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Pre-Colonial era (1000–1887

Perhaps the first Bantu speakers to arrive in present day Zimbabwe were the makers of early

Iron Age pottery belonging to the Silver Leaves or Matola tradition, third to fifth centuries

A.D.,[1] found in southeast Zimbabwe. This tradition was part of the eastern stream[2] of Bantu

expansion (sometimes called Kwale)[3] which originated west of the Great Lakes, spreading to

the coastal regions of southeastern Kenya and north eastern Tanzania, and then southwards to

Mozambique, south eastern Zimbabwe and Natal.[4] More substantial in numbers in

Zimbabwe were the makers of the Ziwa and Gokomere ceramic wares, of the fourth century

A.D.[3] Their early Iron Age ceramic tradition belonged to the highlands facies of the eastern

stream,[5] which moved inland to Malawi and Zimbabwe. Imports of beads have been found

at Gokomere and Ziwa sites, possibly in return for gold exported to the coast.

A later phase of the Gokomere culture was the Zhizo in southern Zimbabwe. Zhizo

communities settled in the Shashe-Limpopo area in the tenth century. Their capital there was

Schroda (just across the Limpopo River from Zimbabwe). Many fragments of ceramic

figurines have been recovered from there, figures of animals and birds, and also fertility

dolls. The inhabitants produced ivory bracelets and other ivory goods. Imported beads found

there and at other Zhizo sites, are evidence of trade, probably of ivory and skins, with traders

on the Indian Ocean coast.[6][7][8]

Pottery belonging to a western stream of Bantu expansion (sometimes called Kalundu) has

been found at sites in northeastern Zimbabwe, dated from the seventh century.[9] (The western

stream originated in the same area as the eastern stream: both belong to the same style
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system, called by Phillipson[10] the Chifumbadze system, which has general acceptance by

archaeologists.) The terms eastern and western streams represent the expansion of the Bantu

speaking peoples in terms of their culture. Another question is the branches of the Bantu

languages which they spoke. It seems that the makers of the Ziwa/Gokomere wares were not

the ancestral speakers of the Shona languages of today's Zimbabwe, who did not arrive in

there until around the tenth century, from south of the Limpopo river, and whose ceramic

culture belonged to the western stream. The linguist and historian Ehret believes that in view

of the similarity of the Ziwa/Gokomere pottery to the Nkope of the ancestral Nyasa language

speakers, the Ziwa/Gokomere people spoke a language closely related to the Nyasa group.

Their language, whatever it was, was superseded by the ancestral Shona languages, although

Ehret says that a set of Nyasa words occur in cemtral Shona dialects today.[11]

The evidence that the ancestral Shona speakers came from South Africa is that the ceramic

styles associated with Shona speakers in Zimbabwe from the thirteenth to the seventeenth

centuries can be traced back to western stream (Kalunndu) pottery styles in South Africa. The

Ziwa/Gokomere and Zhizo traditions were superseded by Leopards Kopje and Gumanye

wares of the Kalundu tradition from the tenth century.[12]

Although the western stream Kalundu tradition was ancestral to Shona ceramic wares, the

closest relationships of the ancestral Shona language according to many linguistswere with a

southern division of eastern Bantu – such languages as the southeastern languages (Nguni,

Sotho-Tswana, Tsonga), Nyasa and Makwa. While it may well be the case that the people of

the western stream spoke a language belonging to a wider Eastern Bantu division, it is a
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puzzle which remains to be resolved that they spoke a language most closely related to the

languages just mentioned, all of which are today spoken in southeastern Africa.

After the Shona speaking people moved in to the present day Zimbabwe many different

dialects developed over time in the different parts of the country. Among these was Kalanga.

