the books
by Andre Parrot.
70
Some have argued that what they built was a ziggurat see
John H. Walton, “The Mesopotamian Background of the Tower of Babel
Account and Its Implications,” Bulletin for Biblical Research 5 (1995):155-
175. For a critique of Walton see Phillip Michael Sherman, Babel’s Tower
Translated: Genesis 11 and Ancient Jewish Interpretation (Leiden: Brill,
2013), 60.
71
Sarna observes that polytheism started only after the
dispersion of nations (Sarna, Genesis). In the book of Jubilees Abraham
contends with his father for worshiping idols (Jubilees 88.1).

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72
platform with a temple on it. A stage tower of several stages did
73
not appear until the third millennium BC. Moreover, early
Sumerian inhabitants of Mesopotamia are thought to have come
from the mountains of the east – so the ziggurats may have been
74
an effort to construct a man-made mountain. In case of the
75
ziggurat, the inner core was built with unbaked bricks, whereas
the Tower of Babel was built with baked bricks.

To Build a City with a Tower

First it must be noted that the Babelites are not building a tower
alone. They are building a city with a tower that reaches to the

72
The dating of the Tower of Babel would depend on the fact
whether one sees it as a ziggurat or not. The use of the baked bricks
would also help. Paul Seely dates it between 3500BCE-2400BCE, see Paul
H. Seely, “The Date of the Tower of Babel and some Theological
Implications,” Westminster Theological Journal 63 (2001): 15-38.
However his view is that the world had diverse languages even before
the Tower of Babel incident (he appeals to archaeological and scientific –
carbon dating -evidence to prove this). He argues that the biblical
writers’ knowledge of the then known world was limited and term all the
earth was used relatively. However one cannot ignore the strong
emphasis in Genesis 11.1,6 on one language. The whole point of the
Etiology of the Babel narrative would be missed if there were languages
before the incident. Given the choice, I would tend to go with the Biblical
evidence rather than science or even archaeology. Also see discussions
between Hugh Ross and Paul Seely in Perspectives on Science and
Christian Faith.
73
Howard Vos, Genesis and Archaeology, (Grand Rapids:
Zondervan, 1985), 44-45. The Ziggurats at Ur and Eridu are also said to
have been constructed at the end of the third millennium BCE. See
Stephen Bertman, Handbook to Life on Ancient Mesopotamia (New York:
Facts on File, 2003). However it must be noted that this dating is open to
challenge and criticism and doesn’t hamper the main thrust of this article
which is narrative and theological.
74
Vos, Genesis, 44-45.
75
Barbara A Somervill, Empires of Ancient Mesopotamia (New
York: Chelsea House, 2010), 35.

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76
heavens. The phrase ‘reaching to the heavens’ definitely does
not mean that the Babelites wanted to go into the habitation of
the gods – like the Titans going into heaven to dislodge the gods
(cf Homer, Odyssey 11.313ff).
The text doesn’t say:
Come let us build ourselves a city, with a tower that reaches
to the heavens, so that we may go into the residence of the
gods and stay there…77
Rather it says:
Come, let us build ourselves a city, with a tower that
reaches to the heavens, so that we may make a name for
ourselves; otherwise we will be scattered over the face of
the whole earth.”
So their focus is not on heaven but on earth. They wanted to stay
on earth.

Some have tried to argue that the major error was not building
the city/tower but the attempt to live in one place. They try to
justify it by saying that the punishment was not on the building
but on the language so as to destroy the common bond that held

76
Herman Gunkel’s claim that there are two parallel stories in
this section one of city building and the other of tower building, one to
do with scattering and the other to do with the confusion of the
languages is now generally abandoned. See the works of Umberto
Cassuto in his commentary on Genesis; Isaac Kikawada, in his paper
entitled “The Shape of Genesis 11:1–9,” and Jan P. Fokkelman, Narrative
Art in Genesis. Westerman in his commentary has some discussion too.
For a renewed interest in Gunkel’s and his responder’s methods see Joel
s. Baden, “The Tower of Babel: A Case Study in the Competing Methods
of Historical and Modern Literary Criticism,” JBL 128, no. 2 (2009): 209–
224. For review of source criticism see P.J. Harland, “Vertical or
Horizontal: The Sin of Babel,” Vetus Testamentum XLVIII in his discussion
of Uehlinger’s thesis, specially pages 516-521.
77
For a discussion of the Hebrew constructions see Strong,
Shattering the Image of God, 625–634.

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78
them together. While that is true, the tower came as an
expression of human arrogance and pride. We must note that
according to Gen 11:6-7 the languages were confused so as to
stop the work on the building; the languages were not an end in
themselves in the narrative. As someone said, everything that
happens after the Tower of Babel happens to undo the effects of
the Tower of Babel. It reaches its climax in the much observed
Pentecost in the New Testament where God blesses all languages
and all languages are virtually becoming one.

In the context of Genesis 1-11 and generally in the Bible, sin is

never a physical challenge to God. Pride – for that matter all sin – is
challenging God’s authority. Yet never physically – there is no story
where someone went to heaven and tried to take his throne – even
in the Garden of Eden the serpent promised that they would be like
gods – NOT physically – but like gods in knowing good and evil. So
79
the challenge is a moral one. We challenge God not on the
physical realm but on the spiritual or moral realm. That is what the
Babelites were also doing. Their attitude challenged God Himself.
So this is not the Jewish version of the Titan story.

The stated purpose of the Babelites is twofold:

1. Make a name for oneself
2. Not be scattered

Making a Name for Oneself

Erecting large building structures is an age-old way to make a
name for oneself. Paul Borgman sees the attempts to make a
name for oneself in the stories of Adam and Eve, Cain, Lamech
80
and finally in the Tower of Babel. He comments that this

78
Ross, The Dispersion of the Nations.
79
Even Isa 14.13-14 Cannot be taken literally to mean that
Lucifer tried to take God’s throne. In the first place there is no throne
which could sit the infinite and invincible God.
80
Paul Borgman, Genesis: The Story We Haven't Heard (Grand
Rapids: IVP Academic, 2001).

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episode completes the rebellion Adam and Eve started. They

build the tower and get scattered to the ends of the earth. From
that point onwards God starts to deal with one chosen race – the
descendants of Abraham.

What happened to the city that Cain built? It was destroyed by

the flood. So this time they had to build something that could
outlive a similar flood. A tower that reaches right to the heavens
was the solution. Yet God had promised that He would not send a
flood to wipe out the entire human race – and the entire human
race was living in the same land mass more or less – so if a flood
comes it would wipe out the entire human race – this was
contrary to the promises of God. Rather than trusting God and His
promises they go on to build a tower – hoping that in case of a
flood their names would survive and possibly they too could
survive.

Note the difference between the genealogies, which simply reads

when X had lived this many years X became the father of Y; and
the ones that say a son was born to X and X named him Y. In the
latter case the name has a significance. In the case of Noah:
When Lamech had lived 182 years, he had a son. He named
him Noah and said, “He will comfort us in the labor and
painful toil of our hands caused by the ground the LORD has
cursed.” (Gen 5:28-29)
Compare it with the other type of genealogies:
When Kenan had lived 70 years, he became the father of
Mahalalel. (Gen 5:12)
This shows the importance the ancients placed on having a son to
carry on their lives and the importance they placed on naming
their children.

Not Be Scattered
How will the tower help to not being scattered? Let us not forget
that they are talking not only about the tower but also about the

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city. The tower was to be a part of this great city. So a city will
help them to be in the same place. The tower helped them to
make a name for themselves. Their twin motives are satisfied. At
the end it was the city that got the name as Babel and not the
tower.

Reaching the Heavens

81
While some have taken the words ‘reach the heavens’ simply to
mean a very tall tower (Nahum M Sarna, Gerhard Von Rad,
Theodore Hiebert), others (Gordon Wenham, Claus Westerman,
Victor Hamilton, Bruce Waltke) have seen a special meaning – a
threat to God Himself. While it cannot be taken literally, we do
see a challenge to God. Westerman quotes Isaiah 14:13-14,
where ironically, the prophecy is about Babylon itself:
You said in your heart, “I will ascend to the heavens; I will
raise my throne above the stars of God; I will sit enthroned
on the mount of assembly, on the utmost heights of Mount
Zaphon. I will ascend above the tops of the clouds; I will
make myself like the Most High.

Clearly there is some allusion. The Tower of Babel was a challenge

to God Himself. In a way, a tower reaching to the heavens could
be another form of expressing Eve’s desire to become like gods. It
was a way of saying we own this earth and will run it in any way
we want: “We will not scatter to fill the earth as You commanded,
we will stay in one place. Who are You to tell us what to do? We
are interested in making a name for ourselves. In case You send a
flood like the earlier one – we have our tower. The fact that You
have promised that the flood will never come doesn’t matter to
us. We do not trust You. We trust in ourselves”.

81
The Esagila - the ziggurat completed by Nebuchadnezzar has
th
been described by Herodotus - a 5 century Greek historian who is said
to have visited Babylon. It is noteworthy that the meaning of Esagila is
‘the house whose head is raised up’. The name is somewhat similar to
the Tower of Babel description – ‘reaching to the heavens’.

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God was angry that the ‘sons of god’ intermarried and had children
with the daughters of men. Whatever the view one takes about the
82
sons of god, it was the fault of the humans as it was the humans
who were punished. So could this Tower of Babel be an effort to
take the world to its pre-flood state – whereby again the sons of
god can intermarry and have children with daughters of man?
Could they have built the tower with the belief that it would make
83
it easier for the sons of god to come down to earth?

82
Rabbi David Tzvi Hoffinann in his commentary catalogues the
different interpretations given over the years to the term sons of Gods:
1) The benei elohim (sons of God) were celestial beings such as
angels.
2) The benei elohim refers to the descendants of Seth
3) Benei elohim refers to certain people, then considered an
elite class, either because of wealth or leadership qualities.
4) Benei elohim refer to the descendants of Cain who were of
impressive physical appearance and technologically advanced (this is the
view proposed by L Eslinger, “A contextual Identification of the bene
haelohim and benoth haadam,” Journal for the Study of the OT 13,
(1979): 65-73.
5) Benei elohim refers to individuals who claimed to be
Nephilim, demigods, "fallen from heaven" the abode of the gods, who
ruled over others by virtue of either their physical strength or beauty or
aggressive nature. These are the "tyrants" or "heroes" of mythology.
Shubert Spero, “Sons of God , Daughters of Men?” Jewish Biblical
Quarterly 40, no. 1 (2012), amongst other articles see Frank Jabini, “Sons
of God Marrying Daughters of Man: An Exercise in Integrated Theology,”
Conspectus 14 (2012), (Journal of the South African Theological
Seminary) for a survey of views and its application to modern church.
83
I have taken the view that the sons of gods are angelic
beings. As to the question whether it is possible for Angelic beings to
have physical relationships with women see the incident at Sodom and
Gomorrah, where Lot’s neighbors wanted to rape his Angelic visitors.

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God’s Response
“But the LORD came down to see the city and the tower the
84
people were building…come let us go down” – is this talking
about theophany or simply an anthromorphism? Since in other
places theophanies are animated much more graphically I would
tend to take this as an anthromorphism – making a contrast
between men building a tower that reaches to the heavens and
the Lord coming down.
God Himself talking about the one language leads to the plot of
the story – the confusion of the language of the world. God sees
three things as potential problems.
85
One people, one language, nothing they plan will be impossible
for them: “..nothing they plan to do will be impossible for them”.
How can God come to such a drastic conclusion simply because
they built this tower?
1. This will keep the human race together in the same place. It
will bring oneness: while this is not bad, evil things will also
spread across the whole of humanity without any restraint,
like a plague coming to a people who live together and
destroying all of them. What was it that stopped the sins of
Sodom and Gomorra from spreading to other places? We do
not read that God destroyed other cities during that time as
he destroyed these two cities. One important factor was the
geographical separation. If not for the scattering in the Babel
incident, maybe the whole world would have been like

84
Some have seen the plural as a rhetorical allusion to the
plurals of humanity in 11.3-4. Thomas A Keiser, “The Divine Plural: A
Literary-Contextual Argument for Plurality in the Godhead,” Journal for
the Study of the Old Testament, 34, no. 2 (2009): 131-146. This is again a
subject of debate and there is no consensus among scholars.
85
Some of the ancient Christian commentators tried to explain
that the original language did not survive. All of them got new languages.
Andrew Louth, ed., Ancient Christian Commentary on Scripture, Genesis
1-11 (Grand Rapids: IVP, 2001), 169.

