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In Iran and Ukraine, what is at stake is a rebalancing of power that will prove of world-historical magnitude when it is at last accomplished.

First came news that, on April 8, Israeli jets bombed what is known as the China–Iran railway, a key component of Beijing’s ambitious Belt and Road Initiative. Of all the targets the Zionist terror machine might have hit, why a Chinese-sponsored infrastructure project, you had to wonder.

Then on Wednesday came reports that officials from nearly 50 nations — I would love a list of these 50 — met in Berlin to make sure the fires of war against Russia do not flicker out. “We cannot lose sight of Ukraine,” Mark Rutte, NATO’s new secretary-general, declared a little forlornly.

There are other reports such as these of late. Dan Caine, chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff, announced Thursday that the Pentagon has authorized the Pacific Fleet to interdict ships in the Indian and Pacific oceans if they are deemed to be carrying Iranian oil to Asian ports or “material support” from Asia — read China — to the Islamic Republic.

It is time for a stock-take.

The war in Ukraine drones (literally) on and on, the West showing no inclination whatsoever to take the Russian position seriously. In West Asia we find a variant: The United States and the rabid dog that Bibi Netanyahu has made of Israel have no intention of considering the 10–point document wherein Iran states its conditions for ending a war it appears perfectly willing to continue waging.

What are we looking at? What animates these two confrontations such that to understand our moment we must see Ukraine and Iran as two theaters of a single war?

I do not care for self-referencing commentators, but an exception to my rule is the swiftest way to my reply to these questions.

I have argued since the turn of the millennium that parity between the West and the non–West is the foundational imperative of the 21st century. Any given nation or bloc may favor or oppose this eventuality, but there will be no stopping the turn of history’s wheel: This was my take at the opening of the era that announced itself with the events of Sept. 11, 2001.

And it is the painful birth of this new time we witness as the wars in Europe and West Asia grind on. In each case what is at stake, what is fought for and against, is a rebalancing of power that will prove of world-historical magnitude when it is at last accomplished.

What have the Russians sought since Donald Trump began his second term and declared his intention to end the war in Ukraine and restore relations with Moscow to some kind of equilibrium?

It is the same thing Moscow hoped for at the Cold War’s end, and the same thing they proposed when, in December 2021, they sent draft treaties, one to Washington and one to NATO headquarters in Brussels, as the basis of negotiations for a comprehensive settlement between the Russian Federation and the West.

Moscow’s Push for Equal Standing

Moscow has been clear on this point the whole of the post–Soviet era: It seeks a security architecture that takes cognizance of its interests and, so, recognizes Russia as an equal partner in its relations with the West.

President Putin and Sergei Lavrov, his able foreign minister, speak of the “root causes” of the war in Ukraine and insist these must be addressed if any kind of enduring settlement between East and West is to be achieved. This is merely another way of saying what the Russians have said for the past 30–odd years. [See: Ukraine Timeline Tells the Tale]

Neither has the West’s reply been any different: It amounts to one long list of refusals, however directly, dishonestly or incompetently these have been conveyed.

Last November the Trump regime issued a 28–point peace plan that was not less than shocking when cast against the past three and some decades of history. It called for a nonaggression pact Russia, Europe and Ukraine were to negotiate and sign. “All ambiguities of the last 30 years will be considered settled,” it read in part.

And further in this line:

“A dialogue will be held between Russia and NATO… to resolve all security issues and create conditions for de-escalation in order to ensure global security…”

These 28 provisions proved too good to be true. The Americans who developed this document, Secretary of State Marco Rubio and Steve Witkoff, the incompetent Trump insists must act as his “peace envoy,” simply did not know where the fence posts lie: While they almost certainly did not understand this, implicit in their 28 points was an East–West relationship based on parity.

Out of the question, as was immediately evident.

The Trump regime quickly abandoned its plan, despite its favorable reception in Moscow, and seems to have dropped all thought of “a deal” with Russia. The Europeans, freaked out at the very thought of a negotiated settlement, now resort to upside-down versions of reality I find it hard to believe they even try on.

At that gathering of European officials in Berlin Wednesday, immediate pledges of new weapons supplies came to $4.7 billion, and there is more, much more, coming as Volodymyr Zelensky, Ukraine’s president, mooches his way around the European capitals.

Boris Pistorius seems to have spoken for the group when the subject of peace talks arose. “The truth is, anyway, Russia has never taken them seriously,” the German defense minister declared. “This is why it is all the more important to support Ukraine.”

Russia has never taken negotiations seriously: Can you imagine how this kind of talk lands in Moscow? Can you imagine how low are the Russians’ expectations that the West will take their legitimate interests seriously until events on the battlefield force them to do so?

Tehran’s Conditions

The Iranians, it seems to me, are in a similar predicament.

Read the text of the 10–point plan wherein Tehran advances its demands for ending the war with the United States and Israel. An end to U.S. and Israeli attacks is merely the Iranians’ opener. The withdrawal of all U.S. forces from the region, a nonaggression pact with the United States, recognition of Iran’s rights on the nuclear side, war reparations: To borrow from the Russians, this is a demand to address root causes, a demand for “a new security architecture,” a demand — returning to my principal point — for parity as a non–Western power.

There is a lot in the press these days about a return to negotiations after Vice–President J.D. Vance’s debacle in Islamabad last weekend. I have no trouble imagining the Iranians are eager to avoid more of the savage, indiscriminate bombing their civilian population suffered prior to the two-week ceasefire that went into effect April 8. But I do not think, at the horizon, they will abandon the 10 demands they have advanced any more than the Russian will abandon theirs.

 

I saw a video the other day that reminded me: Images often lie, which is why the propagandists favor them (and why I don’t usually trust them), but there are times they go unforgettably to the point.

The one I have in mind, a video recorded at the NATO summit in The Hague last June, shows Pedro Sánchez walking past other alliance leaders until he reaches the end of the three-deep lineup, whereupon he takes his place at a conspicuous distance from the others. The Spanish prime minister wears a faint but unmistakable smile.

I watched it several times just for the fun of it. To put a caption on it, Sánchez had just rejected the Trump regime’s demand that Spain, along with the rest of Europe’s NATO members, raise its defense budget to 5 percent of GDP: 2.1 percent will do, Sánchez told Mark Rutte, Washington’s latest errand boy in Brussels.