It is believed that Kalanga speaking societies first emerged in the middle Limpopo valley in

the 9th century before moving on to the Zimbabwean highlands. The Zimbabwean plateau

eventually became the centre of subsequent Kalanga states. The Kingdom of Mapungubwe

was the first in a series of sophisticated trade states developed in Zimbabwe by the time of

the first European explorers from Portugal. They traded in gold, ivory and copper for cloth

and glass. From about 1250 until 1450, Mapungubwe was eclipsed by the Kingdom of

Zimbabwe. This Kalanaga state further refined and expanded upon Mapungubwe's stone

architecture, which survives to this day at the ruins of the kingdom's capital of Great

Zimbabwe. From circa 1450–1760, Zimbabwe gave way to the Kingdom of Mutapa. This

Kalanga state ruled much of the area that is known as Zimbabwe today, and parts of central

Mozambique. It is known by many names including the Mutapa Empire, also known as

Mwenehiwas hi for its gold trade routes with Arabs and the Portuguese. However,

Portuguese settlers destroyed the trade and began a series of wars which left the empire in

near collapse in the early 17th century.[18] As a direct response to Portuguese aggression in

the interior, a new Kalanga state emerged called the Rozwi Empire. Relying on centuries of

military, political and religious development, the Rozwi (which means "destroyers") removed

the Portuguese from the Zimbabwe plateau by force of arms. The Rozwi continued the stone

building traditions of the Zimbabwe and Mapungubwe kingdoms while adding guns to its
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arsenal and developing a professional army to protect its trade routes and conquests. Around

1821, the Zulu general Mzilikazi of the Khumalo clan successfully rebelled from King Shaka

and created his own clan, the Ndebele. The Ndebele fought their way northwards into the

Transvaal, leaving a trail of destruction in their wake and beginning an era of widespread

devastation known as the Mfecane. When Dutch trekboers converged on the Transvaal in

1836, they drove the tribe even further northward. By 1838, the Rozwi Empire, along with

the other petty Shona states were conquered by the Ndebele and reduced to vassaldom.

After losing their remaining South African lands in 1840, Mzilikazi and his tribe permanently

settled the southwest of present-day Zimbabwe in what became known as Matabeleland,

establishing Bulawayo as their capital. Mzilikazi then organised his society into a military

system with regimental kraals, similar to those of Shaka, which was stable enough to repel

further Boer incursions. Mzilikazi died in 1868 and, following a violent power struggle, was

succeeded by his son, Lobengula.

Colonial era (1888–1965)

Southern Rhodesia and Federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland

In the 1880s, the British arrived with Cecil Rhodes's British South Africa Company. In 1898,

the name Southern Rhodesia was adopted.[19] In 1888, British colonialist Cecil Rhodes

obtained a concession for mining rights from King Lobengula of the Ndebele peoples.[20]

Cecil Rhodes presented this concession to persuade the government of the United Kingdom

to grant a royal charter to his British South Africa Company (BSAC) over Matabeleland, and

its subject states such as Mashonaland. Rhodes sought permission to negotiate similar
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concessions covering all territory between the Limpopo River and Lake Tanganyika, then

known as 'Zambesia'. In accordance with the terms of aforementioned concessions and

treaties,[21] Cecil Rhodes promoted the colonisation of the region's land, with British control

over labour as well as precious metals and other mineral resources.[22] In 1895 the BSAC

adopted the name 'Rhodesia' for the territory of Zambesia, in honour of Cecil Rhodes. In

1898 'Southern Rhodesia' became the official denotation for the region south of the Zambezi,
[23]
which later became Zimbabwe. The region to the north was administered separately by the

BSAC and later named Northern Rhodesia (now Zambia).

The Shona staged unsuccessful revolts (known as Chimurenga) against encroachment upon

their lands, by clients of BSAC and Cecil Rhodes in 1896 and 1897.[24] Following the failed

insurrections of 1896–97 the Ndebele and Shona groups became subject to Rhodes's

administration thus precipitating European settlement en masse which led to land distribution

disproportionately favouring Europeans, displacing the Shona, Ndebele, and other indigenous

peoples.

Southern Rhodesia became a self-governing British colony in October 1923, subsequent to a

1922 referendum. Rhodesians served on behalf of the United Kingdom during World War II,

mainly in the East African Campaign against Axis forces in Italian East Africa.

In 1953, in the face of African opposition,[25] Britain consolidated the two colonies of

Rhodesia with Nyasaland (now Malawi) in the ill-fated Federation of Rhodesia and

Nyasaland which was dominated by Southern Rhodesia. Growing African nationalism and

general dissent, particularly in Nyasaland, persuaded Britain to dissolve the Union in 1963,
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forming three colonies. As colonial rule was ending throughout the continent and as African-

majority governments assumed control in neighbouring Northern Rhodesia and in Nyasaland,

the white-minority Rhodesia government led by Ian Smith made a Unilateral Declaration of

Independence (UDI) from the United Kingdom on 11 November 1965, effectively

repudiating the British plan that the country should become a multi-racial democracy. The

United Kingdom deemed this an act of rebellion, but did not re-establish control by force.

