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have become noticeable (McCormick 2018; Ogunnubi and Sheriff 2022). Amidst these, the
government and leadership of a country have the primary responsibilities to articulate, interpret
and implement foreign policy in cooperation, competition and sometimes in conflicts with
other actors.
In Nigeria, the objectives of external relations have remained basically consistent, while the
interpretation and style of implementation of the principles of its foreign policy has continued to
vacillate, reflecting the contents and idiosyncratic orientation of the leadership at a particular time
and context. Among other things, foreign policy actions and reactions of the Nigerian government
have been shaped by a constellation of internal forces, including ethnic/clannish background,
level of training, mental development and psychological stability as well as the paradigmatic
orientation of leaders. Furthermore, the country’s external relations, friends and allies, have been
driven by various factors, including the form and structure of government, international political
and economic dynamics, domestic politics, and the national economic and military prowess at a
given time (Imobighe and Ali 2012; Olusanya and Akindele 1990; Boge 2017).
Since political independence in 1960, the conduct of Nigeria’s external relations has been
shaped and hampered by several domestic factors including its colonial history and proclivities
which instituted discord among ethnic nationalities, growing a population that is characterised by
low human mobilization and utilization, and a prostrate economic structure with unproductive
tendencies. Others include governance deficits and poor management of diversity, a total disregard
of public opinion and national values, poor appreciation and articulation of the national interest,
ethnic and religious diversity that have been manipulated by the political elites to foster mutual
distrust, bestial intolerance and ethnocentrism, which is also a product of a personality cult that
leverages on prebendalism, ethnic and religious agenda for self-perpetuation in public offices
(Isike and Olasupo 2022; Omotola and Alumona 2016; Okolie 2006; Osaghae 2011; Oyewole
and Omotola 2023; Nnoli 2011). More recently, such inhibiting factors include growing poverty,
inequalities, and insecurity from bandit and terrorist groups such as Boko Haram and Fulani
herders (Ogunnubi et al. 2017; Ojo et al. 2024; Oriola et al. 2022). These factors combine to
shape, determine, and impinge on Nigeria’s foreign policy and behaviours (Amusan 2018; Asogwa
2009; Campbell 2010; Oshewolo 2021).
Despite the foregoing, many variables, such as ethno-regional and religious forces, with
profound impacts on the conduct of Nigeria’s foreign policy have received inadequate research
attention. Considering this gap in the literature, this article seeks to explore the salience of ethnicity
and religion as key factors that not only shape and undermine Nigeria’s national integration and
nation-building, but also drive the country’s external behaviour. With secondary sources, this study
uses a qualitative approach and content analysis of ethno-regional and religious variables of Nigeria’s
foreign policy through the lens of realism, rational choice, linkage, pluralism, identity and critical
(Marxism, dependency and Afrocentric) theories. It is expected that the findings of this study
will advance knowledge on the international dimension of ethno-regional and religious politics
in Nigeria, as drivers of foreign policy decisions. They will also contribute to the understanding

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of the forces behind conservative, ad hoc, reactive and (in)consistency in foreign policy stances
in plural African and other developing countries.

Theoretical debates on ethno-regional and religious drivers of foreign policy

Foreign policy is the means by which a sovereign nation interacts with other sovereign nations
and non-state actors outside its borders (Milner and Tingley 2015). It can be described as the
articulated, formulated and implemented actions and inactions of a state to advance national
interest in international arena. It is operationalised as the totality of state behaviours, their
means and ends in relations to other (state and non-state) entities in international affairs. Hence,
many assumptions, theories and perspectives have been developed to explain how states behave
internationally, and why. Accordingly, there are many theories that can help explain and understand
the role of ethnic, regional and religious drivers of Nigeria’s foreign policy.
In realism, foreign policy is a collection of rational decisions made by a state based on an
enduring desire for survival, competition for power and anarchical structure or arrangement
of power in the international system (Starr 2006; Booth 2011; Hudson 2014). Accordingly,
rational-choice theory considers foreign policy as carefully examined decisions made by the leadership
of a country with the goal of maximising accruable benefits at minimum cost (Holsti 2006;
Brown 2015). In this manner, both realism and rational-choice theory ignore the importance of
domestic factors in shaping, determining, formulating and implementing a state’s foreign policy. A
state and its leadership are erroneously considered to be autonomous decision-making machines,
which are hardly influenced by sub-national, less/irrational issues, such as ethno-religious forces
in making foreign policy decisions and conducting international affairs. Thus, these Eurocentric
theories ignore the realities of post-colonial states, where the legitimacy and effectiveness of the
state and leadership rationality are in question.
In contrast, many critical theories of foreign policy have emerged. For instance, Marxism sees
the state as a mere committee of the bourgeoisie and the oppressive tool against the proletarians,
making foreign policy the international advancement of capitalist interests (Marx 1976; Barrow
1993). The dependency theory emphasises the colonial imposition of Western state systems in
non-western societies, and how continuous exploitation of such periphery system by the core
creates a subservient foreign policy in post-colonial states (Amin 1976; Nkrumah 1965). As
such, Marxism encourages international class consciousness for proletarian unity across nations
in revolution against capitalism; while moderate dependency scholars advocated for cooperation
and collective bargaining of the developing countries, their radical peers recommended delinkage
from the exploitative colonial international order (Amin 1976; Frank 1978; Wallerstein 1979).
Amidst these, Afrocentrism has questioned the indiscriminate partitioning and imposition of
Western state systems in Africa, and call for pan-Africanist foreign policy based on unifying
regional identity and destiny, and the spirit of brotherhood, cooperation, consensus, collectivism,

