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T128

LELAND STANFORD JVNIOR VNIVERSITY

 CICERO

DE OFFICIIS
ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY PRESS
 CICERO

DE OFFICIIS

TRANSLATED BY

GEORGE B. GARDINER

M.A. , D.Sc.

METHUEN & CO.

36 ESSEX STREET, W.C.

LONDON

1899
T
2603
 PREFACE

IN preparing this translation of the De Officiis I

have consulted the best literature on the subject,
but I am under special obligation to the editions
of Müller (1882), Heine ( 1885), Stickney (1885),
Dettweiler (1890), and Holden (1891 ). The
metrical versions are taken from L'Estrange.
My best thanks are due to my old pupil, Mr.
Hugh Gordon, for much valuable help .
 INTRODUCTION

THE De Officiis is a practical code of morals, a

compendium of the duties of everyday life, in-
tended for the instruction, and accommodated to
the special circumstances, of young Romans of the
governing class who were destined for a public
career. As a summary of the duties of a gentle-
man addressed by a father to his son, it may be
compared with Lord Chesterfield's Letters, but it
is written in a very different tone. Born in 65
B.C., Marcus served with some distinction under
the successive republican commanders, and attained
the dignity of consul. He inherited neither the
ambition nor the energy of Cicero, and is best
known as his father's son. At the age of twenty

he was sent to the " university " of Athens to

complete his education under Cratippus, the head
of the Peripatetic School . The irregularity of his
life, which we may infer from the scant expressions
of commendation contained in the work itself, and
of which we have positive evidence in Cicero's
Letters, was a cause of anxiety to his father, and
may have suggested the dedication if not the
composition of this treatise on duty.
vii
 INTRODUCTION

The De Officiis is the last of the long series

of philosophical works which Cicero gave to the
world during the closing years of his life, when
condemned to political inaction . After the final
overthrow of the senatorial party, when the con-
stitution of the republic was supplanted by the
will of the " Democratic King " and little scope
was left for individual effort, Cicero had voluntarily
retired from the political arena, and lived for the
most part in the country. With the assassination
of Caesar in March 44 B.c. the hopes of his party
rose for a moment only to be dashed to the
ground by the intrigues of Antony. Cicero driven
from Rome " by force and godless arms " was
compelled to seek safety in flight, and wandered
aimlessly for a great part of the year from one of
his country seats to another. He was distracted.
Death had robbed him of Tullia, the joy of his life,
and he was now an exile from his beloved city.
Once more he turns for consolation to active
literary work, and in the composition of this
hortatory treatise completes his patriotic design of
transplanting philosophy from Athens to Rome
and popularising its study among his countrymen.
The events of the stormy year 44 are reflected in
the acrimonious allusions to contemporary politics
and the many imperfections of the work in
thought and language.
Cicero had too much of the practical Roman
viii
 INTRODUCTION

instinct to regard philosophy as an end in itself.

To him it was a preparation for the active life of
the orator and statesman, an occupation in his
hours of leisure, a consolation in misfortune. Like
many cultured Romans he was an Eclectic and
sought for wisdom wherever it was to be found.
In his scientific method he professed himself an
adherent of the New Academy which denied the
possibility of attaining absolute certainty in ques-
tions of speculative philosophy. His " scepticism ,"
however, far from being destructive, took a positive
direction and sought to discover the greatest pro-
bability where certainty was impossible . He was
less an agnostic than a seeker after truth. But
his profession of the doctrines of the New Aca-
demy did not prevent him from embracing the
ethical system of the Stoics to which he was strongly
attracted by its practical tendency and its sublime
principle of the sovereignty of virtue. Yet at times
he rebels against some of their extreme doctrines.
For example, the theory that the wise man is happy
even when suffering pain and is quite independent
of fortune appeared to him so contrary to all
experience that here he rather leaned to the view
of the Peripatetics who admitted that within
certain limits external circumstances were neces-

sary to happiness. In one thing he is consistent,

his determined hostility to the egoistic and unsocial
doctrines of the Epicureans which could hardly
ix
 INTRODUCTION

commend themselves to a genuine Roman who

looked on devotion to the state as the first duty
of man .

When first presented to the Romans in the

second century B.C. Stoicism was stripped of many
of its pedantic and impossible dogmas . " There is
no happiness except virtue and no unhappiness
except vice ; virtue is a permanent condition which
admits of no increase or decrease ; the non-virtuous
man is absolutely vicious ; all sins are equally hein-
ous "-principles such as these were found to be
worthless when tested by the facts of everyday
life. Take again the picture of the Stoic sage or
saint : " He is a perfect man, absolutely virtuous,
happy, self-sufficient and free. He is indifferent
to fortune and misfortune, superior to fear and
remorse, free from sorrow and excessive joy, and
he maintains that immovable tranquillity of soul
in which conformity with reason consists." The
Stoics, if challenged, could not point to historical
examples of their sage, and even Zeno himself was
not so presumptuous as to claim the title. If the
founder of the school despaired of attaining this
lofty ideal, what hope was there for the ordinary
man ? One by one these purely academic and
fantastic principles were abandoned, ignored, or
modified, and the Stoic system became less of a
science and more of a moral evangel accommodated
to the facts of life and the frailties of erring mortals.
X
 INTRODUCTION

The founder of this new Stoicism and its most

eminent preacher in Rome was Panaetius of Rhodes,
the friend of the younger Scipio and Laelius . If
he taught the Romans philosophy he probably
learned from them the practical wisdom which led
him to mitigate the scientific severity of his school.
In his philosophical method he had completely
emancipated himself from his predecessors, and he
so far departed from their ethical principles that
they would hardly have allowed him the name of
a Stoic. He maintained that without health,

strength and the means of living, virtue was in-

sufficient to make a man happy. While rejecting
the doctrine of insensibility to pain, he did not al-
together repudiate pleasure. He admitted that in
certain circumstances promises are not binding. 7
In a word, he relaxed the rigour of the Stoic
system, adapted it to the circumstances of every-
day life and abandoning its thorny dialectic, and
forbidding technicalities, for the first time presented
its doctrines in an elegant and attractive literary
form .

It is on a lost treatise of Panaetius, " Concerning

Moral Obligation," that the De Officiis is based .
The work of Panaetius was divided into three
books . The first treated of the duties derived
from Honour, the second of those derived from
Expediency, and the third, which was promised but
never appeared, was to have dealt with the conflict
xi
 INTRODUCTION

between these two classes of duties. Cicero supplies

the missing book, and adds two brief discussions on
the conflict between two honesta and the conflict
between two utilia. The dominant principle of
the whole work is that Honour or Virtue alone is
useful. After explaining in a short introduction
his general plan and purpose Cicero treats in his
first book of the duties derived from Honour as
exhibited in the four cardinal virtues, Wisdom,
Justice, Fortitude and Self-Command, and concludes
with an estimate of their relative importance.
The
second book is devoted to the duties arising from
Expediency. The introduction contains a vindica-
tion of the study of philosophy and of the principles
of the New Academy. This is followed by a
laboured demonstration of the obvious proposition
that man is most useful to man. We obtain the

help of men by inspiring love, respect and confi-

dence, and by the exercise of liberality. The
conflict between the different kinds of Expediency
forms the subject of the last chapter. The third
book deals with the conflict between Honour and
Expediency. It opens with a famous passage in
which Cicero compares his own conduct in retire-
ment and solitude with that of Scipio Africanus.
He then proves that it is only apparent and not
real Expediency that is opposed to Honour, and
lays down as a general rule for the determination
of particular cases, that whatever is honourable is
xii
 INTRODUCTION

expedient, and that nothing can be expedient that

is not honourable . Even the certainty of escaping
detection should not prompt us to do wrong.
Friendship and the public interest sometimes cause
men to swerve from duty. Examples are then
given of the conflict between apparent Expediency
and Justice, Fortitude and Self-Command . Such
is a brief outline of the contents of the treatise on
Duty. Under this logical scheme Cicero discusses
the multifarious problems that would naturally
arise in the daily life of the jurist, the statesman,
or the military commander, and illustrates his
argument with copious examples contemporary and
historical. The duties of an administrator, the
obligations of belligerents, the conduct of a law-
suit, the laws of oratory, the art of conversation,
the choice of a profession, the building of a house
-the most diverse questions from the most im-
portant to the most trivial affecting the conduct
of a Roman gentleman are here proposed and
answered.
It would be interesting to know how much of
the book is the intellectual property of Cicero and
what belongs to Panaetius. Cicero expressly states
that he does not slavishly follow Panaetius, but
that he merely takes from him such materials as
serve his purpose. But it is significant that where
he professes complete independence and is thrown
upon his own resources he utterly breaks down .
xiii
 INTRODUCTION

The third book is little but a farrago of casuistic

questions compiled from Posidonius and other Stoic
writers, and it is disfigured by not a few defects in
reasoning, while the two additions to the scheme
of Panaetius are slight and perfunctory. We
shall therefore not be far wrong if we assign to
Panaetius the logical disposition of the first two
books with its divisions and subdivisions, and the
general course of the argument and even some
of the illustrations, and this assumption is borne
out by the fact that in certain passages of the
De Natura Deorum Cicero closely adheres to his
Greek original Philodemus. But many of the
examples drawn from Roman life and history and
the reflections suggested by them are obviously
from the hand of Cicero, and some entire sections
are so thoroughly Roman in character that they
could not have been penned by a Greek writer.
Thus we may safely assume that Cicero is the
author of the chapter on the choice of a profession
(i., 42), of the rules for obtaining glory (ii., 13,14),
and of the passage (ii ., 15-24) in which liberality,
official purity and fair legislation are recommended
as the best means of winning the favour of the
people.
Since the invention of printing the De Officiis
has passed through more than 250 editions, and it
has been praised in extravagant terms by ancient
and modern critics. The elder Pliny says it is a
xiv
 INTRODUCTION

book to be learned by heart. St. Ambrose based

on it the first systematic exposition of Christian
ethics. Melancthon described it as the most per-
fect treatise on morals in existence. Erasmus
believed that its author must have been inspired .
Frederick the Great, who pronounced it " the best
book on morals that has been or can be written,"

commanded the philosopher Garve to translate it

into German " that young people might get some
idea of what it really meant ". Curiously the Traité
des Devoirs is still prescribed as a moral catechism to
candidates for the baccalauréat ès lettres. Mommsen

in a few truculent phrases dismisses Cicero's " philo-

sophical library " as a complete failure.
What then is the value of the book that it has
at all times been so popular ? It may at once be
conceded that as a scientific treatise the De Officiis
has little merit. Composed in unfavourable circum-
stances by a philosophical dilettante it is superficial,
defective in arrangement, and often disfigured by
incoherence, obscurity, and repetition. On the
other hand it is the serious effort of one of the
best of the Romans to instruct and elevate his
young countrymen in a time of political chaos and
moral decadence. Here they could find what the
ancient ceremonial religion of the Romans failed
to supply, an exposition of the science of life, a
treasury of precepts, replete with the wisdom of
generations of thinkers, and enriched with the
XV
 INTRODUCTION

illustrations and reflections of a statesman of ripe

experience. If they looked in vain for profound
speculation or scientific precision they at least
found a lofty morality inculcated on every page in

the eternal principle of the sovereignty of virtue.

To the historian the book is of value as an impor-
tant contribution to our knowledge of the moral
development of the ancient Romans. The chief
literary merit of this elegant transcript of Panaetius
is that here the great master of Latin prose carried
on his work of creating a philosophical language in
which the highest Roman civilisation was diffused
throughout the Latin-speaking world, and trans-
mitted through the Middle Ages down to modern
times to endure even now as a living force in every
country where thoughtful men love to turn from
the present and draw inspiration from the sources
of European culture. The philosophy of Cicero
may be but an echo of that of the great Greek
thinkers ; it has been largely superseded by the
religious and ethical writings of modern literature ;
still it seems rash to brush aside as worthless a
work which has left so distinct an impress on the
mind of the world. Perhaps there is as much
exaggeration in the blame of Mommsen as in
the praise of Erasmus.

xvi
 FIRST BOOK

I.— 1 . My dear son, now that you have studied for a

full year under Cratippus and in a city like Athens,
you should be well equipped with the principles and
doctrines of moral philosophy. A master of such
power cannot fail to enrich your mind with ethical
theories, while the cultured city in which you live will
offer you many models for imitation . However, I
have always found it best in my own case to combine
the study of Latin and Greek in oratory as well as in
philosophy, and I think it would be well for you to
follow my example if you wish to be equally at home
in the two languages. Here I flatter myself I have
rendered good service to my countrymen, and it is
gratifying to find that not only persons ignorant of
Greek, but even educated men admit that I have done
something towards developing their minds and form-
ing their style .2. You should therefore continue
your studies under the first thinker of the age, and
that you will certainly desire to do, so long as you
are not dissatisfied with your progress . But in read-
ing the exposition of my theories which differ little
1 1
 CICERO

from those of the Peripatetics (for we both claim to

be followers of Socrates and Plato), whatever opinion
you may form on the subject -matter-and you are
free to judge for yourself- I am confident you will
improve your Latin style. Still I would not have
you think I say this in arrogance. I profess no
monopoly in philosophical science, but I fancy I am
within my rights in claiming as peculiarly my own a
happy, perspicuous, and ornate style -the proper field
•
of the orator, which I have cultivated all my life. 3.
I urge you, therefore, my dear son, to read with care
not only my orations but also my philosophical works
which are now almost as numerous as the others.
In the orations there is greater vigour, but the unim-
passioned and temperate style of my essays is no less
worthy of study.
I do not find that any Greek author has yet suc-
ceeded in elaborating at once the forensic and the calm
philosophical style, with the possible exception of
Demetrius of Phalerum, a keen logician and an orator
who, though he lacks force, has the charm that marks
the disciple of Theophrastus. What degree of per-
fection I myself have attained in these two styles let
others judge ; if I have failed, it is not for want of
effort. 4. I indulge the fancy that Plato, had he
chosen to practise oratory, would have made an
impressive and eloquent pleader, and that if Demos-
thenes had followed up and published the doctrines he
2
 CICERO

learned from Plato he would have been distinguished

for the elegance and splendour of his diction . I have

the same opinion of Aristotle and Isocrates, but each
of them took such delight in his own pursuit that
he looked coldly on the pursuit of the other.
II. When I came to choose out of the many things
on which I had it in my mind to write to you, the
theme of this, my first treatise, I selected what seemed
to me best suited to your age and to my position as
a father. Among all the elaborate and exhaustive
discussions of philosophers on serious and important
subjects it appears to me that nothing is more generally
useful than the principles of duty they have given to
the world. All our affairs, public or private, civil or
domestic, our personal conduct, our social transac-
tions, inevitably fall within the province of duty ; in
the observance of duty lies all that is honourable, and
in the neglect of it all that is dishonourable. 5. This
is the common ground of all philosophers. Would
any one assume the title who had no moral precepts to
offer ? Yet certain schools utterly distort our con-
ception of duty by their definition of the greatest
good and the greatest evil. He who severs the
highest good from virtue and measures it by interest
and not by honour, if he were true to his principles
and did not at times yield to his better nature, could
not cultivate friendship, justice or liberality ; and no
S'..
one can be brave who declares pain the greatest
3
 CICERO

evil, or temperate who maintains pleasure to be the

highest good. 6. I have dealt with these propositions
in another place although they are so obvious as to
require no discussion. Now if these sects were only
consistent they would not have a word to say on the
subject of duty ; indeed a system of moral principles
permanent, invariable, and in harmony with nature,
can only be established by those who maintain that
honour should exclusively or mainly be pursued for its
own sake. And so we find that this ethical teaching
is peculiar to the Stoics , the Academics, and the
Peripatetics, since the doctrines of Aristo, Pyrrho
and Erillus have long since been exploded ; yet even
they would be entitled to treat of this question ifthey
had recognised a difference in the value of things and
given us some clue to duty. In the present inquiry,
then, I shall mainly follow the Stoics. I shall not
simply echo them, but, as my custom is, I shall use
them as my sources, and exercise my own discretion
in deciding how and what to borrow.
7. As duty is the subject of the whole of this
treatise, it seems proper to begin with a definition
of the term, a point which Panaetius has curiously
omitted. The definition of terms must in fact form
the basis of every scientific exposition if the scope
of the argument is to be clearly understood .
III. Every question of duty has two sides : the
one relating to the sovereign good, the other to the
4
 CÍCERO

practical rules by which we may govern our conduct

in every detail. The following are examples of our
first class of questions. Are all duties perfect ? Is
one duty more important than another ? and so forth .
The rules of conduct are indeed related to the highest
good, but the relation is not quite evident, because
they bear more directly on the regulation of our daily
life these are the duties I purpose to expound in the
present treatise. 8. Duties may also be divided into
what are called the ordinary and the perfect. Per-
fect duty I think we might call the right since the
Greeks call it kaтópooμa, while they call ordinary duty
Kankov. Perfect duty they define as that which is
right ; ordinary duty as that for doing which an ade-
quate reason can be given.
9. According to Panaetius, in forming a resolution
we have three things to consider. Is the subject of
deliberation honourable or dishonourable ? This is a

problem which often distracts our minds with con-

trary opinions. In the second place we cast about
and reflect whether the thing will procure comfort
and enjoyment, wealth and abundance, position
and power, whereby we may profit ourselves and
those who are dear to us. This second question
turns entirely on expediency. The third is con-
cerned with the conflict between the honourable

and that which appears to be expedient. When

interest drags us one way and honour calls us back,
5
 CICERO

the mind is bewildered and distracted with doubt.

10. In this classification two points are omitted, a
serious defect in a logical division . We not only ask
whether the contemplated act is honourable or dis-
honourable, but we seek to determine the degrees of
honour and expediency. Consequently the triple
division of Panaetius must be abandoned in favour of
a division into five parts. I must first speak of the
honourable under two heads, then similarly of the
expedient, and finally of the conflict between them.
IV. — 11 . Animals of every species are endowed
with the instinct of self-preservation which leads
them to preserve life and limb, to avoid what seems
hurtful, and to seek and provide the necessaries of
life, such as food and shelter. The reproductive
instinct and the love of offspring are also universal .
But there is a wide gulf between man and beast.
Swayed by sense alone, the beast lives in the present,
heedless of the past, or future. But man endowed

with reason perceives the connection of things , marks

their causes and effects, traces their analogies, links
the future with the past, and, surveying without effort
the whole course of life, prepares what is needful for
the journey. 12. Nature with the aid of reason
likewise binds man to man, unites them by the bond
of language and of social life, inspires them with a
strong love of offspring, and impels them to multiply
the occasions of meeting and consorting with their
6
 CICERO

fellows. These are the motives that incite a man to

procure a comfortable livelihood not only for him-
self but for his wife and children and all whom he
cherishes and is bound to support ; and this responsi-
bility rouses his energies and braces him for work .
13. The distinctive faculty of man is his eager
desire to investigate the truth. Thus, when free from
pressing duties and cares, we are eager to see or hear,
or learn something new, and we think our happiness
incomplete unless we study the mysteries and the
marvels of the universe. From this it is evident that

what is true, simple, and pure, is most in harmony

with human nature. With the instinct of curiosity is

allied the desire of independence ; a well-constituted

character will bow to no authority but that of a
master or a just and legitimate ruler who aims at the
public good : hence arises fortitude or indifference
to the accidents of fortune . 14. How precious should
we deem the gift of reason since man is the only
living being that has a sense of order, decorum and
moderation in word and deed. No other creature
is touched by the beauty, grace and symmetry of
visible objects ; and the human mind transferring
these conceptions from the material to the moral
world recognises that this beauty, harmony and
order are still more to be maintained in the sphere of
purpose and of action ; reason shuns all that is un-
becoming or unmanly, all that is wanton in thought
7
 CICERO

or deed. These are the constituent elements of the

conception of honour which is the subject of our
inquiry : honour even when cast into the shade loses
none of its beauty ; honour, I say, though praised by
no one, is praiseworthy in itself.
V.- 15. You have now before you, my dear Marcus,
the very form, I may say, the face, of honour ; and,

as Plato says of Wisdom, could we but see it with

our eyes, what a divine passion it would inspire !
Honour springs from one of four sources. It consists
in sagacity and the perception of the truth , or in the
maintenance of human society, respect for the rights
of others, and the faithful observance of contracts, or
in the greatness and strength of a lofty and invincible.
spirit, or finally in that order and measure in word and
deed which constitute temperance and self- command.
The cardinal virtues are indeed inseparably connected,
yet each of them is the source of definite classes of
duties . Wisdom or prudence, for example, the first
in our division, is concerned with the investigation
and discovery of the truth ; this is its peculiar function.
16. He is justly considered the wisest and the most
prudent of men who penetrates furthest into the
truth of things and has the keenest and swiftest eye
to see and unfold their principles. Truth is therefore
the material on which this virtue works , the sphere
in which it moves . 17. The function of the other

virtues is to provide and maintain all that is necessary

8
 CICERO

for our daily life, to strengthen the bonds of human

society, and to evoke that great and noble spirit which
enlarges our resources and secures advantages for
ourselves and our kin, but is even more conspicuous
by its indifference to these objects. Order, con-
sistency, moderation and similar qualities fall under
this category and are not so much speculative as
active virtues ; for it is by applying measure and
law to the affairs of life that we shall best observe
honour and decorum .
VI.- 18. Of the four parts into which we have
divided the conception of honour, the first, consisting
in the investigation of the truth, touches human nature
most nearly. We are all carried away by the passion
for study and learning ; here we think it noble to
excel and count it an evil and a shame if we stumble
or stray, if we are ignorant or credulous. In follow-
ing this natural and noble instinct there are two
errors to be avoided ; in the first place we must not
mistake the unknown for the known and blindly give
it our assent ; to escape this error, as all must wish to
do, it is necessary to devote time and trouble to the
consideration of every question. 19. In the second

place it is wrong to waste our energies on dark, thorny,

and barren studies. If we avoid these errors and

bestow our toil and care on subjects that are honour-

able and worthy of study, we shall deserve nothing
but praise. Thus Sulpicius was once distinguished in
9
 CICERO

astronomy as our contemporary Sextus Pompeius is

in mathematics ; many have made their name in logic,
more in civil law ; but though all these branches of
Study
knowledge are concerned with the investigation of
the truth, it would be wrong to be diverted from
VS. active work by any such pursuit. The worth of
virtue lies in action, yet we have many times of rest,
permitting us to return to our favourite pursuits : and
even without our effort, our beating, restless mind
will keep us ever at study. Now every thought and
operation of the mind is employed in deciding about
things that concern our honour and happiness or in
pursuing knowledge and learning. So much for
the first source of duty.
VII. -20 . Of the three remaining the most ex-
tensive in its scope is the principle which knits
together human society and cements our common
interests . It has two parts -justice, the brightest
of the virtues, the touchstone of worth, and the
cognate virtue of beneficence which may also be
called kindness or liberality.

The first duty that justice enjoins is to do no

violence except in self-defence, to create no privilege
in public rights, and to keep for our private enjoy-
ment only what is ours. 21. Private property has no
place in the order of nature ; it originates in ancient
occupation, as when people take possession of vacant
land, or in the right of conquest, or in a law, a con-
10
 CICERO

tract, an agreement, an allotment ; hence we say the

land of Arpinum belongs to the Arpinates, the Tus-
culan land to the Tusculans ; and the delimitation of
private estates follows the same principle. Now
since by this partition the individual secures as
personal property a part of that which at first be-
longed to all, he ought to rest content with his
share if he covets more, he breaks the laws of
human society . 22. But since our life, to quote the
noble words of Plato, has not been given to us for
ourselves alone (for our country claims a share, our
friends another), and since, as the Stoics hold, all the
products of the earth are destined for our use and we
are born to help one another, we should here take
nature for our guide and contribute to the public
good by the interchange of acts of kindness, now
giving, now receiving, and ever eager to employ our
talents, industry and resources in strengthening the
bonds of human society. 23. The foundation of

justice is good faith- in other words, consistency and

truthfulness in regard to promises and compacts.
Though it may seem rather forced, we make bold to
follow the Stoics who are keen students of etymology
and to assume that fides, faith, is so called because a
promise fiat is fulfilled. There are two kinds of in-
justice the positive injustice of the aggressor, and
the negative injustice of neglecting to defend those
who are wronged. To attack a man unjustly under
11
 ?
A) 2 of good lit. acc. le

unaided human hinson

CICERO

the influence of anger or some other passion is to lay

hands upon a comrade ; not to defend the oppressed
and shield them from injustice, is as great a crime
as to desert our parents, friends, or country. 24.
Premeditated wrongs are often the result of appre-
hension, the aggressor fearing that he will be the
victim if he does not strike the first blow. But it is
chiefly for the purpose of satisfying some desire that
men commit an injury ; and the commonest motive
is the love of money.
VIII. 25. In seeking riches, our object is to
procure the necessities and the luxuries of life. But
men of ambition look on money as a means of

acquiring influence and of attaching others to their

interests. Not long ago M. Crassus asserted that no
man could aspire to political eminence unless he had
a fortune on the interest of which he could support
a whole army. Magnificence, luxury, elegance, and
plenty are no less seductive. Such is the origin
of the insatiable thirst for wealth. Not that we have
any fault to find with the innocent accumulation of
property ; it is the unjust acquisition of it of which
we must beware. 26. But the strongest temptation

to forget the claims of justice is born of the passion

for military and political distinction . Ennius says :
"No holy bond, no faith is kept, if a kingdom is the
prize," but his words have a wider application . Where
the places are few and rivalry is keen the struggle
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often becomes so fierce that it is difficult to respect

the sacred rights of society. Of this we have recently
had proof in the audacity of C. Caesar who overthrew
all the laws of heaven and earth to gain supreme
power, the object of his mad ambition. Alas ! it is
just the stoutest hearts, the brightest intellects, that
are fired with the passion for office and command,
for power and glory. Let us then be all the more
watchful not to commit the like excess. 27. But
there is a great difference between a wrong com-
mitted under the influence of some brief and transient
passion and one that is wilful and premeditated. A
wrong committed under a sudden impulse is not so
culpable as a wrong that is planned in cold blood.
But I must now leave the subject of positive injustice.
IX.- 28. In neglecting the duty of defending
others, men are influenced by various motives. They
are reluctant to make enemies : they grudge the
trouble and expense ; they are deterred by indiffer-
ence, indolence, and apathy ; or they are so fettered
by their own pursuits and occupations as to abandon
those whom it is their duty to protect. Perhaps Plato
does not go far enough when he says that philosophers
deserve to be called just, inasmuch as they are em-
ployed in the investigation of the truth and profess a
sovereign contempt for those objects which most men
pursue with ardour and for which they will even draw
the sword and fight to the last. In wronging no one
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they doubtless realise a negative kind of justice, but

they fail in their duty when they become so absorbed
L in study as to abandon those whom they ought to de-
VSe.
V fend. For the same reason he thinks they will not ,
except under pressure, participate in public affairs. It
would be more natural if they came forward un-
solicited. For even an action intrinsically right is

only just in so far as it is voluntary. 29. Some men,

from excessive devotion to their private affairs, or
from a sort of misanthropy, say they prefer to mind
their own business, and think that in so doing they
wrong no one. They thus escape the one kind of
injustice only to rush into the other ; in fact they are
traitors to society because they contribute nothing of
their zeal, their energy, or their wealth, to the public
good. Having now established the two kinds of
injustice with their respective causes, and having
determined the constituent elements of that virtue,
we can readily decide, unless we are blinded by self-
love, what is our duty in particular circumstances. 30 .
For it is difficult to meddle with other people's affairs,
though our friend Chremes in Terence says : " Nothing
is indifferent to me that touches man ". It is no less

true that we are most keenly alive to our own success

and our own misfortune ; the good and the evil that
happen to others we see as it were across a wide
gulf, and we cannot judge of our neighbours as we
judge of ourselves. It is therefore a good rule never
14
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to do a thing if we are in doubt whether it is right

or wrong ; righteousness shines with a lustre of its
own ; doubt is the symptom of a vicious purpose.
X.-31 . But there are many occasions when actions
that appear eminently worthy of the just man or the
good man, as we commonly say, change their com-
plexion and present a different aspect. It may at
times be just not to return what is entrusted to our
care, not to keep a promise , or to violate the laws
of veracity and honour. In such cases we should go
back to the principles which I laid down at the outset,
as the foundations of justice : do evil to no man ;
work for the common good. When these principles
are modified by circumstances, our duty likewise
changes and is not fixed and invariable. 32. Thus
the fulfilment of a promise or agreement may be pre-
judicial either to him to whom it was made or to
him who made it. Take an instance from mythology.
If Neptune had not kept faith with Theseus, Theseus
would not have been bereft of his son Hippolytus.
The third of his three wishes, we are told, was the
death of Hippolytus ; this he conceived in a fit of
rage, and when it was fulfilled he was plunged in the
deepest grief. If you promise a friend something
which would be hurtful to him, your promise is not
binding ; or if the thing would do more harm to him
than good to you, it is no breach of duty to prefer
the greater to the lesser good. Suppose you arranged
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to appear in court in support of a friend and mean-