The white-minority government declared itself a "republic" in 1970. A civil war ensued, with

Joshua Nkomo's ZAPU and Robert Mugabe's ZANU using assistance from the governments

of Zambia and Mozambique. Although Smith's declaration was not recognised by the United

Kingdom nor any other significant power, Southern Rhodesia dropped the designation

'Southern', and claimed nation status as the Republic of Rhodesia in 1970.[26][27]

Independence and the 1980s

Zimbabwe Rhodesia regained its independence as Zimbabwe on 18 April 1980. The

government held independence celebrations in Rufaro stadium in Salisbury, the capital. Lord

Christopher Soames, the last Governor of Southern Rhodesia, watched as Charles, Prince of

Wales, gave a farewell salute and the Rhodesian Signal Corps played God Save the Queen,

the anthem of Commonwealth realms. Many foreign dignitaries also attended, including

Prime Minister Indira Gandhi of India, President Shehu Shagari of Nigeria, President

Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia, President Seretse Khama of Botswana, and Prime Minister

Malcolm Fraser of Australia, representing the Commonwealth of Nations. Bob Marley sang

'Zimbabwe', a song he wrote, at the government's invitation in a concert at the country's

independence festivities.[28][29]
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President Shagari pledged $15 million at the celebration to train Zimbabweans in Zimbabwe

and expatriates in Nigeria. Mugabe's government used part of the money to buy newspaper

companies owned by South Africans, increasing the government's control over the media.

The rest went to training students in Nigerian universities, government workers in the

Administrative Staff College of Nigeria in Badagry, and soldiers in the Nigerian Defence

Academy in Kaduna. Later that year Mugabe commissioned a report by the BBC on press

freedom in Zimbabwe. The BBC issued its report on 26 June, recommending the privatisation

of the Zimbabwe Broadcasting Corporation and its independence from political interests. [30][31]

See also: Foreign relations of Zimbabwe

Mugabe's government changed the capital's name from Salisbury to Harare on 18 April 1982

in celebration of the second anniversary of independence.[32] The government renamed the

main street in the capital, Jameson Avenue, in honour of Samora Machel, President of

Mozambique.

The new Constitution provided for a non-executive President as Head of State with a Prime

Minister as Head of Government. Reverend Canaan Banana served as the first President. In

government amended the Constitution in 1987 to provide for an Executive President and

abolished the office of Prime Minister. The constitutional changes came into effect on 1

January 1988 with Robert Mugabe as President. The bicameral Parliament of Zimbabwe had

a directly-elected House of Assembly and an indirectly-elected Senate, partly made up of

tribal chiefs. The Constitution established two separate voters rolls, one for the black

majority, who had 80% of the seats in Parliament, and the other for whites and other ethnic

minorities, such as Coloureds, people of mixed race, and Asians, who held 20%. The
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government amended the Constitution in 1986, eliminating the voter rolls and replacing the

white seats with seats filled by nominated members. Many white MPs joined ZANU which

then reappointed them. In 1990 the government abolished the Senate and increased the House

of Assembly's membership to include members nominated by the President.

Prime Minister Mugabe kept Peter Walls, the head of the army, in his government and put

him in charge of integrating the Zimbabwe People's Revolutionary Army (ZIPRA),

Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA), and the Rhodesian Army. While

Western media outlets praised Mugabe's efforts at reconciliation with the white minority,

tension soon developed.[33] On 17 March 1980, after several unsuccessful assassination

attempts Mugabe asked Walls, "Why are your men trying to kill me?" Walls replied, "If they

were my men you would be dead."[34] BBC news interviewed Walls on 11 August 1980. He

told the BBC that he had asked British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher to annul the 1980

election prior to the official announcement of the result on the grounds that Mugabe used

intimidation to win the election. Walls said Thatcher had not replied to his request. On 12

August British government officials denied that they had not responded, saying Antony Duff,

Deputy Governor of Salisbury, told Walls on 3 March that Thatcher would not annul the

election.[35]

Minister of Information Nathan Shamuyarira said the government would not be "held ransom

by racial misfits" and told "all those Europeans who do not accept the new order to pack their

bags." He also said the government continued to consider taking "legal or administrative

action" against Walls. Mugabe, returning from a visit with United States President Jimmy