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integration, and diaspora engagements (Adebajo 2010; Amusan and Oyewole 2017; Falola and
Esseien 2014; Isike and Schoeman 2023; Madise and Isike 2020).
These critical theories provide unique perspectives on the nature and complexity of African
post-colonial states and the forces behind their foreign policy, revealing the class, metropolis,
and Africanist interests. However, these perspectives are inadequate in understanding the place of
ethno-regional and religious identities in foreign policy. Marxism reduced identity to class, ethnicity
to a political tool, and religion to opium of the people, as it underestimates ethno-religious forces
in foreign policy. Equally, dependency theorists are too preoccupied with the exploitative dictates
of the external forces and their collaborating internal petti-bourgeoisie, ignoring identity politics
in foreign policy. Afrocentric perspective tends to overemphasise the place of regional identity,
cooperation, brotherhood, unity, and integration in the foreign policy of African states at the
expense of ethno-religious forces and the realities of their diversity at subnational, national, and
transnational levels and the associated competition and conflicts. Beyond the critical reductionism,
however, some of these gaps are considerably addressed by the emerging African realism perspectives,
which acknowledged the patrimonial nature of African state and the multiplicity of actors that
are involved in Africa’s international relations and their diverse characters and interests (Mazrui
2019; Henderson 2015; Oyewole 2024).
Pluralism and identity theories are equally relevant to the understanding of foreign policy.
Pluralism views foreign policy as a product of complex domestic politics, which involves multiple
actors and interests within and outside the government (Milner and Tingley 2015; Cantir and
Kaarbo 2016). While the bureaucratic school is government restrictive (Halperin, 2007), most
liberal pluralists have considered the role of non-government actors such as civil society groups
and private individuals and organisations in foreign policy, with evidence drawn mostly from
the Western democracies (Brighi 2013; McCormick 2018; Milner and Tingley 2015). Identity
theory has refined this perspective to accommodate the relevance of primordial groups in foreign
policy, drawing from the experiences of racial groups in the USA and ethno-religious publics in
many developing countries (Heywood et al. 2015; Ogunnubi and Sheriff 2022). These theories
assume that foreign policy is born out of prevailing interests among competing actors (formal or
informal) in the domestic public of a state. This allows us to see through the lens of the influence
of ethnic, regional, and religious motivated actors and interests in foreign policy processes. Beyond
the domestic realm, identity politics has been internationalised with the assumption that peoples
and nations are bound to align, cooperate, compete and conflict based on common or differences
in identity (Huntington 1996).
Although pluralism allows us to x-ray ethnic, regional, and religious forces in foreign policy
and international relations, it has been criticised for its tendency to assume that a specific actor
or interest determine or influence policy decision based on an alignment of objectives and not
necessarily based on hard evidence of such connection. However, this makes the theory more
suitable to explore un/under-stated interests and shadow actors in foreign policy processes.
Similarly, identity theory has been criticised for overemphasising the role of identity in foreign

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affairs, complexity and sometimes arbitrariness in definition and demarcation of identities, and
conflict-predictive orientation. Yet, it allows us to appreciate the rising importance of identity in
post-Cold War international relations.
Linkage theory offers a broader and complimentary perspective on the subject matter. Building
on the notion of two levels of international relations, it assumes that internal and external
environments and affairs are connected (Brighi 2013; Mintz and De Rouen 2010). It explores the
influence of domestic public and forces on foreign affairs, and the vice versa. Although linkage
theory does not specify forces, issues, actors, and interests to prioritise in any assessment of the
interphase of domestic and external affairs, it’s combination with the realism, rational-choice,
critical, plural, and identity theories is relevant to streamline the subject matter.
Against this background, a combination of theoretical perspectives may be the best option
to adequately understand the place of ethno-regional and religious forces in foreign policy.
A combination of linkage theory, pluralism and identity allows us to assess the influence or impact
of domestic forces such as ethnic, religious and regional actors on foreign policy and international
affairs (Brighi 2013; Hudson 2014; Isike and Isike 2022; Mintz and De Rouen 2010; Starr 2006).
Yet, realism and rational-choice theory provide relevant bases to question and interrogate the
strength of ethno-regional and religious forces in foreign policy decisions. Moreover, the critical
theories help to understand the nature of the Nigerian state and the general framework that produce
foreign policy in Nigeria. Accordingly, analysis of cases in this study explores possible rationales
for foreign policy decisions and their alignment with plural and identity theories or alternative
perspectives. It is against this background that this article proceeds to understand identities and
related politics in Nigeria, and their implication on the foreign policy of the country.