There are other videos like this making the rounds. El Debate, a century-old Spanish newspaper that has gone entirely digital (alas, for the smell of printer’s ink), is circulating one showing Sánchez at a more recent NATO summit. He is in with the pack this time — it’s a photo op — but he’s cold-shouldered: None of the others present will speak to him.

Again the quiet smirk. Again fun to watch.

Sánchez, Spain’s Socialist primer ministro since June 2018, has distinguished himself and his nation these past few years by taking strong stands against the Zionist terror regime’s genocide in Gaza, against the West’s support of it, against wasteful defense budgets and more recently against the U.S.–Israeli war of aggression against Iran.

He is currently in an excellently public confrontation with President Donald Trump for his refusal to let the U.S. Air Force use bases on Spanish soil to service its bombing sorties over the Islamic Republic.

And here’s the thing — well, two things actually: By all appearances Sánchez revels in the isolation that befalls him due to his principled positions on the largest questions of our time.

And by all appearances this poised 54–year-old, an economist by training, shows up the rest of Europe’s purported leaders as a congeries of cowards who would not know a principled position if one were to bite them all on their backsides.

This is Europe, captured in images spanning a couple of minutes. I see two things in these videos and the demeanor of those in them — excuse me, three: what Europe is, what Europe isn’t and what Europe could be.

I gave up some time ago thinking the Europeans might make of themselves an independent pole of power, still half of the Atlantic alliance but exerting greater influence within it and thus redefining its policies and purpose.

But Europe’s post–Cold War leaders proved time and again pitifully short of the necessary gumption.

Lately the rest of the world watches as the “centrist” leaders of Core Europe — the British, French and Germans, with others following thoughtlessly along — devastate their economies in the cause of a Russophobic freakout since Trump returned to the White House, applaud the Zionists’ terror campaigns and wars, and all the while bow to the Trump regime no matter the price their own citizens will pay.

And along comes Pedro Sánchez to demonstrate I was wrong to surrender my old expectations.

When I listen to him and watch what he and the Spanish people do my mind goes to Václav Havel and “The Hope of Europe,” that noted speech he gave in Aachen 30 years ago this spring.

“One thing ends simply in order that something else may begin,” the Czech president remarked as he contemplated the Continent’s post–Wall circumstances.

Challenging the Trans-Atlantic Status Quo

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Pro-Palestine protest in Santiago de Compostela, Spain, on Dec. 17, 2023. (Nacho JorganesFlickr/CC BY-SA 2.0)

Sánchez is not quite so alone as he has appeared to be lately.

The Irish have well displayed their … their what? … their Irish in their outspoken support for the Palestinian cause. Last year the government more or less hounded Israel’s ambassador, an outspoken Zionist, out of the country.

Faisal Saleh, who directs Palestine Museum U.S. not far from where I write this column, is now in talks with the relevant authorities in Dublin to turn the now-abandoned Israeli embassy into a museum dedicated to Palestinian culture.

Another reason to love the Irish.

The Nordic nations also deserve mention. Several of them earlier declared their support for the rulings of the International Criminal Court, which issued arrest warrants for Bibi Netanyahu and Yoav Gallant, his former defense minister, in November 2024.

Now the Nordic five — Denmark, Sweden, Norway, Finland, Iceland — have declared they will arrest the Israeli prime minister were he to enter their airspace.

O.K., taking someone into custody at 35,000 feet is a stretch too far. But as IRANWARinfo, a monitoring website, suggested in response to the Nordics’ announcement, “The Iran war is turning ‘legal risk’ into ‘operational risk.’”

In simple terms, the usual flight paths westward from Israel are now blocked. From IRANWARinfo on March 10:

“If the conflict pushes Netanyahu to travel more — emergency diplomacy, Washington meetings, Gulf coordination — the ICC warrant becomes an aviation planning problem as much as a legal one. Routes are shaped by alliances, not maps. The more countries publicly affirm ICC cooperation, the fewer comfortable corridors remain.”

All good. The tide turns against “the Jewish state,” as it absolutely must, just as in the United States it turns — finally, finally, finally — against the intrusions of AIPAC into America’s political processes.

But it is Sánchez who appears to have the larger picture in mind. Along with his government and his people, the Spanish leader signals repeatedly that the time has come to challenge the trans–Atlantic status quo and ultimately the world order altogether.

In the above-noted speech, Havel cast the post–Cold War era as “a time to articulate Europe’s task for the twenty-first century.” In my reading of Pedro Sánchez, this is what he has set about doing.

The first suggestions that Sánchez intended to lead Spain in a new direction came in the spring of 2024, when his cabinet voted formally to recognize (after coordinating with Ireland and Norway), an independent Palestinian state defined by the 1967 borders and with East Jerusalem as its capital.

This anticipated by a year the U.N. General Assembly session of last autumn, when 15 nations, most of them members of the Atlantic alliance, declared formal recognitions of their own.

True, Spain and the others stood for a “two-state” solution,” but I read these declarations as a step in the right direction. Given that the Zionist regime’s open pursuit of a “Greater Israel” has since rendered the two-state formula entirely impossible, it will be interesting to see where Sánchez takes Spain on this question in the future.

 

If Charlies Kirk’s well-documented defection from the Zionist cause confirmed one thing above all others, it is that the Israeli lobbies’ grip on American politics has slipped—measurably, and I would say beyond any kind of restoration—since the events of Oct. 7, 2023.

It would take more hasbara than the Israelis could ever produce to persuade me Kirk did not pay for his abandonment of the Christian–Zionist orthodoxy when he was assassinated before a crowd of conservative youth last Sept. 10.

Andrew Cockburn has an excellent piece on this question in the current edition of Harper’s, published under the headline “Turning Point.” Andrew’s subhead goes to the point of this turning point: “How the GOP consensus on Israel cracked.”

As he makes clear, Kirk’s desertion of the ideological temple wherein he had worshipped the whole of his life as a public figure was highly significant given his stature and influence. But it was symptom, not cause.

No, the Zionist army’s savagery in Gaza is the cause: This accounts for the now-evident fissures in the wall Zionists — Israeli, American, Israeli–American — have built to protect Israel from even the mildest expressions of doubt or dissent among conservative Americans.