Carter in New York City, said, "One thing is quite clear—we are not going to have disloyal
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characters in our society." Walls returned to Zimbabwe after the interview, telling Peter

Hawthorne of Time magazine, "To stay away at this time would have appeared like an

admission of guilt." Mugabe drafted legislation that would exile Walls from Zimbabwe for

life and Walls moved to South Africa.[36][37]

Ethnic divisions soon came back to the forefront of national politics. Tension between ZAPU

and ZANU erupted with guerrilla activity starting again in Matabeleland in south-western

Zimbabwe. Nkomo (ZAPU) left for exile in Britain and did not return until Mugabe

guaranteed his safety. In 1982 government security officials discovered large caches of arms

and ammunition on properties owned by ZAPU, accusing Nkomo and his followers of

plotting to overthrow the government. Mugabe fired Nkomo and his closest aides from the

cabinet. Seven MPs, members of the Rhodesian Front, left Smith's party to sit as

"independents" on 4 March 1982, signifying their dissatisfaction with his policies.[32] As a

result of what they saw as persecution of Nkomo and his party, PF-ZAPU supporters, army

deserters began a campaign of dissidence against the government. Centring primarily in

Matabeleland, home of the Ndebeles who were at the time PF-ZAPU's main followers, this

dissidence continued through 1987. It involved attacks on government personnel and

installations, armed banditry aimed at disrupting security and economic life in the rural areas,

and harassment of ZANU-PF members.[38]

Because of the unsettled security situation immediately after independence and democratic

sentiments, the government kept in force a "state of emergency". This gave the government

widespread powers under the "Law and Order Maintenance Act," including the right to detain

persons without charge which it used quite widely. In 1983 to 1984 the government declared
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a curfew in areas of Matabeleland and sent in the army in an attempt to suppress members of

the Ndebele tribe. The pacification campaign, known as the Gukuruhundi, or strong wind,

resulted in at least 20,000 civilian deaths perpetrated by an elite, North Korean-trained

brigade, known in Zimbabwe as the Gukurahundi. The next step in Mugabe's long-

anticipated liberation struggle was soon complete.

ZANU-PF increased its majority in the 1985 elections, winning 67 of the 100 seats. The

majority gave Mugabe the opportunity to start making changes to the constitution, including

those with regard to land restoration. Fighting did not cease until Mugabe and Nkomo

reached an agreement in December 1987 whereby ZAPU became part of ZANU-PF and the

government changed the constitution to make Mugabe the country's first executive president

and Nkomo one of two vice-presidents.

1990s

Elections in March 1990 resulted in another overwhelming victory for Mugabe and his party,

which won 117 of the 120 election seats. Election observers estimated voter turnout at only

54% and found the campaign neither free nor fair[citation needed], though balloting met

international standards. Unsatisfied with a de facto one-party state, Mugabe called on the

ZANU-PF Central Committee to support the creation of a de jure one-party state in

September 1990 and lost. The government began further amending the constitution. The

judiciary and human rights advocates fiercely criticised the first amendments enacted in April

1991 because they restored corporal and capital punishment and denied recourse to the courts

in cases of compulsory purchase of land by the government. The general health of the civilian
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population also began to significantly flounder and by 1997 25% of the population of

Zimbabwe had been infected by HIV, the AIDS virus.[32]

During the 1990s students, trade unionists, and workers often demonstrated to express their

discontent with the government. Students protested in 1990 against proposals for an increase

in government control of universities and again in 1991 and 1992 when they clashed with

police. Trade unionists and workers also criticised the government during this time. In 1992

police prevented trade unionists from holding anti-government demonstrations. In 1994

widespread industrial unrest weakened the economy. In 1996 civil servants, nurses, and

junior doctors went on strike over salary issues.[38]

On 9 December 1997 a national strike paralysed the country. Mugabe was panicked by

demonstrations by Zanla ex-combatants, war veterans, who had been the heart of incursions

20 years earlier in the Bush War. He agreed to pay them large gratuities and pensions, which

proved to be a wholly unproductive and unbudgeted financial commitment. The discontent

with the government spawned draconian government crackdowns which in turn started to

destroy both the fabric of the state and of society. This in turn brought with it further

discontent within the population. Thus a vicious downward spiral commenced.[39]