while your son fell seriously ill, you would not be
obliged to keep your promise ; nay, your friend would
be more culpable than you if he complained of being
abandoned. Again it is obvious that we are not
bound to fulfil promises extorted by fear or won from
us by craft ; indeed these obligations are in most
cases cancelled by the decisions of the praetors, or
by particular enactments. 33. A common form of
injustice is chicanery, that is, an over-subtle, in fact a
fraudulent construction of the law. Hence the hack-
neyed proverb : " The greatest right is the greatest
wrong " . Public men are often guilty of this offence.
I shall illustrate what I mean by two examples.
Once a general, having concluded a truce with the
enemy for thirty days, ravaged his territory by night,
because, he said, the truce applied to the day but
not to the night. The conduct of a countryman
of ours is equally discreditable ; whether it was
Q. Labeo or some one else I cannot tell, for I go
merely by hearsay. The story is that he was ap-
pointed by the Senate arbitrator on a boundary
question between the Nolans and the Neapolitans,
and on reaching the spot advised the parties separately
not to be greedy or grasping and rather to retire than
to push forward. They consented, and a belt of
neutral land was left between them. So he fixed
their frontiers in accordance with their own sug-
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gestion, the unclaimed tract he awarded to the Roman

people. This surely is deceit and not arbitration.
It should be a lesson to us to avoid such despicable
trickery.
XI. We have also our duties towards those by
whom we have been wronged ; for retribution and
punishment have their limits. Perhaps it would
suffice if the aggressor repented the injury he had
done. His expression of regret would keep him from
repeating the offence and would deter others from
injustice. 34. In national affairs the laws of war
must be strictly observed . There are two methods
of settling a dispute, discussion and force ; the one is
characteristic of man, the other of beasts ; it is only
when we cannot employ conciliation that we are
justified in resorting to force. 35. Our one object
in making war should be that we may live in peace
unmolested ; when victory is gained we should spare
those who have not been cruel or barbarous . Our
forefathers enfranchised the Tusculans, the Aequians,
the Volscians, the Sabines, and the Hernicans , while
they razed to the ground Carthage and Numantia.
I wish they had spared Corinth , but I think they had
some good reason for what they did, most probably
the strength of the place which they feared might
some day tempt the Corinthians to renew the war.
In my opinion peace should be our constant aim if
there is no danger of treachery. Had my voice been
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heard, we should still possess, if not the best, at least

some form of government, but now we have none. It
is our duty not only to be merciful to the conquered ,
but, even though the battering-ram has shattered
their walls, to shelter those who lay down their arms
and seek the protection of the commander. Justice

to our enemies was so scrupulously observed among

our countrymen that those who accepted the sub-
mission of states or tribes conquered in war, became
their patrons by ancient usage. 36. The laws of
war are religiously recorded in the fetial code of the
Roman people. International law teaches that a war
is just only if it is duly declared after a formal de-
mand for satisfaction has been made. (Popilius was
governor of a province and the son of Cato was
serving in his army as a recruit . Popilius having
decided to disband the legion to which he belonged,
discharged young Cato with the rest of the men .
But he remained in the army from love of fighting ;
Cato then wrote to Popilius asking him to bind his
son by a second military oath if he allowed him to
continue in active service : because through voidance
ofthe former oath he had no right to fight with the
enemy. Such was the rigour then observed in the
conduct of war. ) 37. A letter is extant which Marcus
Cato the elder wrote to his son Marcus while he was
serving in Macedonia in the campaign against Perses.
He had heard that his son had been discharged by
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the consul. He therefore warned him not to en-

gage in battle because one who was not legally a
soldier had no right to draw the sword against the
enemy.
XII. Here I would call attention to the euphem-
ism by which hostis, a stranger, is substituted for
perduellis, the strict term for an enemy under arms.
Hostis in the olden time had the same sense as

peregrinus has now. We have proof of this in two

passages from the Twelve Tables : " or a day fixed
cum hoste, with a stranger," and " against a stranger,
adversus hostem the right of ownership is inalienable ” .
I ask you, Could charity go further than to describe
by so gentle a name the man with whom you are
waging war ? But the word is now so debased by
usage that it has dropped the meaning of stranger
and is restricted to the technical sense of an enemy
under arms. 38. In every struggle for empire and
glory we must be governed by the motives which
I have just mentioned as the legitimate causes of
war. Still the asperity of the conflict should be

tempered by the noble motive of imperial glory.

As in civil strife our attitude is different to a personal
enemy and to a rival— with a rival the struggle is for
office and position , with an enemy for life and honour
-so with the Celtiberians and Cimbrians we fought
as with personal enemies, not for empire but for
existence ; while it was for empire that we waged
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war with the Carthaginians and with Pyrrhus. The

Carthaginians were faithless and Hannibal was cruel,
but our other enemies were more just. You may
remember the noble words of Pyrrhus regarding
the restoration of the prisoners of war :-

Let mercenaries truck and treat for gold ;

Honour's a thing not to be bought or sold.
Courage and steel must end this glorious strife :
And in the case of victory or life,
Fortune's the judge . We'll take the chance of war :
And what brave man soever she shall spare
With life, depend upon't , I'll set him free :
Let him but own the gift to the great gods and me.

-a most princely sentiment, worthy of a scion of

the line of Aeacus.
XIII. 39. Further, if individuals under stress of
circumstances have made a promise to an enemy,
even then they are bound to keep their word. In
the First Punic War Regulus was captured by the
Carthaginians and sent to Rome on parole to ne-
gotiate the exchange of prisoners of war. On his
arrival he advised the senate not to give up the
prisoners, and despite the efforts of his kinsmen and
friends to keep him at home he preferred to return
to his punishment rather than break his word
pledged to the enemy. [40. In the Second Punic
War, after the battle of Cannae, Hannibal sent to
Rome ten Roman soldiers who bound themselves by
an oath to come back if they did not procure the
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ransom of the prisoners of war, but such of them as

broke their obligation were kept disfranchised all
their lives, and the like fate befell the man who had
been the first to incur guilt by evading his oath.
This man having quitted the camp with Hannibal's
permission, returned soon after on the pretext that
he had forgotten something. When he left the
camp for the second time he fancied he was released
from his oath, and so he was in the letter but not
in the spirit. In every promise it is well to think of
the meaning and not of the words. Our forefathers
have set us an admirable example of justice to an
enemy . A deserter having come from the camp of
Pyrrhus and offered to the senate to poison the king,
the senate and C. Fabricius delivered him up to
Pyrrhus. In this way they refused to countenance
a criminal attempt even on the life of a powerful
aggressor. ] 41. I have said enough on the duties of
war. We should also remember that it behoves us
to deal justly even with the humblest. Now there
is no lot or position meaner than that of slaves ; and
we are wisely enjoined to treat them as we do hired
labourers if we exact work from them we should
give them their due. Injustice fights with two
weapons , force and fraud ; fraud suggests the mean
little fox ; force, the lion. Both are unworthy of
man, but fraud is the more detestable . The most

criminal injustice is that of the hypocrite who hides

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an act of treachery under the cloak of virtue. But

I must not enlarge.
XIV. 42. My next subject is beneficence or liber-
lity
Libera
ality, the most human of all the virtues , but one which
often demands the exercise of caution. We must give
heed that our bounty is not injurious either to those
whom we intend to benefit or to others, that it does
not exceed our means, and that in each case it is
proportioned to the worth of the recipient. This last
principle is the foundation of justice, the standard by
which all these acts of kindness must be measured.
If we offer to another under the guise of kindness
what will do him harm, we are not to be accounted
beneficent or liberal men but dangerous hypocrites ;
and if we harm one man in order to be liberal to
another we are quite as unjust as if we were to
appropriate our neighbour's goods. 43. Many men,
however, especially if they are ambitious of honour
and glory, lavish on one the spoils of another, ex-
pecting to obtain credit as benefactors, if only they
enrich their friends by fair means or by foul. Such
conduct is absolutely opposed to duty. Let us there-
fore remember to practise that kind of liberality which
will be beneficial to our friends and injurious to no
one . Neither Sulla nor C. Caesar deserves to be
called liberal for transferring property from its right-
ful owners into the hands of strangers . For without
justice there is no liberality.
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44. The second precaution of which I spoke is

that our bounty should not exceed our means.
Those who seek to be more generous than their
circumstances permit, offend in two ways. First
they wrong their kin by making over to strangers
the wealth which in justice they should rather
give or bequeath to those of their own blood. In
the second place the passion for plunder and dis-
honest gain is almost inseparable from this foolish
generosity which must ever replenish the source
of bounty. It is also manifest that the conduct
of men who are not really generous but only
ambitious of the name often springs from vainglory
rather than from a pure motive . Such hypocrisy , I
hold, savours more of deceit than of liberality or
honour.
45. My third rule is that we should carefully
weigh the merits of those whom we intend to benefit.
Let us look to the character of the recipient, his
disposition towards us, our common interests and
social relations, and the obligations under which we
lie to him ; if he unites all these claims on our
kindness, we cannot look for more ; if some are

lacking, the number and importance of the others

must turn the scale.
XV. - 46. As those with whom we live are neither
perfect nor ideally wise, and as we may consider our-
selves fortunate if we find in them even a shadow of
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virtue, it is evident that we should neglect no one

who exhibits the slightest trace of worth, and should
respect and cherish other men in proportion as they
are adorned with these gentler virtues, moderation,
self-command, and this very justice of which I have
spoken so much. The spirit of fortitude is generally
too impetuous in the good man who has not attained
moral perfection and ideal wisdom ; it is the gentler
virtues that seem to be more within his reach. So
much for the character of the recipient of our bounty.
47. As to the affection he may cherish towards us ,
our first duty is to be kindest to him who loves us
best ; but we should not test his love , as youths would

do, by its passionate fervour but rather by its strength

and constancy. If, however, we are debtors, and our
duty is not to bestow but to requite a favour, it
behoves us to give the greater diligence ; for no duty
is more imperative than gratitude. 48. But if, as
Hesiod enjoins, we ought to give back with interest,
if possible, what we have borrowed, how should we
answer the challenge of kindness ? Must we not
imitate those fertile lands which yield even more than
they receive ? For if we do not grudge to serve those
from whom we look for recompense, with what zeal
should we not requite favours already received ?
Liberality is of two kinds ; it gives and it returns ; it
is in our own power to give or not to give, but to
requite a favour is for the good man a sacred obliga-
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tion provided he can do so without injustice. 49. It

is necessary, however, to discriminate between benefits

received ; and it is clear that the greatest benefit

deserves the greatest gratitude. But we must always
think of the spirit, the devotion and the affection
that have prompted the deed. Many blind and
thoughtless men are carried away by a morbid phil-
anthropy or by fits of generosity as sudden as the
wind. But benefits conferred with judgment , de-
liberation, and consistency, stand upon a higher plane.
Whether we bestow or requite a favour, duty requires,
if other things are equal, that we should first help
those who need our help most ; but that is not the
way of the world . For men are most eager to serve
one from whom they expect the greatest reward even
though he needs no help .
XVI. 50. The surest means of strengthening the
bonds of society is to bestow the greatest kindness
on those who are nearest to us. Let us go to the
root of the matter and seek in nature the first begin-
nings of society. The first is seen in the brotherhood
of the entire human race. The bonds of connection

are thought and speech, the instruments of teaching

and learning, of communication, discussion, and
reasoning, which unite man to man and bind them
together by a kind of natural league. Nothing lifts.
us so far above the brutes ; in some animals we re-
cognise courage, as in the horse and the lion, yet, as
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animals have neither thought nor speech, we never

ascribe to them justice, equity or goodness. 51 .
Such is the universal brotherhood of mankind. Here
the common right to all those things which nature
has destined for the common use of man must be

kept inviolate ; and while property assigned by statute

or by civil law must be held under the conditions
established by these laws, we may learn from the
Greek proverb, " among friends all things in common,"
how to regard all other property. The goods com-
mon to all men are, I think, defined in the words of
Ennius, which though restricted by him to one in-
stance are generally true :-

To put a wandering traveller in's way,

Is but to light one candle with another :
I've ne'er the less, for what I give.

This one example teaches us to grant even to a

stranger what it costs us nothing to give. 52. Hence

the common maxims : " Keep no one from a running

stream " ; "Let any one who pleases take a light from
your fire " ; "Give honest advice to a man in doubt,"
things which we receive with profit and give without
loss. Therefore while we enjoy these blessings we
must always contribute to the common weal. But
since the resources of individuals are limited and the
number of the needy is infinite , we must think of the
standard of Ennius : " None the less it shines for him,"
and so regulate this general liberality that we may
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continue to have the means of being generous to our

friends.

XVII. 53. Human society may embrace a wider

or a narrower circle. Apart from the tie of our
common humanity, there is the closer alliance of
those who belong to the same nation or tribe and
speak the same language. This is a strong bond of
union. A more intimate relationship subsists between
members of the same state. Fellow-citizens have
many things in common ; the forum, the sanctuaries,
colonnades and streets, laws and privileges, the courts
of law, the right of suffrage, social and friendly ties,
and the many reciprocal relations of commerce. Still
closer is the union of kinsmen ; it is human society
in miniature. 54. As all living creatures are en-

dowed with the reproductive instinct, the first bond

of union is that between husband and wife, next that
between their children ; then comes the unit of the
family and community of goods. Here we find the
germ of the city, the nursery, I may say, of the state.
Next in order are the relations of brothers and sisters
and of first cousins and their children who, cramped
in the one home, go forth as it were to found new
colonies. Marriages , with their relationships , follow
and kinsmen multiply. In this propagation and its
aftergrowth states have their origin. For the ties
of common blood unite men in kindness and love.

55. It is a great thing to have one family history, a

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common worship, and a common tomb. But when

good men of like character are joined in friendship,
there we find the noblest and the strongest union.
Honour, on which I love to dwell, attracts us even in
others and kindles a fellow- feeling for those whose
character it adorns. 56. Of all the virtues justice
and liberality have the greatest charm, the greatest
power to excite our love for those in whom they seem
to reside ; and the strongest bond of affection is the
moral sympathy which unites the good. When two
Manhood men have the same tastes and the same desires, each
loves his neighbour as himself, and the ideal of
Pythagoras is realised ; the two friends become one.
Another strong bond of sympathy is the interchange of
services ; so long as they are mutual and acceptable,
they bind us together in a lasting alliance.
57. Now if you survey in your mind all the social
relations, you will find that none is more important,
none closer, than that which links each one of us
with the state. We love our parents , we love our
children, our kinsmen, and friends, but all our loves
are lost in love of country. Who would not die for
her sake if by his death he could do her good ? All
the more execrable are the fiends who have mangled
her body with every outrage, who have laboured and
still are labouring to compass her ruin. 58. But if
we compare and contrast the rival claims to our
friendly offices, we must assign the first rank to our
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country and our parents to whom we owe so many

benefits ; the next to our children and our whole
household, who look to us alone and have no other
refuge. Next in order are those kinsmen with whom
we live in harmony, and with whom we are so often
united by common interests . It is they who have
the strongest claim on us for material help ; but close
intimacy, the interchange of thought and speech,
of exhortation, consolation, even of rebuke - these
things thrive best in the soil of friendship, and the
happiest friendship is that which is cemented by
moral sympathy.
XVIII . 59. In apportioning all these services we
shall have to consider what each man needs most
and what he can or cannot procure without our aid.
Thus it will often be found that the claims of
necessity are stronger than the claims of kin, and
that our duty to one man is more pressing than our
duty to another ; you would sooner help your neigh-
bour to gather in his corn than your brother or your
friend ; but if a case were on trial, you would rather
plead for a kinsman or a friend than for a neighbour .
Such are the circumstances we must keep in view
in all our moral calculations if we would be good
accountants of duty, skilled in adding and subtract-
ing, in striking a balance, and finding what is due to
this one and to that. 60. Physicians, generals and
orators, however proficient in the rules of their art,
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achieve no great success unless they unite theory

with practice ; so there is no lack of precepts on
duty such as I now lay down, but it is experience
and practice above all that are required in a matter
so important. Perhaps I have said enough to show
how honour, the source of duty, originates in the
rights and obligations of human society . 61. Of the
four cardinal virtues from which honour and duty
are derived it is evident that the most imposing in
the eyes of the world is fortitude , that great and
sublime spirit which scorns the chances of life. So,
upon occasion, it is taunts like these that first come
to our lips.

Young men in show, but wenches in your hearts :

While Cloelia plays the brave and acts your parts,
You're for exploits that cost no sweat, nor blood.

So, when we contemplate the brave and noble

deeds of some great spirit, we instinctively grow
eloquent in their praise. Valour affords a field for
eloquence in Marathon, Salamis, Plataeae, Thermo-
pylae and Leuctra ; valour animated our own Cocles ,
the Decii, Cn. and P. Scipio, M. Marcellus, and
others without number, and valour has made of the
Roman people a nation of heroes. The military
costume which adorns almost all our statues is a
further proof of our passion for glory in war.
XIX . 62. But if this high spirit which shines in
toil and danger is divorced from justice and fights
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for private ends, and not for the public good , it is

anything but a virtue : it is a brutal vice, repulsive
rtitude
to all our finer feelings. Fortitude is therefore ad- Fo
mirably defined by the Stoics as the virtue which
fights for equity , and no one ever acquired true
glory whose reputation for fortitude was founded
on craft and cunning, for there can be no honour
without justice .
63. Plato has a fine reflection on this subject :
66
Knowledge without justice is to be accounted
cunning rather than wisdom, and even intrepidity, if
prompted by personal ambition, and not by public
spirit, does not deserve the name of fortitude :
audacity is its name ". I maintain then that fortitude
or strength of character must be joined with good-
ness and candour, love of truth and hatred of deceit :
qualities which are the very marrow of justice. 64.
Unhappily this elevation or greatness of mind is the
soil in which obstinacy and the inordinate love of
pre-eminence most readily take root. Plato tells us
that the Lacedaemonians as a nation are consumed
with the passion for victory ; so it is with the man of
strong character, his ambition is to rule, nay, to rule
alone. But it is difficult for those who covet such

pre-eminence to maintain that fair spirit which is

essential to justice. Thus it happens that men of
ambition neither listen to reason nor bow to public
and legitimate authority, but chiefly resort to cor-
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ruption and intrigue in order to obtain supreme

power and to be masters by force rather than equals
by law. But the greater the difficulty the greater
the glory. For in every circumstance of life justice
must be respected . 65. It follows that the title of
brave and magnanimous men belongs not to those
who commit but to those who repel injustice. The
true fortitude of the sage places honour, which above
all things it instinctively pursues , not in glory but
in conduct, and aspires to be first in deed rather
than in name . For the slave of the capricious and
ignorant mob cannot be reckoned a man of power.
Yet it is the loftiest spirits that are most easily led
into temptation by the passion for glory : but now we
are on slippery ground , for where will you find the
man who does not aspire to glory as the natural reward
of the hardships he has undergone and the perils he
has encountered ?
XX. - 66 . Fortitude has two characteristics. The
first is indifference to outward circumstances. It is
founded on the conviction that nothing is worthy
of the admiration , the desire, or the effort of man
except what is honourable and decorous and that he
must surrender neither to his fellow-men , to passion,
nor to fortune. The second, the natural outcome of

this moral temperament, is the ability to perform

actions which are not only great and useful , but
arduous, laborious, and fraught with danger to life
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and all that makes life worth living. 67. Of the two
parts of fortitude the latter is brilliant and imposing,
as well as useful , but the former embodies the principle
which makes great men and noble spirits that laugh at
fortune. To regard honour as the only good and to
be free from passion are the two fruits of this virtue.
It is a mark of moral courage to make light of those
objects which dazzle the world , and steadily to despise
them on fixed and settled principles, but it demands
a character not less strong and stable to bear the
bitter sorrows of life and the countless blows of for-
tune without departing from our natural tranquillity
or sacrificing the dignity of the sage. 68. Further, it
would be inconsistent to master fear but be mastered
by desire, to conquer hardship but be conquered by
pleasure . Let us guard against these errors and
above all shun the love of money, for there is no
surer sign of a narrow, grovelling spirit, just as there
is nothing more honourable or noble than to despise
what fortune refuses and to devote what she bestows
to beneficence and liberality. As I said above, we
ought to beware of the passion for glory, for it robs
us of liberty, which brave men should pursue with
all their might, and we should not seek command or
rather upon occasion decline it or lay it down. 69.
Again, we must put away every emotion - desire,
fear, grief, joy, anger- in order that we may enjoy
the tranquillity and composure of mind which brings
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Stoic pe ars in its train moral stability and self-respect. It is the

peace
love of this tranquillity that has led so many men in
all ages to withdraw from public affairs and take
withtravai refuge in a life of leisure . Among the number have

N.B. and been illustrious philosophers of the first rank and

grave and earnest men who could not bear the ways
of the people or their rulers. Some of these spent
their lives in the country finding pleasure in the
management of their property. 70. They aspired
to the independence of kings , who suffer no want,
bow to no authority, and enjoy liberty, or the
N.R. 4.
privilege of living as you please .
XXI. This then is the common object of ambi-
tious statesmen and men of leisure ; statesmen expect
to attain it by acquiring great wealth, men of leisure
by contenting themselves with their own means,
however small. Neither view is to be condemned,
but the life of the retired man is easier and safer
for himself, less dangerous and oppressive to others,
while the career of the politician who devotes
himself to the conduct of important affairs is more
fruitful to the world and is the highway to eminence
and distinction. 71. I should therefore be disposed
to excuse the political inaction of men of genius
who consecrate their lives to study and of those
who through ill -health or some more serious cause
withdraw from public life , leaving to others the
opportunity and the credit of government. But
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when men without such excuse profess to scorn the

their
commands and offices which dazzle the world, their,
conduct deserves nothing but censure. In so far as

they despise glory and count it as naught we are

bound to sympathise with their views ; but it really
seems as if they shrank from toil and trouble and
the supposed discredit of political failure. Some

men are inconsistent in opposite circumstances ; they

rigorously despise pleasure, in pain they are over-
sensitive, they scorn glory, but are crushed by
disgrace, and even in their inconsistency they are
inconsistent. 72. But the born administrator should
without hesitation seek for office and assume the
direction of public affairs ; otherwise government
becomes impossible and there is no field for the dis-
play of fortitude. Now magnanimity and contempt
of fortune, tranquillity and composure of mind, are
not less necessary, perhaps even more necessary, to
statesmen than to philosophers, if they are to be free
from anxiety and to live a staid and well-balanced Stores
life. 73. This is easier for philosophers ; their life

is less exposed to the blows of fortune ; they have

fewer wants ; and in adversity they have not so far
to fall. Statesmen are naturally agitated by stronger
emotions than private citizens and they are more
ambitious of success . Thus they have all the more
need to exercise fortitude which frees the mind from
care . On entering political life a man should not
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only consider the honourable nature of the work,

but also his ability to perform it ; and in this self-
examination he must guard against the groundless
despair of the coward and the excessive confidence of
the man of ambition . In a word, whatever we under-
take, the most thorough preparation is necessary.
XXII . 74. I wish here to correct the prevailing
prejudice that the work of the soldier is more
important than the work of the statesman. Many
men seek occasions for war in order to gratify their
ambition ; and the tendency is most conspicuous in
men of strong character and great intellect, especially
if they have a genius and a passion for warfare. But

if we weigh the matter well, we shall find that many

civil transactions have surpassed in importance and
celebrity the operations of war. 75. Though the
deeds of Themistocles are justly extolled, though his
name is more illustrious than that of Solon, and
though Salamis is cited as witness to the brilliant
victory which eclipses the wisdom of Solon in found-
ing the Areopagus, yet the work of the law- giver
must be reckoned not less glorious than that of the
commander. Salamis was a momentary advantage to
the state, the Areopagus a benefit which will endure
for ever ; for it is this council that has preserved
the laws of the Athenians and their time-honoured
institutions. Themistocles can point to no instance
in which he served the Areopagus, while the Areopa-
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gus can boast of rendering aid to Themistocles ; for

the war was directed by the wisdom of that council
which Solon had established . 76. The same may be
said of Pausanias and Lysander. Though they ex-
tended the limits of the Lacedaemonian empire,
their exploits are nowise to be compared with the
legislation and the constitution of Lycurgus. Why,
it was to him they owed the discipline and courage
of their men . To tell the truth, I never thought
M. Scaurus inferior to Marius when I was a boy, nor
Q. Catulus to Cn. Pompeius at the time when I was
engaged in public affairs ; an army in the field is
nothing without wisdom at home. Scipio Africanus,
who was equally remarkable as a man and as a
soldier, rendered no greater service to his country by
the destruction of Numantia than his contemporary

P. Nasica who though not invested with official

authority put to death Ti. Gracchus . The conduct
of Nasica does not belong exclusively to the province
of civil affairs- for an act of violence borders on
warfare-still it was a political, not a military mea-
sure. 77. That is a fine sentiment though I hear

it is constantly assailed by traitors who bear me a

grudge :--
Let swordsmen to the gown give place,
And crown the orator with bays.

Not to mention other examples, when I was at the

helm of state , did not the sword yield to the garb
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of peace ? Never was our country menaced by more

serious danger, never did she enjoy more profound
repose and it was through my vigilant policy that
the sword slipped from the traitor's hands and fell
to the ground as if by magic. When was such an
exploit performed in war ? Where will you find a
triumph to compare with mine ? 78. I speak thus
frankly , my dear son, because I know that my self-
complacency will be pardoned by one who is destined
to inherit my glory and follow my example. Why,
the great Cn. Pompeius , a hero crowned with the
laurels of victory, publicly paid me the compliment
that in vain would he have won his third triumph had
not my efforts preserved our city, the scene of its
celebration . There is then a civic fortitude which is
not inferior to the prowess of the soldier , and demands
even greater energy and self-sacrifice .
XXIII. - 79. That moral dignity, which we find in
a noble and lofty spirit, depends, it is true, on force of
mind, not on bodily strength ; yet we must so train
and school the body that it may obey our judgment
and reason, whether we are discharging public func-
tions or enduring hardships. The moral dignity, I
say, which is the subject of our inquiry, consists
exclusively in thought and reflection ; and thus the
ministers who govern the republic perform as import-
ant work as the generals who command her armies.
It is by the policy of statesmen that war has often
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been averted, brought to a close, or even declared ;

the third Punic War, for instance, was undertaken on
the advice of M. Cato, and even after his death it was
affected by his powerful influence. 80. Accordingly in
settling a dispute the skill of the diplomatist is to be
preferred to the valour of the soldier, but we should
adopt this principle not through fear of war but on
the ground of public expediency, and should only
take up arms when it is evident that peace is the one

object we pursue. Again, the strong and resolute

man is not shaken by misfortune ; he is never dis-
concerted or thrown off his balance, but at all times
retains his presence of mind, his judgment, and his
reason. 81. Such are the marks of personal courage.

But the man of great intellect anticipates the future,

calculates the chances for good or for evil, decides
how to meet every contingency, and is never re-
duced to the necessity of saying : " That is not what
I expected ". These are the features by which we
recognise a great and sublime spirit, confident in its
own prudence and wisdom. But to rush into battle
blindfold and fight the enemy hand to hand is bar-
barous and brutal ; nevertheless, when stress of cir-
cumstances demands it, we must draw the sword
and choose death before slavery and shame.
XXIV. -82. To pass to the destruction and spolia-
tion of cities we should here avoid recklessness and
cruelty. In times of disorder, too, the brave man will
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punish the leaders and spare the people and in every

conjuncture will cleave to what is right and honour-
able. I have said that some men prefer the valour of
the soldier to the wisdom of the statesman , so you

will find many to whom a dangerous and feverish

policy is more dazzling and impressive than calm
and well-considered counsels. 83. We should never
incur the imputation of cowardice by fleeing from
danger, while we should avoid the other extreme of
rushing into danger, which is the height of folly. It
is therefore necessary in perilous enterprises to follow
the practice of physicians who treat mild cases with
gentle measures and only apply desperate remedies to
desperate diseases. It is mad to pray for a storm
when the sea is calm, but wise, when it comes, to
meet it with every precaution (so it is wrong to
court danger, but right to face it boldly), especially if
you have more to gain by decisive action than you
would lose by remaining in suspense. Now great
enterprises are fraught with danger partly to those
who undertake them, partly to the state, and in
carrying them out some men risk their lives, others
their reputation and the goodwill of their fellow-
citizens . We should therefore be more willing to
endanger our own interests than the welfare of our
country and to stake our honour and glory more
readily than other advantages. 84. History presents
many examples of men who, though ready to lavish
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wealth and even life for their country, turned a

deaf ear to her prayers when she called for the
slightest sacrifice of their glory. Callicratidas, the
Lacedaemonian commander in the Peloponnesian war,
performed many brilliant exploits, but at last threw
away all he had won by rejecting the proposal that he
should withdraw his squadron from Arginusae and
not engage the Athenians. "If the Lacedaemonians

lose this fleet," he replied, " they can build another,

but for me flight means disgrace." The reverse at
Arginusae was unimportant. But that was a fatal
blow which Cleombrotus dealt to the Lacedaemonian
empire when through fear of public opinion he rashly
fought with Epaminondas. How much wiser the
:
conduct of Q. Maximus of whom Ennius says :-

Fabius was slow but sure, and his delay

Restored the tottering state. Now 'twas his way
To mind his business, not what people said :
He lived a great man, but he's greater dead.