Ethno-regional and religious Profile of Nigeria

Nigeria is the most populous African country, with over 200 million people, and one of the largest
economies on the continent. It is a plural state with diverse cultures, ethnic groups, languages,
religions, and institutional structures. Although Osaghae and Suberu (2005) observed that the
total number of ethnic groups in Nigeria is unknown, studies show a range between 250 and 500
ethnic groupings (Otite 1990; Okpanachi 2012; Adenuga et al. 2023). The seven largest ethnic
groups in Nigeria collectively accounted for 88% of the population: Hausa-Fulani 29%, Yoruba
21%, Igbo 18%, Ijaw 10%, Kanuri 4%, Ibibio 3.5%, and Tiv 2.5% 1. With demographic and
geographical advantages, the Hausa-Fulani, Yoruba, and Igbo emerged as the dominant ethnic
groups in national politics. Nigeria is also a home to numerous faiths, with different denominations
of Christianity, Islam and Traditional African Religions.

1 “The effect of Ethno-Religious Conflict as Catalyst for Terrorism among the Hausa Fulani people in Adamawa State of Northeast,Nigeria.”

Course Hero, March 11, 2023. Accessed: March 20, 2024. https://www.coursehero.com/file/217458857/The-effect-of-Ethno-Religious-
Conflict-as-Catalyst-for-Terrorism-among-the-Hausa-Fulani-people-in-Ad/

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Prior to the colonial order that established modern day Nigeria, different ethnic and religious
groups lived in various pre-colonial state systems, which were in different stages of political and
economic development, with complex interactions that were marked by cooperation, competition,
and conflicts. Following the annexation of Lagos in 1861 and the subsequent conquest of the
precolonial states, Britain unified its Southern and Northern protectorates and named it Nigeria
(Ikime 1980; Falola and Heaton 2018). For administrative convenience of the colonial government,
however, the Richard Constitution of 1946 recognised the diversity of Nigeria and introduced a
regional system, which was inextricably tied to the three major ethnic groups, namely Hausa-Fulani
dominated Northern region, Yoruba-dominated Western region, and Igbo-dominated Eastern
region. Moreover, the North was allowed to preserve its religion and tradition, while the South
was compelled to embrace Christianity and Western education. These and other divisive colonial
policies frustrated the idea of a united national identity and Nigerian nationalism, as regional
boundaries strengthened primordial divisions and converted identities into instruments of political
power in ways that reinforced stress ethnic nationalism and regional politics (Nnoli 2008; 2011;
Isike and Olasupo 2022).
Indeed, as Isike and Olasupo (2022) argue, the state in Africa is an alien imposition, not
only in terms of its origin but also in terms of its essence which was to further the colonial
exploitation of Africa and its people. This colonial interruption of state formation processes in
Africa negatively affected organic state formation in the continent, with consequences for good
governance, belonging, and nation-building. In the Nigerian case as with others, apart from the
absence of a social contract forged between state and citizens, the state that was imposed through
colonialism was patrimonial and prebendal in nature. They were weak in institutional capacity
to transcend the private realm and primordial public of those in power to project collective
development and security aspirations of the peoples (Ekeh 1975; Mamdani 1996). Quite logically,
diverse groups in colonial and postcolonial Nigeria have interacted, including in competition for
power and wealth of the nation, based on ethnic, religious, and regional identities (Nnoli 2008;
Osaghae and Suberu 2005; Salawu and Hassan 2011). Political parties and their contestation for
power during the first and second republics were modelled along ethno-regional and religious
lines. The desire for radical change in the polity encouraged a culture of military interventions
and the militarisation of politics. The efforts to deemphasise regional politics through state
creation further created multiple minority questions and unending ethno-centric demand for
autonomy. Despite numerous efforts to address the ethno-centric nature of the politics, which have
undermined democracy and development in the country, the patrimonial nature of the state and
prebendal dimension of the politics have frustrated them (Okolie 2006; Osaghae 2011; Omotola
and Alumona 2016; Nnoli 2011).
As postcolonial power and resistance bear the hallmark of identity politics, ethnicity and
other identities have become a major driver of conflicts across Nigeria. In the first three decade of
independence, the Tiv conflict, the aborted secessionist riots in Northern region and Niger Delta,
and the civil war with the Eastern Region (Biafra), and a series of Islamist uprisings are some