Aerial view of the Al-Mawasi area, where displaced Palestinians live in tents, January 2025. (Ashraf Amra, UNRWA: United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, Wikimedia Commons/CC BY-SA 3.0)
Aerial view of the Al-Mawasi area, where displaced Palestinians live in tents, January 2025. (Ashraf Amra, UNRWA: United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, Wikimedia Commons/CC BY-SA 3.0)

A month after Kirk’s murder Cockburn stood outside an auditorium at Indiana University where he, Kirk, had been scheduled to speak and where Tucker Carlson took his place. “Christian values? Israel massacres innocents.” “Would Jesus ignore this? Will you?”: These were among the things inscribed on placards people held as they waited for the program to begin.

This betokens a breach not only among Christians who have long given Israel their unalloyed support. It also signals a generational divide that seems to widen with every poll taken since it was first detected.

The U.S.–Israel relationship, the censure of sympathy for Palestinians and support of their cause, the tiresome anti–Semitism-everywhere trope tone-deaf Zionists persist in trying to put over on the public: When evangelical Christians call all this into question you can safely call this a crisis.

AIPAC’s Full-On Election Assault

Protester outside AIPAC meeting, Washington, March 2016. (Susan Melkisethian, Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)
Protester outside AIPAC meeting, Washington, March 2016. (Susan Melkisethian, Flickr, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

No one can claim surprise to discover the American–Israel Public Affairs Committee, the most powerful and pernicious of the Israel lobbies, is in what looks like an advanced case of freakout. And as this year’s elections draw near — primaries, special elections here and there, the midterms in November — AIPAC is reportedly gearing up for what appears to be a full-on assault on what remains of America’s post-democratic political process.

It seems the year to recognize some bitter realities. Israel’s incessant attempts to subvert the United Nations, notably but far from only via the Board of Peace the Trump regime is pushing, its abuses of international law and the courts founded to adjudicate and enforce it, its running program of assassinations, its indifference to the principles of sovereignty and territorial integrity: Isn’t it time to acknowledge that AIPAC’s presence in the United States is of a piece with these transgressions?

That what Israel is doing to America — with money rather than drones and missiles and bombers — is a variant of what we watch in horror as it does to other nations and to international public space? The wholesale destruction of civil societies and law is the common denominator.

Remember the political fates of Jamal Bowman and Cori Bush, candidates for congressional seats in New York and Missouri respectively, in the 2024 elections?

Both ran in Democratic Party primaries and both were critical of Israel a year into its terror campaign in Gaza. AIPAC spent more than $15 million to defeat Bowman and $8.5 million to keep Bush off the Democratic ticket, and it succeeded in both cases. A lot of this money arrived in the campaigns of their opponents via the Lobby’s United Democracy Project, and the name of this super PAC tells you a little of what Zionists mean when they boast of their chutzpah.

The operations against Bowman and Bush accounted for nearly 60 percent of the $38.4 million AIPAC donated to candidates favorable to Israel during the 2024 political season. These numbers were vastly more than AIPAC and associated lobbies had ever before spent on political campaigns (as against their routine bribes to all but a very few incumbents). At the time, various commentators took this cash explosion as a sign of an incipient desperation among the Zionists active in U.S. politics. Gaza had begun to cost them.

And we can take it now as a measure of what is to come during the campaign season that is about to begin. We are likely to be in for a circus of corruption and unlawful intrusion, possibly unprecedented, by a foreign agent that remains unregistered as one.

‘Genocide Test’ in 2026 U.S. Elections

An Israeli tank during Operation Gideon’s Chariots in the Gaza strip in June 2025. (IDF Spokesperson’s Unit / CC BY-SA 3.0)
An Israeli tank during Operation Gideon’s Chariots in the Gaza strip in June 2025. (IDF Spokesperson’s Unit / CC BY-SA 3.0)

In this connection, Haaretz, the “liberal” Israeli daily, ran a remarkable piece in its Jan. 21 editions under the headline, “AIPAC, the Genocide Test and U.S.–Israel.” The subhead once again tells the story: “2026 Midterm Primary Races to Watch from New Jersey to Texas.”

This is a long takeout by Ben Samuels, reporting from the paper’s Washington bureau, that amounts to a scorecard of just where AIPAC–backed candidates will be safe and where the lobbies will have to spend on those challenged by opponents ungiven to professed allegiance to the apartheid state.

“Stances on U.S.–Israel, Gaza, anti–Semitism and AIPAC funding,” the piece’s introductory reads, “are expected to shape elections across the U.S. this year.” And then, the second paragraph in:

“The approaching primaries are also likely to see record-breaking campaign spending by pro–Israel megadonors and super PACS—even as such efforts to sway elections are garnering unprecedented scrutiny from activists in both parties. It remains to be seen if it’s equally important to voters.”

Think about this just briefly, text and subtext. A couple of points.

One, Ben Samuels gives us a usefully accurate measure of just how insecure the Zionist state feels as Americans go to the polls during this, the third year of its genocide project in Gaza and the West Bank. Can you think of another nation that, looking out for itself, goes this granular on U.S. congressional elections?

Two, Samuels has reported and written several thousand words in which he puts it across that Israel and its bribing, corrupting, illegal-in-all-but-name agents in the United States are a perfectly normal presence in the American political process.

 

6 JANUARY—Yesterday, news having arrived Saturday that Immigration and Enforcement agents have shot another resident of Minneapolis—this the third, the second that amounts to point-blank murder—The New York Times ran a headline in its Sunday editions that bears a very heavy load. “Watching America Unravel in Minneapolis” is a Times magazine piece by Charles Homans, a political reporter who grew up in Minnesota. He had returned in mid–January, a week after the fatal shooting of Renee Good, to spend 10 days watching I.C.E. goons go about their unlawful business. “What I saw, as federal agents stormed the city and residents banded together to protect themselves,” Homans writes, “was a dark, dystopian future becoming reality.”

You can see his point easily enough. Homans is far from the first to make it, indeed. Others have long advanced the argument that there is no point fearing an American dystopia to come: It has already arrived and we live in it. But to see such thoughts make their way into our acceptable discourse—the sayable as against the great, sprawling unsayable: This is a new turn. America is unraveling: The Times has for the first time apprised the 1.1 million people who read it on Sunday of this. I wonder what the paper will do when the obvious question arises: Now what?

Renee Good was a 37–year old a mother of three when she was shot three times and died at the wheel of her car. That was 7 January. A week later, just as Homans arrived, I.C.E. agents shot and wounded Julio Cesar Sosa–Celis, an immigrant without papers, who intervened as I.C.E. pursued another “illegal.” As of Saturday we have the case of Alex Jeffrey Pretti, also 37 and a registered nurse at the local Veterans Affairs hospital. Pretti was recording a confrontation between I.C.E. and a gathering of demonstrators when I.C.E. and Border Patrol enforcers pinned him to the street and fired 10 bullets into him.