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 THE CITY, THE SHIP, AND THE TOWER

Sodom and Gomorra. As the sin spread to the city, it would

have spread to the whole world – as everyone was living in
the same area. All the people would be committing the same
sins. So God would have had to destroy all of them – just like
the in the flood – which He promised He would not do again.
2. “...they have begun to do this, then nothing they plan to do
86
will be impossible for them” : we see an allusion to Genesis
6:5 where it says that every thought of his imagination was
constantly evil. So when God says ‘nothing that they plan’ –
He is talking about the evil things that they plan. God was not
feeling threatened by the actions of the human race. He
knew that if they were to continue like this eventually they
would become just like the pre-diluvian humanity – deserving
a much more severe punishment on a global scale. So God
stopped them there, not allowing them to make any progress
in the wrong direction. Note that during Noah’s time, God did
not punish the world by confusing the languages – as it
wouldn’t have made any difference. The people would have
gone to the ends of the earth and been as violent as before.
The pre-diluvian society was beyond salvation – and God did
not want the Babelian society also to end up like the pre-
diluvian society. God sees something that will eventually be
far more evil than what it is now. A close parallel would be
God’s statement to Abraham in Genesis 15:16 – “the sin of
the Amorites has not reached its full measure”. God did not
want the Babelites’ sin to reach its full measure. Because if it
did, that would lead God to judge them much more severely.
My observation is further strengthened by the fact that the
“now” of Genesis 11:6 (“now nothing will be restrained from

86
Most commentators have referred to Job 42.2 where both
the words occur – basar (impossible) and zamam (the related noun
mezimma). They conclude that God’s will alone could prevail without
being thwarted by anyone. See Wenham, Genesis, 241; Hamilton,
Genesis, 355.

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them, which they have imagined to do,” KJV, translated as

87
‘then’ in NIV) means ‘from this point onwards’.

While this allusion is literary/thematic and not grammatical,

we must note that the word for plan, zamam (Gen 11:6) is
usually used with evil intent. It is also used in Deuteronomy
19:19; Psalm 17:3, 31:13, 37:12; Proverbs 30:32, and is
associated with evil intent. In the prophetic books it is used
of the Lord devising to punish the earth: Jeremiah 4:28;
88
51:12; Lamentations 2:17; Zechariah 1:6; 8:14. Jeremiah
51:12 deserves a special mention as the Lord Himself now
speaks about devising (zamam) and doing things against
Babylon. In that passage, too, God talks about scattering the
people of Babylon. This is because of what they had done to
His covenant people and His temple. The noun (feminine)
form of the word mezimma derived from the verb zamam
occurs much more frequently: Job 21:27, 42:2; Psalms 10:2,
10:4, 21:11, 37:7, 139:20; Proverbs 1:4, 2:11, 3:21, 5:2, 8:12,
12:2, 14:17, 24:8; Jeremiah 11:15, 23:20, 30:24, 51:11.

Another verb form is zimmah or zammah –often translated as

lewdness and associated with sexual sins. It occurs in Leveticus
18:17, 19:29, 20:14; Judges 20:6; Job 17:11, 31:11; Psalms 26:10,
119:150; Proverbs 10:23, 21:27, 24:9; Isaiah 32:7; Jeremiah 13:27;
Ezekiel 16:27, 16:43, 16:58, 22:9, 22:11, 23:21, 23:27, 23:29,
89
23:35, 23:44, 23:48, 23:49, 24:13; Hosea 6:9.

In a way this is similar to the Tree of Life in the Garden of Eden.

God made it unreachable to man saying that man should not live
forever. This also is as an act of grace from the Lord. If Adam had
eaten from the Tree of Life and entered into a non-dying state –
an important death wouldn’t have happened in the history of

87
Barry Bandstra, Genesis 1–11: A Handbook on the Hebrew
Text (Texas: Baylor University Press, 2008), 570.
88
The only two exceptions being Zech 8.15 and Prov 31.16
89
Search done using Strong’s Concordance Online

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mankind – the death of our Lord Jesus Christ – so no salvation

would have been possible. If men do not die then the son of man
also couldn’t have died. The serpent would have struck His heel
and He would NOT have been able to crush its head – on the
90
cross and in resurrection .

So the building project comes to a halt and people are scattered

all over the earth – the very thing they tried to prevent by
building the tower happens. The different nations of the world
91
are born. What God initially gave as a blessing (“be fruitful and
fill the earth”) has now finally been fulfilled by a curse.

It must be noted that there is a connection between the sin and

the punishment. This is the case with all punishments in Genesis.
For example, the serpent who seduced Eve into eating the
forbidden fruit will have to eat dust; Cain a farmer by vocation
now becomes a fugitive and a wanderer. At Babel, too, the
punishment comes on the one language – which according to the
text is the main reason for unity for the human race; and the
92
intention behind it – not to be scattered.

90
Meredith J Kline, Genesis: New Bible Commentary, 3 ed.
91
There is some evidence in the extra biblical literature to
trace the roots of each major civilization to the sons of Noah. For
example Josephus states that ‘Now Joctan, one of the sons of Heber, had
these sons, Elmodad, Saleph, Asermoth, Jera, Adoram, Aizel, Decla, Ebal,
Abimael, Sabeus, Ophir, Euilat, and Jobab. These inhabited from Cophen,
an Indian river, and in part of Asia adjoining to it.’ Antiquities 1.6.4. Ken
Johnson in his popular style book Ancient Post Flooded History (Maitland,
Florida: Xulon Press, 2004), traces some of these history.
92
P.D. Miller Jr, Genesis 1-11 Studies in Structure and Theme.
JSOT Sup 8 (1978), cited in Handbook of the Pentateuch, Victor Hamilton.
This was observed by the ancient preacher Chrysostom who saw the
connection in Eve’s punishment and Adam punishment and the
punishment here. Louth, Ancient Christian, p168-169

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The poetic devices, paronomasia and antithetical parallelisms

that are prevalent in this section have been noted by Fokkleman.
93
He sees a sound chiasmus.

LBN “let us make bricks”

NBL “let us confuse”

The reversal of the order of the sounds reveals the basic idea of
the passage: the construction on earth is answered by the
deconstruction from heaven; men build but God pulls down. The
fact that God’s words are also in the form of man’s words (as
cohortative) adds a corroding irony to the passage. God sings with
94
the people while working against them.

So it started with Adam – a couple trying to gain independence

and autonomy from God – now the whole world wants autonomy
and independence from God and is punished in return.

Babel the Name

The narrator makes a word play between Balal and Babel.
Akkadian word bab-ilim means ‘gate of God’ – the naval of earth
where heaven and earth meet. So here is the narrator taking the
gate of God and making it sound like confusion. This is a satire on
Babylon and its culture. The narrator wanted to point out that
although in the Babylonian language (Akkadian) Babel means
95
‘gate of God,’ in our language (Hebrew) it means ‘confusion’.

93
A concentric symmetry or chiastic structure (key terms recur
in inverted order) in Gen. 11.1-9 and the parallel symmetry (key terms
recur in identical order) in Gen. 11.31-12.5 has been noted by Mark A.
Awabdy, Babel, Suspense, 19; his analysis is a modified version of
Fokkleman’s analysis.
94
Fokkelman, Narrative Art in Genesis (Oregon: Wipf & Stock
Publishers, 2004), 15.
95
Anchor Bible Dictionary (1992), s.v. Babel

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The narrator doesn’t record the names of the builders or its

96
leaders – (unless one associates Nimrod with it: rather a loose
97
connection coming from chapter 10). It is also an irony that the
Babelites who wanted make a name for themselves ended up
making only one name for themselves – Babel – ‘confusion’.

What was Wrong with Babel: A Response to Marlowe

In an excellent article on the Tower of Babel, On the Sin of Shinar
Genesis 11.4, Creighton Marlowe comes up with an ingenious
98
explanation. His argument is that the sin of Shinar is neither
human hubris nor union – staying in the same place. Rather it is
violence. He goes onto to prove that the tower was actually a
military siege tower. He connects the Babel story with Nimrod
and argues that they captured the people who were living in the
plain of Shinar, made them slaves, and forced them to speak their
language (so according to him that’s how it became one
language). Using the ‘evidence’ from Genesis 10, Marlowe argues
that the languages came into existence much before the Tower of
Babel. The plan was to build a central ‘pyramid’ to ensure divine
help and then to build a reputation strong enough to deter the
would-be attackers. He interprets ‘scattering’ as being conquered
and enslaved and being taken to other countries. The question of
who will attack is irrelevant in his theory as the nations in Genesis
10 have already come into existence. God did not really create
the different languages but rather did something to confuse and
stop the building work.
I must admit that this truly is an ingenious interpretation.
However, the basic flaw is his assumption that the languages and
the nations existed before the Tower of Babel. It would be

96
According to ancient commentators a war broke out after
the confusion of languages and it is Nimrod who won the war and
scattered the races to the ends of the earth. He then seized Babel and
became its first ruler (Louth, Ancient Christian, 166-170).
97
John Sailhamer sees the words name and scattering as two
important words for this story (Sailhamer, The Pentateuch).
98
Marlowe, The sin of Shinar.

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erroneous to argue that the nations existed before the Tower of

Babel simply because it is described in Genesis 10 which comes
before the tower story in Genesis 11. Genesis is full of such
constructions – in the creation story in Genesis 1:27, God creates
man. And again in the second chapter the creation story is
explained in detail – how man was formed out of the dust and
that God breathed into his nostril. Based on this, we cannot argue
that God created man twice. We cannot also argue that after
creating the man in chapter 1, God kept him as a dummy without
breath till chapter 2! So in the same token, Genesis 10 is just a
summary of nations, and chapter 11 explains in detail how these
nations came into being. Thomas Brodie has called this ‘diptychs’.
99
And, he sees this in several places. Turner also agrees that
chapter 10 would fit better after chapter 11 chronologically but
“the chronological order has been sacrificed for thematic
connections between chapter 9 and 10”. The thematic
connections being the Lord’s command to multiply and fill the
earth and Noah’s curse on Canaan – so this chapter shows where
100
the cursed people live.

Moreover, we cannot escape from the fact that there was only
one language: Gen. 11:1 and 11:6. God Himself says that the
earth had one language; in v9 God confused the language of all
the earth. So what happened was done on a global scale and the
results were also global.

If going by his own thesis God wanted to stop the violence – why
stop the building? Why couldn’t He have the Babelites (or
Nimrod) concede defeat? Even if the project used war prisoners
as slaves, the point of the project was not to oppress. It was to
erect a tower. Even without a city they still could have continued
their violent reign. So if God was against violence and oppression
he would have stopped the wars, not the building project.

99
Brodie, Genesis.
100
Laurence A. Turner, Genesis, Readings: A New Biblical
Commentary, 2 ed (Sheffiled: Phoenix Press, 2009).

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CONCLUSION
This article looked at the Tower of Babel in detail and in
comparison with Cain’s city and Noah’s ark. Cain and the
Babelites did not believe the word of God, they did not think that
what God had said was enough for their security and safety. They
turned to buildings for their security. Noah took God at His word
and tuned the ark into a monument of faith. Even when the
Babelites did not believe in God, He still was faithful to His
promises. The Tower of Babel stands as a monument of God’s
faithfulness to his promises.