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of the earliest indicators of ethno-regional and religious armed conflicts in postcolonial Nigeria
(Osaghae 2011; Osaghae and Suberu 2005; Nnoli 2008; 2011). More alarming, the three years’
civil war claimed the lives of over two million in the country. Recently, therefore, Nigeria was
reported to have recorded no fewer than 2811 incidences of ethnic conflict with 18,132 fatalities,
3703 incidences of religious conflict with 29,957 fatalities, and 117 incidences of ethno-religious
conflict with 2420 fatalities between 1999 and 2021 (Adenuga et al. 2023). In addition, the Niger
Delta militant groups, Boko Haram and its numerous affiliates, and armed bandits have exploited
ethnic, religious, and regional identities in development of their mobilisation capacities for terror
campaign in Nigeria and beyond (Campbell 2010; Ojo et al. 2024; Omotola and Alumona 2016;
Oriola et al. 2021). These among others necessitate the effort to reexamine the Nigeria’s foreign
policy and its ethno-regional and religious drivers.

Nigeria’s foreign policy and its determinants

At independence, the Nigerian state inherited and subsequently sustained a colonial state
structure bequeathed to it by Britain. This development was to shape the socio-political cum
economic dynamics and realities in Nigeria including the determinants and contents of its external
relations. The capacity and capability of the nascent Nigerian government under Tafawa Balewa
(1960-1966) in foreign policy responsibilities were restricted from inception by inexperience, lack
of precedent, institutional problems, a weak operating environment, and a scarcity of foreign policy
professionals (Olusanyan and Akindele 1986; Shaw and Aluko 1983). Despite the challenges, the
Balewa administration in 1960 articulated the following “broad concepts” of Nigerian foreign
policy: (1) Promotion of Nigeria’s national interest and world peace, (2) Adherence to the policy
of neutrality and non-alignment, (3) Respect for all nations’ sovereign equality, (4) Promotion of
international friendship and cooperation, (5) Adherence to the principles of non-interference and
non-aggression in other countries, (6) Promotion of Africa’s rapid decolonisation, (7) Adherence
to the policy of neutrality and non-alignment, (8) Support for a free and democratic world,
(9) Promotion and support of cooperation and integration among African states (Asogwa 2009).
These objectives reflect elements of realism, liberalism, critical post-colonialism, and Afrocentrism
on foreign policy.
Since independence, Nigeria’s foreign policy has been defined by a focus on Africa and
adherence to many other core ideals, such as African unity and independence; peaceful resolution
of conflicts; non-alignment and non-interference in other countries’ internal affairs and regional
economic cooperation and growth (Amusan 2018; Asogwa 2009; Okolie 2009). Section 19 of
the Nigerian 1999 Constitution summed up the foreign policy objectives of the country as
“(a) promotion and protection of the national interest; (b) promotion of African integration and
support for African unity; (c) promotion of international co-operation for the consolidation of
universal peace and mutual respect among all nations and elimination of discrimination in all

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its manifestations; (d) respect for international law and treaty obligations as well as the seeking
of settlement of international disputes by negotiation, mediation, conciliation, arbitration and
adjudication; and (e) promotion of a just world economic order” (Federal Republic of Nigeria
1999). These show that Nigeria has retain some levels of consistency in foreign policy objectives,
which reflect elements of realism, liberalism, post-colonialism, and Afrocentrism. Notably, however,
these objectives entail some ambiguities, such as what constitute national interest, which the
leadership has the responsibility to define at any given time and determine compatible nature,
conception or levels of African integration and unity, international law, cooperation, peace and
respect, and just word economic order.
Overall, Nigeria’s foreign policy has been influenced by the interplay of the domestic and
external variables (Adeniji 2000; Imobighe and Ali 2012). Locally, the machinery of the state is
central to foreign policy, as the executive arm of government define the foreign policy, while the
legislature performs oversight function, and the judiciary is most visible in matters of international
law and obligations. Amidst these, the presidency dominates foreign policy matters with varying
degrees of visibility for bureaucrats in Ministry of Foreign Affairs as well as their counterparts in
Defence, Finance, Petroleum Resources, Agriculture, Science and Technologies, Transportations,
among others, across administrations (Olusanya and Akindele 1990; Imobighe and Ali 2012).
For instance, the Ministry of Finance together with Foreign Affairs played major role in Nigeria’s
economic diplomacy and negotiation of debt forgiveness and repayment between 1999 and 2007.
Similarly, the Ministry of Defence was at the forefront of Nigeria’s foreign policy in soliciting
military aid during the civil war (1967-1970) and at the peak of the war against Boko Haram
(2013-2018). These have produced bureaucratic politics, where different department compete
to shape what turn out to be the country’s foreign policy positions on matters that affect their
interests. Recently, while Ministry of Foreign Affairs was still working on diplomatic solutions,
the Ministry of Defence was already drawing a war plan to enforce Nigeria-led ECOWAS desire to
restore democracy back to Niger Republic after the 2023 military coup (Oyewole 2023). Similar
bureaucratic politics can be observed in the earlier decisions of Nigeria to deploy troops to Liberia
in the 1990s and the Gambia in 2016. In cases where the President is active in foreign affairs,
such as during Obasanjo (1999-2007), or interested in specific matter, the role of technocrats is
often relegated to the background.
Beyond governmental institutions, civil society groups, private corporations and individuals
have also shaped the Nigeria’s foreign policy. Several pressure groups were involved in the campaign
against the planned Nigeria-led ECOWAS military operation against Niger junta in 2023.
Multinational Oil Companies in Nigeria have equally shaped the country’s foreign policy toward
their home state, given the decades of overreliance on oil and gas rent for the economic survival
of the nation. Recently, the entertainment industry, mega churches, and the academics have also
become a subject of Nigeria’s foreign policy with their contributions to the country’s soft power
credentials (Tella 2021; Ogunnubi and Oyewole 2020). Generally, public opinion and public
diplomacy are also notable in Nigeria’s foreign policy (Oshewolo 2021). Nigeria-South African