Per usual, the Trump regime proves thoroughly indifferent to the discernible truth of these incidents. The Homeland Security Department’s accounts of them are at odds with video-recorded reality and the testimony of witnesses. D.H.S. identifies Good and Pretti as “domestic terrorists.” This is more than preposterous rhetoric. These are assertions, as open as they can possibly be, that evidence, law, and reason itself do not matter anymore: Force is impervious to these things. As Homans puts it, I.C.E. has turned Minneapolis into “a theater of power.”

Language, the naming of things, is changing. Senior Minnesota officials, including Tim Walz, its wayward governor, and Jacob Frey, the gutsy mayor of Minneapolis, are calling I.C.E. “an occupation army.” The Trump administration is now a “regime” to some commentators in corporate media. You can read that America is now “a terror state.” David Brooks, the thinking man’s conservative on The Times’s opinion page, writes of the “tyranny” that has descended upon us.

Like millions of others, I have watched dozens of the videos coming out of Minneapolis since I.C.E. arrived there in December, and they have—again, as with many others—transformed my thinking. There can no longer be any question that President Trump and his “law enforcement” adjutants, notably but not only Kristi Noem, the shockingly crude D.H.S. secretary, have in one year made I.C.E. into a paramilitary force of the sort commonly associated with distant dictatorships. A lot of people now protesting the presence of I.C.E. in U.S. cities call it “America’s Gestapo.” I would have dismissed this as overstatement even a couple of months ago. It seems time now to consider this reference more carefully.

In the same line, liberal commentators have for years shrieked about Trump as the agent of American fascism, and I have had no time whatsoever for these people. Now this merits reconsideration, too. Proper nomenclature is essential to a clear understanding of things—a point I have made numerous times in this space. Hyperbole makes no contribution to clarity and discredits those who resort to it. But to flinch in denial is equally of no use.

Has the reigning regime turned America fascist? Is it in the process of doing so? Either way, what do we mean by this term? These are our questions.

When Sinclair Lewis wrote and published It Can’t Happen Here, the noted novel wherein he warned of fascism’s rise in America, he was married to Dorothy Thompson, the renowned journalist and radio broadcaster. Fascism in Europe was then much on Lewis’s mind: Thompson was covering the Reich and Mussolini’s Italy, and she was expelled from Germany in 1934; Lewis brought out the novel in 1935. He set his story one year ahead, 90 years ago. “What will happen when America has a dictator?” is the line atop the dust jacket of the book’s first edition.

Lewis’s novel has never since been out of print and has drawn renewed attention since Donald Trump began his rise to political prominence with his famously dramatic descent on the golden escalator at Trump Tower in mid–June 2015. It is obvious why Lewis set his story one year ahead. Far-right extremists, some openly fascist, were on the rise at the time, and no one knew where this would lead.

Berzelius “Buzz” Windrip, a bombastic demagogue who sweeps into the presidency on promises of radical economic and social reform in the cause of the little man, is the very mold from which Trump is cut. Here is a snippet of a speech Lewis includes, drawn from a book, Zero Hour—Over the Top, Windrip had ghost-written for his presidential campaign:

I want to stand up on my hind legs and not just admit but frankly holler right out that we’ve got to change our system a lot, maybe even change the whole Constitution… The Executive has got to have a freer hand and be able to move quick in an emergency, and not be tied down by a lot of dumb shyster-lawyer congressmen taking months to shoot off their mouths in debates. BUT… these new changes are only a means to an End, and that End is and must be, fundamentally, the same principles of Liberty, Equality, and Justice that were advocated by the Founding Fathers of this great land back in 1776!

See what I mean? In getting his fictitious Windrip down Lewis got Trump down with uncanny prescience. Windrip favors wars abroad as displays of American power and resolve. He outlaws dissent and obsesses about his political enemies. He has neutralized Congress to keep it out of his way and rules by way of a purposely fearsome paramilitary force. All this in the name of patriotism and “traditional American values.”

Lewis does not name the Buzz Windrip phenomenon as I will now, but It Can’t Happen Here is the story of what is called “apple pie fascism.” This refers to the argument abroad in the 1930s among rightists and Hitler–Mussolini symps—and incredibly enough the argument was made—that fascism sits naturally among Americans, perfectly compatible with the patriotism and all those down-home values for which Windrip claimed to stand.

 

The murder-in-broad-daylight of Renee Nicole Good on a Minneapolis street last Wednesday shapes up as a watershed moment in national politics. Let us hope this proves so, in any case. Our crumbling republic is greatly in need of a watershed or three.

Via all the video of the incident that has since circulated, the nation watched as a goon from Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) fired point-blank into the windshield of Good’s car as she tried to avoid a confrontation with two more of these jumped-up punks. Jonathan Ross, the murderer, then fired twice more at Good, the last of these shots from behind.

I could not take my eyes off the videos before rerunning them several times, and I’ve watched them several more times since. The scene, start-to-finish, is grotesque in 10 different ways.

Look at the body language at the start of the incident — aggressive, predatory — as one of these ICE primitives approaches Good’s vehicle. “Get out of the car. Get out of the car. Get out of the fucking car,” he commands. This is not someone who is enforcing the law in a sound, disinterested manner.

No, this guy, seething with animosity, has nothing to do with law enforcement or legitimate authority. He is a straight-out expression of the ressentiment abroad among the rightist constituencies now running riot in our no-longer-fair land.

Ressentiment is a French term the Germans borrowed in the 19th century to describe the poisonous mix of hatred and envy shared by any group that feels itself spurned or scorned or disdained — socially, economically, politically. This is the defining feature of the MAGA crowd. Most ICE “officers” are MAGA people who nurse their feelings of inferiority — another feature of the ressentiment complex — behind badges. What we see in the videos of Good’s murder is not the enforcement of anything. It is a hate crime.

Follow the videos of the immediate scene to their end. You see the stunning indifference of Ross and his colleagues while Good slumps over in her car, which is at this point smashed into another vehicle on the side of the street. Ross approaches Good’s car but walks away without checking whether she is alive or dead. In one of these video clips, two ICE people share a moment of self- congratulatory glee, Good’s car behind them.