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 SHALL I NOT DRINK IT?
A LINK BETWEEN SUFFERING AND LOVE FROM JOHN 18:111

VINODH GUNASEKERA

INTRODUCTION
In Matthew 18:11 we find Jesus referring to a cup that the Father
gave Him. What was the cup that Jesus was referring to? How
does the Old Testament and the New Testament develop the
concept of a cup and the concept of drinking that cup? What can
we learn from Him who spoke of drinking the cup down to its
dregs because He knew that it was the Father who poured the
cup? What is the link between suffering and love? These are
some of the questions that this paper seeks to answer.

In Matthew 10:42, Jesus speaks of the rewards of anyone giving a

cup of cold water to a little one and in Mark 9:41 about the
rewards of anyone who gives a cup of water to one of His
disciples. These cups are filled with water. The more general use
of the phrase “cup of” in the Bible is figurative. Psalm 116:13
speaks of the “cup of salvation,” Isaiah 51:17 the “cup of God’s
anger,” Isaiah 51:22 the “cup of reeling.” Jeremiah 16:7 the “cup

1
So Jesus said to Peter, “Put the sword in the sheath; the cup
which the Father has given me, shall I not drink it?” John 18:11 (RSV)
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

of consolation,” Jeremiah 25:15 the “cup of the wine of wrath,”

Ezekiel 23:33 the “cup of horror and desolation,” 1 Corinthians
10:16 the “cup of blessing,” 1 Corinthians 10:21 the “cup of
the Lord” and the “cup of demons,” Revelation 14:10 the “cup of
His anger,” and Revelation 16:19 the “cup of the wine of His
fierce wrath”. By these figurative uses of the word ‘cup’ in the
Bible, three main themes emerge. These themes are: blessing,
wrath, and suffering.

The Cup of Blessing

The first theme that emerges from the references to the cup in
the scriptures is the theme of blessing. When the scriptures use
the phrase the “cup of blessing” (1 Corinthians 10:21) or “my cup
overflows” (Psalm 23:5), they are speaking of a cup that is
consumed with thanks at the end of a meal. In the Passover feast
the cup of blessing is the third of four cups required. The drinking
of the cup of blessing was accompanied by a special word of
thanks that was spoken over it.

The Jewish cup of blessing ( ) corresponds to the cup of

the interpretative saying (Mk. 14:23 par. Mt. 26:27; 1 C. 11:25; Lk.
22:20). At every meal when wine was drunk, the prayer of
thanksgiving was said over this cup after the main meal. At the
Passover this was the third cup. The relationship to this cup finds
direct expression when the tradition calls the cup which Jesus
proffered μετὰ τὸ δειπνῆσαι (1 C. 11:25; Lk. 22:20) τὸ ποτήριον
τῆς εὐλογίας (1 C. 10:16, 21 ff.). The introduction to the
interpretative saying (Mk. 14:23 par. Mt. 26:27) follows exactly
the customary rite. He who gives thanks for all, after the required
blessing, lifts the cup of blessing a hand’s breadth above the table
(λαβών), and with his eyes fixed on the cup says on behalf of all
the prayer of thanksgiving (εὐχαριστήσας). Then Jesus, though

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 SHALL I NOT DRINK IT? (JOHN 18:11)

contrary to custom, He Himself does not drink, circulates the cup

2
among His disciples and speaks the words of interpretation.
3
At the wedding in Cana of Galilee Jesus turned water to wine to
serve it to the guests at the wedding (John 2:1-12). The
headwaiter, possibly the equivalent of the toastmaster at today’s
weddings, exclaims to the bridegroom who was responsible for
the wedding celebrations: “Every man serves the good wine first,
and when the people have drunk freely, then serves the poorer
wine; but you have kept the good wine until now”. This was a cup
of blessing. Songwriter Jim Croegaert expresses his thoughts
about the joy of the groom when he tasted this last cup of wine at
his wedding:
Tuning water to wine, that must have been a fine wedding
to be part of.
Mary did you think what this would be the start of?
When you gave a command to the servants to stand there
and be ready,
I would think the voice they heard was warm and steady.
Under the blue Galilean sky something was new, newer than
the wine they tasted.
Blessed be the groom, blessed be the bride,
Blest be the heart that worried not what might be wasted.
Did you see the groom’s face when he learned that disgrace
had been turned to gladness?

2
G. Kittel, G. W. Bromiley and G. Friedrich ed., Theological
Dictionary of the New Testament (TDNT), vol. 6 (Grand Rapids, MI:
Eerdmans, 1964), 154–155 (Electronic edition).
3
The subject of the use of alcohol is a sensitive subject because
of the way alcohol has caused much devastation in the lives of
individuals, families and cultures. The primary way that the Scriptures
use the term cup is for the consumption of water (as referred to in the
paper from Matthew 10:42 and Mark 9:41). But the use of the cup for
the consumption of alcohol is part of the imagery of the Bible. For a good
article titled “The Bible and Alcohol” by Dr. Dan Wallace see,
https://bible.org/article/bible-and-alcohol (accessed on July 20, 2014).

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Mary did you laugh the moment he thought it was

madness?
When they filled his own cup and he lifted it up was he
nearly crying?
Unadorned joy no money will come close to buying.4

Paul’s argument in 1 Corinthians 10 is that the cup of blessing

that the church takes together is to symbolize unity and the love
of the congregation for each other. Therefore, the biblical theme
of the “cup of blessing” indicates praise and thanksgiving.
However, in its use in the Lord’s Supper, the “cup of blessing” had
a far deeper meaning as well. There is an important sacramental
aspect to the “cup of blessing” in its use in the scriptures. Some
scholarly literature indicates that Jesus did not drink the fourth
and last cup of the Passover meal. According to this view the last
cup was the atonement itself, which He drank to the full.
Therefore, when Christians participate in the Lord’s Supper the
drinking of the cup is not simply an act of thanksgiving; it is also
5
sacramental. These include remembrance of redemption (1
Peter 1:18-19), the proclamation of Christ’s death (1 Corinthians
11:26), examining oneself (1 Corinthians 11:27), remembrance of
the new covenant relationship with God (Luke 22:20), an
anticipation of the eschatological banquet in the world to come
(Revelation 19:9), a meal of sharing in the body of Christ where all
who partake are equal (1 Corinthians 10:16-17), and food
symbolizing our constant need before God.
On the other hand, the eating and drinking to which Jesus
summoned His disciples with the words of institution at the
supper on the night before His death does not grant a
portion in Him simply as table fellowship. This is an
independent action separated from the rest of the supper.
Jesus does not pronounce the blessing and then drink from

4
Jim Croegaert, Water to Wine (Evanston, Illinois: Rough
Stones Music, 1994).
5
The word sacramental holds the idea of mystery, sacredness,
ritual observance and covenant relationship

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the same cup as His disciples. With the words of institution

He hands them the cup. According to these words the
redemptive dying of the Redeemer is represented by the
drink. Physical drinking is thus sublimated for receiving the
event of redemption. This drinking, as the accounts of the
institution portray it, is sacramental. 6

In order to understand Paul’s reference to “the cup of blessing

which is a sharing in the blood of Christ” (1 Corinthians 10:16), we
need to understand the institution of the Jewish Passover. About
4000 years ago, the Jewish people were in bondage as slaves in
Egypt. Since the Egyptians would not free the Israelites from
slavery the Lord brought about a series of plagues on the land.
The final plague was the death of the firstborn child in every
home. There was only one way that the Israelites could escape
this last plague. The Jews had to kill a male lamb without blemish
and apply its blood on the doorposts and lintels of their houses.
Only the houses that had the blood would be spared of this last
awful plague. When the angel of death saw the blood on the
doorposts he would pass over that house. The Jewish people
were spared through the Passover of the angel and released from
bondage from Egypt. As a symbol of this deliverance, God
commanded them to celebrate the Passover every year. After
that first Passover, until the time of Christ for 2000 years the
killing of lambs was done in the Temple in Jerusalem.

By the time of Christ, it was estimated that every year during

Passover 250,000 lambs were being slaughtered. On the Eve of
the Passover, the lambs would be killed and the blood of each
sacrifice offered before God on the altar. The priests stood in two
rows before the altar holding a basin and when the worshipper
would come and kill the lamb, the blood would fall in the basin.
This blood would be poured at the foot of the altar. The meat of
the lamb would be later eaten by the worshippers. The picture is
of throngs of people in the temple; the bleeding of fighting

6
TDNT, 141.

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animals waiting to be killed with the flash of the knife; the

spurting of the blood; the priests in their spotless robes; the
blood stained bowls; the splash of the blood against the altar; the
blood stained altar. All the while the Levites are leading the
people in the singing of Psalms. The killing of the Lamb
foreshadowed in the Psalms was about the sacrifice of God
Himself for the death of man, for the sins of man. This ceremony
was foreshadowing a Lamb of God who would one day come and
once and for all end the sacrifices and pay for the sins of man,
past, present and future. Therefore, unlike this lamb sacrificed,
God's sacrifice would never have to be repeated year after year.

The night that Jesus was betrayed by Judas was the night of the
Passover. The Passover was going on in Jerusalem at that time.
Jesus gathered His disciples in a room to celebrate the same feast
in the same way that it had been celebrated for 4000 years. They
ate the roasted lamb and at the end of the meal Jesus took the
unleavened bread, broke it, gave it to the disciples and instead of
the usual Passover blessing He changed the words altogether and
said: “This is my body, broken for you”. He distributed tie wine
and said: “This is my blood, shed for the forgiveness of your sin”.
In this act Jesus did something really drastic. He had taken the
symbols of the Passover and changed them forever. No longer
was it to be memorial of the deliverance of the Jews from Egypt.
It was to be a memorial of the deliverance of humankind from the
bondage of sin because He Himself was the Lamb that was to be
slain. The saving of mankind was greater than the saving of the
Jewish people because this Lamb was a greater lamb. He was a
Lamb of flesh and blood; He was God Himself.

The rabbis tell us that the Passover Meal is ended by singing

Psalms 115 to 118. Picture Jesus, His eyes lifted towards heaven
with His disciples singing Psalm 118:24: “This is the day the Lord
hath made, let’s rejoice and be glad”. Verse 27 of Psalm 118 says:
“Bind the festival sacrifice with cords to the horns of the altar.
Thou art my God and I give thanks to thee. I exalt thee”. Tears
may have been running down Jesus’ face when they sang that

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part, knowing full well that He was the sacrifice that in a few
hours was going to be bound to the altar and slain.

Shortly after the singing, Jesus is betrayed by Judas, arrested by

the Jewish priests, tried by Pilate and crucified on the cross. The
sun begins to sink on the horizon, casting long shadows on the
mount where Jesus is crucified. The assembled groups of people
would be standing there looking at the cross and the bleeding
body of the Son of God while His blood comes out from His
wounds. From His pierced hands and feet blood streams down
this altar in the shape of a cross forming a red pool at the base of
the cross. For three hours, Jesus had been hanging there despised
and rejected by men as Isaiah prophesied: “Yet we considered
Him stricken by God, smitten by Him and afflicted” (Isaiah 53:4).
During those three hours on the cross Jesus had spoken only a
few times and that very briefly. His voice was almost lost amidst
the jeers and insults of His tormentors. As His breathing became
harder, convulsing with pain, He cried out with a loud voice,
“Father into Your hands I commit My Spirit” (Luke 23:46). This
was when the Son of God drank to the final dregs the cup that He
referred to in Matthew 18:11. It was finished. The work that He
had come to do was accomplished. The Lamb had been slain.