Although many whites had left Zimbabwe after independence, mainly for neighbouring South

Africa, those who remained continued to wield disproportionate control of some sectors of

the economy, especially agriculture. In the late-1990s whites accounted for less than 1% of

the population but owned 70% of arable land. Mugabe raised this issue of land ownership by

white farmers. In a calculated move, he began forcible land redistribution, which brought the
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government into headlong conflict with the International Monetary Fund. Amid a severe

drought in the region, the police and military were instructed not to stop the invasion of

white-owned farms by the so-called 'war veterans' and youth militia. This has led to a mass

migration of White Zimbabweans out of Zimbabwe. At present almost no arable land is in the

possession of white farmers; the country has also experienced a debilitating food shortage

with the exodus of its White minority, turning the "breadbasket of Africa" into one of Africa's

most food insecure states.

The economy during the 1980s and 1990s

Economic history of Zimbabwe

The economy was run along corporatist lines with strict governmental controls on all aspects

of the economy. Controls were placed on wages, prices and massive increases in government

spending resulting in significant budget deficits. This experiment met with very mixed results

and Zimbabwe fell further behind the first world and unemployment. Some market reforms in

the 1990s were attempted. A 40 per cent devaluation of the Zimbabwean dollar was allowed

to occur and price and wage controls were removed. These policies also failed at that time.

Growth, employment, wages, and social service spending contracted sharply, inflation did not

improve, the deficit remained well above target, and many industrial firms, notably in textiles

and footwear, closed in response to increased competition and high real interest rates. The

incidence of poverty in the country increased during this time.

1999 to 2000
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However, Zimbabwe began experiencing a period of considerable political and economic

upheaval in 1999. Opposition to President Mugabe and the ZANU-PF government grew

considerably after the mid-1990s in part due to worsening economic and human rights

conditions.[40] The Movement for Democratic Change (MDC) was established in September

1999 as an opposition party founded by trade unionist Morgan Tsvangirai.

The MDC's first opportunity to test opposition to the Mugabe government came in February

2000, when a referendum was held on a draft constitution proposed by the government.

Among its elements, the new constitution would have permitted President Mugabe to seek

two additional terms in office, granted government officials immunity from prosecution, and

authorised government seizure of white-owned land. The referendum was handily defeated.

Shortly thereafter, the government, through a loosely organised group of war veterans,

sanctioned an aggressive land redistribution program often characterised by forced expulsion

of white farmers and violence against both farmers and farm employees

Parliamentary elections held in June 2000 were marred by localised violence, and claims of

electoral irregularities and government intimidation of opposition supportersNonetheless, the

MDC succeeded in capturing 57 of 120 seats in the National Assembly.

2002

Presidential elections were held in March 2002. In the months leading up to the poll, ZANU-

PF, with the support of the army, security services, and especially the so-called 'war veterans',

– very few of whom actually fought in the Second Chimurenga against the Smith regime in

the 1970s– set about wholesale intimidation and suppression of the MDC-led opposition.
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Despite strong international criticism, these measures, together with organised subversion of

the electoral process, ensured a Mugabe victory. The government's behaviour drew strong

criticism from the EU and the USA, which imposed limited sanctions against the leading

members of the Mugabe regime. Since the 2002 election, Zimbabwe has suffered further

economic difficulty and growing political chaos.

2003–2005

Divisions within the opposition MDC had begun to fester early in the decade, after Morgan

Tsvangirai (the president of the MDC) was lured into a government sting operation that

videotaped him talking of Mr. Mugabe's removal from power. He was subsequently arrested

and put on trial on treason charges. This crippled his control of party affairs and raised

questions about his competence. It also catalysed a major split within the party. In 2004 he

was acquitted, but not until after suffering serious abuse and mistreatment in prison. The

opposing faction was led by Welshman Ncube who was the general secretary of the party. In

mid-2004, vigilantes loyal to Mr. Tsvangirai began attacking members who were mostly

loyal to Ncube, climaxing in a September raid on the party's Harare headquarters in which the

security director was nearly thrown to his death.[41]

An internal party inquiry later established that aides to Tsvangirai had tolerated, if not

endorsed, the violence. Divisive as the violence was, it was a debate over the rule of law that

set off the party's final break-up in November 2005. These division severely weakened the

opposition. In addition the government employed its own operatives to both spy on each side

and to undermine each side via acts of espionage. Zimbabwean parliamentary election, 2005
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were held in March 2005 in which ZANU-PF won a two-thirds majority, were again

criticised by international observers as being flawed. Mugabe's political operatives were thus

able to weaken the opposition internally and the security apparatus of the state was able to

destabilise it externally by using violence in anti-Mugabe strongholds to prevent citizens

from voting. Some voters were 'turned away' from polling station despite having proper

identification, further guaranteeing that the government could control the results.