The Trump regime has since described Good as “a deranged leftist” (J.D. Vance) and “domestic terrorist” (Kristi Noem, President Trump’s shockingly primitive Homeland Security secretary). Vance, Trump’s v.p., describes Good’s murder as “a tragedy of her own making” and promises Ross “total immunity” from prosecution.

On the Streets

What happened last Wednesday in Minneapolis and what has happened since has got a lot of Americans out in the streets. They are demonstrating against ICE, yes, but a lot of other things, too —Trump’s lawless presidency, the collapse of American democracy, Attorney General Pam Bondi’s laundering of the Epstein files such that what is disclosed discloses nothing.

https://twitter.com/xxx/status/2009101348155855166

All good. Ordinary people are beginning to connect the dots and get off the sofa, having at last seen the oneness of the full-dress crisis in which the reigning regime has so swiftly plunged America. “Everything is a part of everything”: Remember that idiotic phrase from the 1960s? It does not seem so dreamy when you consider the American condition at the start of 2026.

I went to one of these demonstrations here on Sunday morning. It was a good turnout on the village green. I am pleased to be a member now of a statewide group called “ICE Out for Good” — a brilliant and compassionate pun that opens the mind as the meaning of the phrase takes hold.

Torrington is an old factory town in northwest Connecticut that once thrived on water power and the manufacture of brass products but now searches for a new way forward — a familiar story across the country. The remnants of the old, white working class now live side-by-side with a considerable population of Hispanics.

Torrington, population plus-or-minus 35,000, is vulnerable to the predations of ICE, to put the point simply. Nobody seems to know when the agency’s goons will come, but it seems a given that at a certain point they will.

The crowd at Coe Memorial Park Sunday came to several hundred and was properly spirited. And the placards held aloft were of infinite variety:

“ICE — Trump’s Gestapo.”

“Say her name.”

“Once you know, they all have to go.”

“Impeach Kristi Noem.”

“Protect neighbors, not Nazis.”

“Fuck ICE. No goons allowed.”

“America is anti-fascist. Fascism is anti–American.”

Etc. Now you know what a little speck of America sounded like this past weekend.

On the way home I thought about what I had seen, read on placards, and heard in conversations. I am leery of hyperbole, as it does nothing to clarify one’s moment, but is “fascism” at last our word? So I wondered. We are certainly closer to it than I imagined even a few months ago.

In this connection, I was bitterly amused to see Kristi Noem, as she declared she would urge the Justice Department to prosecute those of Renee Good’s kind as domestic terrorists, wearing a brown shirt (along with an outsized cowboy hat that made her look like a high school cheerleader somewhere in Texas).

Memo to Secretary Noem: Anything but brown next time.

I count this a new moment as of last week. How to define it, how to name it deserves careful consideration, and I will give it some in a future column — accurate nomenclature being the key to clarity of mind.

But there was one placard that I will address right away. It was a piece of brown cardboard held by a kindly lady dressed in pajamas and slippers and holding her dog beneath her overcoat. It read:

“Look up. Imperial boomerang.”

How exceptionally astute is this? It seems to me this is what Americans must most urgently think about now if they are to understand their new moment.

The policy cliques in Washington and the pols that front for them have managed an imperium for nearly 80 years now, and no imperium is ever managed without violence. Was it anything other than a matter of time before what the American empire has long done abroad would eventually turn out to be what the empire would have to do at home to preserve itself?

A lot of the placards I read this past weekend in Torrington had to do with the defense of American democracy:

“Save our Constitution.”

“Criminalizing dissent is un–American.”

These sentiments go straight to the point. Since the United States began to cultivate its imperial aspirations 128 years ago — taking my date from the Spanish–American War — it has all along been a choice between democracy at home or empire abroad.

It is not an original thought. Twain and others in the Anti–Imperialist League got this right as the 19th century turned into the 20th .

ICE is at bottom a paramilitary force — precisely of the kind the United States has supported abroad in numerous cases over the past 80 years. Now the managers of the imperium impose one on Americans. Any understanding of this new moment must begin with this reality.

 

he Trumpster is not yet finished his first year back in the White House, and I cannot imagine how our crumbling republic will survive three more years of this man-child and the misfits and miscreants with whom he has surrounded himself. And it occurs to me lately that neither I nor anyone else is supposed to imagine any kind of future — good, bad, in the middle — beyond Jan. 20, 2029, when President Trump will no longer be president. The future will not be the point by then. By then we are supposed to be living in an imaginary past that we won’t have to imagine because the imaginary past will be the actual present.

It is not quite three months since Trump issued an executive order designating “antifa,” the more or less fictitious “organization” of antifascists, a “domestic terrorist organization.” In the Trump White House’s rendering, antifa “explicitly calls for the overthrow of the United States Government, law enforcement authorities and our system of law.” To this end, it organizes and executes vast campaigns of violence. It coordinates all this across the country. It recruits and radicalizes young people, “then employs elaborate means and mechanisms to shield the identities of its operatives, conceal its funding sources and operations in an effort to frustrate law enforcement, and recruit additional members.”

I didn’t take the executive order containing this kind of language the least bit seriously when it was issued Sept. 22. Antifa, so far as I understand it, does not actually exist. It is a state of mind, or it signifies a shared set of political sentiments vaguely in the direction of traditional anarchism — a hyper-individualistic ultra-libertarianism when translated into the American context.

Trump’s executive order describing antifa as an organized terrorist organization reminded me of nothing so much as those flatfooted fogies back in the Cold War years who, nostalgic for a simpler time but understanding nothing, went on about “outside agitators” as the root of America’s ills.

I was wrong in one respect, maybe more, about Trump and his adjutants and what they have in mind. These people are not flatfooted. They know exactly what they are doing and they are moving swiftly to get it done. It is time to take seriously, I mean to say, the wall-to-wall unseriousness of the Trump regime’s plans for a nation it would be impossible to live in were it ever to come to be. The saving grace here is they cannot possibly create the America they have in mind. But they will, I have to add, make an unholy mess on their way to failing.

Three days after the antifa executive order, The White House made public a National Security Presidential Memorandum titled “Countering Domestic Terrorism and Organized Political Violence.” NSPM–7, as this document is known, is formally addressed to Marco Rubio, Trump’s secretary of state, Treasury Secretary Scott Bessent, Attorney General Pam Bondi and Kristi Noem, the Homeland Security secretary.