Meanwhile in the temple, the Passover service was also on its

way. Thousands of men with their lambs were thronging towards
the place of sacrifice where death was inflicted on helpless
animals. The priests were working furiously passing the blood,
pouring it out on the altar and singing hymns of praise quite
unaware that beyond the city gates the offering of God’s own
lamb had made all their sacrifices unnecessary. The price of all
sins was paid by God dying on the cross. The true Lamb of God
7
taken away had taken away the sins of the world. This is what

7
Some of the material about the Passover and the death of
Christ has been adapted by an excellent sermon on 1 Corinthians 10 by
th
Dr. Abraham Kuruvilla, delivered on June 10 1996.

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believers ever since that death have celebrated in the Lord’s

Supper. This is the background significance of the Cup of Blessing.

The Cup of Wrath

The second theme in the metaphorical use of the cup in the
scriptures is the “cup of God’s wrath”. When the expressions of
God’s wrath in the Bible are considered as a whole, there are two
aspects. The first aspect of God’s wrath is in the form of external
forces that show God’s wrath. God’s wrath is seen in the
figurative use of elements such as fire (as in Isaiah 30:27) and
flood (as in Hosea 5:10). The second aspect of God’s wrath in the
scriptures is experienced as an internal force when God makes
people drink from the cup of His wrath as seen in Jeremiah
25:15ff. This kind of imagery of wrath working internal to people
is also found in the book of Revelation when those who worship
the beast will be made to drink of the wine of the wrath of God
(Revelation 14:10).

The drinking of the cup of God’s wrath would impact nations and
people in the same way that becoming drunk with wine would
impact a person. As we are told in Jeremiah 25:15 and following,
the cup of wrath will cause nations to stagger and go insane
through the sword that will come among them (Jeremiah 25:16).
Those who drank of God’s wrath became a ruin and a horror, an
object of content and a curse (Jeremiah 25:17).

When considering God’s wrath both as an external force like fire

or flood and as an internal force that makes people become a
curse, it is important to understand how God’s wrath is consistent
with His nature. The reason for God’s wrath is His holiness and
righteousness. Those who sin despise God’s law and His love.
Importantly, how does one reconcile between this wrath of God
and His love? This question is addressed well by Stählin in his
article in the Theological Dictionary of the New Testament:
Objections are continually raised against the thesis that the
ὀργή θεοũ (God’s wrath) is an integral part of biblical

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 SHALL I NOT DRINK IT? (JOHN 18:11)

proclamation. They are chiefly based on belief in God’s love.

If God is truly love, He cannot be angry. But even prior to
the NT it was realised that wrath and love are mutually
inclusive, not exclusive, in God. In the NT as in the OT, in
Jesus as in the prophets, in the apostles as in the rabbis, the
preaching of God’s mercy is accompanied by the
proclamation of His wrath. Only he who knows the
greatness of wrath will be mastered by the greatness of
mercy. The converse is also true: Only he who has
experienced the greatness of mercy can measure how great
wrath must be. For the wrath of God arises from His love
and mercy. Where mercy meets with the ungodly will of
man rather than faith and gratitude, with goodwill and the
response of love, love becomes wrath, cf. Mt. 18:34; Mk.
3:5; R. 2:5. In Christ mankind is divided into those who are
freed from wrath inasmuch as they are ready to be saved by
His mercy, and those who remain under wrath because they
despise His mercy. This is what was proclaimed from the
very first concerning Jesus by Simeon (Lk. 2:34) and John the
Baptist (Mt. 3:12). This is how Jesus Himself regarded the
operation of His word and work (cf. Lk. 20:18; Mk. 4:12).
And He finally illustrated His divisive power by dying
between two malefactors (Lk. 23:39 ff.).8

The cup of wrath experienced from the outside is distressing

since forces such as fire and flood bring painful consequences.
But the most difficult form of God’s wrath to experience is
internal. This is the experience of wrath that Paul speaks of in
Romans. In Romans 1:26 Paul tells us that “God gave them over
to degrading passions”. This withdrawal of God is the most
terrible aspect of the wrath of God. On their own, humanbeings
staggers and ruin themselves. C S Lewis tells us that hell is locked
from the inside.

Jesus tasted the cup of the wrath of God when He experienced the
fire, flood, and withdrawal of God on the road of death that He

8
TDNT, 425.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

undertook for us. Jesus has delivered us from the just wrath of
God.
The apostolic kerygma relates deliverance from God’s wrath
inseparably to Jesus. Jesus is the One who already saves, 1
Th. 1:10. Jesus it is who will then deliver us from the wrath to
come, R. 5:9. Only through Him can we have assurance that
we are not destined for wrath, 1 Th. 5:9 f. Through Him we
are already σῳζόμενοι, as He is already the ῥυόμενος.
Salvation is both present and future in accordance with the
dual character of eschatology. Why is deliverance from wrath
bound up with Jesus? Because we are justified by His blood,
reconciled by His death (R. 5:9 f.), which means that we are
no longer under condemnation (8:1), no longer enemies
(5:10). Or are we to say: Because Jesus tasted God’s wrath for
us? Various attempts have been made to show that we are to
say this, especially on the basis of the scene in Gethsemane
and the saying on the cross in Mt. and Mk.9

It is only in Christ that we see God’s wrath and God’s love

intertwined as Jesus drank the cup of the wrath of God for the
love God had for the world (John 3:16).

The Cup of Suffering

The third theme in use of the word ‘cup’ is along the lines of
suffering. When the sons of Zebedee came with their mother to
ask Jesus whether they could sit at His right and left, Jesus asked
them whether they could drink of a cup that He was about to
drink (Matthew 20:22). This was a reference to the suffering He
was about to experience. When Jesus was praying in the Garden
of Gethsemane He requested of God: “My Father, if it is possible,
let this cup pass from Me, yet not as I will but as You will”
(Matthew 26:39). Again, a second and third time Jesus said: “My
Father, if this cannot pass away unless I drink it, Your will be
done” (Matthew 16:42). This prayer is recorded in Mark 14:36ff
and Luke 22:42ff as well. In these instances, the drinking from the

9
TDNT, 445.

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 SHALL I NOT DRINK IT? (JOHN 18:11)

cup represents the suffering that God was about to bring into
Jesus’ life, and is therefore part of God’s sovereign will.

When Jesus referred to “the cup which the Father has given Me” in
John 18:11 at the time of arrest, He was referring to this same cup
that He prayed about in Gethsemane, the cup of suffering. Yet by
the time He was betrayed by Judas and the illegitimate arrest was
under way, Jesus had made up His mind to drink the cup that the
Father was already pouring out for Him. By this time, Jesus had
accepted the cup of suffering in His heart and will. George
Matheson writes about Jesus’ acceptance of suffering as follows:
The cup which our Father giveth us to drink is a cup for the
will. It is easy for the lips to drain it when once the heart has
accepted it. Not on the heights of Calvary, but in the
shadows of Gethsemane is the cup presented; the act is
easy after the choice. The real battlefield is in the silence of
the spirit. Conquer there, and thou art crowned.10

However, the most difficult part of Jesus’ suffering had to do with

the fact that He knew that His Father was sovereignly allowing it.
He had known all along that He had to suffer and die. In Mark
8:31 He had taught His disciples that “the Son of Man must suffer
many things and be rejected by the elders and the chief priests
and the scribes and be killed, and after three days rise again”.
When Peter tried to turn Him away from the road of suffering, in
Mark 8:35, Jesus said: “For whosoever wishes to save his life will
lose it, but whoever loses his life for My sake and the gospel’s will
save it”. Luke the beloved physician records these same
statements of Jesus in Luke 9:22ff. In the Theological Dictionary
of the New Testament, Goppelt puts it this way:
Materially, however, Jesus sees Himself confronted, not by a
cruel destiny, but by the judgment of God. The ineffable
sorrow and anguish (Mk. 14:33 f. par. Mt. 26:37 f. cf. Lk.

10
S. G. Hardman,and D. L. Moody, Thoughts for the Quiet Hour
(Willow Grove, PA: Woodlawn Electronic Publishing, 1997).

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

22:44) which gives rise to the request that what is

approaching might pass from Him is not fear of a dark fate,
nor cringing before physical suffering and death, but the
horror of One who lives by God at being cast from Him, at
the judgment which delivers up the Holy One to the power
of sin (Mk. 14:41 par. Mt. 26:45, cf. Lk. 22:53).11

Yet the actual experience of that suffering by taking the darkness of

every man into His own understanding was a cup that was almost
beyond this Man who was born to save the world from sin. This cup
of suffering that Jesus drank was intensified by two factors: His
desolation from God and His bearing the depravity of man.

The Cup of Desolation

When Moses saw God’s glory on Mount Sinai, the sight was so
terrifying that he trembled with fear (Heb. 12:21). Yet that was
God in covenant, God in grace. However, when Jesus looked up
from the Garden of Gethsemane He saw His Father with His
sword raised (Zech. 13:7; Mat. 26:31) ready to slay His Son.
Although there would have been tears streaming down the
Father’s face, this sight was unbearable for Jesus because of the
deep relationship that Jesus had always enjoyed with the Father.
When Jesus was little He was about His Father’s business (Luke
2:49); it was His Father who came to Jesus’ baptism and said,
“This is my beloved Son” (Mat. 3:17); much of Jesus’ teaching was
about the Father, about how His Father feeds the sparrows (Mat.
6:26), how His Father secretly rewards those who pray in solitude
(Mat. 6:18), about how when the disciples prayed they should say
“Our Father” (Mat 6:9) and how His brothers and sisters were
those who did the will of His Father in heaven (Mat. 12:48). His
knowledge of the Father was so intimate that Jesus said that “no
one knows the Father except the Son and anyone to whom the
Son wishes to reveal Him” (Mat. 11:27).

11
TDNT, 152-53.

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 SHALL I NOT DRINK IT? (JOHN 18:11)

So when Jesus looked into the Father’s face in Gethsemane the

cup that He was asking to be removed was the abandonment of
the Father Who was His life – this was a personal cup of suffering.
This relationship that the Son enjoyed with the Father was from
before even time began. Yet now, in this one poignant moment of
time, Jesus knew that the Father would have to forsake the Son
because the Son would become sin. Although in Gethsemane
Jesus’ cry was “Abba Father,” at the cross He would be crying:
“My God”. Jesus, the last Adam would be standing before His
God, to answer for the sin of the whole world (2 Cor. 5:12). This
inner suffering of the Son was the abandonment by the Father in
whose arms He had always been. This was the deeply personal
cup of suffering that Jesus had to bear.

The Cup of Depravity

2 Cor. 5:21 says that Jesus who had no sin, was made sin for us,
that we might become the righteousness of God in Him (cf. Gal.
3:1). The cup Jesus was going to drink involved becoming sin. On
the one hand, Jesus had limited Himself in His incarnation. He had
limited Himself in space, in power, in knowledge, and time since
otherwise Jesus could not be killed. The most terrifying aspect of
the cross was that Jesus had never sinned (2 Cor. 5:21). Jesus
knew no sin during His incarnation and His pre-existence as God
the Son. Because Jesus knew no sin He didn’t know what horrors
faced Him as He took on the sin of the world. So when Jesus
became sin for us, it was a far deeper pain than any man has ever
experienced. The wonder of the love of Christ for His people is
not that for their sake He faced death without fear, but that for
their sake He faced it terrified. Terrified by what He knew and
terrified by what He did not know. Jesus took damnation lovingly.

CONCLUSION
In 2 Samuel 12 we find Nathan confronting King David with a
story about a rich man and a poor man. In Nathan’s description of
the poor man he says (2 Sam. 12:3): “Now the poor man had
nothing except one little ewe lamb…. It would eat of his bread

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

and drink of his cup and lie in his bosom, and it was like a
daughter to him”. The horror of the slaying of the lamb in
Nathan’s account was because of the closeness of the lamb to the
poor man. This is portrayed by the lamb drinking of the man’s cup
and lying in his bosom.