Errors such as these should also be avoided in political

life. There are actually men who through fear of
unpopularity will not dare to express their opinions,
however excellent.
XXV. - 85. Our statesmen will do well to remember
these two precepts of Plato's. Forgetting personal
interest they should aim at the public advantage and
make that the object of all their efforts ; again, they
should care for the whole body politic and not abandon
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one part while protecting another. The government

of a country resembles the charge of a minor. It
must be conducted for the advantage of the governed,
not of the governors. To promote the welfare of one
section of the citizens and neglect another is to bring
upon the state the curse of revolution and civil strife.
What is the result ? We have a democratic and an

aristocratic party , but a national party hardly exists .

86. This factious spirit it was that caused such bitter
feuds at Athens and in our own republic fanned the
flames of sedition and destructive civil wars. From

such disasters a brave and earnest citizen worthy of

supreme political power will turn with detestation.
Indifferent to influence and power he will give his
undivided energies to the public service and will
impartially promote the interests of every class and
the good of the whole nation . He will never
employ false charges to expose any man to hatred
or unpopularity, but will cleave to justice and
honour, and rather than abandon his principles will
suffer the heaviest loss and brave even death itself.

87. There is nothing more deplorable than the

passion for popularity and the struggle for office.
Plato has a fine simile on this subject. " Competitors
for the public administration," he says, " are like sailors
fighting for the helm." In another place he enjoins
us not to regard our political opponents with the
same hostility as men who take up arms against
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our country. I may cite as an example the rivalry

of P. Africanus and Q. Metellus which was never
embittered by personal rancour. 88. I have no
patience with those who would have us cherish bitter
animosity against our rivals as if that were a mark of
fortitude. No, there is nothing more praiseworthy,
nothing more becoming in a great and noble character
than a forgiving, forbearing spirit. In a free country,
where all enjoy equal rights, if we cultivate a gracious
manner it should be united with the power to disguise
our feelings, for, if we are ruffled by an ill-timed visit
or an impudent request, we may fall a prey to a
churlish temper injurious to ourselves and offensive
to others. But if the public interests are at stake
this gentleness and mercy are only to be commended
when they are accompanied with sternness without
which government is impossible. In administering
punishment and reproof it behoves us to abstain from
insult and to seek the public advantage and not our
personal satisfaction . 89. Again, we should never
impose a penalty disproportioned to the offence or
for the same crime punish one and let another go
unchallenged. Above all, when we inflict punish-
ment, let us put away anger ; he who approaches
the task in an angry spirit will never observe the
happy mean between excess and defect , that car-
dinal principle of the Peripatetics, which they
would be right in preaching if they did not praise
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anger and tell us that nature has bestowed it for

some good end . No, in all circumstances let us
repudiate this passion and pray that our rulers may
resemble the laws which punish not in anger but in
justice.
XXVI. - 90 . Moreover when fortune smiles and
everything is going to our heart's desire, it is our
duty to abstain from pride, disdain and arrogance .
It is as sure a sign of weakness to be spoiled by
success as to be crushed by misfortune , and it is a
golden rule in every situation of life to keep our
balance and wear an even look and the same un-
ruffled brow. Such we learn from history was the
character of Socrates and of C. Laelius. Philip of
Macedon, we are told, was inferior to his son in
heroism and glory but surpassed him in condescen-
sion and sympathy. The father was always noble,
the son was often mean ; hence the maxim seems
true : " The higher you rise, the more lowly must you
be ". Panaetius records a favourite simile of his friend
and pupil Africanus : " When horses grow wild and
mettlesome after constant charges in the field of
battle, their owners hand them to the horse-breaker
to make them more tractable ; so presumptuous men
who turn restive in prosperity should be taken to the
manège of reason and philosophy to learn the frailty
of human things and the fickleness of fortune ". 91 .
It is above all in the height of our success that we
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should consult our friends and bow to their authority.

At such a season too it is well to beware of the
flatterer and close our ears to his seductive words.
We are all so well pleased with ourselves that we
accept praise as our due ; hence the countless blun-
ders of men who, puffed up with vanity , fall a prey
to the greatest delusions and bring upon themselves
contempt and ridicule . 92. But enough of this sub-
ject. To recapitulate, the public administration is so
extensive in its range and embraces such a multitude
of interests that statesmen unquestionably perform
the most important work in the world and that which
demands the greatest fortitude. But it cannot be
denied that in all ages many private men of strong
character have carried on important researches or
pursued great objects without quitting their own
sphere. Midway between philosophers and states
men there is another class who take delight in the
management of their own affairs, never adding to
their fortune by unscrupulous means nor refusing, in
case of need, to aid their kinsmen , their friends, or
their country. Property should be acquired by no
dishonest or odious methods ; it should be increased
by thought, care and thrift ; and it should benefit
the greatest possible number provided they are
worthy, and minister less to excess and luxury
than to liberality and beneficence. By following
these principles we may lead a lofty, dignified , and
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independent life, uniting candour with good faith

and goodwill to all men .
XXVII.— 93 . It remains to discuss the last part of
honour . This comprises considerate feeling and the
virtue of self-command or moderation, which lends a
sort of lustre to our life, subdues our passions and
regulates our conduct. It further includes the virtue
which we may call in Latin decorum ; the Greeks
call it πрéπov. Decorum is really inseparable from
honour. 94. Indeed the two notions are coex-
tensive and the difference between them is more
easily felt than explained. For decorum, whatever
it may be, always presupposes honour. It is there-
fore found not only in the present division of honour,
but also in the three preceding. It is decorous to
think and speak wisely, to act deliberately, and in
everything to see and uphold the truth ; on the
other hand, it is just as indecorous to be led astray
and wander stumbling in the dark, as to go crazy
and lose one's reason. All just acts are decorous,
while unjust acts are at once dishonourable and in-
decorous. The same thing is true of fortitude . To
act in a manly and courageous spirit is decorous and
worthy of a man, to do otherwise is at once dis-
honourable and indecorous. 95. The decorum of
which I speak is thus related to honour as a whole ,
and the relation is so manifest that no abstruse pro-
cess of reasoning is required to discover it. In the
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whole of virtue we feel there is something decorous ;

and if we separate these two conceptions, the distinc-
tion is more theoretical than real . As bodily grace
and beauty are inseparable from health, so decorum
is merged in virtue though the two conceptions may
be severed in thought. 96. There are two kinds of
decorum ; the one is general and is associated with
honour as a whole, the other is special and belongs
to particular virtues. General decorum is commonly
defined as that which harmonises with the character-
istic excellence of man which distinguishes him from
all other living creatures ; and special decorum as
that which so befits our nature as to invest modera-
tion and temperance with an indefinable charm.
XXVIII.-97. That this is the notion of decorum
may be inferred from the laws of dramatic propriety.
These are fully treated in other works , but I will here
remark that poets observe these laws when they make
each personage act and speak in accordance with his
character. For example , we should be shocked if
Aeacus or Minos said, " let them hate, so they fear,"
or, " the father is the grave of his own children,"
because we know that they were just men : but in
the mouth of Atreus these words call forth applause ,
because they are appropriate to his part. It rests

with the poet to decide what is proper to each

character by the part he plays . As for man, Nature
herself has assigned to him a part far transcending
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that of other living creatures. 98. If the poet has

to invest his varied personages with their appropriate
attributes, and to clothe even vice in its peculiar
garb, we, whom Nature has placed upon the stage of
life to exhibit strength of character, moderation , self-
command and sympathy, we, whom she teaches to
bethink us of our duties to our fellow-men, cannot
fail to see the extent and importance of the general
decorum which is inseparable from honour as a whole,
and of the special decorum which is displayed in each
particular virtue. As bodily beauty attracts the eye
by the symmetry of the limbs and charms us by the
graceful harmony of all the parts, so the decorum
which shines in our conduct engages the esteem
of society by the order, consistency and restraint
which it imposes on all our words and deeds. 99 .
We therefore owe a certain deference to all men ,
especially to the good . For indifference to public
opinion is a mark not only of presumption but of
utter depravity. In our social relations there is a
difference between justice and sympathy. Not to

wrong our fellow-men is the function of justice : that

of sympathy is not to wound their feelings ; herein
the power of decorum is most conspicuous. The
nature of that virtue should, I think, be clear from
the foregoing exposition. 100. The duty derived from
decorum conducts us in the first place to harmony
with nature and the faithful observance of her laws.
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If we take nature for our guide we shall never go

astray, but resolutely follow Prudence, that is true
insight and wisdom, Justice, the principle of human
society, and Fortitude or moral strength. But it is
in Temperance, the division of Honour now under
discussion, that the force of decorum is most conspic-
uous ; for neither the gestures of the body nor the
emotions of the mind can be called decorous unless
they are in harmony with Nature. 101. The soul is

swayed by two forces : the one is appetite, called by

the Greeks opuń, which hurries us this way and that,
the other reason, which teaches us what to do and
what to avoid. It follows that reason must command
and appetite obey.
XXIX. Our conduct should be wholly free from
thoughtless precipitation, and for every action we n
should be able to furnish a reasonable motive ; that
it
is as nearly as possible the definition of duty.
To this end it is necessary to bring the appetites
under the sway of reason ; they must neither be so
impetuous as to run away from reason nor so lazy
and sluggish as to lag behind her, but should be
calm and free from passion : thus will consistency
and moderation shine forth in all their glory. If
through desire or fear the appetites run riot and
become too restive to be controlled by reason , they
clearly overstep the bounds of moderation. For
when they cast off the yoke and revolt against their
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natural mistress, they not only unsettle the soul, but

disfigure the body. Just look at the face of a man
agitated by anger, desire, or fear, or intoxicated with
pleasure ; what a change in his look, his voice , his
gestures and his whole aspect. 103. To return to
the conception of the duty under discussion, it is
manifest that we must curb and calm our appetites
and stir ourselves up to be diligent and watchful
lest we grow reckless and let our lives drift without
thought or care. Surely Nature never intended us
for sport or jest so much as for purposes more serious
and noble, and for an earnest life. Sport and jest
have their own place like sleep and other kinds of
repose, but we must first meet the claims of serious
and important work. Wit should be neither ex-
travagant nor immoderate but refined and elegant.
As we do not allow children absolute freedom in
their play but only such freedom as comports with
good conduct, so even in a jest there should be some
spark of virtue . 104. Jests are of two kinds : some

are low, wanton , wicked, obscene ; others elegant,

polished, graceful. Elegant witticisms abound not
only in Plautus and the Old Attic Comedy but also
in the pages of the Socratic philosophers, and we
possess many happy sayings of the kind such as the
ἀποφθέγματα collected by Cato the Elder. It is easy
ȧropéуpara
to distinguish the refined from the vulgar jest . At
the proper season, when the mind is free, an elegant
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sally is worthy of a great man, but coarse thoughts

expressed in coarse words are only fit for a slave.
Sport as well as wit has its limits which we should
never transgress lest we be carried away by passion
and lapse into some deed of shame. Our " Cam-

pus " and the chase furnish examples of noble

pastimes.
XXX. - 105. In every question of duty it is im-
portant to remember how far the nature of man
transcends the nature of the brutes . The brutes are

susceptible only of sensual pleasure, and at that they

rush in full career ; but the mind of man is nourished
by study and thought, is ever seeking or doing, and
is charmed with the pleasures of seeing and hearing.
Why, if a man is at all prone to sensual pleasure ,
without descending, as some men do, to the level of
the brutes, and is caught in the toils of vice, for
very shame he hides and cloaks his passion. 106.
Hence it is evident that sensual pleasure is un-
worthy of the dignity of man and that we must scorn
and cast it from us ; but if we do yield to passion let
us take heed that we use some measure in our iganst
indulgence . Therefore in the food we eat and the L.
care we bestow on the body we should aim at health
and strength and not at sensual pleasure. We have
only to reflect on the excellence and dignity of
human nature to feel how base it is to languish in
luxury and pamper ourselves in voluptuous ease, and
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how noble it is to lead a frugal, temperate, well-

disciplined life.
107. In the next place observe that Nature has
invested us with two characters. The one is uni-
versal , inasmuch as all men participate in reason and
in that excellence which lifts humanity above the
brute creation. This is the one source of honour and
decorum and of the very idea of right and wrong.
The other character is individual. Great as are the
diversities in the constitution of the body-one man
is a swift runner, another a strong wrestler ; one has
a stately, another a graceful figure-the diversities
of character are greater still. 108. L. Crassus and
L. Philippus possessed great wit, Caesar, the son
of Lucius, even greater, but his was more laboured ;
on the other hand, their contemporaries , young
M. Drusus and M. Scaurus , were remarkable for their
gravity and C. Laelius for his vivacity, while his friend
Scipio united a loftier ambition with a more solemn
demeanour. Among the Greeks , we are told , Socrates
had a winning, playful, sprightly manner, and his
discourse was full of that roguish humour which the
Greeks call irony ; Pythagoras and Pericles on the
other hand had not a spark of gaiety and yet attained
commanding influence. Among the Punic leaders
Hannibal was as shrewd as Q. Maximus among our
own ; both had the gift of silence and the art of
hiding their own stratagems and stealing a march on
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the enemy. For such qualities the Greeks assign

the palm to Themistocles and Jason of Pherae, and
we have a remarkable instance of astuteness in the
artifice of Solon, who feigned madness in order to
save his life and benefit his country. 109. In con-
trast with these are the men of frank and open char-
acter, who love the truth, hate deceit, and set their
face against craft and treachery ; others again, like
Sulla and M. Crassus, would stoop to anything and
cringe to any man, if only they could gain their
object. Thus the artful diplomacy of the Lace-
daemonian Lysander formed a strong contrast with
the character of Callicratidas, his immediate suc-
cessor in the office of admiral. Further, we know of
eminent men who were remarkable for their conde-
scension . I may cite as examples Catulus and his
son, and Q. Mucius and Mancia. Old men have

told me the same thing of Nasica, but they said

that his father, who punished the frantic schemes
of Ti . Gracchus, had no such gracious manner and
rose to greatness and celebrity for that very reason.
Besides these there are countless varieties of char-
acter, none of which is to be condemned, though
they all differ from one another.
XXXI. - 110. The surest means of observing the
decorum which is the object of this inquiry is to be
resolute in cleaving to our own native qualities, pro-
vided they be not vicious. Without violating the
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universal laws of human nature we should follow the

bent of our own character, and, leaving to other men
careers more brilliant and imposing, determine our
pursuits by the standard of our own aptitudes. It is
vain to fight against the conditions of our existence
and strive after the impossible. Thus the conception
of decorum emerges into clearer light ; for, accord-
ing to the adage, nothing is decorous if it thwarts
Minerva- in other words, if it is in direct opposition
to our natural genius. 111. If there be such a thing
as decorum at all, it is nothing but the balance of the
whole conduct and of particular acts, and how can
this be maintained if we copy the nature of others
to the neglect of our own ? For, as we ought to use
our mother tongue which everybody understands in
order to escape the well-deserved ridicule which some
incur by foisting in Greek phrases, so we should
introduce no discord either into particular actions or
into our conduct as a whole. 112. This diversity of
character is sometimes so imperious that in the same
circumstances suicide is for one man a duty, for
another a crime. Was not M. Cato in the same
position as those who surrendered to Caesar in Africa ?
Yet they might have been condemned if they had
slain themselves, because their life had been less
austere, their characters more pliant ; but Cato, whom
Nature had endowed with incredible resolution which
he had fortified by unswerving unity of purpose,
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Cato, who had continued steadfast in every design

and every enterprise, had no choice but to die rather
than behold the face of the tyrant. 113. What

miseries Ulysses suffered in his weary wanderings !

Think how he stooped to be the slave of women ( if
Circe and Calypso deserve the name), and set himself
to speak pleasant things to every man he met ! Nay,
in his own home he brooked the reproaches of slaves
and handmaids in order to reach at last the goal
of his desires. Ajax, on the contrary, with his proud
spirit, would have died a thousand deaths rather than
suffer such indignity. These considerations teach us
that every one should appraise and regulate his own
character without trying if another man's will fit
him : that fits a man best which is most his own.
114. Let each one then study his own nature and
be a strict judge of his merits and defects. We
ought surely to have as much sense as actors who
choose not the best pieces but those most suited to
their powers . An actor with a fine voice appears in
the Epigoni or the Medus , another will choose the
Melanippe or the Clytemnaestra to exhibit his action ;
Rupilius, whom I remember, always played in the
Antiopa, Aesop rarely in the Ajax. I ask you, if an
actor observes this decorum on the stage, shall a wise
man neglect it in the drama of life ? Our aptitudes,
I repeat, will be our best guide in choosing a career.
But, if fate should ever thrust us aside into some
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uncongenial occupation , we should grudge no pains,

thought or effort to acquit ourselves, if not with
distinction, at least without discredit, and rather
endeavour to avoid defects than to attain to virtues
which nature has placed beyond our reach.
XXXII.- 115. To these two characters may be
added a third which fate or chance imposes on us :
there is indeed a fourth which we deliberately
assume. Royalty and command, rank and office,
wealth and influence, and the opposite conditions,
depend on fortune or on circumstances : but the
part that we are to play in the world is the result of
our own free choice. 116. Thus one man turns to

philosophy, another to civil law, a third to eloquence,

and we have even our favourite virtues. But those
whose fathers or ancestors have distinguished them-
selves in some particular sphere commonly strive to
carry on the noble traditions of their family. Thus
Q. Mucius, the son of Publius, was an eminent jurist,
and Africanus, the son of Paulus, a great general.
Some men superadd distinction of their own to that
which they have inherited from their fathers. The

same Africanus crowned his martial glory with the

renown of the orator, and Timotheus, the son of
Conon, who, as a soldier, was not inferior to his
father, enhanced his reputation by his ability and
culture. Other men quit the beaten track and
follow a path of their own, and here aspiring men of
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humble origin achieve the greatest success. 117.

These are the considerations we must keep in view
while investigating the nature of decorum ; but first
of all we have to decide what we are to do and what
manner of men we wish to be -the most difficult
problem in the world . For it is in early youth when
the judgment is most feeble that each one adopts the
profession that attracts him most. He is thus com-
mitted to some definite course of life before he is
fit to judge which is the best. 118. According to
Prodicus , as cited by Xenophon , Hercules in his early
youth, the period set apart by nature for choosing a
path of life, went out to a lonely spot and sitting
down there with two paths in view, the path of
Pleasure and the path of Virtue, for a long time
earnestly deliberated which it was better to follow.
This may have happened to Hercules " sprung from
the seed of Jove," but for us it is impossible. For
we all copy the models we happen to choose and feel
constrained to adopt their tastes and pursuits . But
for the most part we are so imbued with the principles
of our parents that we naturally fall into their manners
and customs . Some men are swept away by the cur-
rent of popular opinion, and the ideals of the multi-
tude are their highest ambition ; others, whether
through good fortune or natural ability, pursue the
right path without parental instruction .
XXXIII.-- 119. It rarely happens that men who
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possess eminent ability or extraordinary learning or

culture, or even unite these two advantages, have
the leisure to deliberate on the choice of a career.
The question turns on the disposition and capacity
of the individual. I have already said that we must
study our own nature in order to discover what is
decorous in particular actions ; how much more im-
Stoperative is such a precaution when we are ordering
our whole life, if we desire to maintain a consistent
character and never falter in our duty. 120. In this
inquiry Fortune next to Nature has the most powerful
influence . They both demand our attention but

Nature has the stronger claim ; she is in truth so

much more firm and steadfast, that in conflict with
Fortune she is like a goddess contending with a
mortal. If, then, a man has chosen some mode of
life adapted to his nature-I mean his better nature
-let him persevere, for that is his duty, unless he
find that he has blundered in his choice. If he has

erred and error is possible-he must change his

habits and pursuits . If circumstances favour, the
change will be attended with less trouble and dis-
comfort otherwise, he must retrace his steps with
care and caution, as wise men hold that when a
friend has lost his charm and forfeited our esteem
the bonds of affection should be gradually untied
rather than suddenly cut asunder. 121. His career
once altered, he should endeavour to show that he
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has acted with wisdom. I said above that we ought

to follow the example of our forefathers. The rule
has two exceptions . Never copy their vices ; and
never seek to emulate their virtues, if Nature has
placed them beyond your reach. Thus the son of

the elder Africanus was too infirm to rival his glory,

while the son of Paulus whom he adopted walked in
his father's footsteps . If then you have not the
talent to become a pleader, a statesman, or a general ,
you should at least practise the virtues that lie with-
in your powers, such as justice, honour, liberality,
moderation, self-command ; and thus your defects will
be less conspicuous. The noblest heritage, the richest
patrimony a father can bequeath to his children is at
reputation for virtue and noble deeds. To tarnish
his good name is a sin and a crime.
XXXIV. - 122 . Since our duties vary at every

stage of life , and some are peculiar to the young,

others to the old, it is necessary to explain the dis-
tinction in a few words. It behoves a young man
to respect his elders and choose the best and most
trusted among them to uphold him with their counsel
and authority ; for the folly of youth must needs be
ordered and directed by the wisdom of age. Above
all the young should be restrained from passion, and
their bodies and minds inured to toil and endurance,
that they may be ready one day to put forth their
energies in the duties of war and of peace. Even
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when they unbend and give themselves to enjoyment

they should guard against excess and remember the
dictates of modesty and the task will be more easy
if in pleasure as in business they do not shun the com-
pany of men of riper years. 123. Old men, on the
other hand, as they become less capable of physical
exertion, should redouble their intellectual activity,
and their principal occupation should be to assist the
young, their friends, and above all their country,
with their wisdom and sagacity. There is nothing
they should guard against so much as languor and
sloth. Luxury, which is shameful at every period of
life , makes old age hideous. If it is united with

sensuality, the evil is two-fold. Age thus brings dis-

grace on itself and aggravates the shameless licence
of the young . 124. It may not be irrelevant to
speak of the duties of magistrates, of private citizens ,
and of foreigners. It is incumbent on the magistrate
to realise that he represents the state and that he is
bound to uphold its dignity and credit, to guard the
constitution, and to dispense justice with an even
hand, remembering that these things are sacred
trusts committed to his charge . It behoves a private
citizen to live on equal terms with his fellows, and
not to cringe and grovel or to hold his head too
high, and in public affairs to support a peaceful and
honourable policy. Such are the qualities we look
for in the model citizen. 125. As for the foreigner
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and the resident alien, it is his duty to mind his own

affairs, and not to pry into the affairs of others or
meddle in the politics of a country with which he
has no concern. These are substantially the duties.
that we shall find to be incumbent on us when we
inquire what is decorous and what is appropriate to
particular characters, circumstances, and periods of
life. In every purpose and in every action there is
nothing more decorous than a steady and consistent
demeanour.
XXXV.- 126. The second kind of decorum is seen
in our words and deeds and in the aspect of the body
whether in motion or at rest. It consists of beauty,

harmony, and taste, conceptions more easily under-

stood than expressed . These three qualities again
connote the desire to please those with whom we
live and the wider circle of our fellow-citizens . I will
therefore say a few words on this subject . In the
first place, observe the care which Nature herself has
bestowed on the construction of our body. She
displays to view the face and all those parts the
sight of which is decent, but has covered up and con-
cealed the organs designed for the natural functions
as unsightly and offensive. 127. Here our sense
of shame follows the subtle contrivance of Nature.
Following her example all healthy-minded men con-
ceal these organs and their functions, and it is even
thought indecent to mention things which are not
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wrong provided they be done in secret. It is only

the publicity of these acts and obscenity of language
that constitute immodesty. 128. I have no patience
with the cynics or their Stoic rivals who sneer at
modesty and scout the idea that it is right to speak
of actions that are immoral , but outrageous to
mention others that are innocent in themselves.

Robbery, theft, adultery, are wrong, but it is not

indecent to speak of them ; it is right to beget
children, but obscene to mention it ; with these
and similar arguments they attack the principle of
modesty. As for us, we ought to follow Nature and
shun everything that shocks the eye or the ear .
Whether we stand or walk, whether we sit or lie ,
our whole demeanour and all our looks and gestures
should be governed by decorum . 129. Here there
are two extremes to be avoided , effeminate languor
and boorish coarseness . We cannot admit that the

laws of decorum are binding on the actor and the

orator, but are indifferent to us . Theatrical tradition
has carried the laws of modesty so far that an actor
never appears on the stage without a girdle for fear
of exposing his person and shocking the spectators.
In our country it is not the custom for an adult son
to bathe with his father or a father-in-law with a son-
in-law. It is our duty, I repeat, to obey these laws
of modesty especially as Nature herself is our teacher
and guide .
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XXXVI.-130. There are two kinds of beauty.

The first is grace, the attribute of woman ; the second
is dignity, the attribute of man . Therefore shun all

foppery and affectation . If our manners recall the

palaestra or the stage they will be offensive and
ridiculous ; they are only admired when they are
simple and natural. The beauty of the face depends
on the complexion, and the complexion is the result
of exercise. The care of our person should not be
carried to the extreme of obtrusive refinement ; it
will suffice if we are free from rough and unmannerly
neglect. The same principle applies to our dress ;
here, as in most things, moderation is best. 131 .
When we are out walking we must not be so slow
and languid as to suggest a religious procession nor
must we hurry so fast as to put ourselves out of
breath and disturb our looks and features ; for
these are sure symptoms of want of balance . Still
more earnestly should we endeavour to keep our
emotions in their natural state of repose ; and we
shall succeed in the effort if we are proof against
excitement and depression and intent on the mainte-
nance of decorum . 132. The operations of the mind

are of two kinds ; some are connected with thought,

others with appetite. Thought is employed in the dis-
covery oftruth, appetite impels to action. Let us strive
then to employ our thoughts on the noblest objects
and to bring our appetites under the sway of reason.
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XXXVII.-Speech is a great power in the world.

It is of two kinds, formal discourse and conversation.
Formal discourse is appropriate to judicial argument
and to political and deliberative orations ; conversa-
tion finds its natural place in social gatherings,
learned discussions, and in friendly reunions and
banquets . There is a science of rhetoric, and I am
inclined to think a science of conversation possible
though none exists . The demand for masters creates
the supply, and though the world is full of students
of rhetoric, there are neither students nor masters of
conversation. Still the rules of rhetoric are equally
applicable to conversation. 133. Since the voice is
the organ of speech, we should try to make it clear

and pleasant. These qualities, it is true, are natural

gifts, but the first may be improved by practice,
the second by the imitation of calm and articulate
speakers. There was nothing about the two Catuli
to make you think they possessed a fine literary
sense ; for the culture they had was nothing extra-
ordinary, and yet it was thought they spoke Latin
with the greatest purity. Their pronunciation was
agreeable, the sounds were neither mouthed nor
minced, obscure nor affected ; and they spoke without
effort, yet without monotony or excessive modula-
tion. The diction of L. Crassus was more copious
and not less brilliant, but the eloquence of the Catuli
ranked as high as his. In wit and humour Caesar,
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the brother of the elder Catulus, was the first speaker

of his time ; even at the bar his easy conversational
style surpassed the laboured speeches of his rivals.
If, then, we aim at decorum in everything we do,
we should strive to perfect ourselves in all these
qualities. 134. Forming our conversation on the ad-
mirable model of the disciples of Socrates, let us put
forward our opinions in an easy tentative way and
not without a spice of humour. Above all, we should
never monopolise the conversation, but allow every
one in turn to have his fair share. First of all it is
necessary to consider the subject, and, whether it be
grave or gay, let our language correspond. Again it
is important not to betray any defect of character,
such as the malice of the slanderer who delights in
attacking the absent either in jest or with the serious
purpose of covering them with abuse and contumely.
135. Conversation generally turns upon family affairs,
politics or learning and culture. These are the

subjects to which we must endeavour to bring it

back if it has drifted into another channel, but we
must always study the company ; for tastes differ,
and nothing pleases all men at all times or to the
same degree. It is well to mark the moment when

the subject palls and to end as we began with tact.