Additionally Mugabe had started to appoint judges sympathetic to the governmentmaking

any judicial appeal futile. Mugabe was also able to appoint 30 of the members of parliament.
[42]

As Senate elections approached further opposition splits occurred. Ncube's supporters argued

that the M.D.C. should field a slate of candidates; Tsvangirai's argued for a boycott. When

party leaders voted on the issue, Ncube's side narrowly won, but Mr. Tsvangirai declared that

as president of the party he was not bound by the majority's decision.[41] Again the opposition

was weakened. As a result the elections for a new Senate in November 2005 were largely

boycotted by the opposition. Mugabe's party won 24 of the 31 constituencies where elections

were held amid low voter turnout. Again, evidence surfaced of voter intimidation and fraud.

In May 2005 the government began Operation Murambatsvina. It was officially billed to rid

urban areas of illegal structures, illegal business enterprises, and criminal activities. In

practice its purpose was to punish political opponents. The UN estimates 700,000 people

have been left without jobs or homes as a result. Families and traders, especially at the

beginning of the operation, were often given no notice before police destroyed their homes

and businesses. Others were able to salvage some possessions and building materials but
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often had nowhere to go, despite the government's statement that people should be returning

to their rural homes. Thousands of families were left unprotected in the open in the middle of

Zimbabwe's winter. The government interfered with non-governmental organisation (NGO)

efforts to provide emergency assistance to the displaced in many instances. Some families

were removed to transit camps, where they had no shelter or cooking facilities and minimal

food, supplies, and sanitary facilities. The operation continued into July 2005, when the

government began a program to provide housing for the newly displaced.[43]

Human Rights Watch said the evictions had disrupted treatment for people with HIV/Aids in

a country where 3,000 die from the disease each week and about 1.3 million children have

been orphaned. The operation was "the latest manifestation of a massive human rights

problem that has been going on for years", said Amnesty International. As of September

2006, housing construction fell far short of demand, and there were reports that beneficiaries

were mostly civil servants and ruling party loyalists, not those displaced. The government

campaign of forced evictions continued in 2006, albeit on a lesser scale.

In September 2005 Mugabe signed constitutional amendments that reinstituted a national

senate (abolished in 1987) and that nationalised all land. This converted all ownership rights

into leases. The amendments also ended the right of landowners to challenge government

expropriation of land in the courts and marked the end of any hope of returning any land that

had been hitherto grabbed by armed land invasions. Elections for the senate in November

resulted in a victory for the government. The MDC split over whether to field candidates and

partially boycotted the vote. In addition to low turnout there was widespread government

intimidation. The split in the MDC hardened into factions, each of which claimed control of
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the party. The early months of 2006 were marked by food shortages and mass hunger. The

sheer extremity of the siltation was revealed by the fact that in the courts, state witnesses said

they were too weak from hunger to testify.[45]

2006 to 2007

In August 2006 runaway inflation forced the government to replace its existing currency with

a revalued one. In December 2006, ZANU-PF proposed the "harmonisation" of the

parliamentary and presidential election schedules in 2010; the move was seen by the

opposition as an excuse to extend Mugabe's term as president until 2010.