The cup of blessing in a sacramental sense, as described above,

the cup of wrath and the cup of suffering were all drunk by the
Lamb of God who was once drinking from His Father’s cup and
lying in the bosom of the Father. It was Jesus’ love for the Father
that enabled Him to drink down to the dregs what was poured
out in these cups. Jesus knew in His magnificent heart that it was
the Father who was pouring out the cup. That is why in Matthew
18:11 Jesus told Peter: “Put your sword away! Shall I not drink the
cup the Father has given me?” Jesus loved His Father. This love
was such that nothing would take Him away from doing the will
of His Father – not undeserved wrath, not unbearable pain and
not even the unspeakable sorrow of abandonment. Such love
could not be rewarded by anything less than resurrection – Jesus
was the first man who was raised to life to never die again. This
was the ultimate victory of love over suffering.

In early Christian writings the cup became a symbol of

martyrdom. When Polycarp was arrested for being a Christian
and told to denounce Christ, he replied: “Eighty-six years I have
served Him, and He never did me any wrong. How can I
blaspheme my King who saved me?” Polycarp was sentenced to
be burned at the stake. Part of the prayer that he prayed as he
waited for the fire to be lighted was: “I bless you that you have
thought me worthy of this day and hour, to be numbered among
the martyrs and share in the cup of Christ, for resurrection to
eternal life.” Just like his Saviour before him, the love of Polycarp
for his Master enabled him to suffer for His name. The person
who demonstrates such love instead of staggering in God’s wrath
becomes the beneficiary of God’s transformation from the
temporary to the eternal and from death to life.

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 GÉZA VERMES AND
JESUS AS A GALILEAN CHARISMATIC HASID

PRABO MIHINDUKULASURIYA

Géza Vermes and the Third Quest

During the 1950s and 60s, many scholars were sufficiently
convinced by Rudolf Bultmann's argument that NT writers were
simply not interested in the historicity of Jesus’ life. The Gospels,
he claimed, were essentially inspirational stories for pre-modern
communities shaped by their own internal concerns as well as
tensions with other such communities. The Gospel material could
certainly be sifted for layers of authentic or attributed ‘sayings’ of
Jesus but, beyond that, a comprehensive rediscovery of Jesus’
own aims and actions was now quite impossible.

All that changed, according to N T Wright, with S G F Brandon

1
(1907-1971) and Géza Vermes (pron. vermesh) (1924-2013).
Brandon and Vermes fanned into full flame the embers of the
‘New Quest’ for the historical Jesus (1953-1967) which struggled
against the dampening effect of Barthian and Bultmannian
ahistoricism. Independently, Brandon and Vermes pioneered the
ongoing ‘Third Quest’ by situating Jesus research firmly within a
2
Palestinian Jewish context. Brandon's portrait of ‘Jesus the

1
N.T. Wright, Who Was Jesus? (London: SPCK, 1992), 13.
2
Joachim Jeremias (1900-1979) had drawn attention to
Aramaic sources and was very much a precursor of this trend. For a fuller
survey of the history of Jesus research, see James H. Charlesworth, Brian
JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

revolutionary’ generated excitement in the late 1960s, but soon

3
proved unsustainable. Vermes, however, drew upon his enviable
combination of theological training (he had trained as a Roman
Catholic priest in his native Hungary before reverting to Judaism
after settling in postwar Oxford) and firsthand knowledge of
Second Temple Jewish literature (he had been the first scholar to
write a doctoral dissertation on the Dead Sea Scrolls, followed by
4
studies on Aramaic documents, etc.). When it was first published
in 1973, the very title of his book Jesus the Jew: A Historian's
5
Reading of the Gospels was thought to be provocative. In 1977, I.
Howard Marshall wrote that,

Rhea and Petr Pokorný, eds., Jesus Research: New Methodologies and
Perceptions (The Second Princeton-Prague Symposium on Jesus Research),
(Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2014); Craig Keener, The Historical Jesus of
the Gospels (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2009), esp. 33-46. For the
contribution of Jewish scholars in Jesus research see Donald A. Hagner, The
Jewish Reclamation of Jesus: an analysis and critique of the modern Jewish
study of Jesus (Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock, 1997).
3
S.G.F. Brandon, Jesus and the Zealots: A Study of the Political
Factor in Primitive Christianity (Manchester: Manchester University
Press, 1967). For corrections of this view, see Brandon, '"Jesus and the
Zealots": A Correction,' New Testament Studies, 17 (1970-71): 453;
Martin Hengel, Victory Over Violence and Was Jesus a Revolutionist?
(Eugene, OR: Wipf & Stock, 2002; orig. published separately, Philadephia:
Fortress, 1971, 1975); Ernst Bammel and C.F.D. Moule (eds.), Jesus and
the Politics of His Day (Cambridge: CUP, 1984).
4
Geza Vermes, Providential Accidents: An Autobiography
(London: SCM Press, 1998/ Langham, MD: Rowman & Littlefield Publishers
th
, 1999; 'Obituary: Geza Vermes,' The Economist (May 18 2013). Online:
http://www.economist.com/news/obituary/21578017-geza-vermes-jew-
ex-priest-and-translator-dead-sea-scrolls-died-may-8th-aged (accessed 13
May 2014); Philip Alexander, 'Geza Vermes obituary,' The Guardian (14
May 2013). Online: http://www.theguardian.com/books/2013/may/14/
geza-vermes (accessed 13 May 2014).
5 st nd
1 ed., London: William Collins Sons & Co Ltd., 1973; 2 ed.,
rd
Philadephia: Fortress Press, 1981/London: SCM Press, 1983; 3 ed.,
London: SCM Press, 2001.

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 GÉZA VERMES AND JESUS AS A GALILEAN CHARISMATIC HASID

It may come as a surprise that one of the most notable

attempts to wrestle historically with the Gospels comes
from the pen of a Jew, expert in the Judaism of the first
century. G. Vermes has presented a Jewish portrait of Jesus
the Jew, a book which is a strange combination of rejection
of current scholarly opinions and advocacy of new
hypotheses which demand careful scrutiny.6

The fact that mainstream scholarship (both liberal and

conservative) has remained firmly committed to pursuing Jesus
research within the context of Second Temple Palestinian Judaism
is attributable, at least in part, to Vermes’ abiding contribution.
Over a period of four decades, he followed through on his seminal
work with a series of publications in which he claimed to track
how Nicene Christianity had meandered away from its original
7
Jewish roots. Critics have observed that Vermes retained his
original 1973 portrayal of Jesus the Jew throughout these later
writings without significant revision. However, they charge that
his methodology is weakened by a highly selective choice of
8
sources and interlocutors. Vermes died in May, 2013 at the age

6
I Believe in the Historical Jesus (London: Hodder & Stoughton,
1977; republished, Vancouver: Regent College Publishing, 2004), 137.
7
Geza Vermes, Jesus and the World of Judaism (Minneapolis:
Fortress Press, 1983); The Religion of Jesus the Jew (Minneapolis:
Fortress Press, 1993); The Changing Faces of Jesus (London: Penguin,
2001); Jesus in His Jewish Context (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2003);
The Authentic Gospel of Jesus (London: Penguin, 2004); The Passion
(London: Penguin, 2005); The Nativity: History and Legend (London:
Penguin, 2006); The Resurrection: History and Myth (Doubleday Books,
2008); Searching For The Real Jesus: Jesus, The Dead Sea Scrolls and
Other Religious Themes (London: SCM Press, 2009); Searching for the
Real Jesus, London (London: SCM Press, 2010); Jesus: Nativity - Passion –
Resurrection (London: Penguin, 2010); Jesus in the Jewish World
(London: SCM Press, 2010); Christian Beginnings: From Nazareth to Nicea
(London: Penguin, 2012/New Haven: Yale University Press, 2013).
8
See for example, Ben Witherington III, The Jesus Quest: The
Third Search for the Jew of Nazareth (Downers Grove, IL: IVP, 1997), 108-
112; N.T. Wright, Jesus and the Victory of God (London: SPCK, 1999), 91-

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

of 88 having shaped the course of historical Jesus research for

years to come.

In this essay, I shall deal with only one of Vermes’ methodological

constants because it is arguably the most critical one. We may call
it the ‘Hanina parallel’. Specifically, I shall seek to demonstrate
that the Hanina parallel fails to explain the particular
contentiousness of Jesus the Jew. In other words, If Jesus
exemplified the conventional pattern of a Galilean charismatic
hasid, why was the response of contemporary Pharisaic
movement and subsequent rabbinic orthodoxy so hostile to him?
The answer, it will be argued, lies in the earliest Christian
witnesses to Jesus’ own self-identification, the very thing Vermes
worked so hard to downplay.

Jesus the Jew: A Galilean Charismatic Hasid

The real strength of Vermes' contribution in Jesus the Jew was the
st
cogency of his alternative portrayal of Jesus within 1 century
Palestinian Judaism, until his violent end in Jerusalem. The
weakness is that he ignored or glossed over contrary evidence by
resorting to redaction critical devices so familiar in liberal-
existential discourse. He was determined to show that he was
“neither the Christ of the Church, nor the apostate bogey-man of
9
Jewish popular tradition”. Instead, Vermes argued, if the
synoptic narratives are read within “the geographical and
historical realities and…the charismatic religious framework of
first-century Judaism” the historical figure that emerges is that of
10
“Jesus the Galilean Hasid or holy man”. He proposed
furthermore that an analysis of “the New Testament titles of
Jesus (Prophet, lord, messiah, son of man, son of

124. Reidar Hvalvik, 'Vermes, Geza' in Craig A. Evans (ed.), Encyclopedia

of the Historical Jesus (NY/Oxford: Routledge, 2008); József Zsengellér
and Károli Gáspár (eds.), Rewritten Bible after Fifty Years: Texts, Terms,
or Techniques?: A Last Dialogue with Geza Vermes (Leiden: Brill, 2014).
9
Jesus the Jew, 17.
10
Jesus the Jew, 7.

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 GÉZA VERMES AND JESUS AS A GALILEAN CHARISMATIC HASID

God)…demonstrates that in their original meaning these describe

exactly the kind of healer and teacher” encountered in his
historical reconstruction.

Vermes began positing his thesis with a brief review of the

synoptic account of Jesus’ life and work, particularly the passages
describing his healings, exorcisms and teaching. He juxtaposed
these observations with a stimulating account of the distinct
socio-political setting of Galilee, and introduced the celebrated
role in that religious milieu of a category of miracle-working holy
men who modeled themselves especially after the prophets Elijah
and Elisha and gained local repute for performing exorcisms and
healings. These “Charismatics,” as Vermes labelled them, did not
make up a formally organized sect, were deemed unorthodox in
their practices and – though considering themselves within the
bounds of Judaism – were generally regarded with wariness by
those representing formal orthodoxy. Here Vermes arrived at a
critical stage in his argument and sought to establish a plausible
parallel between Jesus and this category of Jewish charismatics.
The representation of Jesus in the Gospel as a man whose
supernatural abilities derived, not from secret powers, but
from immediate contact with God, proves him to be a
genuine charismatic, the true heir of an age-old prophetic
religious line. But can other contemporary figures be
defined in the same way? The answer is yes. Furthermore,
far from digressing from the main theme of the present
enquiry, it is very pertinent to a search for the real Jesus to
study these other men of God and the part they played in
Palestinian religious life during the final period of the
second Temple era.11

His choice of “contemporary figures” for this crucial historical

st
parallel were Honi the circle-Drawer (1 cen. BC) and Hanina
st
ben Dosa (1 cent AD), two charismatic hasids regarding
whom fragmentary accounts are preserved in ancient Jewish

11
Jesus the Jew, 69 (emphasis mine).

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

12
sources. Vermes described the former as “the best known
of these charismatics,” but conceded that he is “perhaps not
the most important from the point of view of New Testament
13
study”. However, the latter he upheld not only as “one of
the most important figures for the understanding of the
charismatic stream in the first century,” but also as offering
“in a minor key…remarkable similarities with Jesus, so much
so that it is curious, to say the least, that traditions relating to
him have been so little utilized in New Testament
14
scholarship”.