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relations, and particularly response to xenophobia attacks against foreigners in the latter have been
largely shaped by public opinion and mood of Nigerian at home and in the diaspora (Isike and
Isike 2022). These among other variables shape pluralist perspective of the domestic environment,
where Nigeria’s foreign policy decisions and positions are determined.
From identity and critical perspectives, Nigeria’s foreign policy is shaped by national identity
and values, and nature of the international system. Hence, Nigeria’s geo-political, cultural, and
economic identities explain the Afrocentric posture of the country, and its alignment with the
Global-South in respect for international law and demand for just world economic order. From
a critical point, however, it also explains Nigeria’s colonial heritage and it influences on external
relations. Despite its non-alignment stance immediately after independence, Nigeria’s foreign policy
was largely pro-British/western during the Cold War (Ogunbadejo 1980). Balewa’s government
constantly voted in favour of the West in the United Nations and was reluctant to extend formal
diplomatic relations with the Eastern bloc, as Moscow’s role in Africa and supporters like Nkrumah
in Ghana were viewed with great suspicion (Stremlau 1981). Most importantly, Balewa government
formed Anglo-Nigerian Defence Pact of 1961, which was only aborted due to public pressure.
This foreign policy posture and orientation prevailed until after the Nigerian civil war, when the
Soviet Union’s assistance offered a basis to strengthen relationship with the Eastern bloc. With
some exceptions in 1970s and 1990s, however, Nigeria’s foreign policy remains largely pro-West
orientated. This is recently evident in the pro-Western democratic position of Nigeria and the
ECOWAS for regime change amidst a wave of military coup in the Sahel states, which have
become more pro-Russian.
From realism and critical perspectives, foreign policy is a product of power in international
relations. The manners that Nigeria’s power capabilities, especially population, military and economic
strengths have shaped her foreign policy reflect realism (Adeniji 2000; Imobighe and Ali 2012;
Ogunnubi and Oyewole 2020). However, the colonial integration of Nigeria into global capitalist
system, where she produced primary goods for the metropolis is responsible for what the critical
school refers to as dependent and subservient foreign policy (Amin 1976; Mazrui 2019; Henderson
2015; Wallerstein 1979). Nigeria inherited a neo-colonial commodity structured economy that
thrives solely on export of primary goods, which has tied its foreign policy position to fluctuation
in global price determined in the metropolis. Era of assertiveness and radicalism (independence
from Western influence) in Nigeria’s foreign policy, when it spearheaded the decolonialization
of most African states including Angola, Zimbabwe and South Africa was tied to the oil boom
of 1970s. The sharp decline in oil price in the 1980s and the subsequent fluctuation in price,
even in the last two decades, have plunged the country in debt crisis and crippled her power base
for sustainability of assertive foreign policy position (Babarinde and Wright 2013; Onyeke et al.
2020; Osaghae 2011).
Beyond structural and value system, the leadership still play a major role in foreign policy
of Nigeria like elsewhere. Considering the nature of the state in Africa, foreign policy has
become patrimonial, as personality cult overshadow institutionalism (Henderson 2015). One

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major area where the vestiges of colonialism are still exerting immeasurable impacts is on the
personality, character and orientation of the political leaders. The colonial formation along with
other administrative decisions emphasized ethnic nationalism and religious politics (Ekeh 1975;
Mamdani 1996). As such, the emergent ruling class displayed primordial loyalty to their ethnicity
and religion, instead of to the entire federation (Nnoli 2008; 2011). Because they are immersed
in ethno-religious sentiments, the character and personality of the leaders reflect this reality.
Like the wider public policy, foreign policy decisions are usually conditioned by the ideological
inclinations and orientations of the leaders (Imobighe and Ali 2012; Okolie 2009; Osaghae
2011). In foreign policy formulation, decision makers often allow their personal backgrounds,
experiences, motivations, learning, values, prejudices, positions, privileges, interpersonal relations,
and perceptions to influence the making and conduct of foreign policy (Okoro 2002, 25). The
ideology of these leaders has tremendous influence on the foreign policies of their states. Hence,
the foreign policy of Nigeria since independence has reflected to a varying degree the characters
of her leaders and their primordial among other orientations.