XXXVIII. 136. The sound principle, that in all
our conduct we should be free from passion or wild
irrational feeling, ought naturally to govern our con-
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versation. Let us betray no symptom of anger, or

intense feeling, or of apathy, listlessness, or similar
defects, and endeavour to exhibit respect and con-
sideration for those with whom we converse. If at
times reproof is required, it may be necessary to speak
in a louder tone and in stronger language and to assume
the appearance of anger. But like the cautery and the
lance, that is an extreme measure which we should sel-
dom and reluctantly employ and only as a last resource.
Anger itself we must put far away, for with it we can
do nothing right or well-advised. 137. Often it will
suffice to administer a gentle, but calm, reproof and
to exhibit sternness without insolence. Nay more, let
us show that even the severity of our censure is only
intended for the good of the offender. Again , in the
quarrels we have with our bitterest enemies , it is
proper to stifle our feelings and maintain our com-
posure whatever insults may be offered to us. If
we are under the dominion of excitement we lose
our balance and forfeit the respect of the company.
Another offence against decorum is to boast of oneself,
especially without ground, and to expose oneself to
derision by playing the " Braggart Captain ".
XXXIX . 138. Since I am discussing decorum in
all its phases - that is at least my purpose- I must
also explain what kind of house I consider appropri-
ate for an eminent public man . As a house is built

for use the plan should correspond ; but at the same

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time comfort and elegance ought to be studied. Cn.

Octavius, the first consul of that name , distinguished
himself by building on the Palatine a splendid and
imposing mansion. All Rome rushed to see it, and
it was thought to have won for its obscure owner the
votes which raised him to the consulate . Scaurus
demolished the house and built with the materials
a wing to his own . Thus Octavius was the first of
his family to confer upon his house the honour of
the consulate, while Scaurus , the son of a great and
illustrious man, enlarged the house but brought to
it not only political defeat but also disgrace and
misfortune . 139. The house should not constitute ,
though it may enhance, the dignity of the master ;
let the master honour the house, not the house the
master ; and as in all things we should think of
others as well as of ourselves, a distinguished citizen
must have a spacious mansion in which to receive his
numerous guests and crowds of men of every condi-
tion. A palace only brings dishonour if solitude
reigns in its noble halls which once were full of life
in the days of another master. How grievous to
hear the passers-by exclaim : "" Here's the old house,
but where's the old master ? " and this, alas, is but
too true of many houses in these times. 140. Guard

against extravagance and excessive display, especially

if you are building a house for yourself. The mere
example is mischievous. For men love to copy the
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foibles of the great. How few have rivalled the

virtue of Lucullus, how many the splendour of his
mansions ! Never go to excess, but let moderation
be your guide not only in your house but in regard
to all the necessities and comforts of life. But I
must pass from this subject .
141. Whatever you undertake , there are three rules
mwanz to be observed . In the first place, it is necessary to
subject appetite to reason, for that is the surest means
of fulfilling your duty ; again, you must estimate the
importance of the object you wish to accomplish that
the effort you bestow upon it may be neither greater
nor less than the case demands. Finally, observe
moderation in all that concerns the aspect and dignity
of a gentleman ; and moderation is best attained by
observing that decorum of which we have been speak-
ing and never transgressing its limits . But the most

important of these three rules is to subject appetite

to reason.
XL. 142. I have next to treat of order and
opportunity in our actions. These two duties are
comprehended in the science which the Greeks call
Evraέía, not the evτagía which we translate " modestia,"
a term connoting " modus " or moderation, but the
Evragía by which we understand the observance of
order. Evragia in this sense which we may also call
"modestia," is defined by the Stoics as the science
of accurately disposing our words and deeds . Thus
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order and disposition appear to have the same sense :

for they define order as the disposition of things in
their fit and proper places. By the place of an
action they mean its fitness in point of time ; it is
called in Greek evκaipía in Latin occasio. Conse-
quently " modestia " in this sense is the science of
doing the right thing at the right time. 143. Pru-

dence, of which I spoke at the outset, may also be

defined in the same way : but it is self-command,
temperance, and similar virtues that concern us here.
The constituent parts of prudence were described in
their proper place ; here I have to state the elements
of those virtues which have detained us so long, I
mean the virtues which relate to sympathy and the
approbation of those with whom we live. 144. We
must therefore apply such order to all our actions
that they may harmonise and balance like the parts
of a well-ordered discourse. How shameful and
scandalous it is to interrupt a serious conversation
with frivolous after-dinner talk. You may remember
the happy rejoinder of Pericles . He and Sophocles, as
colleagues in command, had met for the transaction of
common business ; just then a handsome boy passed ,
and Sophocles exclaimed : " What a comely youth,
Pericles ! " Pericles replied : " A general should con-
trol his eyes as well as his hands ". Yet, if Sophocles
had said this at an inspection of athletes, there would
have been no fault to find . Such is the importance
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of time and place. If a man while travelling or

taking a walk should rehearse a case he is going to
plead or become absorbed in some other subject, no
one would blame him, but if he did this in society
he would be considered ill-bred, because ignorant of
the art of timing his actions. 145. Flagrant breaches
of manners, such as singing in the forum or similar
eccentricities , are so obvious as to require no special
reproof or precept ; but petty faults which often
pass unheeded call for greater vigilance. As an

expert detects in the lyre or the pipe the slightest

deviation from the true tone , so in our life we should
avoid discord with the greater diligence, since the
harmony of our actions is more noble and more
beautiful than the harmony of sounds.
XLI. - 146 . As a musical ear detects the slightest
variations of tone in the pipe, so the keen and vigilant
observer of moral defects will often draw important
conclusions from trifling circumstances. If we watch
the glance of the eye, the expansion or contraction
of the eyebrows, the marks of sorrow or joy, laughter,
speech or silence, the raising or lowering of the voice,
and other things of the kind, we shall easily judge
whether they are decorous or jar with duty and
nature. And it will not be unprofitable to study the
expression of the emotions in others, that we may
ourselves avoid what we find to be indecorous in
them. Alas, we see the sins of others better than
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our own ! This is why a master most easily corrects

his pupils by mimicking their defects. 147. In a
moral dilemma it is prudent to consult philosophers
or even sagacious men of the world and to ask their
advice on particular points of duty. For most men
drift with the current of their instinct. But we

must consider not only what our adviser says but

also what he thinks and what are his grounds for
thinking as he does. Painters, sculptors, and even
poets like to submit their works to the criticism of
the public in order to correct what the majority
condemn, and they endeavour by themselves and
with the aid of others to find where the defect lies ;
in like manner we must often follow the opinion of
others, whether we act or refrain, alter or correct.
148. Tradition and civil institutions are precepts in
themselves, so that special precepts are unnecessary
for the actions which they govern, and it would be
a mistake to suppose that we may claim the right
of a Socrates or an Aristippus to act or speak in
defiance of usage and convention : eccentricity is the
privilege of genius. As for the doctrine of the
Cynics, it must be absolutely scouted as inimical to
modesty, without which there can be nothing right
or honourable. 149. Further, it is our duty to
respect those patriotic citizens who have proved
their strength in great and noble works, and have
loyally served their country, and to honour them
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as much as if they were invested with some public

office or military command . It is our duty to
reverence old age, to defer to the magistrates, and
to make a distinction in our treatment of countrymen
and foreigners, and in the case of foreigners to
consider whether they have come in a private or
a public capacity. Finally and in a word, let us
respect, uphold, and maintain the great family of
the human race.
XLII . 150. Public opinion divides the trades and
professions into the liberal and the vulgar. We
condemn the odious occupation of the collector of
customs and the usurer, and the base and menial
work of unskilled labourers, for the very wages the
labourer receives are a badge of slavery. Equally
contemptible is the business of the retail dealer, for
he cannot succeed unless he is dishonest, and dis-
honesty is the most shameful thing in the world .
The work of the mechanic is also degrading ; there
is nothing noble about a workshop . The least
respectable of all trades are those which minister to
pleasure, as Terence tells us, " fishmongers, butchers,
cooks , sausage- makers ". Add to these, if you like,
perfumers, dancers, and the actors of the ludus
talarius. 151. But the learned professions, such as
medicine , architecture, and the higher education ,
from which society derives the greatest benefit, are
considered honourable occupations for those to whose
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social position they are appropriate. Business on a

small scale is despicable ; but if it is extensive and
imports commodities in large quantities from all the
world, and distributes them honestly, it is not so
very discreditable ; nay, if the merchant satiated, or
rather satisfied, with the fortune he has made, retires
from the harbour and steps into an estate, as once
he returned to harbour from the sea, he deserves,
I think, the highest respect. But of all sources of
wealth farming is the best, the most agreeable, the
most profitable, the most noble. I have spoken of
the subject at length in my Cato Major from which
you may supplement this chapter.
XLIII.— 152. I think I have said enough to show
how our duties are derived from the four divisions
of honour. But it is often necessary to compare
and contrast two honourable courses in order to

estimate their relative importance -a point omitted

by Panaetius. Honour in its widest sense springs
from four sources : prudence, fellow-feeling, fortitude,
and temperance, and it is often necessary to compare
these virtues in order to determine our duty. 153.
Now it is admitted that the duties which are founded
on the social instinct are more in harmony with nature
than those which are derived from prudence, and
this opinion may be confirmed by the following in-
stance. If it were given to a sage to live in perfect
affluence and ease absorbed in the study of the
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highest problems of philosophy, life would be a burden

to him, were he condemned to isolation and never
Isaw the face of man. The first of all the virtues

is speculative wisdom which the Greeks call σοφία.

We attach a different sense to ppóvnois or practical
wisdom , which is the science of distinguishing what
to pursue and what to avoid. But that which

I called the highest wisdom is the science of

things divine and human, and it is concerned with
the relations of men with each other and with
the gods. If that is the noblest virtue, which it
certainly is, then the duty connected with the
social instinct necessarily takes precedence of
all others. Moreover the study and contempla-
tion of the universe would seem stunted and
imperfect if it did not result in action. Action is
chiefly employed in protecting the interests of our
1
fellow-men ; it is therefore indispensable to society :
and consequently holds a higher rank than mere
speculation. 154. Such is the opinion of the noblest
men and it is attested by their conduct. Who , I ask,
could be so rapt in the investigation of the mysteries
of the universe, so absorbed in the contemplation of
the most sublime objects, that if suddenly apprised
that his country, his father, or his friend, was in
danger or distress, he would not abandon all his
studies and fly to the rescue, even if he imagined he
could number the stars and measure the immensity
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of space ? 155. From these arguments it is mani-

fest that the duties prescribed by justice are
superior to those which are connected with abstract
studies, for they concern the welfare of humanity
which should be nearest to the heart of every
man. welfare

XLIV. Nevertheless many men have devoted

their lives to speculation without renouncing the
duty of promoting the interests of society. Philo-
sophers teach men to be good citizens and benefactors
of their country. Thus Epaminondas of Thebes was
the pupil of Lysis the Pythagorean, and Dio of
Syracuse the pupil of Plato, and I could cite many
instances of the kind ; and any service I myself may
have rendered to my country I ascribe to those
masters who trained and equipped me for public life.
156. The influence of these great men, whether
moral or intellectual, is not conveyed by the living
voice alone ; it is transmitted to posterity in their
written works. They neglect no subject that bears
on legislation, morality, or political science ; indeed
it may be said that it is to our affairs they devote their
leisure. Thus we see that even scholars and philo-
sophers apply their wisdom and insight principally to
the advantage of their fellow-men. Hence it follows
that eloquence united with wisdom is a more precious
gift than the highest wisdom devoid of eloquence,
because reflection is centred in itself, while eloquence
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embraces those with whom we are united by common

interests. 157. As bees do not swarm for the purpose
of making the comb, but make the comb because
they are gregarious by nature, so human beings,
endowed with a still stronger social instinct, think
and act in sympathy. Speculation would therefore
seem forlorn and barren of useful results if it were
not conjoined with the social virtue which works for
the maintenance of society, that is, the great brother-
hood of the human race . The same may be said of
fortitude. If it had no relation to human society it
would be but a brutal and savage thing. From this
we conclude that the social virtues are superior to
merely speculative studies. 158. The theory is
false, that society owes its existence to necessity,
or the inability of man to satisfy his natural wants
without the aid of others, that, if everything essen-
tial to a life of comfort were supplied to us as if
by a magic wand, every man of intellect would
retire from active work and devote his undivided
energies to study and learning. Far from that,
he would shrink from isolation and look for some
one to join in his pursuits, his desire would be
to teach and learn, to hear and speak. Conse-
quently every duty tending to the preservation of
society is to be preferred to that which consists in
abstract study.
XLV . 159. It may be necessary to inquire
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whether this sense of interdependence, which is the

deepest feeling in our nature , should also be pre-
ferred in every case to moderation and self-command.
I think not. For some things are so repulsive , others
so criminal, that a wise man could never do them even
to save his country. Posidonius enumerates many
crimes of the kind, but they are either so atrocious
or so obscene that it seems wrong even to mention
them. No one , I repeat, will commit such crimes for
the sake of his country ; nor will his country demand
such a sacrifice. But the case is simplified by the
fact that circumstances cannot arise in which the e

state will profit by the dishonour of a wise man.

160. We may therefore regard it as settled , that in
discriminating between several duties we should give
the preference to those which are connected with the
social instinct. Moreover, knowledge and prudence
will result in deliberate action. Consequently de-
liberate action stands on a higher plane than
prudence without action. So much for this subject.
I have now cleared the ground so that it should not
be difficult to discover which duty is to be preferred
in particular circumstances. Even in our social

relations some duties are more important than others.

We are beholden first to the immortal gods , next to
our country, then to our parents, and finally to the
rest of men in a descending scale. 161. This short

discussion may suffice to show that men are often

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in doubt not only whether an action is right or

wrong, but which of two honourable courses has
the higher moral worth. This subject, as I said,
has been omitted by Panaetius. But I must now
proceed.

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 SECOND BOOK

I. — 1 . I think, Marcus, I have fully explained in

the preceding book how all our duties are derived
from honour, or rather from virtue in its widest sense.
I have now to treat of the duties which pertain to
influence and wealth and the necessities and comforts
of life. (In dealing with these subjects, as I have
said, we are often met with the question : what is
expedient, what inexpedient, and how we can settle
the degrees of expediency. ) I now proceed to speak
of these duties, but I shall first say a few words in
vindication of my method and design.
2. Though my works have inspired many with the
love of reading and even of writing, I sometimes fear
that certain worthy people detest the very idea of
philosophy and wonder that I spend so much time
and trouble on it. So long as our country was
governed on constitutional principles I consecrated
to her service all my efforts and all my thoughts.
But when she fell under the rule of a despot and no
scope was left for statesmanship or personal influence,
and finally when I had parted with my distinguished
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colleagues in the government, I did not surrender to

melancholy, which would have overwhelmed me had
I not struggled against it, nor on the other hand to
sensual pleasure unworthy of a philosopher. 3. It
would have been well if our republic had been firmly
established on its new foundation and if we had
not fallen into the hands of a party whose cry is not
for reform but for revolution . I should then have
devoted more attention to public speaking than to
writing, as my custom was while the republic still
endured, and I should not have composed a moral
treatise like the present but committed my orations
to writing as I have often done ere now. But when
the republic, the centre of all my care, thought and
effort, was now no more, my voice, alas, was silenced
in the forum and the senate. 4. Still my mind could
not be idle ; I therefore thought that my noblest
consolation in trouble was to return to philosophy,
the study of my early youth. As a young man I
had given much time to the subject for the purpose
of improving my mind ; but when I took office and
threw myself heart and soul into the public ad-
ministration, I could only devote to study the leisure
that remained after I had served my friends and my
country ; and that was entirely spent in reading ; I
had no time to write. II. 5. Yet despite the
greatest misfortunes I flatter myself I have done
some good in writing on subjects of profound interest,
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hardly known among our countrymen . What, in

Heaven's name, is more desirable than wisdom , what
more excellent, what is better for man or more

worthy of his nature ? Those who aspire to it are

called philosophers, and philosophy, when translated,
means nothing else than the love of wisdom . Now,
according to the definition of the ancient philosophers
wisdom is the science of things divine and human and
the causes on which they depend . If there is any
man who blames the love of such a study I hardly
see what he can find to praise. 6. Do you look for
amusement or relaxation ? Then what can compare
with the pursuits of those who are always examining
some subject or other that makes for a good and
happy life ? Do you think of character and virtue,
then this is the method of attaining them or there is
none. To assert that, though there is invariably a

science of things even of small importance , there is no

science of the highest of all, is to speak without due
reflection and to blunder in a matter of the greatest
gravity. Besides, if there is a science of virtue, where
is it to be found if you leave these studies out of the
question ? But that is a point which I discuss with
greater care in exhortations to the study of philo-
sophy such as are contained in another of my works.
All that I wished to explain here was my motive in
resorting to this particular pursuit after I was stripped
of my public functions.
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7. Even philosophers and scholars challenge me

with the question, whether as a sceptic I am quite
consistent in expounding as I do the principles of
duty, or indeed of any other subject. I wish they
really understood the doctrines of our school. It is
not our opinion that the mind wanders in the dark
and has no fixed principles. What sort of reasoning,
nay, what sort of life would be possible if all the
principles of thought and action were abolished ? That
is not a fair picture of us ; we only differ from other
schools in describing things as probable or improbable
which they call certain or uncertain . 8. What should
prevent me from embracing any theory that appears
to me probable and rejecting the contrary ; why
should I not avoid dogmatism and presumption
which are so remote from the true spirit of philo-
sophy ? All opinions, moreover, are contested by our
school on the ground that this very probability could
not emerge without a comparative estimate of the
conflicting arguments. This whole question is, I
think, pretty thoroughly explained in my Academics.
As for you, my dear son , though you are engaged in
the study of an ancient and celebrated system of
philosophy under the guidance of Cratippus, a worthy
rival of the founders of his school , yet I did not wish
you to remain ignorant of our doctrines which are so
closely allied to yours. But I must proceed .
III. - 9. I have now laid down five principles for
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the investigation of duty. Two of these have to do

with decorum and honour, two with external advan-
tages, such as wealth, position and influence, while
the fifth holds the balance when the others seem to
conflict. I have finished the subject of honour and I
hope it is now clear to you. I have next to deal with
what is commonly called the expedient. In regard
to this word the popular mind has stumbled and gone
astray. By degrees it has come to the point of
separating honour from expediency and assuming
that honour was possible apart from expediency and
expediency apart from honour, an error fraught with
the most disastrous consequences to society. 10 .
Certain philosophers of the highest authority make
a theoretical distinction between these three con-

ceptions though in themselves they are inseparable,

but I confess they do it on strict and conscientious
principles. (They hold that whatever is just is like-
wise expedient and that what is honourable is also
just ; consequently whatever is honourable is at the
same time expedient .) Unable to grasp this dis-
tinction men often admire the adroit and crafty, and
identify wisdom with cunning. But they must be
disabused of this error and brought round to the
hope and the conviction that they can attain their
objects by honourable designs and just conduct
instead of by craft and cunning.
11.- Now the things that tend to the maintenance
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of human life are partly inanimate, such as gold,

silver, plants and the like, and partly living beings
with their characteristic instincts and appetites. Of
living beings some are rational, some irrational. The
latter class includes horses, cattle and the other tame
animals which serve by their labour to supply the
wants and maintain the life of man. Rational beings
are divided into two classes, gods and men. The
gods are appeased by a pious and holy life ; next to
the gods men are most useful to one another. 12 .
A similar division may be made of things that are
hurtful to man. But, as the gods are supposed to do
no harm, philosophers leave them out of account and
hold that man is the worst enemy of man. Even the
advantages derived from inanimate things of which I
have spoken are for the most part procured by our
own energies and we should neither have possessed
them without the application of labour and skill, nor
enjoyed them without the aid of our fellow-men.
Medicine, navigation, agriculture and the ingathering
and storing of corn and other produce would not have
been possible but for human agency. 13. This is no

less true of the exportation of superfluities and the

importation of necessities. In like manner the stones
necessary for our use would not be quarried, nor iron,
copper, gold and silver dug from the bowels of the
earth without the labour of man's hand. IV.- What
other power, I ask, could in the beginning have
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furnished the human race with dwellings to protect

them from cold and mitigate the discomforts of heat,
or how could these dwellings have been restored
after the ravages of storm, earthquake or time, had
not men learned to look to one another for assist-
ance ? 14. Think, too, of aqueducts, canals, irrigation
works, breakwaters, artificial harbours ; is it not to
the hand of man that we owe them all ? From these
and many other cases it is manifest that without
human skill and energy we could never have enjoyed
the benefits and advantages which are derived from
things without life. Again, without man's help how
could animals be utilised and made to serve our
convenience ? As men were the first to discover the
utility of the various animals, so at this day without
their agency we could not pasture, break in, or pro-
tect animals or turn them to account at the proper
season, nor could we kill noxious animals and capture
those that are of use. 15. Why should I enumerate

the multitude of arts without which life would hardly

have deserved the name ? Where could the sick find
relief or the strong amusement, how could comfort
or even existence be possible, unless we had so many
arts to minister to our wants ? These are the sources
of civilisation which separates mankind by so wide
a gulf from the savage state of the brutes. It
was the concourse of men that made it possible to
build and people cities : then laws and customs werę
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established, rights were fairly apportioned, and a

definite social system was adopted : gentleness and
modesty followed : life became more secure ; we gave
and we received, and by such exchange of possessions

and advantages we succeeded in supplying all our

wants.
V.- 16. I have dwelt on this subject longer than
is necessary . Is not the truth self-evident on which
Panaetius expatiates that no general in the field,
no statesman at home, could have performed great
or useful actions without the zealous support of
other men ? He cites Themistocles, Pericles, Cyrus,
Agesilaus, Alexander, and asserts that without assist-
ance they could not have achieved so great success.
But in so obvious a case testimony is superfluous.
Moreover, as we derive great advantages from the
co-operation and sympathy of our fellow-men, so
there is no calamity too terrible for one man to
bring upon another . There is extant a book on
the destruction of human life by the great and
eloquent Peripatetic Dicaearchus. After enumerat-
ing the different causes of death, such as inundation,
epidemic, desolation, the sudden irruption of wild .
beasts which appearing in vast numbers have some-
times swept away entire tribes, he proves by com-
parison how many more men have been destroyed
by the violence of their fellows, that is, by war or
revolution, than by all other calamities put together,
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17. Now as it is incontestable that men do the

greatest good and the greatest harm to one another,
I maintain that it is the peculiar function of virtue
to win the hearts of men and attach them to our
interests. It is the business of the mechanical
occupations to utilise inanimate things and to em-
ploy and manage the lower animals for the benefit
of man, in like manner we can only enlist in our
cause the prompt and ready service of our fellow-
men if we surpass them in wisdom and virtue. 18.
Indeed virtue as a whole may be said to centre in Def.of
three things. The first is to discover the essential
virtus
nature of everything, its relations, consequences,
origin, and cause ; the second to restrain the pas-
sions or άon as the Greeks call them, and to subject
the appetites, which they call opμaí, to the control
of reason ; the third is to deal with those who sur-
round us in a moderate and sagacious spirit in
order that with their support we may satisfy our
natural wants in the fullest measure, repel attack,
and visit our aggressors with such retribution as
justice and humanity permit.
VI.- 19 . I shall presently explain the means of
winning and retaining the devotion of our fellow-
men, but I must preface my explanation with another
remark. The powerful influence which fortune
wields for good or for evil is obvious to all. If
she sends a favouring breeze we are wafted to the
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desired haven, if an adverse blast we are dashed

upon the rocks. It is rarely that fortune assails us

with the hurricanes, tempests, shipwrecks, catas-

trophes and conflagrations of the material world, or
the stings, bites , and attacks of beasts. 20. These, I
say, are exceptional calamities. But the destruction
of armies, as of three which perished in recent times
and many others, the defeat of generals, like that
which but yesterday befel a great and remarkable
man, the hatred of the populace, a frequent cause
of the banishment, degradation or voluntary exile of
e
un patriotic citizens, and on the other hand prosperity,
rt
Fo civil and military distinctions , victories — all these
things, whether good or evil, depend indeed on
fortune but are ultimately determined by human
agency. The influence of fortune being clearly
understood , I go on to explain the means of winning
the devotion of men and enlisting it in our service.
If this chapter prove tedious, consider the import-
ance of the result and then it may even seem too
short. 21. In contributing to the material or social
advancement of others , men are influenced by various
motives. They are prompted by kindness when they
have reason to love a man or by respect if they
admire his character and think him worthy of the
most brilliant success ; or they trust a man and
believe he has their welfare at heart, or sometimes
they dread his power or they look for some advan-
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tage, as kings or demagogues do, when they display

their munificence, or finally they are tempted by
bribery, the basest motive of all and the most
degrading both to those who are swayed by it
and to those who employ it as their instrument.
22. It is a bad case when money takes the place
of moral influence. Nevertheless it is sometimes an
indispensable auxiliary, but before describing how it
is to be employed, I shall first speak of the means
which are more closely allied to virtue . Various
motives induce men to submit to the rule and
authority of another . They are moved by affec-
tion, gratitude, respect for high rank, the hope
of advantage, the fear of coercion ; or they are
tempted by the prospect of reward and by fair
promises, and in the last place they are openly
bribed as we have often seen in our own republic .
VII .- 23. Of all the means of maintaining power,
love is the best, the worst fear. The words of
Ennius are admirable : “ He that is feared is hated,
and they that hate a man wish him dead ".
That no power can withstand the hatred of the
people, we lately realised as perhaps no generation
before us . Its fatal effect is seen not only in the

tragic end of the tyrant whose yoke our land

endured, nay to this hour endures even after his
death, but in the fate of all despots who seldom
escape the assassin's hand . Fear is a poor guardian
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of lasting power ; love will keep it safe for ever. 24.

Let tyrants exercise cruelty, as a master does towards
his slaves when he cannot control them by other
means but for a citizen of a free state to equip
himself with the weapons of intimidation is the
height of madness. Though the constitution be
crushed by the power of an individual, though the
spirit of freedom be cowed, yet sooner or later they
rise again and assert themselves in silent expressions
of feeling or in the secret votes of the people.
Freedom, if suppressed, only bites with keener fang.
Let us then put away fear and cleave to love ; love
appeals to every heart, it is the surest means of
gaining safety, influence and power ; in a word, it is
the key to success both in private and in public life.
For men involuntarily fear those whom they intimi-
date. 25. With what agonies of terror must not the
famous Dionysius the elder have been racked who
dreading the barber's razor used to singe his hair
with a burning coal ! Think of the life Alexander of
Pherae must have led ! Historians tell us that he
was devoted to his wife Thebe. Nevertheless on
visiting her in her room after dinner he would
actually bid a barbarian tattooed like a Thracian
march before him with drawn sword. He also sent
in advance some of his attendants to search her

wardrobe and see that no weapon was concealed

among her clothes. Unhappy man, to think a
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branded barbarian more faithful than his own wife .