Hanina ben Dosa

Rabbi Hanina ben Dosa appears in the rabbinic sources as a pre-
70 AD figure who lived in Arav, a Galilean town situated about 10
miles north of Nazareth. He is once mentioned as being a disciple
of Yohanan ben Zakkai and seems to have been connected albeit
15
peripherally to the formal rabbinic establishment. He was noted
particularly for his exemplary piety and uncommon closeness to
God which produced behaviour that in some ways surpassed
contemporary Pharisaic norms and therefore infringed particular
16
rules of etiquette. Hanina’s espousal of poverty was seen by
some of his peers as a mark of his devotion and, as we shall
discuss later, he was occasionally linked with the name of Elijah

12
With the single exception of Josephus’ reference to Honi
(“Onias the Righteous”) in Ant XIV. 4, all other citations are from early
rabbinic writings.
13
Jesus the Jew, 69.
14
Jesus the Jew, 72.
15
The section on Hanina (pp.72-78f) is condensed from a
previously published journal article by Vermes entitled, 'Hanina ben
Dosa: A Controversial Galilean Saint from the First Century of the
Christian Era,' Journal of Jewish Studies, 23 (1972): 28-50; and 24 (1973):
51-64. These articles were reprinted as (ch. 10) 'Hanina ben Dosa: A
Galilean Contemporary of Jesus' in Geza Vermes, Jesus in the Jewish
World (London, SCM Press, 2010), 130-173.
16
See section on ‘Charismatics and Pharisees,’ Jesus the Jew,
80-82.

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 GÉZA VERMES AND JESUS AS A GALILEAN CHARISMATIC HASID

the prophet. Thus the formulaic eulogy ascribed to the Galilean

Hasid in the Mishnah reads: “When Rabbi Hanina ben Dosa died,
17
the man of deed ceased”. Some of the anecdotal references
recounting his efficacious prayers and miraculous deeds bear a
striking resemblance to the miracles of Jesus, and are equated by
Vermes to that effect.

For our present consideration it may be helpful to reproduce the

rabbinic texts recalling the two most significant of these
instances. The first involves Hanina’s ability to heal from a
distance:
Our masters have taught: It happened that when Rabban
Gamaliel’s son fell ill, he sent two pupils to R. Hanina ben
Dosa that the he might pray for him. When he saw them, he
went to the upper room and prayed. When he came down,
he said to them: Go, for the fever has left him. They said to
him: Are you a prophet?
He said to them: I am not a prophet, nor I am a prophet’s
son, but this is how I am favoured. If my prayer is fluent in
my mouth, I know that he (the sick man) is favoured; if not, I
know that (his disease) is fatal. They sat down, wrote and
noted the hour. When they came to Rabban Gamaliel, he
said to them: By the worship! You have neither detracted
from it, nor added to it, but this is how it happened. It was
at that hour that the fever left him and he asked us for
water to drink. (bBerakhoth 34b)

Regarding this account Vermes comments that “The cure from a

distance of the centurion’s servant (or the son of the royal

17
mSot.9.15; tSot. 15.5; vSot.24c; bSot.49b. Vermes notes the
similarity of this description to that of Jesus as “a prophet mighty in deed
and word” (Lk.24.19) and "a doer of marvelous deeds"(Ant. XVIII.5.2);
Jesus the Jew, 79.

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18
official) belongs to the same category and illustrates what
19
seems to have been a recognized charismatic pattern”.

The second story relates Hanina’s encounter with the queen of

demons, which Vermes used to attest that Hanina was
“venerated as a deliverer of persons in physical peril, in particular
20
that caused by evil spirits.”
Let no man go out alone at night!’ Not on Wednesday
nights, nor on Sabbath nights; for Agrath daughter of
Mahlat and eighteen myriads of destroying angels are on
the prowl, and each of them is empowered to strike.
In former times she was seen daily. Once she met R. Hanina
ben Dosa and said to him: ‘Had there been no
commendation from heaven, ‘Take heed of R. Hanina ben
Dosa and his teaching!’, I world have harmed you.’ He said
to her: If I am highly esteemed in heaven, I decree that you
shall never again pass through an inhabited place.’ She said
to him: ‘please allow me in for a limited time.’ He then left
to her Sabbath nights and Wednesday nights. (bPesahim
112b).

Having thus established a historical similarity, Vermes then

applied it throughout Jesus the Jew as the primary corroboration
of its central thesis; that the most reliable NT evidence
concerning Jesus of Nazareth (selected according to his own
criteria) can be correctly understood only within the category of
Galilean charismatic Hasidism. For example, summing up his
investigation of the titles of Jesus, Vermes asserted the priority of
his own Christology over the prevalent Bultmannian model of
21
Hellenistic mythologizing as follows:

18
Mat. 8.5-13; Lk.7.1-10; Jn. 4.46-53.
19
Jesus the Jew, 75.
20
Jesus the Jew, 76.
21
For other instances of Vermes' criticism of Bultmann’s
dogmatic historical agnosticism, see Jesus the Jew, 86, 106, 152, 177,
193, 205-6, etc.

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 GÉZA VERMES AND JESUS AS A GALILEAN CHARISMATIC HASID

Thus, if the Hanina parallel is given the attention it deserves,

it may be argued that the greatest, and no doubt earliest,
part of the Synoptic evidence concerning the divine sonship
of Jesus corresponds exactly to the image of the Galilean
miracle-working Hasid. The Hellenistic Son of God ‘divine
man’ then appears not as an original element in the Gospel
tradition, but as one super-imposed on a solidly established
Palestinian Jewish belief and terminology. There is, in other
words, no reason to contest the possibility, and even the
great probability, that already during his life Jesus was
spoken of and addressed by admiring believers as son of
God.22

Therefore, Vermes’ concluding perspective of Jesus bore the

predictable result of being significantly shaped by the very thing
to which it was compared – the Hanina parallel. The closing
paragraph of Jesus the Jew thus offered a ‘historical’ figure
appended with a reductionist version of the titles attributed to
him by the synoptic Gospels:
The positive and constant testimony of the earliest Gospel
tradition, considered against its natural background of first-
century Galilean charismatic religion, leads not to a Jesus as
unrecognizable within the framework of Judaism as by the
standard of his own verifiable words and intentions, but to
another figure: Jesus the just man, the zaddik. Jesus the
helper and healer, Jesus the teacher and leader, venerated
by his intimates and less committed admirers alike as
prophet, lord and son of God.23

Critique of the Hanina Parallel: the Rabbinic Condemnation of

Jesus the Jew
Vermes made no attempt to veil the fact that in his own lifetime
Hanina ben Dosa met with the censure and antipathy of those
who represented the religious establishment of Second Temple

22
Jesus the Jew, 209; cf. 90.
23
Jesus the Jew, 225.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

Judaism. Citing D Flusser, he stated categorically that,

“Considering all the evidence available, this ‘inevitable tension’,
24
indeed conflict, emerges as a fact”. To account for this tension,
Vermes suggested two reasons:
The first, though perhaps less important, lies in the Hasidic
refusal to conform in matters of behavior and religious
observance. The second reason springs from the threat
posed by the unrestrained authority of the charismatic to
the upholders of the established religious order.25
And add the observation that,
It is hardly surprising that the stories concerning Honi and
Hanina – not to mention Jesus – often contain an element of
open or veiled disapproval when it is remembered that the
entire rabbinic tradition has passed through the channel of
orthodoxy.26

To be sure, Honi had exasperated Simeon ben Shetah, the chief

27
Pharisee of his time and been stoned to death in 63 BC by the
28
political supporters of Aristobulus II. Nevertheless, subsequent
rabbinic tradition accorded the Hasid an exalted place. A saying
from the Midrash Rabbah, for instance, declares: “No man has
existed comparable to Elijah and Honi the Circle-Drawer, causing
29
mankind to serve God”.

Likewise, Hanina was implicitly charged with contracting ritual

impurity and violating a biblical command by carrying the carcass
30
of a reptile, and inferred to have contravened a decision of the

24
Jesus the Jew, 80.
25
Jesus the Jew, 80.
26
Jesus the Jew, 80.
27
mTaan. 3.8.
28
Josephus, Ant.XIV.24.
29
Gensis Rabbah 13.7. See also bTaan. 23a
30
bBer. 33a

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 GÉZA VERMES AND JESUS AS A GALILEAN CHARISMATIC HASID

31
sages by owning goats. Furthermore, the efficacy of his prayer
was openly questioned by rabbinic envoys and, though obliged
for the healing of his son, was described rather demeaningly by
Yohanan ben Zakkai as a “slave”, whereas he himself was a
32
“prince” before God. However, the honour bestowed upon
Hanina in rabbinic literature is considerable. Two noteworthy
rd
sayings in praise of him are attributed to Rab (d. mid-3 cent.
AD), the great Babylonian amora:
Every day a heavenly Voice (bath kol) issued [from Mt.
Horeb] and proclaimed, ‘The whole world is sustained on
account of Hanina my son; but Hanina my son [is satisfied
with] one kab of carob from one Sabbath eve to another!’33
The world was created only for Ahab son of Omri, and for R.
Hanina ben dosa: for Ahab son of Omri, this world; for R.
Hanina ben Dosa, the world to come. 34

In stark contrast, the response of the same rabbinic

establishment towards Jesus of Nazareth is one of unequivocal
condemnation and rejection. In fact, Vermes himself admits in a
separately published journal article on Hanina ben Dosa, that the
reason for more material on the Hasid being preserved in the
Babylonian Talmud than in its Palestinian counterpart – which
was compiled in Hanina’s native Galilee – was probably because
“the transmitters of the Hanina traditions may have felt
embarrassed by the similarities between his charismatic activities
and those attributed to Jesus and his Jewish followers, among
whom a certain Jacob from the Galilean locality of Kefar
Sekhaniah (or Sama), an acquaintance of Eliezer ben Hyrcanus,
35
achieved definite notoriety in rabbinic circles”. The traditions
alluded to here are from Tosefta Hullin 2.22-24 which discusses

31
bTaan. 25a; mBK. 7.7.
32
bBer. 34b
33
bTaan. 24b; cf. bBer. 17b; bHul. 86a.
34
bBer. 61b; cf 17b; bTaan. 24b.
35
Journal of Jewish Studies 24 (1973): 63-64 (emphasis mine).

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

the danger of defilement by contact with a min (heretic), and two

stories are provided to illustrate the point. The first concerns
Rabbi Ishmael (d.135 AD):
Rabbi Eleazar ben Dama was bitten by a snake. And Jacob of
Kefar Sama came to heal him in the name of Jesus ben
Pantera.36 And Rabbi Ishmael did not allow him.