Ethno-regional and religious drivers of Nigeria’s foreign policymaking

and implementation

Although Nigeria is a secular “democratic” country and should not have ethno-regional and religious
policies that tend to alienate other ethnicities and their faiths, it has in the past taken decisions
which have attracted criticism and placed the stability of the nation on the brink (Campbell
2010; Ojo et al. 2014). The behaviour of the state in foreign policy making and implementation
without internal consultation has always been a sore point. Very often, these policies conflict
with the local customs of Nigerian nationalities not consulted before “Nigeria” entered into many
agreements, such as on “human rights”, gender, and children. However, it is often those agreements
with ethnic and religious dimensions that usually degenerate into serious national issues. This
article further discusses two key factors of religion and ethnicity to underscore how they impact
Nigeria’s foreign policy making and implementation.

Religion

At the point of independence in October 1960, Nigeria was divided into three regions: north,
south, and west, with significant autonomy, including in foreign policy. With a Muslim majority,
the northern region under Ahmadu Bello, whose party gained control of the federal government,
launched an Islamic mission Southward without consideration for the Christians in this and
other regions (Omotoso 1988). According to Okeke (2020), this was not surprising given that
he was the great-grandson of Dandofodio, a pioneer of Islamic propagation by Jihad in 1804.
As a result, religion became a powerful tool in shaping Ahmadu Bello’s foreign policy agenda.

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In 1962, he was the Vice-President to the Organization of World Muslim Leaders (OWML), which
was headed by Saudi Arabia’s king. He later became the Vice President of the Muslim League
when OWML was renamed in 1964 at Madina, and he proclaimed his religious foreign policy
by swearing to devote himself to the propagation of Islam (see Omotoso 1988, Okeke 2020).
Due to his pledge, Islamic countries such as Iran, Iraq, Saudi Arabia, and Libya contributed
books, money, and other gifts to the mission to spread Islam in Nigeria. To demonstrate his
dedication, Ahmadu Bello turned down any aid from Israel in 1962, arguing that such aid was a
ruse to subdue and conquer northern Nigeria (Okeke 2020). In his view, “it is preferable that the
northern region remains poor than to receive any form of support from Yahud of Israel” (Okeke
2020: 112). As a result, religion had a detrimental effect on the country’s overall foreign policy,
as the northern region’s connections with the rest of the world were skewed or imbalanced in
favour of Islamic countries, at the expense of whatever gains may be garnered from the rest of the
world, while the South was pro-Israel and West (Awosusi and Ekpo 2022).
Nigeria’s decision during the military administration of General Ibrahim Badamosi Babangida
in 1986 to join the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and the opposition the Christian
South reflect the religious drivers of the foreign policy. The intention to join the OIC was not
just for religious purpose but for economic reason as well. The membership was intentionally
acquired to enable and ease borrowing from the Islamic Development Bank (IDB). This ostensibly
patriotic action was misinterpreted by Christians because of ethno-regional and religion distrust
and intolerance that has permeated in Nigeria’s polity. Also, the growing disaffection by the Muslim
population that the Federal Government of Nigeria approved the sponsorship of delegates to the
Christian Pilgrimage to Jerusalem made them to pressurize the government to sponsor Muslim
delegates to the annual Islamic Pilgrimage (the Hajj) as well (Bianchi 2004). The inability of the
Nigerian government to remain consistent with the nature of the secular state by separating the
state from church and mosque as is the case in many advanced democracies has been a source
of internal friction, with significant implications on the country’s relations with other nations.
Another example is the 1967 Arab-Israel war, which affected Nigeria’s foreign policy religiously,
as the Nigerian Muslims called for support of the Arab and the severance of all foreign relations
with Israel. Nigerian Christians, as anticipated, opposed such initiatives, causing severe internal
tensions in the country. This is the pattern of Nigeria’s foreign policy towards the Middle East.
One may easily say that Nigeria’s foreign policy with Israel and Arab countries is designed to
satisfy the region’s contradictory interests. Adeyemo (2012, 318) backed up this claim by saying,
“The North was left to support and sympathise with the Arabs and Palestine and had nothing
to do with Israel.” The Israelis, their business companies, and industrial manufacturers, on the
other hand, were welcomed with open arms in the South.
The Biafran/Nigerian war, the thirty-month battle, which lasted from July 6, 1966, to January
15, 1970, had an overt religious undertone. The Christian-controlled Eastern region, Biafra, that
wanted to secede from the rest of Nigeria, was supported by Israel and some Western nations
militarily and financially. Accordingly, the Israeli Foreign Affairs Minister Abba Eban lamented