This thing picks up where the one-page executive order leaves off. It cites various assassinations and attempted assassinations — Charlie Kirk, Brian Thompson, the United Healthcare chief executive, the two attempts on Trump’s life during his 2024 campaign — and fair enough, although casting political violence as terrorist violence is a sleight-of-hand too far. It is when NSPM–7 invokes recent protests against Immigration and Customs Enforcement agents and “riots in Los Angeles and Portland” that you sense the trouble to come.

From the first of the document’s five sections:

This political violence is not a series of isolated incidents and does not emerge organically. Instead, it is a culmination of sophisticated, organized campaigns of targeted intimidation, radicalization, threats, and violence designed to silence opposing speech, limit political activity, change or direct policy outcomes, and prevent the functioning of a democratic society. A new law enforcement strategy that investigates all participants in these criminal and terroristic conspiracies — including the organized structures, networks, entities, organizations, funding sources, and predicate actions behind them — is required.

What is required, it turns out, is an institutionalized surveillance operation that goes considerably beyond the Patriot Act. “This guidance,” Section 2 reads, “shall also include an identification of any behaviors, fact patterns, recurrent motivations, or other indicia common to organizations and entities that coordinate these acts in order to direct efforts to identify and prevent potential violent activity.”

And then NSPM–7 gets down to what the Trump regime is truly after:

Common threads animating this violent conduct include anti-Americanism, anti-capitalism, and anti-Christianity; support for the overthrow of the United States Government; extremism on migration, race, and gender; and hostility towards those who hold traditional American views on family, religion, and morality.

I am not letting the liberal wing of the ruling Late–Imperial War Party, commonly known as the Democrats, off the hook in this domestic terrorism business. Joe Biden banged on about this whenever it was politically expedient the whole of his discombobulated term, and we now witness the consequences of all his loose, opportunistic talk. In effect, Biden prefaced what the Trump regime is step-by-step codifying into law.

One of the more pernicious of the many objectionable features of NSPM–7 merits immediate note. This is the vagueness of its language. Whenever I see official documents of this kind my mind goes back to imperial China, whose mandarins were highly legalistic but kept written law purposely ambiguous so as to maximize the prerogatives of imperial power. A surfeit of laws, all of them to be interpreted in whatever way suited the throne.

As of last weekend we know how Pam Bondi, Trump’s patently fascistic AG, intends to interpret NSPM–7. This is by way of a Justice Department memorandum Ken Klippenstein, the exemplary investigative journalist, reported on (but did not actually publish in full) on Saturday, Dec. 6. This is Klippenstein’s exclusive. Here is the top of the piece he published in his Substack newsletter under the headline, “FBI Making List of American ‘Extremists,’ Leaked Memo Reveals:”

Attorney General Pam Bondi is ordering the FBI to “compile a list of groups or entities engaging in acts that may constitute domestic terrorism”… The target is those expressing “opposition to law and immigration enforcement; extreme views in favor of mass migration and open borders; adherence to radical gender ideology,” as well as “anti–Americanism,” “anti-capitalism,” and “anti–Christianity.”

 

We watch in horror from afar as the Zionist terror state continues its genocide against the people of Gaza and escalates its slower-motion, lower-technology genocide against the 3 million Palestinians who reside in East Jerusalem and the West Bank, otherwise known as the Occupied Territories — illegally occupied, of course.

As a few Israeli commentators have pointed out — those few who guard their integrity— the operative principle here is the limitless impunity the Western powers have long granted “the Jewish state.”

This is the outcome, they say, when a people given to a culture of vengeance are told they will never suffer consequences however barbaric their conduct toward others, however many laws they break, however many their assassinations, however many their torture victims, however many exploding telephones they plant among civilian populations, etc.

Maybe we need no reminders, maybe we do, that this presumption of impunity is not bound by sovereign borders and is not limited to the cowardly, condemnable savagery of apartheid Israel in Gaza and the West Bank. But we had one last week, and it is well we consider it carefully.

Zohran Mamdani, the principled social democrat who is New York’s mayor-elect, is now under attack from Zionist Americans who insist Zionist Americans are above the law — American law and international law. You may look well on Mamdani and you may not, but as he is besieged by these objectionable people, so are we all.

This story begins on Wednesday, Nov. 19, at Park East Synagogue, a grand edifice that sits on East 67th Street between Third and Lexington Avenues in the Lenox Hill section of Manhattan.

Park East has been serving Modern Orthodox Jews since 1890. Its congregation, to be noted, is comprised of the great and good of the Upper East Side. These are observant but assimilated Jews, thoroughly plugged into, let’s say, secular public space.

Except.

Two Wednesdays back Park East hosted an organization dedicated to encouraging Jews to “make Aliyah,” the Hebrew term for emigrating to “the Promised Land.” O.K., you cannot find anything legally wrong in this, although it is unambiguously a moral wrong in that it expresses support for a genocidal state.

But let us set aside the moral question for now. The organization Park East sponsored, Nefesh B’Nefesh, also assists American Jews who wish to emigrate to Israeli settlements in the Occupied Territories. This is a legal matter and as such not inconsequential.

American Settlers

Statistics on the settler population in the West Bank and East Jerusalem are hard to nail down (and I can easily imagine why). The Times of Israel reported eight years ago that some 60,000 Americans were among the Jewish settlers in the West Bank.

That was roughly 15 percent of the settler population then — not counting the considerable number residing in East Jerusalem. We have no precise figures now, but these populations — settlers and Americans among the settlers — are both higher.

As has been well-reported, and well-recorded in several documentaries, the Americans among the West Bank settlers are frequently the most violent in their incessant attacks on Palestinians. They have also been at times the most readily inclined to murder.

There is the infamous case of Baruch Goldstein, a freakshow Zionist from Brooklyn who killed 29 Palestinians when he attacked the Ibrahimi Mosque (tomb of Abraham and other patriarchs) in Hebron in 1994. Goldstein was not singular: He was and remains exemplary — and a hero among some Zionists. National Security Minister Ben Givr had a picture of Goldstein on his living room wall until 2020.

I cannot name the precise statutes applicable here, but they must be several. Open and shut, just the faces, Ma’am, Nefesh B’Nefesh is an accomplice to the settler movement.

Most immediately significant in the Park East case, Nefesh B’Nefesh — this translates as “soul to soul,” and who knows what that is all about — is directly implicated in the settlers’ breach of international law given that all the settlements in the West Bank and East Jerusalem are illegal according to said law.