The story continues to relate how Eleazar disputed the decision

but died before he could state his argument, whereupon Ishmael
congratulated him on dying without “breaking the hedge erected
by the sages”. The second story is about Rabbi Eliezer ben
st
Hyrcanus (fl. Late 1 cent. AD). Puzzled as to why he had been
accused of minuth (heresy), though shortly acquitted, it is
suggested by his pupil Akiva that he might have heard something
from a min and been pleased by it. To this Rabbi Eliezer replies,
“By Heaven! You remind me. Once I was strolling in the camp of
Sepphoris. I bumped into Jacob of Kefar Sikhnin and he told me a
teaching of minut in the name of Jesus ben Pantiri, and it pleased
me.”
37
Accounts such as these in the early strata of rabbinic tradition
make it very difficult to accept Vermes’ thesis that Pharisaic
antagonism against Jesus was merely a superficial issue. If Jesus,
as a charismatic Hasid, was merely an annoyance to those
belonging to the mainstream of rabbinic orthodoxy why was he

36
“ben pantera” (and variants) is used for Jesus in several
nd
rabbinic passages. Origen reports that 2 cent. Jewish anti-Christian
polemic charged that Jesus was the son of Mary and “some soldier called
Panthera” with whom she had committed adultery (Contra Celsum 1.32).
37
See (Ch. 3) 'Jesus in Jewish Writings' in Robert E. Van Voorst,
Jesus Outside the New Testament: An Introduction to the Ancient
Evidence (Grand Rapids, MI: Eardmans, 2000). For older discussions, see
nd
F.F. Bruce, Jesus and Christian Origins Outside the New Testament, 2
ed. (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1984), 54-65; R.T. France, The
Evidence for Jesus (Downers Grove, IL: IVP, 1986), 32-39; E. Bammel,
“Christian Origins in Jewish Tradition,” NTS 13 (1966/7): 317-35.

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 GÉZA VERMES AND JESUS AS A GALILEAN CHARISMATIC HASID

dealt with as an apostate and his teaching regarded dangerous?

Unlike the charismatic Hasidim, Jesus is singled out for
denunciation as a mesith, one who leads people astray by false
38
and idolatrous teaching. A passage discussing the Mishnah’s
requirement (Sanh. 6.1) that a public appeal must be made for
any evidence in favour of a person condemned to stoning is
illustrated by the following report:
It is taught: On Passover Eve they hanged Yeshu. For forty
days beforehand a crier went out proclaiming, ‘He is going
out to be stoned, because he has practiced magic and led
Israel astray. If anyone has anything to say in his defence, let
him come and speak for him.’ But they found nothing in his
favour, so they hanged him on Passover Eve. (bSanh. 43a)

The charges of magic or sorcery and leading Israel astray

corroborate NT evidence of similar accusations by Jewish leaders
against Jesus (e.g. Mt. 9:34; 10.25; 27.63-64; Mk. 3.22). Yet
another, somewhat bizarre, story is given in the context of a
Mishnaic discussion of OT characters who have no place in the
world to come. One is Gehazi whom, it is claimed, was repulsed
by Elisha with both hands; likewise, “Rabbi Joshua ben Perahiah
repulsed Jesus (the Nazarene) with both hands.” This leads to the
following account:
When king Jannaeus was killing our Rabbis, Rabbi Joshua
ben Perahiah (and Jesus) escaped to Alexandria in Egypt. 39
When peace was restored, Simeon ben Shetah sent him a
message: ‘From me, the holy city (Jerusalem), to you,
Alexandria in Egypt (my sister). My husband is living in you,

38
For an interesting article on evidence in the gospels which
may suggest that Jesus was excommunicated from the synagogue during
his own lifetime in accordance with the Mosaic law relating to apostasy
(Deut. 13), see D. Neale, “was Jesus a Mesith? Public Response to Jesus
and his Ministry, Tyndale Bulletin 44, no. 1 (May 1993): 89-101.
39
The reference is to massacres of his Jewish opponents by
Alexander Jannaeus (103-76 BC) and the consequent flight of some of
them to Egypt (Josephus, Ant. XIII. 383).

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and I am deserted.’ So he set off, and came to a certain inn,

where he was given a warm welcome. He said, ‘How lovely
is this aksania!’40 He (Jesus) replied, ‘Rabbi, she has narrow
eyes.’ ‘You scoundrel,’ said R. Joshua, ‘is that what you are
thinking about?’ So he sounded four hundred trumpets and
excommunicated him. Many times Jesus came and pleaded
to be allowed back, but he would not listen. But one day,
when R. Joshua was reciting the Shema, Jesus came to him,
and he decided to welcome him back, and made a gesture
to him. Jesus, however, thought he was ordering him away,
and he went and set up a brick and worshipped it. R. Joshua
then appealed to him to repent, but he replied ‘I have
learned from you that no chance of repentance is allowed to
one who sins and leads others into sin.’ And a teacher has
said, ‘Jesus the Nazarene practiced magic and led Israel
astray.’ (bSanh. 107b)

Although this story contains an obvious anachronism (Rabbi

st
Joshua lived in the 1 cent. BC) and is therefore historically
implausible, it nevertheless reveals a vehement rabbinic
antipathy towards Jesus. Contrary to his characteristic
thoroughness Vermes never attempts to assess these rabbinic
traditions for their undeniable significance in determining the
historicity of Jesus’ life and work. Vermes’ neglect of extant
rabbinic pronouncements on Jesus thus constitutes a serious flaw
in his thesis. A flaw which he tried to defend in his sequel, Jesus
41
and the World of Judaism, with recourse, not to the familiar
Hanina parallel, but to yet another historical analogy.

40
Meaning either ‘inn’ (as Joshua apparently meant it) or a
‘female innkeeper’ (as Jesus is alleged to have understood it, and thereby
incurring the rebuke for his impure thoughts).
41
London: SCM Press, 1983.

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 GÉZA VERMES AND JESUS AS A GALILEAN CHARISMATIC HASID

Vermes’ Defense: Absence of Correlation and the Jesus ben

Ananias Parallel
In the ‘Preface’ to his subsequent work, Vermes wrote:
The most commonly voiced critical query concerns what
appears to be for many an absence of correlation between
the Jesus depicted here as a man steeped in Jewish piety
and fundamentally non-political in his outlook, and the
hostile attitudes towards him on the part of the
representatives of Judaism (or at least some of them) and of
Rome.42

He attributed this criticism to “a misreading or misinterpretation

of the evidence” and proposed that
Violent reaction by Jewish religious authorities towards one
of their subjects, and their handing over of him to the
jurisdiction of the Romans, do not necessarily imply that in
their judgment a religious or political crime has actually
been committed. The offence may have simply been
irresponsible behavior likely to lead to popular unrest.43

44
The cases cited on this occasion were those of John the Baptist
and “an apocalyptic ‘prophet’ also called Jesus” whom Vermes
45
suggested, “provides an even more telling parallel”. According
46
to Josephus, Jesus son of Ananias was a peasant who appeared
in Jerusalem during the feast of Tabemacles in AD 62 and began
prophesying doom upon Jerusalem and the temple. Having failed
to silence him with a severe beating and suspecting the influence
of some supernatural power, the Jewish leaders reportedly
brought him before the Roman governor. Albinus had him
“flogged until the bones were laid bare” and released on the
supposition that he was mad. However, for seven years and five

42
Jesus and the World of Judaism, viii.
43
Jesus and the World of Judaism, viii.
44
Ant. XVIII. 106.
45
Jesus and the World of Judaism, viii.
46
BJ. VI. 300-5.

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JOURNAL OF THE COLOMBO THEOLOGICAL SEMINARY 10 (2014)

months thereafter, throughout the war and during the siege, this
Jesus continued his cry of “Woe to Jerusalem!” until having
suddenly added “And woe also to me!” was immediately struck
by a stone hurled from a Roman ballista and killed.

Vermes insisted that there was a prima facie similarity between

the circumstances of Jesus son of Ananias and Jesus of Nazareth
because on both occasions the Jewish authorities “were quite
prepared to deliver the ‘troublemakers’ to the Romans,” and
In doing so, they protected themselves against the
accusation of having neglected their duty, and at the same
time saw to it that they were excused from having to pass
and execute sentence in an embarrassing case which they
no doubt would have preferred not to have encountered.
The trial of Jesus son of Ananias ended in an acquittal on the
grounds of lunacy, that of Jesus of Nazareth, a much more
serious affair because of the actual affray which he caused
in the Temple, and because of the suspicion that some of his
followers were Zealots, led to a miscarriage of justice and to
one of the supreme tragedies in history.47

There is no disputing that the historical parallels of Hanina ben

Dosa and Jesus son of Ananias to which Vermes so authoritatively
draws attention provide helpful insights into the spiritual
environment within which Jesus lived, especially with regard to
how he would have been perceived by his contemporaries.

Yet these analogies are far from sufficient ‘evidence’ to

demonstrate either that Jesus was merely a Galilean charismatic
Hasid (however glorified), or that the hostile treatment he
received from the Pharisees and Sadducees was simply a matter
of political expediency (however tragic). Just as Vermes avoided
the crucial issue of rabbinic material denouncing Jesus, not simply
as an eccentric deviant, but a dangerous heretic, he fails to
address the issue of why the Jewish authorities persisted in

47
Jesus and the World of Judaism, ix.

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 GÉZA VERMES AND JESUS AS A GALILEAN CHARISMATIC HASID

demanding Jesus’ execution even after Pilatus the Roman prefect

was willing (as, indeed, in the case of Albinus with Jesus son of
Ananias) to dismiss him after a severe flogging (Lk. 23.4-23).

In fact, Vermes’ historical parallels raise more questions than they

are meant to resolve. Even if Jesus’ execution was, as Vermes
suggested, an unfortunate incident from the point of view of the
Jewish leaders, why did such a bitterly acrimonious attitude
towards him persist after his death? Indeed, from all accounts it
seems that though the religious establishment was clearly uneasy
48
with John the Baptist during his lifetime, no similar attitude is
49
discernible subsequent to his death. Thus the historical
circumstances of Jesus’ relationship with Pharisaico-rabbinic
orthodoxy remain most comprehensible from the perspective of
the synoptic Gospels. The consistent synoptic tradition that Jesus
clashed with the religious establishment on theological grounds
and that these acrid disputes particularly focused upon his own
personhood and authority emerges as the most plausible
approach to the evidence before us. And it is, of course, these
very self-revelatory teachings of Jesus that Vermes tried
incredibly hard to neutralize by means of an arbitrary style of
50 51
redaction criticism and a priori dismissiveness. His
representation of Jesus as a superior charismatic Hasid has
therefore been criticized by several noted scholars for its lack of

48
Cf. Mt.3.7-10; 11.18; Jn. 1.19-27, etc.
49
Cf. Mk. 11.29-32; Lk. 20.3-6, etc.
50
See Vermes’ acknowledgment of this criticism in Jesus and
the World of Judaism, ix-x.
51
Vermes not infrequently takes an authoritarian stance over
NT texts dismissing the clear intent of a given text without clear
reasoning. To cite just one example, regarding Jesus’ commendation of
Peter upon his confession (Mt. 16.17), Vermes comments dryly, “Yet it is
much easier to conceive that the saying was interpolated by the first
evangelist to remedy an embarrassing situation than to account for its
omission in the more primitive Marcan version… As the Marcan version
stands, not only did Jesus abstain from approving Peter’s words, but he
possibly dissociated himself from them” (Jesus the Jew, 147).

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coherence with material in the synoptic Gospels held by wide

52
scholarly consensus to be authentic. These incongruities
indicate a single foundational error which undermines Vermes’
entire process of reconstruction: the inappropriate use of
historical parallels.

Conclusion: ‘Parallelomania’ and Vermes’ Presuppositional Error

In the Preface to Jesus the Jew, Vermes laid down his approach to
the use of historical sources. Naming the primary Jewish texts
from which he intended to derive the information required for his
purpose, Vermes asserted that,
These sources will not be treated merely as a backcloth,
however, but as witnesses. They will not be employed
simply as aids in answering queries arising from the New
Testament, but as independent spokesmen capable, from
time to time at least, of guiding the enquiry, either by
suggesting the right angle of approach, or even the right
questions to ask.53

This predispositional concern to formulate a referential

framework for authenticating the gospel on the basis of Jewish
sources was further clarified by him in a telling statement:
Instead of treating Jewish literature as an ancillary to the
New Testament, the present approach will attempt the
contrary, namely to fit Jesus and his movement into the
greater context of first-century AD Palestine.54

Here we reach the basis of Vermes’ methodological orientation

and find that it is tendentious. It is perfectly true that a correct

52
Howard Clark Kee, Medicine, Miracles & Magic in New
Testament Times (Cambridge: CUP, 1986), 80-83; E.P. Sanders, Jesus and
Judaism (London: SCM press, 1985). 170-72; Ben Witherington III, The
Christology of Jesus (Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 1990), 153, 182f, 216,
236, etc.
53
Jesus the Jew, 16-17.
54
Jesus the Jew, 42 (emphasis mine).