He was not mistaken, for on the suspicion of infi-
delity she slew him with her own hand. Indeed no
empire, however powerful, can long sustain the pressure
of fear. 26. I may cite the fate of Phalaris whose
infamous cruelty is without parallel in the history
of the world. He did not fall by treachery like
Alexander, whose fate I have just told ; he was not
slain by a handful of conspirators like our own last
tyrant, but the people of Agrigentum rose against
him with one accord. And I need hardly remind
you that the Macedonians one and all abandoned
Demetrius and espoused the cause of Pyrrhus, and
that when the rule of the Lacedaemonians became
oppressive they were suddenly deserted by almost
all their allies who stood by as passive spectators of
the disaster of Leuctra. VIII.- Though I prefer to
draw my illustrations from the history of foreign
countries rather than from our own, I will permit
myself this observation. So long as the empire of
the Roman people was founded not on injustice but
on beneficence, war was waged in the interests of the
allies or in the defence of the empire, its conclusion
was marked by acts of clemency or such a measure of
severity as circumstances demanded ; kings, civilised
nations and barbarous tribes found in the senate a
haven of refuge ; and the loftiest ambition of our
governors and generals was to defend our provinces
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and allies by fair and honourable conduct. 27. Our

government could therefore have been more truly
described as a protectorate of the world, than as an
empire founded on force. Even before the time of
Sulla we were gradually losing hold of our habitual
policy, but after his victory we parted with it
altogether ; for after the terrible atrocities which he
perpetrated on Roman citizens , we ceased to regard
anything as unjust to our allies. He tarnished a

righteous cause by an unrighteous victory. Plant-

ing in the forum a spear, the emblem of public
auction, he sold off the effects of wealthy but
respectable people who were, to say the least, his
fellow-citizens, and yet he had the effrontery to
assert that he was only selling his booty. After him
came another tyrant who, gaining in an unholy cause
a victory still more shameful, was not content to
confiscate the property of individual citizens but
involved in one common calamity entire provinces
and countries . 28. After he had oppressed and
ruined foreign tribes, we saw him carry in triumph a
model of Massilia as if to prove to the world the loss
of our empire and celebrate the conquest of a city
without whose aid our generals never once triumphed
in their campaigns beyond the Alps. I should here
have adduced many other crimes committed on our
allies if the sun had ever shone on anything more
shameful. But our punishment is deserved . For
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unless we had suffered many crimes to go un-

punished, never would one individual have attained
such absolute power. Though the tyrant of our times
has few heirs to his wealth there are many to succeed
to his wicked ambition. 29. Never will the seeds of
civil war fail, so long as villains remember having
seen and hope to see once more that bloody spear
which P. Sulla brandished when his kinsman was
dictator and again raised thirty-six years later in a
more accursed cause. Another Cornelius Sulla was a
clerk under the former dictator and under the latter a
city quaestor. When such rewards are held out, it
is evident that civil wars will never cease. Only the
walls of our city now remain and even they dread
the last desperate stroke ; the republic, alas, we have
lost for ever . To return to my subject, we have
brought these disasters on our heads because we
wish to be feared rather than loved and respected.
If such retribution befel the tyranny of the Roman
people, what must individuals expect ? But since it
is manifest how powerful is the influence of kindness,
how feeble that of fear, I have next to explain the
easiest means of gaining the respect, the confidence
and the affection which we wish to enjoy. 30. We
do not all stand in the same need of affection ;
for our object in life must in each case determine
whether we want many friends or should be satisfied
with a few. Faithful, loving and admiring friends
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we certainly all require ; it is the prime necessity of

life. Here there is little difference between high
and low, and both classes must cultivate friendship
with almost equal zeal . 31. We may not all require
in equal measure honour, fame and popularity, yet
the possession of these advantages will be of particular
value to us in the acquisition of friends .
IX. I have spoken of friendship in another essay,
entitled " Laelius ". I have now to speak of glory.
Though I have written a work in two books on the
subject, I must glance at it here, because it is a
valuable aid in the conduct of important affairs .
Supreme and perfect glory consists of three things :
Elory-
the love, the confidence and the mingled admiration
лу and respect of the people. To put it plainly and
concisely, the affections of the people are won by
almost the same means as those of individuals . But
there is another avenue to the hearts of the multitude,
another means of stealing into the affections of
the people. 32. Of the three sentiments I have
just mentioned let us first consider affection and its
laws. Affection is chiefly won by acts of kindness ;

or it is excited by kind intentions even though the

outcome be disappointing ; again the hearts of the
people are strongly influenced by the mere character
and reputation for liberality, beneficence, justice,
honesty, and all the noble qualities that go to
form the gentleman . For as that which we call the
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honourable and decorous is pleasing in itself, attracts

us by its inner nature and outward aspect, and is
most conspicuous in the virtues I have named, we
are compelled by Nature herself to esteem those in
whom we believe these virtues reside. These are the
most important causes of esteem ; though I admit
there may be others of less consequence. 33. In

the next place, we shall obtain confidence, if we

are supposed to unite prudence and justice . We
trust in those who appear to have greater sagacity
and foresight than ourselves and greater skill in
unravelling difficulties and meeting emergencies ;
that is what the world considers practical and
genuine prudence. We repose confidence in just,
honest , and worthy men provided there is no sus-
picion of craft or malice about them ; and we think
ourselves justified in committing to them our lives ,
our fortunes and our families. 34. Of these two

qualities justice inspires the greater confidence ; of

itself it is sufficient without the aid of prudence,
but prudence without justice is of no avail. Take
from a man his reputation for probity, and he is

hated and suspected in proportion to his craft and

cunning. In a word , justice combined with prudence
will command all the confidence we can desire ;
justice without prudence will also be effective, but
prudence will be impotent without the aid of justice.
X.- 35. It may excite surprise that , despite the
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unanimous opinion of philosophers and my own re-

peated contention that virtue is indivisible , I am now
classifying its component parts on the assumption
that justice can exist without prudence. My reply
is that a degree of precision is employed in the
exact investigation of abstract truth which is un-
necessary in a treatise adapted throughout to the
popular capacity. I therefore speak here like the
people, calling one man brave, another good, a
third prudent. In dealing with popular concep-
tions we have to use popular and familiar language .
This was the practice of Panaetius . But I must
return to my subject .
36. The third element of glory is, to be considered
worthy of admiration and respect by our fellow-men .
Men admire in general what appears to them great
or what surpasses their ideas ; and in particular they
admire in any person the good qualities which
they did not expect to find. Hence they worship
and exalt to the skies those whom they believe to
possess certain eminent and extraordinary virtues and
regard with disdain and contempt those in whom they
find no trace of ability, spirit, or energy. Not that
they despise every one of whom they have a bad
opinion. For when they find a man unscrupulous,
slanderous, dishonest , and armed with all the weapons
of injustice, they may not despise him but they
think ill of him. Therefore, as I have said, their
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contempt is directed against the good-for-nothing

fellows of the proverb who have no capacity for work,
no activity, no interest in anything. 37. On the
other hand men worship those whom they consider
pre-eminent in virtue , free from dishonour, and
superior to the vices which others resist with difficulty.
Those tempting tyrants, the pleasures of sense, tear
most men away from virtue ; and most men quail
before the burning torch of pain : life and death,
wealth and want, profoundly move the feelings of all
the world. But when a man regards pleasure and
pain alike with lofty indifference and throws himself
with ardour into some great and noble cause, who
would not admire the splendour and beauty of his
character ? XI. 38. This moral sublimity excites
great admiration, but justice, the touchstone of
worth, is rightly esteemed by the world as the
noblest of all the virtues. For no one can be just who
fears death, pain, exile and want, or who would sacri-
fice justice to escape these evils. Another admirable

quality is indifference to money, and if we discover it

in any one we think he has stood the ordeal of fire.
Justine
Justice, then, fulfils the three fundamental conditions
of glory ; it procures affection , because it seeks the
happiness of the greatest number, for the same
reason it inspires confidence, and it awakens admira-
tion because it regards with scorn and disdain the
objects which most men passionately pursue.
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39. In every walk of life we require the support of

our fellow-men. Above all we must have friends to
whom we may unbosom ourselves in familiar con-
versation, an advantage difficult to obtain, unless we
are looked upon as honest men . Even the recluse
and the man who lives a retired life in the country
must have a character for justice ; and that is all
the more necessary as without such a character they
can have no safeguards to protect them and will be
exposed to a variety of wrongs. 40. Again, in buying
and selling, hiring and letting, and in business trans-
actions generally, justice is essential to success . In

fact its influence is so powerful that even those who

maintain themselves by wrong- doing and crime
cannot live entirely without it . When a brigand
takes anything from an accomplice by force or by
fraud, his presence is no longer tolerated even in
such a band of miscreants, and should the captain
not distribute the spoil impartially, he would be
killed or deserted by his comrades. Why, brigands
are even said to have a code of laws which they must
strictly observe. It was by his equitable distribution
of the spoil that the Illyrian bandit Bardulis of whom
we read in Theopompus gained so great power and
the Lusitanian Viriathus even greater. For a long
time Viriathus actually defied the armies and generals
of Rome, till C. Laelius, surnamed the Wise , during
his praetorship completely shattered the power of his
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adversary and so quelled his spirit as to leave an easy

victory to his successors. If then the influence of
justice is so great as to stablish and strengthen the
power of brigands, how potent must it be in a well-
ordered state under the shelter of the law and its
tribunals . XII. -41 . Like the ancient Medes of
whom Herodotus speaks, I think our forefathers
founded the kingly office and raised to the throne
men of high character in order to enjoy a just
form of government . When oppressed by the strong,
the weak would appeal to one man of eminent
virtue who shielded them from wrong and establish-
ing justice on a firm foundation governed high and
low alike with impartial sway. The origin of law
was identical with that of monarchy. 42. Men
in all ages have aspired to equality of rights, for
without such equality there would be no rights . If
they attained their object through the justice and
virtue of one man , they were satisfied ; if unsuccessful,
they invented laws which were designed to speak to
all men at all times in one and the same voice. It
is therefore evident that the choice of rulers was
determined by their reputation for justice. If with
this virtue they united prudence nothing appeared
unattainable under their rule. We should, therefore,
diligently practise justice both for its own sake-
otherwise it is no justice- and because it will enhance
our honour and glory.
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As there is a science of accumulating wealth and

of so investing it that it may meet our current
expenditure on the necessaries and the luxuries of
life, so there must be a method of acquiring glory
and turning it to account. 43. Yet Socrates has a
fine observation that the straight road, " the short
cut, " to glory is to strive to be that for which one
‫وتاه‬ would wish to pass. It is a delusion to suppose that

TX enduring glory can be founded on dissimulation ,

vain ostentation, and studied words and looks . True
glory strikes root and spreads, everything unreal
soon falls like the blossoms, a lie cannot last. I could
cite many examples on the one side and the other,
but for the sake of brevity I shall confine myself to
one family. The fame of Tiberius Gracchus, the son
of Publius, will live while the memory of Rome
endures, but his sons were scouted by loyal citizens
in their lifetime, and since their death they have
been ranked among those whose murder was no
crime. He who would obtain true glory must
therefore perform the duties which justice enjoins.
These I have described in the preceding book.
XIII. 44. The surest way of seeming what we are
is to be what we wish to be thought. But some rules
on the subject may not be out of place. If a young
man has a career of fame and distinction before him,
whether that depend on his father's name as in your
case, Marcus, or on some lucky chance, the eyes of
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the world are turned upon him, his life and character
are scanned ; there can be no obscurity for him, a
flood of light is turned upon his every word and
action. 45. But if his youth be passed in the shade
because of his mean and obscure origin, as soon as he
reaches manhood he must set his mind on some great
object and pursue it with unswerving zeal ; and he
will be the more confirmed in his resolution since the
world instead of being prejudiced against the young ,
actually favours them. For a young man the passport
to popularity is military distinction, by which many
of our people signalised themselves in the olden time
when wars were almost incessant. Your early years ,
however, have fallen upon a war in which the one side
was distinguished for excess of crime, the other for
excess of misfortune . But when Pompey placed you
in command of a squadron of cavalry, you earned the
applause of the great man and his army by your skill
in riding and in throwing the javelin and in your
manly endurance of all the hardships of a soldier's
Alas ! your fame has perished with the republic.
The present treatise, however, does not concern you
personally, it deals with the subject in general : so I
must proceed. 46. As the work of the mind far
surpasses the work of the hands, so the objects to
which we apply our intellect and reason are prized
more highly than those which exercise the powers of
the body alone. The highest recommendation then
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that a young man can have is self-command, filial

affection, and goodwill to his kindred. But the
easiest road to favourable recognition is to attach
himself to great, wise, and patriotic men, for such a
connection creates the impression that one day he
will rival the models whom he has chosen for imita-
tion. 47. When P. Rutilius was a young man, the

influence of the family of P. Mucius contributed to

his reputation for integrity and legal skill. As for
L. Crassus, even in his early youth he had not to look
to others for help, but gained the highest renown by
conducting that glorious prosecution which is known
to all the world, and at an age when a man might
make a reputation as a student, this second Demos-
thenes showed himself in the forum a master of an art

which without discredit to himself he might still have

been studying in private. XIV. 48. Discourse may
be divided into two kinds. The one is conversation ,
the other sustained oratory. The latter, which we
call eloquence, is doubtless a better field for distinc-
tion, but as a means of winning favour a courteous
and affable manner can hardly be overrated . We
still possess letters from Philip to Alexander, from
Antipater to Cassander, and from Antigonus to
Philip. These three princes, who are among the
wisest in history, enjoin their sons to gain the
affections of the people by words of kindness and to
humour their soldiers by friendly recognition. But
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an impassioned discourse will rouse the enthusiasm

of an entire nation. An eloquent and judicious

speaker is held in high admiration and is supposed

to possess exceptional insight and sagacity. If an
oration is at once dignified and moderate, nothing
can excite greater admiration , especially if the speaker
is a young man . 49. Various careers are open to the
orator, and in our own republic many young men have
made a reputation by their speeches in the senate or
before the people. But forensic oratory offers the
best opportunity of distinction . It is of two kinds-
the prosecution and the defence . Though the de-
fence brings greater credit, the prosecution has often
earned public approbation. I have just spoken of
Crassus ; M. Antonius in his youth was no less
successful. It was in a prosecution too that the
eloquent P. Sulpicius won his laurels when he put on
trial that dangerous and turbulent citizen C. Nor-
banus. 50. Still you should rarely come forward as
a prosecutor, and only in the public interest like
the orators I have cited, or for revenge like the two
Luculli, or to protect the oppressed, as I protected
the Sicilians , and Julius the Sardinians in the case
of Albucius. It was in another prosecution, that of
M. Aquilius, that L. Fufius proved his talent . This is
a thing to be done only once or at any rate not often :
if you are compelled to prosecute again and again,
you must do it as an act of homage to the republic,
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for it is never wrong to punish her enemies : but you

must set a limit. Only a heartless or a brutal man
would often seek to endanger the life or the civil
status of his fellow-citizens. It is at once dangerous

to the person of the pleader and a blot upon his name

to earn the title of prosecutor : that was the fate
of M. Brutus, a man of high birth, and son of the
eniment jurist . 51. Make it a rule never to prefer a
capital charge against an innocent man ; it is always
a crime. What is so barbarous as to turn to the ruin
and destruction of good men the weapon of eloquence
which Nature has given us for the defence and pro-
tection of our fellows ? But while we must never
accuse the innocent, we should not scruple on occasion
to defend a guilty man, provided he is not a villain
or a reprobate . This is a law of society ; it is admitted
by usage ; it is human nature. A judge must in every

suit cleave to the truth, a pleader may at times

maintain what is plausible though not strictly true ;
still I should hesitate to record this opinion especi-
ally in a philosophical treatise, if I had not the
authority of Panaetius, the strictest of the Stoics.
It is always the defender who reaps the greatest
glory and credit, especially if he succours the weak
when they are deceived or oppressed by the strong.
I myself have done that on many occasions ; the most
notable instance occurred in my youth when I de-
fended Sex. Roscius of Ameria against the omni-
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potent Sulla. The oration , as you know, is pub-

lished .

XV.- 52. Having described the duties which a

young man must perform in order to gain distinction
I go on to speak of beneficence or liberality, which is
of two sorts. It is shown in acts of kindness or in
gifts of money. The latter is the easier method,
especially for a rich man ; but the former is more
noble, more magnificent, more worthy of a gentleman.
Both forms of beneficence imply a generous desire
to oblige ; money is withdrawn from the safe, while
kindness is a draught on our energies ; but bounty
taken from our substance drains the very spring of
generosity. Thus kindness kills kindness ; for the
more good you do, the less you can do. 53. If our

beneficence consists in personal service, that is, in

active work, the more benefits we confer, the more
support shall we obtain from others in our generous
efforts, and the habit of beneficence will make us
more disposed and better qualified to bestow our
favours . It is with justice that Philip in one of his
letters reproves his son Alexander for courting the
favour ofthe Macedonians by dispensing liberal gifts :
"What in the world, " he says, " led you to look for
loyalty in those whom you corrupted with money ?
Are you really trying to make the Macedonians hope
that you will one day be their attendant and pur-
veyor instead of their king ? " It was a good idea
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to speak of the “ attendant and purveyor " because

Alexander's conduct was mean and unprincely, but
it was better still to call bounty corruption ; for he
who takes a gift goes from bad to worse and always
looks for more. 54. That was Philip's rebuke to
his son but we may all take the lesson to heart.
мсе Benevolence, then, expressed in active service, is
e
vic
in ser . doubtless more honourable, besides it has a wider
sphere, and affects a larger number for good, yet
charity is sometimes a duty and we should not entirely
repudiate this form of kindness. Let us therefore
give of our substance to the deserving poor, but with
thrift and moderation. For many have run through
their patrimony by indiscreet giving. What folly to
throw away the means of living as we please ! Be-

sides, robbery often follows profuse liberality. When

the giver feels the pinch of want, he is forced to lay
hands on the goods of others, and, though his kindness
is intended to procure good-will, so far is he from
winning the love of those to whom he gives that he
incurs the hatred of those whom he despoils. 55.
Therefore close not your purse so fast that it will not
open to a generous impulse, nor open it so that it gapes
to every passer-by, but set a limit, and let that limit
be determined by your means. In a word, re-
member the saying so often repeated by our people
that it has passed into a proverb : " Bounty is a
bottomless pit " . For what limit is possible when
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we are pressed by a succession of beggars, the one

more importunate than the other ?
XVI . There are two kinds of givers -the prodigal
and the liberal. The prodigal squander their wealth
on public feasts and doles, on gladiatorial shows, on
plays and wild-beast fights, vanities the memory of
which lives for a moment if it lives at all . 56. The
liberal employ their means in ransoming prisoners
from the hands of brigands, in paying the debts of
friends, and in helping them to settle their daughters
in life, or to make or enlarge their fortunes. I wonder
then what came over Theophrastus when he wrote his
book On Riches, which among many noble thoughts
contains one absurd paradox. The author is never

done praising the rich and elaborate appliances of

public spectacles, and he considers it the highest
privilege of wealth to be able to afford such ex-
penditure. To my mind the form of liberality of
which I have just given a few examples yields a
greater and surer satisfaction. How much more true
and telling are the words of Aristotle when he rebukes
us because we see without surprise the vast sums that
are squandered on the amusement of the people . I
shall quote the passage . " If the inhabitants of a
beleaguered town are reduced to buying a pint of
water for a mina , at first the thing appears surprising
and incredible , but, upon reflection , we make allow-
ançe for necessity ; while these enormous sacrifices and
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gigantic outlays excite but little wonder ; yet in this

case there is no necessity to relieve , no dignity to
enhance, and the pleasure of the mob, which the most
frivolous may enjoy, lasts but a brief space and even

its memory perishes in the moment of satiety." 57.

His conclusion is excellent. " These amusements

suit the taste of children, wenches , slaves, and slavish

freemen, but can nowise find favour with the serious
man who values things at their true worth. " I am
well aware that ever since the good old times it
has been the custom in our state to expect acts of
munificence from eminent citizens in the course of

their aedileship. P. Crassus who was as rich as his

surname suggested performed with munificence the
functions of that office, and not long after L. Crassus
followed in his footsteps although he had for his col-
league Q. Mucius, the most moderate of men : these
were succeeded by C. Claudius, the son of Appius,
the Luculli, Hortensius, Silanus and many others.
But P. Lentulus during my consulate eclipsed all his
predecessors ; and Scaurus followed his example. The
spectacles provided by my friend Pompey in his second
consulate were also on a magnificent scale : but you
know my views on the whole matter . XVII .— 58.
On the other hand we should avoid the suspicion of
meanness. It was by declining the office of aedile that
the wealthy Mamercus was defeated when he stood
for the consulate. Public munificence is justified, if
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it is demanded by the people and approved, though

perhaps not desired, by honest citizens, and if it
happens to be the best means of attaining some great
advantage ; only you must follow my example and
never exceed your means. Orestes lately signalised
himself in this manner by the open-air banquets
which he gave as a tithe-offering . Again nobody
blamed Marcus Seius for supplying corn to the people
in time of dearth at one as the peck. By an outlay
which was not serious in itself and which in any case
was no disgrace to an aedile he succeeded in dis-
sipating the strong and inveterate prejudice which
had risen up against him. But the highest credit
of all was recently obtained by my friend Milo
who for the safety of the republic which was bound
up with mine bought a band of gladiators and crushed
all the frantic schemes of P. Clodius. Munificence, I
repeat, is only justified by necessity or utility. 59.
Even then moderation is the best rule. The able and
illustrious L. Philippus, the son of Quintus, used to
boast that he had attained to the highest offices
without providing a single public spectacle . Cotta
and Curio among others claimed the same merit and
I myself may perhaps be excused if I refer to my own
career with some measure of complacency. Consider-
ing the dignity ofthe offices to which, unlike all these
statesmen, I was unanimously elected at the earliest
legal date, the cost of my aedileship was quite in-
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significant. 60. Money is more wisely expended on

the construction of fortifications, docks, harbours ,
aqueducts, and other works of public utility. I admit
that gifts which are paid cash down, so to speak, yield
greater pleasure at the moment ; but public monu-
ments are a source of more enduring gratitude. As
for theatres, colonnades, and new temples, my respect
for Pompey's memory restrains me from condemning
them, but they are not approved by the most eminent
philosophers, among others my authority Panaetius
whom I have followed, though not slavishly, through-
out this work, and Demetrius of Phalerum who de-
nounces Pericles, the greatest Greek of his time, for
squandering so much money on the magnificent
Propylaea. I refer you to my De Republica where
the subject is treated in detail. In conclusion the

whole system ofpublic benefactions is radically wrong,

and even when they are justified they should be
proportioned to our means and kept within the limits
ofmoderation. XVIII. –61 . In regard to the second

kind of giving which springs from liberality our atti-

tude must vary with circumstances. A man over-
whelmed with calamity is in quite a different case
from the man who is free from actual distress but
seeks to better his condition . 62. Generosity will
be more disposed to lend a helping hand to the
unfortunate unless it happen that their misfortune
is deserved. Yet when people ask our aid not in
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order to escape from ruin but to rise to a higher level

we should nowise be churlish ; at the same time
discrimination and care are necessary in selecting
deserving cases. That is an excellent saying of
Ennius : "A benefit misplaced turns to a crime ". 63.
Service rendered to a good and grateful man has its
reward not only from the recipient but from society
at large. For liberality is best appreciated when
directed with judgment, and people praise it with the
more heart since the generosity of the great is like a
city of refuge to which every one can fly. Let us
therefore bestow as many benefits as possible and
benefits of such a nature that their memory will go
down to children and children's children and com-
mand their gratitude. All men detest ingratitude as
a wrong done to themselves inasmuch as it discourages
liberality and they regard the ingrate as the common
enemy of the poor. A form of generosity advan-
tageous to the state is the ransom of prisoners and
the relief of the poor : at one time this was the
distinctive virtue of our own order, as Crassus has
proved by numerous examples in one of his orations.
This common form of charity I much prefer to the
lavish display of public spectacles. It befits the
character of great and serious men while ostentatious
munificence suggests the demagogue who tickles the
susceptibilities of the capricious mob. 64. It is well
to be open-handed in giving and not to be hard in
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exacting our due ; and in all our dealings, whether

buying or selling, hiring or letting, or fixing the
boundaries of houses and lands, we should be fair
and reasonable and ever ready to abate something of
our lawful rights and to do whatever seems possible
and even more to keep out of court. It is often

profitable as well as generous to yield a point. At

the same time it is our duty to guard our property,
for it would be criminal to let it slip through our
fingers. But we must never expose ourselves to the
suspicion of meanness or greed. It is unquestion-
ably the highest privilege of wealth to be able to do
good without sacrificing our patrimony. Hospitality,
another form of this virtue, is justly commended by
Theophrastus. It is most graceful, I think, in men of
distinction, to open their doors to illustrious guests,
and it is an honour to the republic itself if foreigners
resident in our city are hospitably entertained.
Moreover, the social relations thus established will
ensure the acquisition of influence and favour in foreign
lands, a great advantage for those who seek political
power by honourable means. Theophrastus relates
that Cimon exercised hospitality at Athens even
towards the people of his own ward : and that he
gave orders to his bailiffs that every kindness should
be shown to any man of Lacia who presented himself
at his farm .
XIX. - 65 . Active benevolence as distinct from
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ers
Act
charity is bestowed on the community at large or
on individual citizens. A generous disposition to en
ben
place our legal skill at the service of the greatest
number is a valuable means of advancing our power
and influence . Our forefathers had many excellent
usages but nothing does them greater honour than
the respect in which they always held the study
and interpretation of our admirable system of civil
law. Up to these unsettled times this science

remained in the exclusive possession of the most

eminent citizens . But it has now shared the fate of

our public honours and all the degrees of official

preferment, and its glory is departed. This is the
more deplorable since we still possess a jurist who is
officially the equal of all his predecessors but quite
their superior in legal learning . Such personal inter-
position, I repeat, is alike valued by society and
calculated to win the gratitude of our fellow-men.
66. Closely related to this branch of knowledge is the
gift of eloquence which leads to greater popularity
and distinction . What is more excellent than elo-
quence ? Think of the admiration of the hearers,
the eager hopes of the helpless clients and the
gratitude that is earned in pleading their case. It
was to eloquence, therefore, that our forefathers
assigned the highest rank among the arts of peace.
The orator, then, whose heart is in his work, and
who readily follows the good old custom of pleading
8 113
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without remuneration, has a wide field for the exercise

of his generous patronage. 67. This would have been
the proper place to lament once more the decadence
not to say the total extinction of eloquence, but I
fear my complaint may be construed as selfish. How
many great orators have we lost ! How few of any
promise remain ! What a dearth there is of talent,
what a plethora of presumption ! It is not given to
all or even to many to be great jurists or orators , but
there are many other ways of helping our friends ;
we may get them promotion, recommend them to
judges and magistrates, watch over their interests
and procure them legal assistance both in and out of
court. By services such as these we gain the greatest
credit and find the most extensive sphere for our
energies. 68. I need hardly warn you (the thing
is so obvious) never to offend one man in helping
another. We often injure others when it is against

our duty or our interest : if, inadvertently, we are

guilty of negligence ; if, designedly, of indiscretion .
If we involuntarily offend any one we should apologise
to him as best we can, showing the necessity of acting
as we did and the impossibility of acting otherwise,
and we should try by other acts of kindness to repair
the wrong we have done.
XX. - 69 . When we help any one, we think either
of his character or his position. Now it is an easy as
it is a trite remark that in bestowing a favour we look
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to a man's morals and not to his circumstances. That

is all very well ; but in doing a service would any

one really prefer the cause of the friendless man,
however worthy, to the favour of a man of wealth
and influence ? We are most inclined to help the

man who offers the most prompt and speedy recom-

pense. But let us open our eyes and look at the
facts. No doubt our poor friend , if he is a worthy
man, may at least be sensible of a favour even though
he cannot return it. Some one has happily said that
66
money kept is not repaid, and money repaid is not
kept ; but that the sense of favour remains when the
favour is repaid, and the favour is repaid when the
sense of it remains ". But the rich, the great, the

prosperous will be obliged to no one : why, they

fancy they confer a kindness in accepting the greatest
favours, they even suspect ulterior motives, nay they
would rather die than own a patron or take the name
of client . 70. On the other hand, as the poor man
feels that anything that is done for him is done out
of regard for himself and not for his position, he
studies to make his gratitude plain not only to his
benefactor but to those from whom he expects help

-and they are many- and far from exaggerating he

depreciates any little service he may do in return .
Again observe that if you plead the case of a rich and
prosperous man he alone is grateful to you or at most
his family ; but if your client be honest and respect-
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able though poor, all the worthy people of his class

who form the mass of the community will look to
you as a tower of defence . 71. I therefore think it

better to bestow a favour on the good than on the

rich. By all means let us do our duty to men of
every rank, but, if we are in doubt, we cannot do
better than follow the advice of Themistocles . Some

one asked him whether he should give his daughter

in marriage to a good man without means or to a rich
man without character. " For my part," he replied,

“ I prefer a man without money to money without a

man." In these days we are utterly demoralised by

the worship of wealth : and after all what is it to you

or me ? It is perhaps a blessing to its possessor, but

not always. Suppose it is : he may have more to

spend, I admit, but for all that is he the better man ?
If, however, he is good as well as rich, his wealth
should not induce us to serve him though it need not
prevent us in short, we should look to worth and
not to wealth. My last rule on the subject of active
kindness is , never strive to attain your object in
defiance of right or in the cause of wrong. No repu-
tation can endure that is not founded on justice ,
without which nothing can be worthy of praise.
XXI. - 72. I now pass from the benefits which
concern individuals to those which touch the state or

the whole body of citizens. Of these public benefits

some affect all the citizens indiscriminately, others
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individuals alone ; the latter are more highly prized .