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that “Israel supplied strong backing to Biafra, and if other states had done the same, the state of
Biafra would have been realised” (Levey 2014). Nigeria sought help from Middle East Muslim
countries and the communist bloc in response to Israel and Western complicity with Biafra. Despite
the normalisation of relations with Israel by Egypt and some other hostile Arab countries from
late 1970s, the Nigerian-Israeli relations remained hostile until 1992, when Nigerian Christians
alleged that their pilgrimage was being hampered because of the country’s antagonistic relations
with Israel. The Nigerian government was forced to restart its foreign relations with Israel because
of this move and related international dynamics.
Equally, on December 30, 2014, Nigeria under the administration of Goodluck Jonathan,
a Christian from the South, abstained from voting in a crucial resolution at the United Nations
Security Council, calling for an end to Israeli occupation of Palestinian territories by 2017
(Beaumont 2014). However, in 2016, the Nigerian President Muhammadu Buhari, a Muslim
from the North, declared support for a two-state solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict as against
the position of the United States and Britain. Most importantly, the Buhari’s administration
deepened bilateral and multilateral ties with the Islamic states. Furthermore, Nigeria identified
with the Saudi Arabia-led military coalition against terrorism, it also supported Afghanistan with
the sum of $1 million, even when the country was also threatened by Islamist Boko Haram.2
Again, in October 2023, Nigeria under President Tinubu, a Muslim form the South, was part
of the 120 countries that voted in favour of a draft resolution for the immediate ceasefire in
Israel-Hamas war at the United Nations General Assembly, as against the US, Israel and 12 others
that voted against it. 3 These show the inconsistence in Nigeria’s external position, interpretation
of foreign policy objectives and definition of national interest, despite the consistence in letter
of international mandate and obligations of the country as stated in the constitution. These are
indications of identity politics perspective as well as patrimonial state and the primordial foreign
policy as identified by African realism (Henderson 2015).
The September 11 (9/11) terrorist attacks in the USA and the resultant global war against
terrorism also shows the religious division of Nigerian domestic public and its implication on
foreign policy. The attack turned Al Qaeda and its founding leader, Osama Bin Landin to heroes,
as they were celebrated by some radical Islamist groups, which in turn killed many innocent
Christian in their riots in Nigeria. In response to the supportive role of Taliban in the 9/11 attacks
and resultant retributive invasion of Afghanistan by the US and its allies, a radical Islamist group
emerged in 2003 in the north-eastern part of the country, named the Nigerian Taliban (Oyewole
2013). This group later became Boko Haram, as it was further radicalised in its engagements with
the Nigerian state, and with its contacts with Al Qaeda’s network in the Sahel, East and North

2See Lalzoy, N. “Nigeria donates $1 million to Afghanistan’s Humanitarian Trust Fund.” Khaama Press, March 5, 2022. Acccessed: March
28, 2024. https://www.khaama.com/nigeria-donates-1-million-to-afghanistans-humanitarian-trust-fund-765675678/
3 Okafor, C. “Israel-Gaza War: Nigeria, others vote in favour of immediate ceasefire” Premium Times, October 28, 2023. Accessed
February 12, 2024. https://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/637845-israel-gaza-war-nigeria-others-vote-in-favour-of-immediate-
ceasefire.html

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Africa, and the Middle East, which transformed in organisation, militant strategy and operational
sophistication (Oriola et al. 2021). Even in the face of deadly campaign of terror by the group,
many Muslims in the North believed that it was fighting a just course. This denied the federal
government under President Jonathan (2010-2015), a Christian from the South, the required
consensus and broad-based support that is required to prosecute necessary and adequate counter
terrorism measures against Boko Haram (Oyewole 2013; Oriola et al. 2021).

Ethnicity

Apart from religion, ethnicity which also overlaps with religion and regional politics in Nigeria
is another important variable in the country’s foreign policy. The mutual mistrust among the
majority ethnic groups (Yoruba, Igbo and Hausa-Fulani) in the country, and between them and
the minority groups within their respective regions flows from national politics into foreign
policy. A few examples will suffice. Despite the official claims that foreigners from Niger are
deeply involved in armed banditry, terrorism, and insurgency in the country, President Buhari
publicly identified the immigrants as his kinsmen, failed to contain illegal migration across the
North, but encouraged it with the construction of transborder train and emboldened them with
nationalisation of many Fulani (Ojo et al. 2024). Meanwhile, the same president closed many
boarder-posts in the South, as a measure to counter smuggling, despite the appeal from business
communities and governments of the affected federating states and neighbouring countries.
Another example which speaks to the differential treatment Nigerian citizens abroad get from
their government is the case of Nigerians from the South who were convicted of drug peddling
and sentenced to death in Indonesia. During an interview with The Cable, Abike Dabiri-Erewa,
Chairman of Nigerians in Diaspora Commission (NIDCOM) profiled the prisoners by stating that
out of the 21 Nigerian drug peddlers on death roll in Indonesian prison, 20 of them were from
Anambra state while the remaining one was from Edo state going to the extent of mentioning their
names to buttress her point (Dabiri-Erewa 2019). This was widely condemned by stakeholders
from the South who interpreted it as ethnic profiling of Igbo people in Nigeria as criminals abroad.
Now, those affected are first Nigerians and should be regarded as such instead of linking them to
their ethnic groupings. Months later another group of Nigerians, from different ethnic extraction,
including Yorubas like Abike Dabiri-Erewa, were convicted and sentenced to death also for drug
dealing in Thailand and in their case, she refrained from listing their names or states of origin
as she had done previously with the Igbos. While this is interpreted as ethnocentric motivated
double standard by many, some considered it as a cautious move by Abike after the blowback of
her earlier insensitivity on such matter.4