Morgan Tsvangirai was badly beaten on 12 March 2007 after being arrested and held at

Machipisa Police Station in the Highfield suburb of Harare. The event garnered an

international outcry and was considered particularly brutal and extreme, even considering the

reputation of Mugabe's government. "We are very concerned by reports of continuing brutal

attacks on opposition activists in Zimbabwe and call on the government to stop all acts of

violence and intimidation against opposition activists," said Kolawole Olaniyan, Director of

Amnesty International's Africa Programme.[46]

The economy has shrunk by 50% from 2000 to 2007. In September 2007 the inflation rate

was put at almost 8,000%, the world's highest.[47] There are frequent power and water

outages.[48] Harare's drinking water became unreliable in 2006 and as a consequence

dysentery and cholera swept the city in December 2006 and January 2007.[49] Unemployment

in formal jobs is running at a record 80%.[50] There is widespread famine, which has been

cynically manipulated by the government so that opposition strongholds suffer the most.
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Most recently, supplies of bread have dried up, after a poor wheat harvest, and the closure of

all bakeries.[51]

The country used to be one of Africa's richest and is now one of its poorest. Many observers

now view the country as a 'failed state'. The settlement of the Second Congo War brought

back Zimbabwe's substantial military commitment, although some troops remain to secure

the mining assets under their control. The government lacks the resources or machinery to

deal with the ravages of the HIV/AIDS pandemic, which affects 25% of the population. With

all this and the forced and violent removal of white farmers in a brutal land redistribution

program, Mugabe has earned himself widespread scorn from the international arena.[54]

The regime has managed to cling to power by creating wealthy enclaves for government

ministers, and senior party members. For example Borrowdale Brook, a suburb of Harare is

an oasis of wealth and privilege. It features mansions, manicured lawns, full shops with fully

stocked shelves containing an abundance of fruit and vegetables, big cars and a golf club give

is the home to President Mugabe's out-of-town retreat.[55]

Zimbabwe's bakeries shut down in October 2007 and supermarkets warned that they would

have no bread for the foreseeable future due to collapse in wheat production after the seizure

of white-owned farms. The ministry of agriculture has also blamed power shortages for the

wheat shortfall, saying that electricity cuts have affected irrigation and halved crop yields per

acre. The power shortages are because Zimbabwe relies on Mozambique for some of its

electricity and that due to an unpaid bill of $35 million Mozambique had reduced the amount

of electrical power it supplies.[56] On 4 December 2007, The United States imposed travel
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sanctions against 38 people with ties to President Mugabe because they "played a central role

in the regime's escalated human rights abuses."[57]

On 8 December 2007, Mugabe attended a meeting of EU and African leaders in Lisbon,

prompting UK Prime Minister Gordon Brown to decline to attend. While German chancellor

Angela Merkel criticised Mugabe with her public comments, the leaders of other African

countries offered him statements of support.[58]

Deterioration of the educational system

The educational system in Zimbabwe which was once regarded as among the best in Africa,

has gone into crisis because of the country's economic meltdown. Almost a quarter of the

teachers have quit the country, absenteeism is high, buildings are crumbling and standards

plummeting. One foreign reporter witnessed hundreds of children at Hatcliffe Extension

Primary School in Epworth, 12 miles west of Harare, writing in the dust on the floor because

they had no exercise books or pencils. The high school exam system unravelled in 2007.

Examiners refused to mark examination papers when they were offered just Z$79 a paper,

enough to buy three small candies. Corruption has crept into the system and may explain why

in January 2007 thousands of pupils received no marks for subjects they had entered, while

others were deemed "excellent" in subjects they had not sat. Various disused offices and

storerooms have been turned into makeshift brothels at the University of Zimbabwe in Harare

by students and staff who have turned to prostitution to make ends meet. Students are

destitute following the institution's refusal in July to re-open their halls of residence,

effectively banning students from staying on campus. Student leaders believe this was part of
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the administration's plan to take revenge on them for their demonstrations over deteriorating

standards.[59][60]

2008

2008 elections

Main articles: Zimbabwean presidential election, 2008 and 2008–2009 Zimbabwean political

negotiations

Zimbabwe held a presidential election along with a 2008 parliamentary election of 29 March.
[61]
The three major candidates were incumbent President Robert Mugabe of the Zimbabwe

African National Union – Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), Morgan Tsvangirai of the Movement

for Democratic Change – Tsvangirai (MDC-T), and Simba Makoni, an independent.[62] As no

candidate received an outright majority in the first round, a second round was held on 27 June

2008 between Tsvangirai (with 47.9% of the first round vote) and Mugabe (43.2%).

Tsvangirai withdrew from the second round a week before it was scheduled to take place,

citing violence against his party's supporters. The second round went ahead, despite

widespread criticism, and led to victory for Mugabe.