We should as far as possible consult the interests of
both, but the service we render to individual citizens
should always be useful or at least not prejudicial to
the state. While C. Gracchus well-nigh drained the
exchequer by the distribution of corn on a great scale,
M. Octavius satisfied the wants of the masses by a
moderate dole which was no great burden to the
republic : the measure was therefore a blessing at
once to the individual and to the community. 73.
The first duty of a statesman is to provide for the
security of private property and prevent it from being
alienated by public authority. The tribune Philip

set a pernicious example in proposing his agrarian

law. When the bill was thrown out, he took his
defeat with a good grace and displayed unusual
moderation. But in his address to the people , the
tone of which was fair on the whole, he committed
a blunder when he said that there were not two
thousand proprietors in Rome. The language is
criminal and a direct incentive to socialism, the most
pernicious system that can be conceived. Indeed it
was principally for the protection of property that
states and municipalities were first established . For

though men are naturally gregarious, they first sought

the protection of cities with a view to the security
of their possessions. 74. Another duty of a states-
man is to prevent the imposition of a property tax,
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a measure which was often forced upon our ancestors

by financial embarrassment and incessant wars ; and
to avert this evil he must lay his plans long before-
hand. But if any state has to face the necessity of

such a burden (I am speaking generally and I would

rather forebode mischief to others than to ourselves),
an effort should be made to convince the people that
for their own safety they must bow to the inevitable.
Again, a statesman must provide an abundant supply
of the necessaries of life. It is needless to discuss
the ways and means ; they are obvious : suffice it to
mention the subject.
75. In the public administration the chief thing is
to avoid the faintest suspicion of cupidity. " Would
to heaven," said C. Pontius, the Samnite, "it had
been my fortune to be born in the days when the
Romans began to accept bribes ! I should not have

let them rule very long ." Verily, he must have

waited many generations ; for it is not long since this
mischief befell our country. I am not sorry that
Pontius lived then rather than now, if he really had

so much power. Barely a hundred and ten years ago

L. Piso brought forward the first law dealing with
extortion. But since his time many measures have

been passed, the one more stringent than the other ;

and when I think of the countless prosecutions and
convictions that have occurred, of the terrible war
that was kindled by those who feared a similar fate,
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of the suppression of the law and its tribunals, and

of the cruel spoliation of our allies, I cannot help
exclaiming that we owe our power to the weakness
of others and not to our own strength . XXII.-76 .
Panaetius praises Africanus for his purity in public
life. The compliment is just, but that was not his
greatest virtue. The merit of official purity was not
confined to him, it was characteristic of his age .
Paulus having captured the vast treasures of Mace-
donia so replenished the public coffers that the booty
of one commander abolished the tax on property for
all time to come ; but he brought nothing to his own
home except the glory of an immortal name. Afri-
canus, following his father's example, was none the
richer for the destruction of Carthage . Take, again ,
the case of L. Mummius, his colleague in the
censorship. Was he one whit the richer for razing
to the ground the richest city in the world ? No, he
preferred to embellish his country rather than his
home . Yet in adorning Italy he appears to me to
have adorned his home still more. 77. To return to

my subject, no vice is more repulsive than cupidity,

especially in eminent public men. It is infamous,
outrageous, execrable to exploit the state. The
Pythian Apollo , in predicting that Sparta would only
perish through her own rapacity, must have addressed
his oracular words to all wealthy nations as well as
to the Lacedaemonians . For the politician, then, the
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easiest method of gaining popular esteem is to be

pure and disinterested in his public conduct . 78 .
Demagogues who with their agrarian schemes drive
the tenant from his home or propose the abolition of
debts sap the very foundations of the commonwealth .

Concord is impossible when one man is enriched at

the expense of another, and equity is utterly abolished
if the rights of property are not respected . The
function, I repeat, of the state and the city, is to
secure to the individual the free and undisturbed
enjoyment of his property. 79. Besides, these re-
volutionists defeat their own object. The man who
is robbed of his goods is their enemy, the man to
whom they are given actually professes that he did
not wish to receive them ; in particular, the debtor
hides his joy for fear of betraying his insolvency.
On the other hand , the victim of injustice remembers
the wrong and openly expresses his resentment,
and even if those who gain by injustice outnumber
those who lose, they are not necessarily stronger.
Here the test is weight, not number. Where is

the justice in handing over to a stranger an estate

taken from one who has held it by a title established
for years or perhaps generations ? XXIII.- 80 . It
was for iniquities of this kind that the Lacedae-
monians banished the Ephor Lysander and put to
death King Agis, an act without precedent in their
history. Such furious discord ensued that tyrants
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sprang up, the nobles were expatriated and the

state with its glorious constitution crumbled away.
But in its downfall it was not alone ; it dragged
with it to destruction the rest of Greece , for the
mischief beginning at Lacedaemon travelled like a
plague farther and farther. To turn to our own

history, need I remind you of the fate of the Gracchi,

sons of the great Ti. Gracchus, and grandsons of
Africanus, who perished in agrarian strife ? 81. All
honour to Aratus of Sicyon , who, when his native
city had been fifty years in the hands of tyrants, set
out from Sparta for Sicyon, stole into the city and took
it by surprise. He crushed the tyrant Nicocles , re-
called from exile six hundred of his countrymen who
had been the wealthiest citizens in the state and by
his advent set the republic free. But he found great
difficulty in dealing with property and its occupancy.
On the one hand he thought it most unjust that the
restored exiles, whose property had been seized by
others, should suffer from want, on the other it
seemed hardly fair to disturb a tenure of fifty years'
duration because in this long interval many of the
holdings had passed by inheritance, purchase, or
marriage, into innocent hands. He therefore decided
that it was wrong to dispossess the occupants or
to refuse compensation to the rightful owners . 82 .
Finding that money was necessary to settle the diffi-
culty, he announced that he was going to Alexandria
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and ordered that things should remain as they were

until his return. So he hastened to the court of
Ptolemy, an old friend of his family, the second
king of Egypt after the foundation of Alexandria,
explained to the wealthy monarch his desire to set
his country free, and laid before him the position of
affairs. Thus he easily succeeded in obtaining the
grant of a large sum for his purpose. Returning with
this to Sicyon, he formed a committee of fifteen
eminent citizens with whom he investigated the
rights of the actual and of the former occupants ;
he prevailed upon some on the one side to quit their
holdings and accept an equivalent in money at a
valuation and he convinced some on the other side
that it would be more to their interest to take a fair
price than to recover their lands. So he contrived
to make peace and send away both parties satisfied.
83. Here was a great man ! Would that we could
claim him as our countryman ! This is the model
policy ; it would have spared us these two dark
scenes when the spear was planted in the forum and
the goods of Roman citizens were brought to the
hammer by the public crier. Not so our noble

Greek ; like a wise and great man he consulted the

welfare of all without distinction. Thus it is the
soundest policy and the truest patriotism not to
sever the interests of our countrymen but to unite
all under one impartial rule. Let each live in his
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neighbour's house rent-free. Why so ? After I have

bought it, and built it, kept it up, and spent my
money on it, do you mean to say that you are to
have all the good of it in spite of me ? What is
that but robbing one man to give to another ?
84. But what is the purpose of cancelling accounts ?
Is it not that you may buy a piece of land with my
money, and you get the land while I lose my money ?
XXIV.- Debt must be checked ; it is a great public
evil which may be met in many ways. But the debt
once made, the debtor should not be allowed to enrich
himself at the expense of the wealthy creditor. For
nothing knits a state together like credit, and credit
cannot exist unless the payment of debts is con-
sidered binding. Never was there a stronger move-
ment for repudiation than in my consulate. Men of
every rank and condition rose in arms to fight for
the cause but my vigorous resistance swept the
plague for ever from our land . Debts were never
greater, and never were they better or more readily
discharged ; for when the hope of spoliation was
gone, the debtor was compelled to pay. The tyrant
of our times, however, with no personal interest
to serve, accomplished in the hour of triumph the
designs which he had conceived in the days of his
defeat. He loved sin so much that he sinned for
the mere pleasure of it .
85. Statesmen, therefore, will do well to abstain
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from a form of liberality which robs one man to

enrich another. Their first care will be to secure

the rights of property by the equity of the law and

its tribunals. They will save the poor and weak
from the snares that are laid for them, and the rich
from the envy which would hinder them from keeping
or recovering their own. Moreover, in peace and in
war they will use every means to increase the power,
the territory, and the revenue of the state. Such is
the mission of our great men, such was the practice
of our ancestors ; and those who steadily perform the
duties described will at once confer signal advantage
on the community and acquire the greatest popularity
and glory .
86. The Stoic philosopher, Antipater of Tyre, who
recently died at Athens, holds that Panaetius has
omitted from the rules of expediency the care of health
and property: the great philosopher, I imagine, makes
no mention of these duties , because they are obvious ;
they certainly are expedient. I will, however, say a
few words on the subject. To preserve our health
we must study our constitution, observe what is good
or bad for us, be temperate in all our habits, abstain
from sensual pleasure, and finally we may have
recourse to medical skill . 87. Property should be

acquired by honourable means and preserved and

increased by care and thrift . Xenophon, the pupil
of Socrates, has treated these questions most happily
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in his Oeconomicus, which I translated from Greek

into Latin when I was just about your age . But the

whole subject of making, investing, and, I wish I

could have said, of spending money is more appro-
priately discussed by our worthy friends on " Change
than by philosophers of any sect. Still these ques-
ject
tions deserve study ; for they concern expediency, ✓ sub
which is the subject of this book.
XXV. - 88 . It is often necessary to discover the
various degrees of expediency in things. This, as
I said, is the fourth head omitted by Panaetius.
Physical are compared with external advantages,
physical with each other, external with external.
In comparing physical with external advantages one
might say that he preferred health to riches (external
advantages are contrasted with physical when, for
instance, we say that we would rather be wealthy
than possess the greatest physical strength) ; physical
advantages are balanced thus : " I prefer good health
to sensual pleasure, strength to agility " ; finally ,
when we set the gifts of fortune one against another,
glory may seem superior to wealth, a city income to
a country income. 89. The saying of Cato the elder
is an example of this kind of comparison. Some one
asked him what was the best rule in farming. He re-
plied, " Good pasture ". The second ? " Fair pasture.”
The third ? " Poor pasture." The fourth ? " Agri-
culture." The other continued his queries : "What of
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usury ?' Cato answered, " What of murder ? ' This

example and many others that I could cite prove that

actions are often compared in respect of expediency,
and that this fourth division deserved a place in our
moral inquiries. I pass to the other divisions of my
subject.

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 THIRD BOOK

I. 1. My dear Marcus, the first Scipio Africanus

was accustomed to say, as we learn from Cato, his
contemporary, that he was never less idle than when
idle, never less alone than when alone-a truly noble Soli
tude
sentiment, worthy of a great and wise man . It
proves to us that he was wont to think of public
affairs in his hours of idleness and that even in
solitude he would commune with himself so that he
never was at rest and seldom craved for company.
Idleness and solitude -those two things which bring
weariness to others were nothing but a spur to him.
I wish I could honestly say the same of myself.
But if I cannot emulate his lofty spirit, it is not for
lack of good intention. Driven from political and
forensic employment by force and godless arms I
now lead a life of leisure . That is the cause of my
leaving the city and travelling in the country where
I often am alone. 2. But my leisure is not that of
Africanus, nor my solitude his. It was in order to

rest from the most honourable public duties that he

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at times sought leisure and withdrew from the bustle

of the crowd into the haven of solitude. But my

leisure comes from lack of occupation , not from love

of repose. Now that the senate is abolished and the
law- courts effaced, what honourable employment can
I find in the senate-house or the forum ? 3. I who

once lived in the greatest publicity, exposed to the

gaze of my fellow-citizens, have now to shun the
sight of the miscreants with whom the city swarms ,
and live as far as possible in concealment and often I
am alone. But having been taught by philosophers
not only to choose the lesser evil but even to extract
whatever good is in it , I try to make the best of my
life of retirement. Though it is hardly the peaceful
repose that should have been in store for a man who
once procured peace for his country, yet I will not
stagnate in the isolation which necessity, not choice ,
has imposed upon me. 4. Africanus, I admit, attained
a higher degree of merit. If he left behind him no
written works, no product of his leisure , no fruit of
his solitude, we must conclude that it was on account
of his intellectual activity and the investigation of
the problems which occupied his mind that he never
felt idle or lonely . But I , who have not the strength
of character to seek relief from solitude in silent con-
templation, bring all my thoughts and efforts to bear
upon my present literary work. Accordingly in the
brief period that has elapsed since the downfall of
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the republic I have written more than I did during

the long years of her prosperity.
II .-5. The whole domain of philosophy, my dear
son, is fertile and fruitful, no part of it is barren or
waste ; but there is no field in it more rich and pro-
ductive than that of the moral duties from which we
derive the principles of a consistent and honourable
life. I feel sure that in the school of Cratippus, the
first philosopher of the age, you listen with attention
and profit to these valuable precepts . But I think it
is well that they should be dinned into your ears at
every turn, and that you should, if possible , hear
nothing else . 6. These lessons should be laid to heart
by all who intend to lead an honourable life , but per-
haps by no one more than by you . For it is your duty to
fulfil the sanguine anticipations of all that one day you
will rival my energy, my eminence, and perhaps my
renown. Moreover, you have incurred heavy obliga-
tions to Athens and Cratippus. You resorted to them
to purchase as it were a store of good principles.
What a discredit it would be to you to return empty-
handed ; what an affront to the high reputation of
that city and your teacher ! I would therefore have
you strain every faculty and grudge no labour to
ensure success — if study is not a pleasure rather than
a labour and never expose yourself to the imputation
of having neglected the opportunities which my help
has placed within your reach. But enough on this
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point for I have often written to you letters of

encouragement . I now return to the last division

of my subject.
7. The great moralist Panaetius, whose system I
have adopted with slight modifications, proposed a
triple classification of ethical problems. In the first
place the question may be asked if the act under
discussion is moral or immoral. Again, is it useful or
prejudicial ? Finally, if that which has the appear-
ance of right clashes with what seems expedient,
how are we to settle the difficulty ? He treated two
of these divisions in his first three books, and an-
nounced that he would speak of the third in its
proper place, but he never fulfilled his promise. 8.
This is the more astonishing as his pupil Posi-
donius informs us that Panaetius lived for thirty
years after the publication of his book. I am

no less surprised that Posidonius merely glances at

the subject in one of his lectures , especially as he
admits that it is the most important in the whole
field of philosophy. 9. But I cannot accept the
theory that Panaetius did not overlook but purposely
omitted the subject, and that in no case should he
have touched upon it, because the expedient can
V
never come into conflict with the honourable. With
regard to this assertion it may be open to doubt
whether this question which forms the third division
of Panaetius should have been included in his scheme
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or entirely omitted ; certain it is, that he took it up

and then abandoned it. If you have finished two-
thirds of a subject , you necessarily have one-third
left. Besides , at the end of his third book he
promises to speak of it in the course of his inquiry.
10. We have in addition the valuable testimony
of Posidonius, who tells us in one of his letters that
P. Rutilius Rufus, another student of Panaetius, used
to say that as no artist had been found to complete
the Venus of Cos which Apelles had left unfinished,
because any one who beheld the beautiful face de-
spaired of painting a figure to match, so the treatise
of Panaetius was so perfect that no one dared to
supply what he had omitted.
III.- 11 . On these grounds there is no doubt
about the intention of Panaetius ; but it is perhaps
open to question whether he would have been right
in adding this third division to his moral investiga-
tions. For whether you maintain with the Stoics,
that the honourable is the only good , or with your
Peripatetics, that it is so great a good that all others
if placed in the opposite scale have hardly an atom's
weight, this at least is certain that the expedient can
never clash with the honourable. Socrates, we are
told, used to execrate those who first wantonly severed
two conceptions so essentially inseparable ; and the
Stoics who have adopted his theory consider every-
thing that is honourable expedient and nothing
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expedient that is not honourable. 12. If Panaetius

had maintained that virtue was to be cultivated only
for the sake of the advantages which it brings, as
certain philosophers make pleasure or exemption
from pain the standard of happiness, he would have
been free to assert that the expedient sometimes
conflicts with the honourable. But as he holds that
virtue is the only good and that whatever runs
counter to it has only the semblance of expediency
j
and can neither make life better by its presence nor
worse by its absence, I think he would not have been
justified in raising a class of questions involving the
comparison of honour with apparent expediency. 13.
For when the Stoics contend that the highest good
is to live in conformity with nature, they mean, I
suppose, that we are always to act in harmony with
virtue and only to choose other things which are in
accordance with nature if they are not incompatible
with virtue . Such are the arguments that have led
a certain school to think that the comparison of the
honourable and the expedient was from the first ille-
gitimate and that it was not a subject for didactic
treatment. But honour in its philosophical or ideal
sense is the exclusive possession of the wise and is
inseparable from virtue . Men of imperfect wisdom
may perhaps arrive at the semblance but never at the
reality of perfect moral rectitude. 14. The duties
now before us are those which the Stoics call the
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ordinary duties ; they are common to all and open to

all, indeed they are often attained by natural good-
ness and progress in learning. As for the duty which
they call right, it is absolute perfection complete in
all its parts , and, as they also assert, accessible to
none but the wise. 15. But an action which displays
the characteristics of the ordinary duties seems to
the vulgar abundantly perfect because they hardly
ever see where it falls short of perfection, and as
far as their intelligence goes they can trace no de-
fect. The same thing happens every day in regard
to poems, paintings, and other works of art. Ordin-
ary people admire and praise works of no merit.
There is, I suppose, something in them to catch the
fancy of the vulgar, who are too ignorant to dis-
cover anything wrong. So when the connoisseur
sets them right they readily waive their opinion.
IV . The duties under discussion in the present
work are, in the language of the Stoics, the ordi-
nary virtues which are not peculiar to the wise
but common to mankind . 16. They are such as
appeal to men of inbred virtue. When we point to
the two Decii or the two Scipios as heroes , or to
Fabricius as a just man, we do not adduce them as
examples of the ideal fortitude or justice which we
look for in the sage . Not one of them realises our

conception of wisdom. Even such men as M. Cato,

C. Laelius, or the famous Seven themselves were no
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sages, although they had the reputation and the

title. It was only through the constant practice of
the ordinary duties that they wore the similitude
and appearance of wisdom. 17. It is never right to
compare ideal virtue with conflicting expediency nor
external advantages with the ordinary virtue which
is practised by those who wish to be accounted
worthy people. But we should guard the honour
which is within our capacity as jealously as the sage
his true and genuine honour ; otherwise the progress
we may have made in the path of virtue cannot be
maintained. I have said enough of those who earn

the name of worthy men by the observance of duty.

18. Those, on the other hand, who weigh all things
in the scales of self- interest and refuse to give the
preponderance to honour, are accustomed in their
calculations to compare the honourable with that
which they suppose to be expedient. Not so the
good man. I therefore think that in saying that
people were accustomed to waver in this comparison
Panaetius literally meant that that was their custom
but not their duty. To compare the seemingly
expedient with the honourable and hesitate for one
moment in our choice is as clearly wrong as to prefer
the one to the other. In what circumstances, then,
is there room for doubt and deliberation ? It is,

I imagine, when a difficulty arises as to the quality

of any action we may be considering . 19. For in
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exceptional circumstances that which is commonly

held to be wrong is found on reflection not to be
wrong . I shall illustrate my meaning by a special
case which, however, has a general bearing. There
is no greater crime than to murder a fellow-man,
especially a friend . Still who would say that he
commits a crime who assassinates a tyrant, however
close a friend ? The people of Rome, I tell you,
think it no crime, but the noblest of all noble deeds .
Did expediency here triumph over virtue ? No,
virtue followed in the train of expediency.
If we would accurately determine the apparent
conflict between what we call the expedient and
that which we understand by the honourable, some
criterion must be established to guide us in our com-
parison and save us from swerving from duty. 20.
Now it will be found that this criterion is most in
harmony with the system and principles of the Stoics.
Though the old Academics and your Peripatetics , who
once were a branch of the same sect, prefer the honour-
able to the expedient, I here follow the system of
the Stoics because the principles of duty are more
impressively expounded by a school which identifies
honour and expediency than by those who hold that
in special circumstances the honourable is not expe-
dient nor the expedient honourable. Besides , our
Academy grants us full permission and authority
to maintain any theory that has the balance of
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probability in its favour. But I return to our guiding

principle.
V. -21 . To rob your neighbour, or to aggrandise
yourself at the cost of another is more repugnant to
nature than death, want, pain, or any other evils,
physical or external. In the first place, injustice is
fatal to human fellowship and society. The dis-

position to plunder or wrong your neighbour for your

own advantage involves the ruin of society which
of all things is most in harmony with nature. 22. If
each of our limbs were conscious and thought it
might be stronger if it drew to itself the soundness

of the next , the whole body could not but wither

and die ; in like manner, if each of us should seize
the advantages of others and wrest from them all he
could for his own profit, the union and brotherhood
of mankind would inevitably be subverted . That a
man should prefer to earn a living for himself rather
than for his neighbour is not repugnant to the natural
sense ofjustice : what nature does forbid is that he
should despoil others in order to augment his own
wealth and influence. 23. For it is ordained not
only by the law of nature, or rather the law of
nations, but also by the statutes of particular com-
munities on which their constitution depends that no
one shall be permitted to injure another for his own
advantage. The maintenance of civic life is the end
and aim of the laws, and any attempt to dissolve society
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is repressed wit a fines, imprisonment, exile and death.

In the second place, this principle is more clearly
demonstrated by universal reason, which is the law
at once of gods and men : and whosoever hearkens
to her voice- -or lives according to nature-will never
Ja
covet his neighbour's goods, or appropriate what m
he has wrested from another. 24. For fortitude, mag-

nanimity, courtesy, justice, liberality are much more

in harmony with nature than pleasure or riches, or even
life itself, which the great and lofty spirit will despise
and count as naught in comparison with the common
weal. (To despoil another in order to enrich oneself
is more opposed to nature than death, pain, or any
other evils of the kind. ) 25. Further, it is more in
accordance with nature to undergo the greatest toils
and brave the greatest hardships in protecting or
succouring the nations of the world, if that should be
our fortune, and to emulate the famous Hercules,
whom the legends of grateful posterity placed in the
assembly of the gods, than to live in isolation, not
only free from care, but revelling in pleasure,
abounding in wealth, and excelling in beauty and
strength. Of these two lives the best and noblest
natures far prefer the first, and from this it follows
that one who obeys nature will never harm his
fellow-men. 26. In the next place, he who wrongs
his neighbour from some selfish motive either
imagines that he is not acting in defiance of nature
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or thinks that death, poverty, pain, e'en the loss of

children, kinsmen and friends are more to be avoided
than acts of injustice. If he thinks he does not
infringe the laws of nature by injuring his fellows,
how are you to argue with one who takes from man
all that makes him man ? But if he holds that
injustice is indeed an evil to be shunned but that
1.8. other evils are immeasurably greater, as death, want,

Travel pain, he is wrong and deceives himself in thinking that

most evils
evils . physical or external are more serious than moral
VI. It should be the grand aim of every
human being to make the interest of each the interest
of all ; where every man struggles for himself, there
is an end to human fellowship . 27. Further, if nature
ordains that one man shall help another, just because
he is his fellow-man , it follows that according to
nature the interests of individuals are identical with
the interests of the community. If that is so, we are
bound together by one and the same law of nature ,
and if that again is true, we are surely forbidden to
do wrong to another. 28. The antecedent being
true, the consequent is likewise true. It is absurd
for people to say that they will not despoil a father
or a brother for their own advantage but that
fellow-citizens stand on quite a different footing.
That is practically to assert that they are bound to
their fellow-citizens neither by mutual obligations,
social ties , nor common interests . But such a theory
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tears in pieces the whole fabric of civil society.

Others again who deny the rights of aliens while
respecting those of their countrymen, destroy the
universal brotherhood of mankind, which involves in
its ruin beneficence , liberality, goodness and justice .
To destroy these virtues is to sin against the im-
mortal gods. It is to subvert that society which
the gods established among men, of which the
strongest bond is the conviction that it is more
repugnant to nature to rob another for one's own
good than to endure all evils external, physical ,
or even moral, so far as they are not concerned
with justice ; for justice is the sovereign-mistress
and queen of all the virtues . 29. Perhaps the

question may be asked : " If the sage were starv-

ing of hunger, would he not snatch a piece of
bread from some good -for-nothing wretch ? " (By
no means. For the disposition not to injure any

man for my own advantage is dearer to me than life.)

Here is another question . If a righteous man were
perishing of cold, would he not, if he could , rob a
cruel and inhuman tyrant like Phalaris of his cloth-
ing ? These are problems which it is easy to solve .
30. If you plundered a worthless man for your own
advantage, it would be heartless and against the law
of nature but if you plundered him because your
life, if prolonged, would be a benefit to your country
and human society, the end would justify the means.
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In other circumstances, a man should bear his own

misfortune rather than trench upon the good fortune
of another. Neither sickness nor want, nor any
other evils of the kind are more opposed to nature
than spoliation and cupidity, but neglect of the
common interest is unnatural because unjust. 31 .
Accordingly the law of nature herself which preserves
and maintains the common interests of men expressly
ordains that the means of subsistence shall be trans-
ferred from the lazy and worthless man to the wise,
righteous and brave citizen whose death would be a
heavy loss to the common weal, but he must guard
against the pride and conceit that would find in this
an occasion for injustice . In this way he will always
fulfil his duty if he promotes the interests of his fellow-
men and of human society, if I may repeat once
more the same old words . 32. The case of Phalaris

is easily settled. There can be no such thing as

fellowship with tyrants, nothing but bitter feud is
possible and it is not repugnant to nature to despoil,
if you can , those whom it is a virtue to kill ; nay,
this pestilent and godless brood should be utterly
banished from human society. For, as we amputate
a limb in which the blood and the vital spirit have
ceased to circulate, because it injures the rest of the
body, so monsters, who, under human guise, conceal
the cruelty and ferocity of a wild beast, should be
severed from the common body of humanity. Such
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is the nature of all inquiries which deal with duty as

determined by circumstances .
VII. 33. These, I imagine , are the subjects which
Panaetius would next have discussed , had not some
accident or some other occupation frustrated his

design. For the solution of such problems as I have

mentioned you will find in the preceding books
abundance of precepts to show what should be
avoided as immoral and what is permitted as not
being absolutely immoral. But as my work is now
so well advanced that I am about to add the finishing
stroke, I will here follow the example of mathema-
ticians . As it is their practice not to demonstrate
their propositions in full, but to assume certain truths
as postulates in order to explain their meaning more
easily, so I require you, my dear son, to admit, if you
can, that nothing but honour is to be desired for its
own sake. If Cratippus forbids, you will at least
grant that in itself it is more desirable than any-
thing in the world. Either principle is sufficient
for my purpose . I sometimes find more probability
in the one, sometimes in the other but elsewhere
none. 34. In the first place I must explain in vindi-
cation of Panaetius that he did not mean that real
expediency could in certain contingencies clash with
the honourable-for that would have been against his
principles-but only apparent expediency. Indeed
he often declares that expediency and honour are one
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and the same thing, and that never was a more deadly
blow aimed at society than the mischievous theory
which first severed these two conceptions. Accord-
ingly in admitting this apparent but not actual
opposition, it was not his intention that we should
sometimes prefer the expedient to the honourable but
that we should infallibly decide between them in the
event of a possible conflict . I will now fill the gap
without the help of any one, fighting my own battle,
as the saying is. For among the theories published
on this branch of the subject since the time of
Panaetius, none that I have seen is at all satisfactory.
VIII. 35. When we meet with any thing that
has some colour of expediency it necessarily makes
a powerful impression upon us. But if on closer
examination we find that it has some taint of wrong,
we should not throw up expediency but rather con-
clude that expediency and wrong cannot coexist.
If there is nothing so repugnant to nature as wrong
--for nature demands what is right, what is in
harmony with her, what is consistent with itself and
abhors the contrary - and if there is nothing so
conformable to nature as expediency, then assuredly
expediency and wrong are incompatible. Again if
we are born to virtue and virtue is, as Zeno holds,
the only thing to be desired, or if, according to
Aristotle, it at least absolutely outweighs everything
in the world, it necessarily follows that honour is
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the sole or the supreme good : now what is good is

certainly expedient, consequently whatever is honour-
able is expedient. 36. So when the wicked in their
folly snatch at something which seems expedient
they straightway sever it from the honourable.
Hence daggers , poisons, forged wills, thefts, pecula-
tions ; hence the pillaging and plundering of allies
and fellow-citizens ; hence the passion for inordinate
wealth and oppressive power, and finally the ambition
to play the king in a free community, which is the
most repulsive and atrocious crime that can be
conceived . For the distorted vision of unprincipled
men is so fixed upon material advantage that they
never see the penalty of the laws which they often
override, still less the penalty of dishonour which
is the most cruel of all. 37. Away with these
wicked and accursed waverers who cannot decide
whether to pursue that which they know to be right
or with open eyes to defile themselves with guilt ;
their vacillation, I hold, is criminal in itself even
though they stop short of action. Never doubt,
where doubt in itself is wrong. Further, the vain
hope of escaping detection must be absolutely ex-
Icluded from our calculations : for if we have made
some little progress in philosophy we should be
thoroughly convinced that it is wrong to do anything
unjust, wanton, or intemperate, even if we could
conceal our action from gods and men. IX.-38.
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It is in illustration of this truth that Plato brings

the famous Gyges on the scene. Once after heavy
rains the earth parted asunder. Gyges went down
into the chasm, and, as the story goes, he perceived
a bronze horse with doors in its flanks. On opening
the doors he saw a human corpse of extraordinary
size with a gold ring on one of the fingers . He
pulled off the ring and put it on his own finger.
This Gyges, who was one of the shepherds of the
king, then rejoined the others who just then were
met together. As often as he turned the bezel of
the ring towards the palm of his hand he became
invisible but continued to see what was going on
around him and when he turned the ring back
to its proper place he became visible as before.
Taking advantage of this magic virtue of the ring,
Gyges deflowered the queen, slew with her aid his
royal master and removed every one he suspected of
opposing him, in all these crimes remaining invisible.
Thus with the help of the ring he suddenly rose to
be king of Lydia . Now if the wise man had this
very ring he would not think himself more free to
sin than if he had it not. The good man seeks to

do what is right, not to hide what he does. 39.