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 GÉZA VERMES AND JESUS AS A GALILEAN CHARISMATIC HASID

understanding of the gospel narratives can be gained within their

own historical context. It is also true that there is a subtle but
important methodological difference between observing Jesus
and his disciples interacting with other personalities and
institutions within their environment as against their acting in
detachment from their background. However, the discovery of
historical similarities does not necessarily lead to the conclusion
that Jesus was not really distinctive at all. As R T France
cautioned: “To discover a ‘parallel’ to Jesus in the contemporary
world is, for this school of thought, to ‘explain’ Jesus and his
teaching, as derived from and reflecting what was already the
55
common currency of his day”. Although Vermes was apparently
conscious of this tendency and thus tried to dissociate the
outcome of his study from this all-too-familiar brand of
56
scholarship he, nevertheless, follows through with his objective;
inevitably committing the same grave error of historical
reductionism that had flawed the credibility of scores of writers
trying to assimilate Jesus into some religious or political category
of their choosing.

55
The Evidence for Jesus, 57.
56
Vermes was careful to concede that, “The discovery of
resemblances between the work and words of Jesus and those of the
Hasidim, Honi and Hanina ben Dosa, is however by no means intended to
imply that he was simply one of them and nothing more. Although no
systematic attempt is made here to distinguish Jesus’ authentic
teaching… [this he promises in a subsequent work] it is nevertheless still
possible to say… that no objective and enlightened student of the Gospel
can help but be struck by the incomparable superiority of Jesus.” But in
attempting to describe this “superiority” Vermes indulged in the same
sort of sentimental eulogizing that C.S. Lewis had perceptively ruled out
of any serious discussion on Jesus as “patronizing nonsense.” “Second to
none in profundity of insight and grandeur of character, he is in
particular an unsurpassed master of the art of laying bare the inmost
core of spiritual truth and of bringing every issue back to the essence of
religion, the existential relationship of man and man, and man and
God…” (Ibid., 223-4).

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To be fair, Vermes was quite aware of the pitfall. Rhetorically, at

least, he was careful to make the distinction between similarity
and indistinguishability.
The discovery of resemblances between the work and
words of Jesus and those of the Hasidim, Honi and Hanina
ben Dosa, is however by no means intended to imply that
he was simply one of them and nothing more. Although no
systematic attempt is made here to distinguish Jesus’
authentic teaching… it is nevertheless still possible to say…
that no objective and enlightened student of the Gospel can
help but be struck by the incomparable superiority of
Jesus.57

Yet, as committed as Vermes chose to be to the interpretive

construct of his making, he could not loosen by rhetoric what he
was bound to by his methodology. In attempting to describe this
“superiority” of Jesus, Vermes indulged in what C S Lewis had
wearily called “patronizing nonsense”; that same pious
sentimentalism resorted to by a long line of ‘Old’ and ‘New
Questers’ who somehow felt obliged to attach a moralistic eulogy
in the aftermath of their reductionistic decimation.
Second to none in profundity of insight and grandeur of
character, he is in particular an unsurpassed master of the
art of laying bare the inmost core of spiritual truth and of
bringing every issue back to the essence of religion, the
existential relationship of man and man, and man and
God…58

The most eloquent voice exhorting against this tendency among

NT scholars and historians remains that of Samuel Sandmel,
himself a Jewish rabbi and scholar of note. In a celebrated lecture
entitled ‘Parallelomania’ he cautioned:

57
Jesus the Jew, 223-4.
58
Jesus the Jew, 224.

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 GÉZA VERMES AND JESUS AS A GALILEAN CHARISMATIC HASID

[…] I regard early Christianity as a Jewish movement which

was in particular ways distinctive from other Judaisms. This
distinctiveness is an intertwining of events in, and of
theology about, the career of Jesus, whether we can recover
that career or not, and the histories of his direct disciples
and of later apostles, and what they believed and thought.
Only by such a supposition of such distinctiveness can I
account to myself for the origin and growth of Christianity
and its ultimate separation from Judaism. If, on the other
hand, the particular content of early Christianity is
contained on and anticipated chronologically by the Dead
Sea Scrolls and anachronistically by the rabbinic literature,
then I am at a loss to understand the movement. 59

Thus while making a truly significant contribution to our

st
understanding of 1 cent. Galilean popular religion and the
Judaism of that period in general, Vermes failed to convince us on
the main point of his thesis. Jesus of Nazareth bore remarkable
similarities to contemporary charismatic hadisim. Yet in terms of
the entire body of evidence, he clearly does not conform to that
category as Vermes proposed. In conclusion, alongside Sandmel’s
caution, we would do well to heed the wisdom of R T France:
‘Background’ evidence must remain in the background, and
must not be allowed to dictate the shape of the picture
which emerges from the primary evidence of the gospels.
Sometimes it will illuminate the nature of Jesus’ ministry
more by contrast than by assimilation. We must be
prepared to discover in Jesus ‘the man who fits no formula’,
and who transcends and challenges the patterns of first-
century life and thought at critical points.60

59
Journal of Biblical Literature 81 (1962), 1-13.
60
The Evidence for Jesus, 58. The quotation is from the title of
the first main chapter of E. Schweizer, Jesus (Eng. tr. London: SCM Press,
1971).

313
Guide to Articles in Volumes I–IX of the
Journal of the Colombo Theological Seminary (JCTS):

Volume 1 (2001)
Lost Divehi Gospels (Simon Fuller)
The God of Hope: A Look at the Book of Ruth through Sri Lankan
Eyes (Mano Emmanuel)
On Infomercials (S K Xavier)
The Use of Music in Cross-Cultural Ministry (Dawn Remtema)
“Hero of the Cross”: The Mission of Colonel Arnolis Weerasooriya
– 1857-1888 (G P V Somaratna)
The Colossian Heresy Reconsidered (Ivor Poobalan)

Volume II (2003)
Groaning and Accountability in a Christian Worker’s Life
(Ajith Fernando)
“Oh God, You Have Deceived Me”: The Confessions of Jeremiah–
A Model for Us? (Mano Emmanuel)
Who is ‘The God of This Age’ in Corinthians 4:4? (Ivor Poobalan)
The Superficial Success of the Reformation and the Trials of the
Catholic Church (1658-1796) in Sri Lanka
(G P V Somaratna)

Volume III (2005)

Another Ancient Christian Presence in Sri Lanka: The Ethiopians of
Aksum (Prabo Mihindukulasuriya)
The Nature of Rewards in the New Testament (Mano Emmanuel)
The Period of Jeroboam II with Special Reference to Amos
(Ivor Poobalan)
Sri Lanka, Christianity, Buddhism, and Islam at the Dawn of the
Sixteenth Century (G P V Somaratna)
Understanding ‘Paradise’: A Survey of Historical and Theological
Reflections (Ravin Caldera)
Christian Education for Secular Society (Vinodh Gunasekera)
Some Thoughts on the Reception of Protestantism by the Tamil
and Sinhalese Communities in Sri Lanka
(Napoleon Pathmanathan)
Volume IV (2007)
What Jewish Pilgrimage Festivals Can Teach Us Today: An
Exposition of Deuteronomy 6:1-17 (Ajith Fernando)
The Construction of a Political Ecclesiology: Yoder and Hauerwas’
Community of Non-Resistance (Jonas Kurlberg)
An Exposition of the Warning Passage of Hebrews 6:1-8
(Vinodh Gunasekera)
The Story of Hagar in Genesis 16 and Its Function within the
Patriarchal Narrative (Ivor Poobalan)
Imagining the Future: A Look at Zion and Paradise as Symbols of
Hope (Mano Emmanuel)
The Roman Catholic Church in Sri Lanka: 1505–1658
(G P V Somaratna)

Volume V (2009)
The Importance of the Study of India’s New Christian Movements
(Roger E Hedlund)
A Biblical View of ‘Results’ with Emphasis on 1 and 2 Peter
(Ivor Poobalan)
The ‘Ceylon Controversy’: The Struggle of Tamil Christians
(Napoleon Pathmanathan)
Christianity and the Transformation of a Subaltern Community in
Sri Lanka (G P V Somaratna)
Church as the Image of Trinity (Jonas Kurlberg)
The Fragrance of Life: Cinnamon in the Bible
(Prabo Mihindukulasuriya)
A Study on the Origin and the Role of the New Testament
Synagogue (Ravin Caldera)

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Volume VI (2010)
On Virginity (Ajith Fernando)
Exegetical and Interpretive Issues Involved in Some Texts in
Genesis 1–3 (Ivor Poobalan)
Methodology in Missiology (Roger E Hedlund)
A Brief Examination of Medical Missions in Sri Lanka
(G P V Somaratna)
Without Christ I Could Not Be a Buddhist: An Evangelical
Response to Christian Self-Understanding in a Buddhist
Context (Prabo Mihindukulasuriya)
Hindu Attitudes toward Christianity in Western India (Atul Y Aghamkar)
The Irish in Sri Lankan Methodism (Norman W Taggart)
Leaders as Servants: A Resolution of the Tension (Derek Tidball)

Volume VII (2011)

The Church as God’s Work of Art (Simon Chan)
Turning Shame into Honour: The Pastoral Strategy of 1 Peter
(David A deSilva)
Old Testament Paradigms of Mission (Roger E Hedlund)
Biblical History and Archaeology in Conversation: The Case of
Ancient Shechem at Tell Balatah (Ivor Poobalan)
As We Forgive Them: Facets of Forgiveness in the New Testament
and Today (Mano Emmanuel)
Hebrews and Wandering Arameans: Exploring the Roots of the
Jewish Diaspora (Ted Rubesh)
The Christian Church in Sri Lanka In the First Three Decades of the
Nineteenth Century (G P V Somaratna)

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Volume VIII (2012)
Gender and Ethnicity in Methodist Mission: An Irish Perspective
(Norman W Taggart)
Folk Religious Beliefs and Practices among Sinhala Buddhists: A
Reflection for Christian Faith and Mission (Paul Mantae Kim)
Theological Foundations for Evangelical Leadership in the 21st
Century: 2 Corinthians 5:18-21 (Ivor Poobalan)
Dharmayānō in the New Sinhala Bible (Prabo Mihindukulasuriya)
The “Jesus Method” of Training Evangelists (Kumar Abraham)
Buddhism as Stoicheia tou Kosmou: Does Paul Attribute a
Constructive Function to Non-Christian Traditions?
(Prabo Mihindukulasuriya and David A deSilva)
Christian Spiritual Warfare in the Theravada Buddhist
Environment of Sri Lanka (G P V Somaratna)

Volume IX (2013)
Mission Mechanisms: God’s, Paul’s, and Ours: A Historical Sketch
of Missionary Methods (Alex G Smith)
A Study of the Importance of Disability Theology in a Sri Lankan Church
Context (Arulampalam Stephen)
Two Legitimate Models of Ministry among the Poor
(Ajith Fernando)
Psalm 101: Leading with Character in Ancient Israel
(Ivor Poobalan)
‘Refresh My Heart in Christ’: Philemon as a Case Study in
Reconciliation for the Sri Lankan Church (Mano Emmanuel)
The Life and Times of Christian David (Napoleon Pathmanathan
and G P V Somaratna)

Available for reference at:

The CTS Library
189 Dutugemunu Street, Kohuwela, Sri Lanka
library@cts.lk
For purchase, contact:
CTS Publishing
189 Dutugemunu Street, Kohuwela, Sri Lanka
publishing@cts.lk
+94 11 5524257

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