There was no claiming surprise that blustery Nov. 19th when a group of roughly 200 vociferous demonstrators gathered in front of Park East to protest the promotional seminar Nefesh B’Nefesh was running that day.

“Death to the IDF” was among the tamer of various chants; others encouraged violence against settlers. “It is our duty,” one leader of the demonstration said measuredly to those assembled, “to make them think twice before holding these events.”

Inside the Park East building, people indirectly but unmistakably promoting violence against Palestinians, land theft and all the rest. And on East 67th Street, righteous indignation, anger in behalf of a persecuted people, some violent rhetoric, but no violence.

It was obvious the mayor-elect would have to intervene. The event itself warranted this, and various Zionist constituencies, as well-reported before and since Mamdani’s election, have been attacking him as a radical jihadist, an anti–Semite and who knows what else, so attempting to poison his relations with New York’s Jewish community.

Here is the ever-poised Mamdani’s day-after statement, his first on the incident:

“The mayor-elect has discouraged the use of language used at last night’s protest and will continue to do so. He believes every New Yorker should be free to enter a house of worship without intimidation and that these sacred spaces should not be used to promote activities in violation of international law.”

A few days later, storms of protest from Zionist quarters having instantly erupted, Mamdani sent this statement to The New York Times:

“We will protect New Yorkers’ First Amendment rights while making clear that nothing can justify language calling for ‘death to’ anyone. It is unacceptable, full stop.”

I find these statements a little in the way of Solomon in their discernment, in Mamdani’s determination not to tilt his hand and to articulate the core truth of the matter:

The more extreme language out on East 67th Street was wrong so far as it intimidated synagogue goers, but the principle of free speech is nonetheless to be honored; those encouraging breaches of international law are wrong, and a synagogue should not be used to promote illegalities.

‘A Hateful Mob’

Maybe what has come back at Mamdani in the course of all this was predictable, more-of-the-same babble. “Mob” was the de rigueur term among those responding to the mayor-elect’s response.

The demonstrators were “a hateful mob of anti–Israel protesters,” the New York Post reported, and it got worse from there. Mamdani sided with “an anti–Semitic mob,” eJP, or eJewishphilanthropy.com, declared. “Last week,” this outfit continued, “Mayor-elect Zohran Mamdani failed the first test of his promise to protect all New Yorkers.”

And from William Daroff, the chief exec of the Conference of Presidents of Major American Jewish Organizations: “We are still judging him, and I’d say that at the moment he’s got a failing grade.”

They sitteth in judgment, you see.

 

Wandering among the media over the Thanksgiving weekend….

On Saturday I read that President Trump announced the previous day that he intends to grant a full pardon to Juan Orlando Hernández, who has been serving a 45–year sentence in a federal prison in West Virginia for running an immense, decades-long cocaine-trafficking operation, in cahoots with some of Latin America’s most notorious drug cartels, during his term as president of Honduras. Plainly proud of himself, the Trumpster boasted of this act of misplaced mercy on his Truth Social digital site Friday evening, in all caps if you please, “CONGRATULATIONS TO JUAN ORLANDO HERNANDEZ ON YOUR UPCOMING PARDON. MAKE HONDURAS GREAT AGAIN!” Señora Hernández reportedly wept (happy tears) on hearing her husband will soon be free.

Then on Sunday I read that Trump has commuted the sentence of David Gentile, who was serving a seven-year sentence for his part in a scheme that bilked 10,000 investors of $1.6 billion by—the usual thing—lying about the performance of the funds he operated and covering payouts Ponzi-style. A commutation and a pardon are not quite the same: In the former case the conviction still stands, in the latter it is erased. But who’s counting? Gentile had reported to prison Nov. 14 and was free after serving less than two weeks of his time.

Back to social media, of course: On Thanksgiving Day Trump’s pardon czar—yes, he has one, named Alice Marie Johnson—declared she was “deeply grateful to see David Gentile heading home to his young children.” This Alice Marie Johnson, it is fun to know, was convicted of cocaine-trafficking charges in 1996 and was serving a life sentence when the Trumpster commuted her sentence during his first term.

Just as I was gathering my thoughts about the Latin American president who flooded the United States with coke and the private executive who got caught defrauding thousands of unknowing investors and the ex-con managing Trump’s clemency operations, news came that Bibi Netanyahu, who was indicted on corruption charges six years ago, has just asked Isaac Herzog, Israel’s president, to pardon him.

This is a very big banana. The Israeli prime minister stands accused of bribery, fraud and breach of public trust in three separate cases and has been dodging justice, lately by prolonging a genocide, ever since his trials began. As has been well-reported, Netanyahu has long attempted to destroy the Israeli judiciary—its independence and integrity—to pervert the nation’s courts in his favor and, so, avoid a guilty verdict.

And what did Bibi say in his appeal to Herzog? He must be cleared of all charges, he asserted, for the sake of Israel’s “security and political reality.” O.K., this has been his bedrock argument all along. But then the beyond-belief taker-of-the-cake, a reference to Trump’s recent appeals to Herzog in Netanyahu’s behalf: “President Trump called for an immediate end to the trial so that I may join him in further advancing vital and shared interests of Israel and the United States.”

Pardons, pardons, commutations, commutations. In mid–October Trump commuted the sentence of Geroge Santos, the short-lived Republican congressman, who was serving seven years for an assortment of fraudulent activities. A few days later it was Changpeng Zhao, the former chief executive of Binance, a cryptocurrency firm, who was given a brief prison sentence and fined $50 million for using Binance to launder money. Binance—so often there is some kind of back story in these cases—turns out to be involved in the Trump family’s cryptocurrency doings. Trump gave Zhao a full pardon on Oct. 21.

Yet more. On Nov. 9 Trump pardoned—preemptively, short of any charges filed—80 people associated with his efforts to reverse the 2020 election result. In a piece published the following day, Forbes lists eight high-profile figures Trump has pardoned so far in his second term. And there are, of course, those convicted or awaiting trial for crimes committed during the now-famous Jan. 6, 2021, demonstrations at the Capitol. On the day of his inauguration, Jan. 20, 2025, Trump granted clemency to nearly 1,600 people.

Trump’s misuse of his power to pardon, including the clemency extended to war criminals during his first term, is extravagant by any measure. But he is not setting any records by way of numbers. During his years in the White House Joe Biden pardoned, preemptively pardoned or commuted the sentences of 4,245 people. This figure includes 1,500 commutations and 39 pardons the Biden White House announced on a single day, a little more than a month before he left office. Dec. 9, 2024, now marks a record in this line.