Commenting on this passage certain well-meaning
but rather dull philosophers tell us that the story
related by Plato was a mere fiction, as if that great
man really maintained that the incident was either
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actual or possible. The illustration of the ring is in

fact an allegorical statement of the following case.
Would you gratify your desire for riches, power,
dominion, or sensual pleasure, if you had no fear of
detection or even of suspicion, and were certain that
the act would for ever be unknown to gods and men ?
Our worthy friends say the case is impossible . I
quite admit it is, but I ask if that which they declare
impossible were possible, what would they do ? They
stick to their point with right boorish obstinacy and
maintain the thing is impossible because they don't
know the meaning of the word " possible ". When we
ask them what they would do if they could escape
detection we don't ask them if that is possible , we
merely put them on the rack, so to speak. For if
they replied that they would do what was best for
themselves if assured of impunity, they would thereby
admit their criminal intention ; if they said they
would not, they would grant that every shameful act
must be shunned on its own account. But it is high
time to return to the point.
X.- 40 . Many cases arise in which we are per-
plexed by the semblance of expediency. I do not
refer to circumstances in which the question is raised
whether honour should be sacrificed for some great
advantage for that would be sinful. - but to those
in which we ask whether an action that seems
expedient may be performed without dishonour.
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Brutus, for example, might have been accused of

injustice for deposing from the consulate his col-
league Collatinus who had been his confederate and
adviser in the expulsion of the royal house. But
the leading citizens having determined to sweep
away the whole clan of Superbus, and to obliterate
the name of the Tarquins and every vestige of
royal power, this expedient and patriotic measure
was so praiseworthy that even Collatinus was bound
to recognise its justice. Expediency prevailed be-
cause it was united with honour, apart from which
there could have been no expediency whatsoever .
41. The case of Romulus who founded our city was
quite different. It was a bare show of expediency
that influenced him. Thinking it more convenient
to reign alone than to share the sovereignty, he
slew his brother, disregarding the dictates of natural
affection and human feeling in order to obtain an
illusory advantage . He alleged in his defence the
incident which happened at the building of the
wall ; but this attempt to justify his conduct was
flimsy and inadequate in the extreme. 42. Quirinus,
therefore, or Romulus, call him which you will , did
wrong, be it said without offence. Still we should
not throw away our advantages and surrender to
others what we ourselves require, but our own interests
should only be considered in so far as they do not pre-
judice the rights of others. Chrysippus remarks with
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his usual sagacity : " As a man who runs a race should

do his very best to win but should never foul his
rival or push him off the course : so in the battle of
life it is right for a man to pursue his own advantage
but wrong to usurp the advantage of another ".
43. It is chiefly in friendship that our conceptions
of duty are unsettled , for it is at once contrary to
duty to refuse a friend what justice permits and to
grant him what she forbids. For all such cases a

short and easy rule may be given. Honour, wealth,

pleasure and other apparent advantages must never
be preferred to friendship. On the other hand the
righteous man will not betray his country, break his
oath, or tarnish his honour for the sake of a friend
even if he sits in judgment upon him. In assuming
the character of a judge he lays aside that of a
friend. He may be better pleased if his friend's
cause be just ; he may, if the law permits, time
the pleading of the cause to suit his friend's con-
venience ; beyond that he cannot go in yielding
to the promptings of friendship. 44. Since he has
to pronounce sentence on oath, he must bear in
mind that he calls God to witness, that is, as I
God
imagine, his own conscience, the most divine faculty
that God has bestowed on man. It is a noble tradi-

tion, if we but observed it, to ask of the judge only

what he can grant with a good conscience. Such a

request, as I have just said, may be honourably

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granted by a judge to his friend . Ifwe were compelled

to do everything our friends wanted, the relation
between us would be more correctly termed con-
spiracy than friendship. 45. I am here speaking
of ordinary friendships, for among ideally wise men
no such contingency can arise. It is recorded that two
Pythagoreans named Damon and Phintias were so
attached to each other that , when one of them was
condemned to death by the tyrant Dionysius and
the day had been fixed for his execution, he applied
for a few days' respite to provide for the safe keeping
of his family, while the other became bail for his
appearance and pledged himself to die if his friend
did not return. The condemned man came back

by the appointed time and the tyrant in admiration

of their fidelity begged to be admitted to their
friendship. 46. In friendship, therefore, when that
which seems expedient conflicts with that which is
honourable, false expediency must give way and
honour prevail ; and when the requests of our friends
cannot be honourably granted, conscience and honour
must take precedence of friendship . In this way
we shall arrive at that nice discrimination of duty
which is the object of our inquiry.
XI . False expediency is often the cause of
political crimes such as our own people committed
in destroying Corinth . The Athenians were still
more cruel when they decreed that the Aeginetans
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who were a strong naval power should have their

thumbs cut off. They considered the step expedient
because the proximity of Aegina was a standing
menace to the Piraeus. Cruelty can never be ex-
pedient ; nothing is so opposed to human nature,
our infallible guide. 47. It is no less wrong to
exclude aliens from a city or to drive them out as
Pennus did in the last generation and Papius in
this. It is quite proper that no one should be
allowed to assume the privileges of a citizen
who is not really a citizen , and a law to this
effect was passed by two of our wisest consuls,
Crassus and Scaevola : but to exclude foreigners
altogether is clearly opposed to the dictates of
humanity. On the other hand it is glorious to
sacrifice to honour the mere semblance of public
utility. Our history is rich in examples of this
kind especially in the period of the Second Punic
War. After the disaster of Cannae Rome exhibited
greater courage than ever she did in the time of her
prosperity. No face betrayed fear, no voice spoke
for peace. Thus does the false glitter of expediency
pale in the pure sunlight of honour. 48. Unable to
resist the Persian invasion the Athenians resolved
to abandon their city, place their families in safe
keeping at Troezen , and to embark in their ships
in order to defend the liberty of Greece. A man

called Cyrsilus who urged them to remain in the

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city and open the gates to Xerxes was stoned to

death . His proposal , which seemed expedient , was
quite the reverse , because it was opposed to honour .
49. After his victory in the Persian War Themistocles
stated in the national assembly that he had in view
a scheme of public utility which it was impolitic to
divulge and requested the people to appoint some
one to whom he might make it known . Aristides

was chosen, and Themistocles explained to him that ,

if by a coup de main they burned the Lacedaemonian
fleet which was beached at Gytheum, they would
inevitably shatter the power of the Lacedaemonians .
Aristides then returned to the assembly where his
appearance was eagerly awaited and reported that
the plan of Themistocles was most expedient but far
from honourable . The Athenians thought that what
was wrong could not be expedient , and at the in-
stance of Aristides rejected the project without even
hearing what it was. They acted more nobly than
we who grant immunity to pirates and burden our
allies with taxes .
XII. We shall therefore consider it as settled
that what is wrong is not expedient even when it
brings some supposed advantage ; the mere thought
that wrong is expedient is disastrous in itself. 50.
But, as I have said , circumstances often arise in
which expediency seems to clash with honour and
we are obliged to consider whether the two are
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absolutely opposed or may be reconciled . The fol-

lowing problem will illustrate my meaning. An

honest man brings a large cargo of grain from

Alexandria to Rhodes during a dearth when corn
He knows that several
is selling at famine price.
merchants have sailed from Alexandria and on the
passage he has seen their ships laden with grain
steering for Rhodes. Shall he inform the Rhodians
or keep his own counsel and sell his cargo at the
highest possible price ? We are imagining the case
of a virtuous and honest man : we are studying
the moral conflict of one who would not keep the
Rhodians in ignorance if he thought it wrong, though
he might be inclined to think that silence is right.
51. On such casuistic questions the views of the
great and respected Stoic, Diogenes of Babylon,
differ from those of his pupil Antipater, a man of the
keenest intellect. Antipater holds that all the facts
should be disclosed so that the buyer may be as fully
informed as the seller ; according to Diogenes the
seller must state the defects of his goods only so far
as the common law requires, he must be straight-
forward in all his dealings , but is entitled to take
the highest price he can get. " I have imported and
laid out my goods and I offer them as cheap as other
people, perhaps cheaper, when I have a larger supply:
whom do I wrong ? " 52. Antipater argues on the
other side : " What do you mean ? It is your duty
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to promote the welfare of others and to make your-

self useful to society . You are bound to obey the
conditions of your existence and follow your natural
instincts which ordain that your interest should be the
interest of the community and vice versâ. Will you
then refuse to tell your fellow-men of the blessings
and abundant supplies that are at hand ? " Diogenes
will perhaps reply in these terms : " Concealment
is one thing, silence another, and I don't conceal
anything from you now, if I don't tell you what is
the nature of the gods or the highest good which it
would be more useful to you to know than the low
price of wheat.I am not obliged to tell you all that
it would be for your advantage to know." 53. " Yes,
you must," Antipater will say, " if you regard the
natural bond of society, which knits men together."
" I don't forget the claim of society , " Diogenes will
reply ; " but surely it does not exclude the idea of
private property. Ifit does, then selling is impossible,
and we shall have to give everything away." XIII.—
You observe that throughout this discussion they do
not say , " However wrong this may be, I will do it,

as it is expedient " ; the one says it is expedient

without being wrong ; the other, it must not be
done, because it is wrong. 54. Supposing an honest
man is selling a house on account of certain de-
fects known to him alone. It is believed to be
healthy but is really unhealthy. Snakes appear in
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all the bedrooms, the house is built of bad timber

and is insecure, but nobody is aware of this except
the owner if he did not inform the purchaser and
sold his house at a higher price than he expected,
would his conduct, I ask, be unjust or wicked ? " Of
course it would, " says Antipater. 55. " For what is
the difference between refusing to set a man right
who has lost his way, an act forbidden at Athens
under pain of public execration, and letting a pur-
chaser be carried away and blindly incur the heaviest
loss ? That is still worse than not showing a man

the way : it is deliberately misleading your neighbour. "

Diogenes replies : " Nobody compelled you, nobody
even pressed you to buy ; the man put up for sale
what he did not like and you bought what you liked.
Those who advertise : ' For sale , an excellent and
substantial country house,' are not considered dis-
honest even if it is neither excellent nor substantial,
still less are those who don't cry up their house.
Where is there room for dishonesty on the part of the
seller if the buyer is free to exercise his judgment ?
If you are not required to make good all you say,
do you think you are responsible for what you don't
say ? Now what is more foolish than for a seller to
tell the defects of the article he is selling or more
absurd than for a crier to proclaim by the proprietor's
order : An unhealthy house to be sold ' ? " 56. It is
in this way that in certain dubious cases the one side
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defends the honourable, while the other tells us that

it is not only right to do what is expedient but
actually wrong not to do it. Such is the apparent
conflict that often arises between the expedient and
the honourable . But I must give my own decision
in these two cases ; I stated the problems in order
to solve them, and not simply to raise an inquiry.
57. Well, in my opinion, neither should the corn-
dealer have kept anything back from the Rhodians,
nor the man who was selling the house from the pur-
chasers. For concealment does not consist merely

in suppression but in keeping something you know

from others for your own advantage when it is their
interest to know it ; and the nature of such dissimula-
tion and the character of those who practise it are
obvious. We certainly do not expect to find it in

the open, straightforward , candid, just , or honest

man but rather in the evasive , deep, crafty, designing,
cunning, sly, confirmed rogue. What a calamity to
have oneself called by all these opprobrious names !
XIV. 58. But if it is a fault to suppress the
truth, what are we to think of those who employ
downright falsehood ? A Roman knight, called C.
Canius, a man of considerable wit and culture, came
to Syracuse where, as he used to say himself, his sole
occupation would be to keep himself unoccupied.
He often spoke of buying a little country place
where he could invite his friends and enjoy himself
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without fear of intrusion. When his intention got

abroad, a Syracusan banker, called Pythius, told him
he owned a property of the kind ; it was not for
sale but Canius was welcome to the use of it and
at the same time he asked him to dinner there the

next day. Canius accepted the invitation . Pythius,

whose position as a banker made him a favourite
with all classes, sent for some fishermen, asked them
to fish next day opposite his grounds and told them
what to do. Canius arrived punctually. He found
a sumptuous banquet provided by Pythius, and saw
before him a large number of boats ; the fishermen
one by one brought the fish they had caught and
threw them down at the feet of Pythius. 59. Then
Canius said, " Pray, Pythius, what's the reason of
this ? What's the meaning of all these fish and
boats ? " " That's natural enough ; this is the place
where the Syracusans get all their fish and water ;
the people here could never get on without this
estate." Canius grows keen and presses him to sell

the place. At first the banker raises difficulties . To

make a long story short, Canius gains his point . In
his infatuation the rich knight buys the grounds with
all their appurtenances at the high price demanded
by Pythius. The banker concludes and notes the
bargain. Next day Canius invites his friends, he
comes himself in good time, but there is no trace
of a boat. He asks his next-door neighbour if the
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fishermen had a holiday that none of them were to

be seen. "Not that I know of ; but there is no
fishing here and I could not imagine yesterday
what had happened. " 60. Canius fumed but was
helpless. For my friend and colleague, C. Aquilius,
had not yet published his forms of pleading in criminal
fraud, and, when people asked him what was meant
by fraud in his pleadings , he used to reply that it
was professing one thing and practising another, a
most brilliant and masterly definition . Pythius, then,
and all whose deeds belie their words, are faithless,
wicked, crafty. None of their actions can be ex-
pedient, they are so stained with vice .
XV. 61. But if the definition of Aquilius is correct,
misrepresentation and concealment must be banished
from the world ; and the honest man will never
employ either the one or the other for the purpose
of driving a better bargain. Indeed, before the time
of Aquilius this species of fraud was punished by
statute . For example, the Twelve Tables dealt with
offending guardians, and the Plaetorian Law with
attempts to defraud minors. Apart from statute law,
it is condemned by decisions in equity , in which
the apt words are ex fide bona. In the other deci-
sions the most significant words are , melius aequius
in the case of arbitration about a wife's property,
and in trusts ut inter bonos bene agier. Now, I ask
you, do not the words melius aequius exclude the
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possibility of fraud, or do the words inter bonos bene

agier admit of craft or cunning ? If criminal fraud
according to Aquilius consists in misrepresentation ,
falsehood must be banished from commercial transac-
tions. The vendor must not employ a mock-bidder

to raise the price, nor the purchaser prejudice the

sale by any trick , and when they state their terms
they must state them once for all . 62. Q. Scaevola,
the son of Publius , asked the exact price of an estate
he wanted to buy. The seller told him. Scaevola
said he thought it was worth more , and gave him
100,000 sesterces over and above what he asked.
Everybody will say that Scaevola acted like an
honest man, but that he was just as foolish as if
he had sold the property for a lower price than he
might have obtained for it . Here again is the
mischievous doctrine which makes a distinction be-
tween goodness and wisdom. Hence the saying of
Ennius : "The wise man is wise to no purpose who
can make no profit of his wisdom ". That is per-
fectly true, but unfortunately Ennius and I are not
at one on the meaning of the word profit. 63. In
the treatise on duty which Hecato of Rhodes, a
disciple of Panaetius , dedicated to Q. Tubero, I re-
member a passage to the effect that " a wise man
ought to improve his position without doing anything
contrary to morals , laws, or customs. It is not for
ourselves alone that we desire to be rich but for our
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children , our kinsmen, our friends, and above all for

our country. For the wealth of the individual is the
wealth of the community. " This philosopher would
never have approved of the act of Scaevola which I
have just mentioned. In fact he confesses that where
his own advantage is concerned he will shrink from
nothing except what is forbidden by law. Such a man,
I think, has no great claim on our respect or gratitude .
64. If, then, criminal fraud consists in misrepresenta-
tion and concealment, there are very few actions
free from it ; and, if by a good man we mean one
who helps as many as he can and harms no one, it
will certainly be hard to find him . Once more I say
it is never expedient to do wrong because it is at all
times base, but it is always expedient to be good
because it is always honourable.
XVI. 65. In the law of real property our code
ordains that the seller shall declare all the defects
known to him. Whereas according to the Twelve
Tables it sufficed to make good such defects as
were expressly declared, and any one who did not
own these defects, when questioned by the pur-
chaser, incurred a double penalty, our judges have
gone a step further and attached a penalty to
the suppression of facts ; they hold the seller
responsible for any defect in the estate known
to him but not expressly stated. 66. For in-
stance, the augurs having to take the auspices on
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the Capitol commanded Ti. Claudius Centumalus

who had a house on the Caelian hill to pull down
the parts of the building which were so high as to
interfere with their observations. Claudius put the
tenement up for sale and it was bought by P. Cal-
purnius Lanarius. The augurs served the same notice
on the new proprietor. He complied ; but having
discovered that Claudius had advertised the house
after the alterations had been ordered by the augurs
he brought an action in equity for specific performance
or for damages for breach of contract. M. Cato, the
father of Cato our contemporary, pronounced judg
ment. Other men derive their titles from their
fathers ; in this case we must distinguish by the name
of his son the man who gave to the world so brilliant
a luminary. Cato then in the capacity of judge pro-
nounced the following decision : " Since the vendor
was aware of the order of the augurs and had not
made it known, the loss ought to be made good to the
purchaser ". 67. Thus he ruled that the vendor was
bound in equity to inform the purchaser of any defects
of which he had knowledge. If his decision was good
law, our corn-dealer and the man who sold the un-
healthy house were alike wrong in withholding what
they knew. The civil law cannot cover all such cases
of suppression, but it is strictly enforced wherever it
is applicable. Our relative, M. Marius Gratidianus,
had sold back to C. Sergius Orata a house which he
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had bought from him a few years before. The house

was subject to an easement but Marius had not stated
this in the conditions of sale. The case was taken to
court. Crassus was counsel for Orata , Antonius for
Gratidianus. Crassus laid stress on the law which
holds the seller responsible for any defects known to
him that he does not declare, Antonius maintained
that equity was on his side, and that this burden must
have been known to Sergius as he had previously
sold the house in question ; there was accordingly no
reason for its being specified and since the purchaser
was quite aware of the burdens to which the pro-
perty was subject, he had not been deceived. 68 .
But you may wonder why I quote these cases. My
object is to show that our ancestors did not approve
of sharp practice.
XVII. Justice and philosophy alike wage war
with craft, but fight with different weapons. The
sword of justice strikes where it can reach, but philo-
sophy employs those finer weapons, the reason and
the judgment. Now reason forbids every form of
treachery, misrepresentation and deceit. It is surely
treacherous to spread a net though you should not
beat the covers or drive the game ; for even if not
pursued, animals will often rush into it of their own
accord. Would you then advertise a house and put
up a board as a kind of snare to catch some dupe ?
69. I am quite aware that public opinion is so degene-
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rate that conduct like that is not commonly accounted

wrong and is not forbidden either by statute or by
the civil law, still it is banned by the law of nature.
I cannot too often repeat what I have said already
so often that there exists a society of the widest
possible extent embracing the whole human race,
another more restricted composed of the people of
one nation, and one still narrower formed by the
inhabitants of one city. Our forefathers, therefore,
established a distinction between the law of nations
and the civil law : the civil law is not necessarily
identical with the law of nations, but the law of
nations is necessarily identical with the civil law.
But we do not possess the real and life-like figure of
true law and genuine justice ; all that we have is
the faint outline. Would to Heaven we followed
even that, for it is taken from the perfect model
presented by nature and truth ! 70. How priceless
are the words : " May I not be betrayed or beguiled
through thee or through thy plighted word " !
Here again are words of gold : " Act honestly like
honest men without deceit ". But what is meant by
honest men ? What is honesty ? That is, I confess,
a knotty point. Q. Scaevola, the high pontiff, used
to attach the greatest importance to all arbitrations in
which the reference was expressly ex fide bona. He
considered that these words had an extensive applica-
tion, being employed in cases of wardship, partner-
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ships, trusts, commissions, purchases, sales, hiring,

letting-in a word, in all the transactions of social life.
He added that it required an able judge to decide
the respective rights and obligations of the litigants,
especially as most of these cases admitted of cross
suits. 71. Away then with artifice and the kind of

craft that poses as prudence but is utterly remote

from it. For prudence has its sphere in the dis-
crimination of what is good and what is bad ; craft,
on the other hand, if it is true that all that is base is
bad, prefers what is bad to what is good. The civil
law, which is derived from the natural, not only
punishes craft and fraud in regard to real property,
but forbids every form of dishonesty in the sale of
slaves. The vender, who is fixed with the know-
ledge of a slave's health or any disposition he may
have to run away or steal, is held responsible for
his defects by the law of the aediles. Those who
inherit slaves are in a different position. 72. From
this it is evident that, as nature is the source
of right, it is contrary to nature for any one to
take advantage of the stupidity of his neighbour.
Indeed there is no greater curse to society than craft
which wears the mask of wisdom ; in countless cases
it is the cause of the apparent conflict between the
expedient and the honourable. How few men, if
assured of impunity and secrecy, could refrain from
doing wrong ?
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XVIII. - 73 . With your permission , I will criticise

one of those cases in which the mass of men see no

particular harm. I am not going to speak at present

of assassins , poisoners, will-forgers, thieves or pecu-
lators, who must be kept down with chains and
confinement, not with mere talk and philosophical
argument ; but I wish to consider the conduct of
those who pass in society for respectable men. A
forged will, purporting to be that of the wealthy
L. Minucius Basilus, was brought from Greece to
Rome. To strengthen their position the forgers
made M. Crassus and Q. Hortensius , two of the
most influential men of the time , joint-heirs with
themselves ; the latter had some idea that the will
was a forgery, but, being conscious of no guilt in
the matter, they were not above taking a douceur
procured by the villainy of others.I ask you , is

this excuse sufficient to justify their conduct ? I

certainly don't think so, although I was the friend
of Hortensius while he lived and am no enemy to
Crassus now that he is dead and gone. 74. Basilus
in his real will had bequeathed his name and
his fortune to his nephew M. Satrius, the pro-
tector of Picenum and the Sabine land- what a
stigma on our age !—and it was surely not right
for men of position to keep the estate and leave to
Satrius nothing but the name. If, as I explained in
the first book, it is wrong not to prevent injustice
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and avert it from our neighbours, what shall we say

of the man who, far from repelling, actually abets
it ? To my mind it is not honourable to accept even
a genuine legacy if it has been gained by designing
flattery and insincere and hypocritical attentions.
Still in such cases the expedient sometimes appears
to differ from the honourable . 75. This theory, I
say, is false ; there is but one standard of expediency
and honour, and the man who is not convinced of
this is capable of every kind of craft and crime. If
he reasons thus : " your plan is honourable , but mine
is expedient," he will not scruple to tear asunder
things that nature has joined together, and he
will fall into a heresy which is the source of every
form of cunning, wickedness, and crime.
XIX. If the honest man had only to snap his
fingers in order to slip his name into the wills of
rich men he would not abuse his magic power,
even if he were certain of escaping suspicion.
Why, had you given M. Crassus the chance of
foisting his name into a will by sleight of hand
although he was not the real heir, I tell you , he
would have danced for joy in the forum. But the
just man, the man whom we feel to be honest, will
never rob another to enrich himself. If you are sur-
prised at this, you must admit that you do not know
what an honest man is. 76. You have only to develop
an innate idea to make it instantly clear to yourself
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that the honest man is one who does all the good
he can and harms no one except under provocation.
I ask you, then, would a man do no harm who spirited
away a true heir and stepped into his place ? The
objection may be raised : " Is he not then to do what
would be advantageous and expedient ? " By all
means, but he must understand that nothing is
expedient or advantageous that is unjust. Without
this principle no one can be honest. 77. When I
was a boy I often heard my father say that the
ex-consul C. Fimbria was judge in the case of
M. Lutatius Pinthias, a Roman knight of irreproach-
able character, who had laid a judicial wager that
he would prove he was a good man. Fimbria told him
that he would never pronounce judgment in the
case because he feared he might ruin the reputation
of a man of recognised worth, if he decided against
him, or might seem to have admitted the existence
of a perfectly good man, when such a character really
implied the performance of countless duties and the
possession of countless merits. Now this ideally

good man of whom even Fimbria, not to mention

Socrates, had formed a conception will never consider
anything expedient that is not honourable, and, far
from doing, he will not dare to think of, anything
that he could not publish to the world. What a
scandal that philosophers should have their doubts
where peasants have none ! Is it not to peasants
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that we owe the trite old proverb which they employ

when they praise a man for his good faith and sterling
worth ? " Why, you could safely play at odd and
even with him in the dark " ; and what is the point
of the proverb but this, that nothing is expedient
that is not decorous even if the object could be
gained with impunity ? 78. Don't you see it teaches
the lesson that there is no excuse for Gyges , nor for
the man to whom I just now fancifully ascribed the
power of conjuring into his own net all the legacies
in the world ? For, as secrecy can never make a
base action honourable, so an action in itself dis-
honourable can never become expedient ; it is contrary
to all the dictates of nature.

XX . 79. But, it may be said, no wonder people

go astray where there are great prizes to gain. After
holding the office of praetor Marius had remained in
the background for more than seven years and had
but faint hopes of attaining the consulate ; indeed it
looked as if he would never stand for it. About this
time he was sent to Rome by Q. Metellus, a great
man and a worthy citizen, under whom he served as
adjutant. He there accused his general before the
people of protracting the war for his own purposes
and promised that, if they made him consul, he
would in a short time deliver Jugurtha alive or dead
into the hands of the Roman people. He succeeded,
it is true, in becoming consul, but in discrediting by
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a false charge a worthy and respected citizen whose

adjutant and envoy he was he swerved from the path
of honour and justice. 80. Our kinsman Marius, I
mean Gratidianus, was no better. During his praetor-
ship he was guilty of an act unworthy of an honest
man. The tribunes of the people had invited the
board of praetors to co-operate with them in fixing
the standard of the currency by a joint resolution ;
for at that date the value of money fluctuated so
much that no one knew what he was worth. They
drew up an edict together determining the penalties
and the judicial procedure and arranged to mount
the Rostra all together in the afternoon . The others
went their several ways, but Marius proceeded
straight from the tribunes' benches to the Rostra
and there proclaimed alone the edict which they had
agreed to proclaim in common. This ruse actually
procured for him great popularity . In all the streets
statues were raised in his honour and incense and
tapers were burnt before them. In a word, he be-
came the idol of the multitude. 81. Our moral

calculations are sometimes disturbed by circum-

stances like these in which the offence against
justice appears trifling in comparison with the ac-
cruing advantage. Thus in the case before us Marius
did not think it very wrong to anticipate his colleagues
and the tribunes in winning the favour of the people,
but he considered it most advantageous to secure by
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that means his election to the consulate which was

then the object of his ambition. For all cases there
is but one rule which I desire to impress on you :
an act which is thought expedient must not be
wrong ; if it is wrong, it must not be thought ex-
pedient . I ask you, then, can we pronounce either
the one Marius or the other a good man ? Sift and
search your mind to see what idea and conception
of a good man it contains, and then answer this ques-
tion. Can a good man consistently lie or calumniate,
outwit, and deceive others for his own advantage ?
Assuredly not. 82. Is any object so important, any
advantage so desirable, that you would sacrifice for
its sake the glorious title of an honest man ? What
good could you get from your so-called expediency
to compensate for the loss you would suffer if it
filched from you your good name and robbed you of
honour and justice ? As well become a beast out-
right as conceal its ferocity under human guise.
XXI. What shall we say of those who ignore
what is right and honourable if only they acquire
power ? Are they not on a level with him who
actually chose for his father-in -law a man through
whose shameless conduct he might strengthen his
own position. It seemed to him advantageous to
establish his own influence on the discredit of his
neighbour. He did not see how dishonourable
his conduct was and how unjust to his country.
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As for his father-in-law, he was always quoting two

Greek verses from the Phoenissae which I shall
translate as well as I can. My rendering may be
awkward, but it will at least give the sense :-
" To get a crown, a man would break a trust,
If break'st at all, everywhere else be just."