Because of Zimbabwe's dire economic situation the election was expected to provide

President Mugabe with his toughest electoral challenge to date. Mugabe's opponents were

critical of the handling of the electoral process, and the government was accused of planning

to rig the election; Human Rights Watch said that the election was likely to be "deeply

flawed".[63] After the first round, but before the counting was completed, Jose Marcos Barrica,
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the head of the Southern African Development Community observer mission, described the

election as "a peaceful and credible expression of the will of the people of Zimbabwe."

No official results were announced for more than a month after the first round.[64] The failure

to release results was strongly criticised by the MDC, which unsuccessfully sought an order

from the High Court to force their release. An independent projection placed Tsvangirai in

the lead, but without the majority needed to avoid a second round. The MDC declared that

Tsvangirai won a narrow majority in the first round and initially refused to participate in any

second round.[65] ZANU-PF has said that Mugabe will participate in a second round;[66] the

party alleged that some electoral officials, in connection with the MDC, fraudulently reduced

Mugabe's score, and as a result a recount was conducted.

After the recount and the verification of the results, the Zimbabwe Electoral Commission

(ZEC) announced on 2 May that Tsvangirai won 47.9% and Mugabe won 43.2%, thereby

necessitating a run-off,[64] which was to be held on 27 June 2008.[67] Despite Tsvangirai's

continuing claims to have won a first round majority, he refused to participate in the second

round. The period following the first round was marked by serious political violence caused

by zanu pf. ZANU-PF blamed the MDC supporters for perpetrating this violence; Western

governments and prominent Western organisations have blamed ZANU-PF for the violence

which is very correct. On 22 June 2008, Tsvangirai announced that he was withdrawing from

the run-off, describing it as a "violent sham" and saying that his supporters risked being killed

if they voted for him.[73] The second round nevertheless went ahead as planned with Mugabe

as the only actively participating candidate, although Tsvangirai's name remained on the
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ballot.[74] Mugabe won the second round by an overwhelming margin and was sworn in for

another term as President on 29 June.

The international reaction to the second round have varied. The United States and states of

the European Union have called for increased sanctions.[78] On 11 July, the United Nations

Security Council voted to impose sanctions on the Zimbabwe; Russia and China vetoed. The

African Union has called for a "government of national unity."[81]

Preliminary talks to set up conditions for official negotiations began between leading

negotiators from both parties on 10 July, and on 22 July, the three party leaders met for the

first time in Harare to express their support for a negotiated settlement of disputes arising out

of the presidential and parliamentary elections. Negotiations between the parties officially

began on 25 July and are currently proceeding with very few details released from the

negotiation teams in Pretoria, as coverage by the media is barred from the premises where the

negotiations are taking place. The talks were mediated by South African President Thabo

Mbeki.

On 15 September 2008, the leaders of the 14-member Southern African Development

Community witnessed the signing of the power-sharing agreement, brokered by South

African leader Thabo Mbeki. With symbolic handshake and warm smiles at the Rainbow

Towers hotel, in Harare, Mugabe and Tsvangirai signed the deal to end the violent political

crisis. As provided, Robert Mugabe will remain president, Morgan Tsvangirai will become

prime minister,[82] ZANU-PF and the MDC will share control of the police, Mugabe's Zanu

(PF) will command the Army, and Arthur Mutambara becomes deputy prime minister.
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Marange diamond fields massacre

In November 2008 the Air Force of Zimbabwe was sent, after some police officers began

refusing orders to shoot the illegal miners at Marange diamond fields.[85] Up to 150 of the

estimated 30,000[86] illegal miners were shot from helicopter gunships. In 2008 some

Zimbabwean lawyers and opposition politicians from Mutare claimed that Shiri was the

prime mover behind the military assaults on illegal diggers in the diamond mines in the east

of Zimbabwe.[87] Estimates of the death toll by mid-December range from 83 reported by the

Mutare City Council, based on a request for burial ground, to 140 estimated by the (then)

opposition Movement for Democratic Change - Tsvangirai party.

2009

In January 2009, Morgan Tsvangirai announced that he would do as the leaders across Africa

had insisted and join a coalition government as prime minister with his nemesis, President

Robert Mugabe .[89] On 11 February 2009 Tsvangirai was sworn in as the Prime Minister of

Zimbabwe.[90] On 6 March 2009, Tsvangirai's wife was killed in a car accident in which he

was also injured. According to news reports, Mr Tsvangirai was taken to hospital with head

and neck injuries.