4“More knocks for diaspora commission boss, Dabiri-Erewa for profiling nigerians living in Indonesia as ‘drug addicts, cultists’.” Sahara
Reporters, October 19, 2022. https://saharareporters.com/2022/10/19/more-knocks-diaspora-commission-boss-dabiri-erewa-profiling-
nigerians-living-indonesia

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The recent (2023) aborted foreign policy position of Nigeria-led ECOWAS bloc on the use
of military means to restore civil rule to Niger Republic under the chairmanship of President
Bola Ahmed Tinubu has also received ethnocentric interpretation and reactions. Beside the
general shortage of public support and the effort of the legislature to caution the President,
the hardline foreign policy position of Nigeria came under the attacks of many Northern
elites, who consider such as an invasion on their brothers and sisters in Niger Republic. 5
Notably, the 26.3 million population of Niger are made up of Hausa (53.1%), Fulani (6.5%)
and Kanuri (5.9%), which double as the dominant ethnic groups in Northern Nigeria. As
expected by the pluralist and identity perspectives, interest groups from this ethno-regional
background played major role in soften the hardline foreign policy position of the Tinubu’s
government against the Niger’s Junta. Nigeria has a rich record of external military deployments
and operations for peace-keeping, enforcement and promotion of democracy across Africa
(Ogunnubi and Oyewole 2020). Although the government of Buhari (2015-2023), a Fulani
from the North, supported ECOWAS mission and deployed the Nigerian military to enforce
democratic transition in the Gambia in 2016, he approached the military coups in Mali
(2020 and 2021) and Burkina Faso (January and September 2022) with silence. While this
foreign policy decisions can be justified with Afrocentric and post-colonial non-interference
principles and rational-choice around the national security interest, identity theory cannot
ignored the significance of Fulani population in Mali (13.3%) and Burkina Faso (6.8%) and
the possible implication on the government. 6

Conclusion

In conclusion, the significance of ethno-regionalism and religion in Nigeria’s foreign policy is

extremely complicated, as it is entwined with political, environmental, and economic concerns. The
twin plaques of ethnicity and religion have long tried to outplay each other in the struggle for control
of key political positions and influencing policy decisions. These tussles have continuously shaped
and unshaped Nigeria’s domestic politics and foreign policy orientation. Generally, ethno-regional
and religious forces have had both positive and negative effects on Nigeria’s foreign policy. The
products of these identity forces in Nigeria’s foreign policy sometimes align with rational-choice
and realism, while patrimonialism becomes too obvious in some cases. Accordingly, ethno-regional
and religiously motivated actions are sometimes taken at the expense of the common good, as
broadly conceived national interests are replaced with narrow and primordial considerations.

5Orjinmo, N. “Nigeria’s President Tinubu faces backlash over military intervention in Niger.” BBC, August 07, 2023. Accessed: July 12,
2024. https://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-66430113
6 For population distribution of Mali and Burkina Faso, see “Explore all countries: Mali.” The World Factbook. Accessed July 12, 2024.
https://www.cia.gov/the-world-factbook/countries/mali/; “Explore all countries: Burkina Faso” The World Factbook. https://www.cia.gov/
the-world-factbook/countries/burkina-faso/

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Rev. Bras. Polít. Int., 67(2): e019, 2024 Isike; Oyewole; Okolie

Against this background, establishing a sense of national identity, working for common goods
and broadly conceived and inclusive policies can bridge Nigeria’s multiple religious, ethnic, and
linguistic identities in critical and essential policymaking. A typical Nigerian currently associates
with his/her family, community, religious and ethnic groups before the country. As a result,
practically every Nigerian has a strong sectarian impulse based on ethnicity and religion that does
not bode well for patriotism, nation-building, and broad-based governance. This has implications
for foreign policy making and implementation, which not only compromises Nigeria’s national
interests, but also indicate the nexus between domestic and foreign policies.

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