How infamous to make a single exception in favour

of the greatest of all crimes ! 83. Why stop short
at trifles such as ill-gotten legacies, and dishonest
purchases and sales ? Here you have a man who
aspired to be king of the Roman people and master
of the world and succeeded. If you call such an
ambition honourable , you are out of your senses :
for you tacitly approve of the extinction of law
and liberty and applaud the hideous and accursed
crime of trampling them in the dust . If any one
admits that it is not honourable to wield the sceptre
in a state which once was free and still deserves her

freedom, and yet asserts that for the tyrant it is

good, what remonstrance, nay, what reproach is
strong enough to uproot from his mind so fatal an
error ? Immortal gods ! can the foul and abominable
crime of treason to one's country bring good to any
one though the traitor be hailed as Father by the
citizens whom he has crushed ? Honour , I say, is

the only standard of expediency ; the words are

different, the things are the same. 84. To the
vulgar mind there is no happier lot than that of a
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king ; but, when I put the theory to a practical test,

I find that the power of a usurper is the greatest
possible curse. What advantage is it to be a prey
to sorrow and care, to tremble day and night, and
to live a life beset with snares and dangers ? Accius
says : " Many are hostile and faithless to the throne,
few are friendly ". To what throne ? To the right-
ful heirs of Tantalus and Pelops. As for the tyrant
who crushed the Roman people with their own army
and enslaved a free republic, the mistress of the
world, what shall we say of the number of his
enemies ? 85. Think of his guilt- stained conscience,
his heart torn with remorse ! Can life be worth living
to a man who holds it on such terms that he who
robs him of it is destined to win the greatest grati-
tude and glory ? If this, which seems the greatest
advantage in the world, is no advantage at all , because
it is attended with dishonour and infamy, you should
now be fully convinced that nothing is expedient that
is not honourable.
XXII .- 86. This principle has been acknowledged
on many occasions in our history, but was never so
strongly attested as in the war with Pyrrhus by the
Roman senate and C. Fabricius who was then in his
second consulate . Pyrrhus was the aggressor. We

were fighting for the ascendancy with a chivalrous

and powerful prince . A deserter came from his
camp to that of Fabricius and offered for a reward
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to return to the camp of Pyrrhus as secretly as he

had come and poison the king. Fabricius ordered

him to be taken back to Pyrrhus, and his conduct

was applauded by the senate. Now, if we merely
look to the appearance, the popular conception of
expediency, it would doubtless have been an advan-
tage to be relieved of a difficult war and a formidable
adversary through the agency of a single deserter ;
but what a shame, what a scandal to conquer not
by courage but by crime a prince with whom the
contest was for glory . 87. Which then was the more
expedient course either for Fabricius, the Roman
Aristides, or for our senate, which never divorced
its interest from its honour, to fight the enemy
with the sword or with poison ? If glory is our
motive in aspiring to empire, let us abstain from
crime which is incompatible with glory : but if
power is our sole object, purchased at whatever
price, it can never be a blessing if coupled with dis-
honour. There was no advantage, therefore, in the
proposal made by L. Philippus , the son of Quintus,
that the states which Sulla, in pursuance of a decree

of the senate, had freed from taxation on the receipt

of an indemnity, should again be made tributary
without repayment of the sum they had given for
exemption. The senate followed his advice. What

a disgrace to our empire ! Why, pirates have more

honour than the senate . "Yes, but that increased
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our revenue ; it was, therefore, expedient." How

long will people persist in saying that anything is

expedient that is not honourable ? 88. An empire
should be upheld by an honourable name and the
loyalty of her allies ; how then can she profit by
hatred and infamy ? On this subject I have often
disagreed with my friend Cato. It seemed to me
that he was too stubborn a champion of the treasury
and the public revenue. He made no concessions
to the farmers of the revenue and few to the allies,
while I held that we should be generous to the
latter and deal with the former as we commonly
do with our own tenants, especially as the harmony
of the orders was essential to the national welfare.
Curio was equally wrong. Though he admitted that
the cause of the colonies beyond the Po was just,
he always made the reservation, " The public interest
must prevail " ! He should rather have proved that
their cause was not just because it was not advan-
tageous to the republic, than admitted its justice
while denying its expediency.
XXIII. 89. The sixth book of Hecato's Duties
is full of questions of casuistry such as these : “ At a
time of extreme dearth is it right for a good man not
to supply food to his slaves ?" He argues both sides
of the question and comes to the conclusion that ex-
pediency, as he conceives it, rather than human
sympathy is the standard of duty. Here is another
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problem. " If a ship is out at sea and it is necessary

to jettison part of the cargo, should one sacrifice a
valuable horse rather than a cheap slave ?" In this
case self-interest pulls the one way and human feeling
the other. " If a fool seizes a plank from a wreck,
shall a wise man, if he can, twist it out of his hands ? "
"No," says Hecato ; " it would be unjust." " But
what would you say of the shipowner ? Is he entitled
to seize the plank on the plea that it belongs to
him ? " " He has no more right to do that than to
throw a passenger overboard in deep water because
the ship is his. For until she reaches the port for
which she is chartered the ship does not belong to
the owner but to the passengers." 90. " Suppose a
ship is wrecked and there is but one plank for two
equally wise people, are they both to seize it or is the
one to yield it to the other ? " " Of course it must be
given up to the one whose life is more valuable to him-
self or to the community ." "What if their lives be
equally valuable ?" " In that case there must be no
contention, the one must yield to the other as if he lost
in a game of chance or in playing at odd and even."
" If a man should rob a temple, or drive a mine into
the public treasury, should his son report him to the
magistrates ? " " No, that would be a crime ; he
must even defend his father should he be publicly
accused ." " Is not the duty we owe to our country
paramount to every other ?" " Yes, but it is good
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for our country herself to have citizens true to their

parents. ” “ If a man aspires to tyrannical power and
attempts to betray his country, shall his son remain
silent ?" " No, he must plead with his father, and
if he fails, he must rebuke and even threaten him,
and finally , if the ruin of his country is imminent, he
must prefer her safety to that of his father. " 91 .
Another question. " If a wise man by an oversight
takes false money for good and discovers his mistake,
is it allowable for him in paying his debts to pass it
off as good ?" Diogenes says " Yes " ; Antipater
" No " ; I prefer the latter view. " If a man had
wine for sale which he knew to be unsound, should
he tell his customers ? " Diogenes thinks it is not
necessary, Antipater mainains that an honest man
should. These are, so to speak, the disputed points
of law among the Stoics. "In selling a slave ought
we to state his defects — I do not mean those defects,
the concealment of which would cancel the transac-
tion according to the civil law-but the disposition
to lie, gamble, steal or tipple ? " Antipater thinks
we should, Diogenes we should not. 92. " If a man
should sell gold by mistake for brass, should an honest
man tell him it is gold , or take for one denarius what
is worth a thousand ?" It should now be clear to

you what are my own views on these problems and

wherein the two philosophers I have named differ
in theirs.
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XXIV. Are bargains and promises always binding

which in the language of the praetors have been made
without force or fraud ? One man gives another a
drug for dropsy, stipulating that if cured , he is never
to use the drug again. The patient recovers , but some
years after he takes the same trouble and cannot obtain
permission from the other to use the drug again .
What should he do ? As it is unfeeling in his friend
to refuse a concession which would cost him nothing,
the invalid is justified in looking to his own life.
and the preservation of his health . 93. A wise man
is to be made heir to a fortune of one hundred million
sesterces ; but the testator requires him before enter-
ing upon the inheritance to dance publicly in the
forum in broad daylight . Rather than lose the
inheritance the wise man has accepted the con-
dition. Is he to keep his promise or not ? I wish
he had never made it ; that, I think, would have
been the dignified course. But since he has given
his word, if he thinks it degrading to dance in
the forum, it will be more honourable for him to
break his promise and renounce the inheritance,
unless he should happen to devote the money
to the relief of his country in some great crisis
when his public spirit would excuse even the act of
dancing. XXV.-94 . No more binding are promises
which are not useful even to those to whom they
have been made. To draw my illustrations once
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more from mythology , Phoebus having promised his

son Phaethon to gratify all his desires, Phaëthon
asked leave to mount his father's chariot ; his wish
was granted, but before the journey ended he was
consumed by a thunder-bolt. How much better
if his father had not kept his promise. Take again
the promise which Theseus exacted from Neptune.
The god having given him the choice of three
things, Theseus desired the death of his son ' Hip-
polytus whom he suspected of incest with his
stepmother ; his desire was granted and Theseus
was plunged in the deepest grief. 95. What shall
we say of Agamemnon who vowed to Diana the
fairest thing that came into being that year within
his realm . There was nothing fairer than Iphigenia
and he sacrificed her. He ought rather to have
broken his promise than committed so foul a crime.
It is our duty therefore in some cases not to fulfil a
promise and in others not to restore what has been
entrusted to our keeping. If some one in his right
mind gave you a sword to keep , and asked it back
when mad, it would be a sin to restore and a
duty not to restore it. If a man who had de-
posited a sum of money with you should make
war on your country, would you restore his deposit ?
I should say no ; you would be acting against the
interests of your country which should be dearer to
you than anything in the world. 96. Thus many
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actions which appear essentially moral, in certain

circumstances completely change their character.
To keep a promise , stand to a bargain, return a
deposit, are acts which cease to be moral when they
lose their expediency. I think I have now said
enough about those acts which, under the mask
of wisdom, appear to be expedient but are really
opposed to justice.
Having in my first book derived all our duties
from the four sources of honour, I shall here follow
the same order in showing how contrary to virtue
are things which have only the semblance of ex-
pediency. I have already spoken of prudence and
of cunning, its counterfeit, and likewise of justice
and its constant attendant, expediency. There
remain therefore two sources of honour, the one of
which manifests itself in greatness and sublimity
of character, and the other in the moulding and
governing of the mind by moderation and self-
command.

XXVI.- 97. To escape from military service it

seemed expedient to Ulysses to feign madness.
Such at least is the account of the tragic poets.
Homer, our best authority, breathes not a word of
suspicion against him. His purpose was not honour-
able, but, it may be said, it was expedient for
Ulysses to remain at Ithaca, and to reign there
and live a peaceful life with his parents and his
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wife and son. What glory, think you, gained in

daily toils and dangers can compare with such
tranquillity ? Tranquillity like that , I tell you, is
mean and contemptible ; as it is not honourable,
it ceases, I think, to be expedient . 98. What
would the world have said of Ulysses, if he had
persevered in his deceit, when despite his glorious
exploits in war, he is thus taunted by Ajax :-
:-
He that contrived the oath, and made us take it,
Was th' only man , himself, you know, that brake it
Playing th' mad, driv'ling fool , under that blind
To sleep in a whole skin , and stay behind :
And the bold cheat had past, without all doubt,
But for sly Palamede that found it out.

99. Believe me, it was better for him to fight with

the foe and battle with the billows, as he did, than
to desert the Greeks who were banded together as
one man to make war on the barbarians. Let us turn

from fables and foreign instances to real events in

our own history. In his second consulate M. Atilius
Regulus was treacherously captured by the forces of
the Lacedaemonian Xanthippus who held command
under Hamilcar, the father of Hannibal. He was
then despatched to our senate and was bound by an
oath to return to Carthage unless he procured the
exchange of certain Punic prisoners of high rank.
When he came to Rome, it was apparently his interest
to remain in his own country, to live at home with
his wife and children, and to maintain his consular
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rank, regarding the reverse he had suffered as the

common fortune of war ; but, as the event proves, he
considered the expediency of such a course illusory.
Who denies that these are great advantages ? No
one, think you ? XXVII.- 100. Yes, magnanimity
and fortitude ; surely you do not want more weighty
authorities ? For it is the peculiar function of these
virtues to fear nothing, to scorn all the accidents of
fortune, and to think nothing insupportable that can
happen to man. What then did he do ? He came
into the senate, explained the object of his mission,
but refused to express his opinion, holding that his
rights as a senator were suspended so long as he was
bound by the oath sworn to his enemies. More than

that—but some one may say, " What a fool to quarrel

with his own interests ! "-he denied the expediency
of restoring the prisoners, a body of gallant young
officers in exchange for a decrepit old man. His force

of character triumphed , the prisoners were retained,

and he returned to Carthage ; love of country and
love of kin could not hold him. Yet he well knew

he was going to meet a cruel enemy and exquisite

tortures. But he respected the sanctity of his oath,
happier far in the agonies of sleeplessness with which
he was tortured to death than if he had grown old at
home, a runaway prisoner of war, a perjured consul.
101. " Still he acted like a fool in proposing that the
prisoners should not be restored and actually dissuad-
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ing his countrymen from restoring them." In what

sense like a fool if his policy was advantageous to his
country ? Can that which is disadvantageous to the
state be profitable to any citizen ? XXVIII.- To
sever expediency from honour is to overthrow the
foundations of nature. We all strive after self-interest

and are hurried towards it by an irresistible impulse.

Is there any one who flees from his own interest, or
rather does not pursue it with the greatest ardour ?
But as we can find it only in what is praiseworthy,
decorous, and honourable, we consider these qualities
the first and highest blessings, and expediency not so
much an ornament as a necessary principle of life. 102.
It may be said, " After all, what is there in an oath ?
Do we really fear the wrath of Jove ? No, all schools
of philosophy, whether they maintain that God does
nothing and troubles no one, or that He is ever work-
ing and toiling, agree in the opinion that He is never
angry and harms no one. Besides, what greater evil
could the wrath of Jove have inflicted on Regulus
than he brought upon himself? The fear of the gods,
then, had not the power to annul so great an advan-
tage. Or did he fear to act basely ? In the first
place, "of two evils we should choose the least ".
Surely there is not so much evil in the baseness you
speak of as in the tortures he had to endure. Well
might he have used the words of Accius : ' Hast
thou broken thy word ? To a faithless man I neither
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have given nor do give it ' —a noble sentiment though

uttered by an accursed tyrant. " 103. These critics
further say that as we maintain that some things seem

expedient which are not, so they maintain that some

things seem honourable which are not : " for example,
this very act of giving oneself up to certain torture in
order to keep an oath is apparently honourable but is
really not honourable, because an oath extorted by an
enemy was not binding ". They add that whatever is
highly expedient thereby becomes honourable, even
though it did not seem honourable before. These are
substantially the arguments against Regulus. Let us
examine them in detail.
XXIX. 104. " There was nothing to fear from
Jupiter. He is wont neither to be wroth nor to do
harm ." This argument is just as valid against any
oath as against that of Regulus ; and in the case of
an oath we should think of its significance rather
than its terrors. An oath is in fact a solemn affirma-
tion : now what we positively promise, as if taking
Heaven to witness, that we must keep . If that is
true, the question does not concern the wrath of the
gods (for there is no such thing), but the obligations
ofjustice and honour. You may remember the noble
words of Ennius :-

O holy Faith! the tie o ' th' gods ;

And fit to have thy mansion in their blest abodes.

He who violates his oath , violates the goddess of

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Honour to whom, as we learn from a speech of

Cato's, our ancestors assigned a place on the Capitol
near Jove, the Best, the Greatest. 105. " Besides,
even the wrath of Jove could not have done greater
harm to Regulus than he brought upon himself. ”
Quite so, ifpain were the only evil. But philosophers
of the highest authority assert , that, far from being
the greatest evil, it is no evil at all . In support of
their doctrine we have in Regulus no mean witness,
nay, I take it, a witness of great weight, whose
testimony I pray you not to challenge. Can we
desire a stronger witness than an eminent Roman,
who, to be true to his duty, voluntarily submitted
to torture ? As to the argument, " the least of evils,"
in other words, dishonour before misfortune, I ask
you, is there any greater evil than dishonour ? If we
are shocked by bodily deformity, what must we think
of the hideous deformity of a depraved mind ? 106.
Our more rigorous moralists, therefore, go so far as
to assert that dishonour is the only evil ; while the
more indulgent do not shrink from calling it the
greatest evil of all. As to the sentiment, " I have
neither given, nor do I give, my faith to a faithless
man," it was properly expressed by the poet because
he had to accommodate his language to the character
of Atreus . But if our friends assume that a promise
pledged to the faithless is null and void, I am afraid
they are merely seeking to screen their own perjury .
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107. Even war has its laws and it is often our duty
to keep an oath sworn to an enemy. An oath is
binding if in taking it we fully realise and admit our
responsibility ; otherwise , it is no perjury to break it.
Thus you could refuse a pirate the price fixed for your
ransom . Here it would be no crime even to break an
oath. A pirate is not recognised as a public enemy,
he is the common foe of all men. With him we can

have no promises, no oaths that are mutually bind-

ing. 108. Perjury does not consist in swearing
falsely but in not fulfilling what you have sworn
upon soul and conscience, as our formula expresses
it. Euripides has cleverly said : " I swore with my
tongue, not with my heart ". Regulus had no right
to violate by perjury an agreement concluded in
time of war with a regular and accredited ememy.
With such an enemy we have in common the whole
fetial law and many mutual obligations. Were it
not so, the senate would never have given up to the
enemy in chains so many distinguished men. XXX.—
109. T. Veturius and P. Postumius in their second
consulate were delivered up to the Samnites, because
after the reverse at Caudium they had suffered our
legions to pass under the yoke and had concluded
peace without the authority of the people and the
senate. In order to annul the treaty with the
Samnites we surrendered at the same time Ti.
Numicius and Q. Maelius, the tribunes of the people,
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by whose advice peace had been concluded ; and

the resolution was actually proposed and advocated
by Postumius who was himself to be surrendered .
Many years later his example was followed by C.
Mancinus who had made a treaty with the Numan-
tines without warrant from the senate. With a view

to his own surrender he spoke in favour of the bill

which L. Furius and Sextus Atilius submitted to the
people in pursuance of a decree of the senate : the
bill was passed and he was given up to the enemy.
Macinus acted more honourably than Q. Pompeius
who in similar circumstances procured by his en-
treaties the rejection of the law. In his case apparent
expediency triumphed over honour, in the others
honour eclipsed the false show of expediency.
110. " But an oath extorted by force should
not have been fulfilled." As if a man of courage
could be forced . 66 Why, then, did he come to the
senate, especially as he intended to oppose the

restitution of the prisoners ? " That is to make a

fault of his chief merit . Not content with forming
a decision in his own mind, he pressed it on the
senate which, but for his powerful influence, would
doubtless have restored the prisoners to the Cartha-
ginians ; and Regulus would then have remained in
safety in his native land . But, as such a course did
not seem advantageous to his country, he believed
that honour required him to declare his conviction
184
 CICERO

and go to meet his fate. As to their assertion, that

what is highly expedient thereby becomes honour-

able, they should rather have said, it is, not becomes ,
honourable. For nothing is expedient that is not
at the same time honourable , nor honourable be-
cause it is expedient ; it is expedient because it is
honourable . Among all the instances of heroism
with which our history abounds it would be difficult
to point to one more remarkable or more worthy of
praise than the conduct of Regulus.
XXXI. — 111 . Of all his claims to glory, that which
alone commands our admiration is his voting for the
detention of the prisoners. It seems remarkable to
us now that he returned to Carthage ; in those
days he could not have done otherwise. The credit
therefore belongs to the age and not to the man.
For our forefathers regarded an oath as the strictest
possible obligation. We have proof of this in the
laws of the Twelve Tables , in the " sacred " laws,
in treaties which oblige us to act honourably even
towards an enemy, and in the investigations and
awards of the censors who were never so scrupu-

lous as when they gave judgment concerning an oath .

112. M. Pomponius, a tribune of the people, im-
peached the dictator L. Manlius, the son of Aulus,
for having exceeded his term of office by several
days, and further charged him with banishing from
society his son Titus, afterwards surnamed Torquatus,
185
 CICERO

and ordering him to live in the country. When the

young lad heard that his father was in trouble, he
hurried to Rome, we are told, and went at daybreak
to the house of Pomponius. His visit was announced,
and the tribune, supposing that he had come in anger
with some fresh charge against his father, rose from
his bed and admitted the youth to a private inter-
view. The moment he entered he drew his sword
and swore that he would kill the tribune on the spot
if he did not promise on his word of honour not to
accuse his father. Pomponius in terror gave his

oath he then reported the matter to the people,

explained to them why he was compelled to drop the
prosecution, and left Manlius unmolested . Such was
the power of an oath in those days. This is the
same T. Manlius who, challenged by a Gaul on the
banks of the Anio, slew his enemy, stripped him of
his collar, and thus gained his surname . In his third
consulate he completely routed the Latins at Veseris.
He was truly a great man, and he showed himself
as inexorable to his son as he had been indulgent to
his father.
XXXII. 113. If we are to praise Regulus for
fulfilling his oath, we must for the same reason
condemn the ten Romans who were sent by Han-
nibal after the battle of Cannae to negotiate with
the senate an exchange of prisoners, if they really
broke the oath they had taken to return in case
186
 CICERO

of failure to the camp held by the Carthaginians.

Historians, however, are not agreed as to the

facts . Polybius, a high authority, tells us that nine

of the ten noble envoys came back unsuccessful,
and that only one remained at Rome. This man
satisfied his conscience by returning to the camp just
after leaving it, on the plea that he had forgotten
something. He was wrong ; deceit aggravates, does
not undo perjury. This was only a foolish trick,
a perverse imitation of prudence. The senate
therefore decreed that the cunning rogue should be
taken in chains to Hannibal. 114. The most im-
portant point was this : the eight thousand prisoners
in the hands of Hannibal had not been taken in
battle nor had they fled in fear of death but had
been left in the camp by the consuls Paulus and
Varro. The senate, however, refused to ransom
them, though it could have been done at small
expense ; they wished to impress on our soldiers
that they must conquer or die. Polybius adds
that Hannibal's courage failed when he heard
the tidings and saw that even amid disaster the
Roman senate and people showed so lofty a spirit .
Thus does honour triumph in the conflict with
seeming expediency. 115. C. Acilius on the other
hand, who wrote a history of Rome in Greek, affirms
that not one but several of the prisoners returned to
the camp to release themselves from their oath by
187
 CICERO

the same dishonest means and that they were

branded by the censors with every mark of shame.
But enough on this point. It is clear that mean and
cowardly actions, such as that of Regulus would
have been, if in dealing with the prisoners he had
put his own interest before that of his country or
preferred to remain at home , it is clear , I say, that
actions that betoken a crushed and craven spirit are
not expedient because they are criminal, shameful,
dishonourable.
XXXIII . — 116. I have still to deal with my fourth
division, which comprises decorum, moderation, self-
control, sobriety and temperance . Surely nothing
can be expedient that is opposed to this galaxy of
virtues ? Yet the disciples of Aristippus who are

known as the Cyrenaics and the philosophers whom

we call Annicerians find in pleasure the only good and
maintain that virtue is praiseworthy only because it is
productive of pleasure . These philosophers are now
neglected, but Epicurus, the founder and champion
of a similar system, is still a living force. Against
such enemies we must fight with " horse and foot,"
as the saying is, if we are determined to defend and
maintain the honourable. 117. For if Metrodorus is
right in asserting that all our interests and all our
happiness may be reduced to the possession of a
sound constitution and the certainty of keeping it,
this sovereign expediency, as they consider it, will
188
 CICERO

assuredly be opposed to honour. Now, I ask you

first, what place can prudence have in his system ?
Will she have to hunt for sweet things on every
side ? A sorry plight indeed for virtue to be the
slave of pleasure ! What then is to be the function
of prudence ? The judicious choice of pleasures ?
Grant that there is nothing so delightful, can we
imagine anything more degrading ? Again in a system
which looks upon pain as the greatest evil, what room
will there be for fortitude, which is but another name
for indifference to pain and hardship ? For though
Epicurus in many passages actually speaks out rather
bravely on the subject of pain, we should not think
of what he says but of what it is consistent for him
to say after making pleasure the greatest good,
and pain the greatest evil. It would be interest-
ing to hear him on self-command and temperance ;
he has indeed many scattered remarks on the subject,
but, as the proverb has it, "they don't hold water ".
What right has he to praise temperance when he
finds the highest good in pleasure ? For temperance
is the enemy of the passions , and the passions are
hounds upon the track of pleasure. 118. With these
three virtues they manage to shuffle with considerable
skill. They represent prudence as the science of
providing pleasure and keeping away pain. Fortitude
they despatch in a summary way, saying it is the
means of despising death and enduring pain . With
189
 CICERO

temperance they have their own troubles , but they

get out of the difficulty by saying there is no higher
pleasure than exemption from pain. As for justice
and all the social virtues, they totter or rather lie
prostrate. Kindness, liberality, courtesy, even friend-
ship, disappear if not cultivated for their own sake,
but tried by the standard of pleasure or utility.
Let us sum up in a few words . 119. As I have

shown that expediency is worthless if opposed to

honour, so I maintain that pleasure and honour are
incompatible. I therefore think that Callipho and
Dinomachus deserve the greater censure for supposing
they could settle the controversy by coupling pleasure
with honour. As well couple man and beast. Honour
will not suffer such a union, she spurns and rejects it.
The sovereign good, which must be simple, cannot
be compounded of contradictory qualities. 120. But
the question is a large one and I have discussed it
at length in another place. To return to my sub-
ject, I have already shown pretty fully the means of
settling possible conflicts between false expediency
and honour. If it is asserted that even pleasure has
some colour of expediency, I reply that it can
have nothing in common with honour. If we must

make some concession to pleasure, I will admit that

it is perhaps a sort of seasoning to life but never
that it has any real expediency.
121. The gift I now send you , dear Marcus, is,
190
 CICERO

in my opinion, a valuable one ; for you its worth will

depend on the spirit in which you receive it. You
will at least admit these three books as guests
among the notes of Cratippus . Had I not been
recalled in unmistakable tones by my country
when on my way to Athens, you would sometimes
have heard me as well as your master. I would

therefore ask you to give all the time you can to

these volumes which like a messenger convey my
words to you ; your time is in your own hands .
If I find you take pleasure in this branch of know-
ledge, I shall speak to you of it soon, I hope, in
person ; till then, in writing. Farewell, my dear
son ; be assured of my love : but I will love you
still more if you take delight in these lessons and
precepts.

191
ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY PRESS
A CATALOGUE OF BOOKS

PUBLISHED BY METHUEN

AND COMPANY: LONDON

36 ESSEX STREET

W.C.

CONTENTS
PAGE PAGE
General Literature, 2-22 Little Galleries, 28
Ancient Cities, 22 Little Guides, . 28
Antiquary's Books, 22 Little Library , 29

w88
Arden Shakespeare 23 Little Quarto Shakespeare , 30
Beginner's Books, . 23 Miniature Library, • 30
w
w
w
Business Books , 23 Oxford Biographies,
Byzantine Texts, 24 School Examination Series ,
Churchman's Bible, 24 School Histories , .
Churchman's Library, 24 Simplified French Texts , •
Classical Translations , 24 Standard Library, . •
2225

Classics of Art, 24 Textbooks of Science , ·

Commercial Series, Textbooks of Technology,
Connoisseur's Library, Handbooks of Theology,
Illustrated Pocket Library of Westminster Commentaries, 32
Plain and Coloured Books, 25
Junior Examination Series, 26
Junior School- Books, • 27 Fiction , 33-39
Leaders of Religion , 27 Books for Boys and Girls, 39
Library of Devotion , 27 Novels of Alexandre Dumas, 39
Little Books on Art, 28 Methuen's Sixpenny Books , 39

OCTOBER 1908
 A CATALOGUE OF

MESSRS. METHUEN'S

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have early information , and specimen copies of any books will be sent on
receipt ofthe published price plus postage for net books, and of the published
price for ordinary books.
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 GENERAL LITERATURE 23

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 24 MESSRS. METHUEN'S CATALOGUE

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[Continued.
26 MESSRS. METHUEN'S CATALOGUE

ILLUSTRATED POCKET LIBRARY OF PLAIN And Coloured BOOKS-continued.

THE DANCE OF LIFE : A Poem. Bythe Author GAMONIA or the Art of Preserving Game ;
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[Continued,
28 MESSRS. METHUEN'S CATALOGUE

THE LIBRARY OF DEVOTION- continued.

THE DEVOTIONS OF ST. ANSELM. Edited by MANCHESTER AL MONDO : a Contemplation
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byE. C. Gregory. Canon Scott Holland.
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 GENERAL LITERATURE 29

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[Continued.
30 MESSRS . METHUEN'S CATALOGUE

THE LITTLE LIBRARY-continued.

Lamb (Charles). ELIA, AND THE Tennyson (Alfred, Lord). THE EARLY
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8
1137
1
7

7
9
9
1

F/
T JUN 2 1997
N
28D MAR - 8 1997 U
J

280 APR 3 0 1997

28D MAY 2 8 1997