“There’s more of a sense of the insider pardon than we’ve seen previously,” Bernadette Meyler, who professes in constitutional law at Stanford University, told NPR after Trump’s Nov. 9 pardons were announced. Will you give us all a break, Professor? Only a card-carrying liberal could possibly make such an assertion. No one who followed the Biden pardons, starting with his son, Hunter, can take it seriously.

Let’s give these numbers a little historical context. During his first term Trump issued 1,700 pardons or commutations. Obama issued 1,927 during his White House years, George W. Bush 200 and Bill Clinton 459. If you want to go further back in history: Kennedy, 575; Theodore Roosevelt, 981; Ulysses S. Grant, 1,332; Lincoln, 343. Andrew Johnson extended clemency to 7,650 people, but this included many thousands of former Confederate officials and officers and so must be counted an atypical case.

Something has happened these past two administrations, we have to conclude, and I see two ways to explain it. Both, in my view, reflect the state of our crumbling republic in its late-imperial phase.

One, we live amid the radical breakdown of law and the decay of our foundational institutions. Power is ever more—and ever more unconstitutionally—concentrated in the Executive Branch, and both of the White House’s most recent inhabitants, Biden no less than Trump, have demonstrated an extravagant disregard for the law.

And as the United States collapses into lawlessness, an obvious domestic crisis also has obvious international dimensions. When Trump announces his intention to pardon Juan Orlando Hernández even as the United States prosecutes an unlawful campaign against “narco-terrorists” and threatens to attack Venezuela on the specious grounds its government is a major drug-trafficker, one or another kind of disorder is the only possible outcome. “This action would be nothing short of catastrophic,” Mike Vigil, formerly a senior official at the Drug Enforcement Agency, told The New York Times after Trump announced the Hernández pardon, “and would destroy the credibility of the U.S. in the international community,”

To turn this question another way, would Bibi Netanyahu have cited Trump in his request for a pardon had he, Trump, not made the same appeal—and not backed the Israeli terror machine’s barbaric lawlessness in Gaza, the West Bank and elsewhere in West Asia?

Related to this, there is the progressive sequestration of power that is now evident all around us—certainly in the United States but also among many of its clients, if not most of them. Trump’s pardons and most of Trump’s foreign and security policies betray a supreme indifference to the constitution and the American electorate and a betrayal of those who voted him into to office.

 

aybe you saw the video that went public on Nov. 1 wherein Itamar Ben–Givr stands above a row of Palestinian prisoners lying face down with their heads in bags and their hands bound behind their backs. “Look at how they are today, the minimum of conditions,” the ultra–Zionist minister of national security in Bibi Netanyahu’s fanatic-filled cabinet, says as he turns to his entourage. “But there is another thing we need to do. The death penalty to terrorists.”

Those lying on their bellies were reportedly members of al–Nukhba, the special forces unit of al–Qassam, Hamas’s military wing. Ben–Givr, a militant settler who proves, time and again, utterly indifferent to international law, the laws of war, or any sort of accepted norms, wants the Zionist state to kill prisoners of war. This is what it comes down to.

If you haven’t seen the video (and here is a version with good English subtitles), maybe you heard the outrage that subsequently echoed around the world (except in the United States). The footage of the vulgar Ben–Givr has been all over digital media — on YouTube, Facebook, Instagram. Al Jazeera put it out on “X.” I took the version linked here from CNN, one of the few mainstream American media to cover it.

That was then, this is now: On Monday, Nov. 10, the Knesset voted 39 to 16 in favor of a bill that will allow Israel to execute those it arrests as “terrorists” — so long, this is to say, they are Palestinians and not Israeli settlers, who have been on an escalated rampage of terror in the West Bank for many months. “Any person who intentionally or through recklessness causes the death of an Israeli citizen, when motivated by racism, hatred, or intent to harm Israel, shall face the death penalty,” the bill reads in part. It disallows any reconsideration of a death sentence once it is imposed.

This vote was on the legislation’s first reading, of which there are to be three per Israeli parliamentary procedure. But Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his government support the bill, according to The Times of Israel and Haaretz. Gal Hirsch, a former IDF military commander and the man who oversaw all the negotiations that led to the recent release of captives on both sides, told Haaretz the bill is “a tool in the toolbox that allows us to fight terror.”

The media coverage was yet more extensive this time — although not, once again, in the United States — and I found it better than one might expect. The BBC had it, reporting that the bill covers “people Israel deems terrorists.” Reuters referred to “Palestinian militants” instead of “terrorists.” These are modest steps in the right direction — away from the Zionist state’s account of what it is doing, this is to say. Al Jazeera also covered the vote, as to be expected. Anadolu Ajansi, the Turkish wire service, reported that Ayman Odeh, an Arab member of the Knesset, got into an altercation with Ben–Givr that nearly came to fisticuffs. I wish it had, to be honest.

Anadolu then quoted Ben–Givr as bragging on social media: “Jewish Power is making history. We promised and delivered.” Jewish Power, Otzma Yehudit in Hebrew, is the party Ben–Givr heads, which counts the infamous Meir Kahane, madman of all Zionist madmen, among its inspirations.

On the NGO side, I was pleased to see Amnesty International step forward boldly. “There is no sugarcoating this,” Erika Guevara Rosas, Amnesty’s senior research director, stated. “A majority of 39 Israeli Knesset members approved in a first reading a bill that effectively mandates courts to impose the death penalty exclusively against Palestinians.” The headline on this report was just as good: “Israel must immediately halt legislation of discriminatory death penalty bill.”

Apartheid Israel will not halt anything, of course; the more indecent the proposition the more certainly this is so. And here we go. On Thursday and Friday, Nov. 13 and 14, the IDF made mass arrests in the West Bank, all arrestees detained as “terrorists.” The Times of Israel puts the number at 50, The Jerusalem Post 40. Just to complete the picture, on Thursday a pack of Israeli settlers descended on a mosque 18 km southwest of Nablus — this just before morning prayers were to begin — and, after scrawling racist graffiti on its walls and burning copies of the Quran, attempted to set the mosque ablaze.

Take a sec, as I did, to consider these events side-by-side, with the law now pending in the Knesset in mind. What are we in for here, 40 or more mass executions at some point not far down the road? And how many after that? And Israeli settlers will go on their terrorizing way?

I am right with Amnesty and all others condemning the racism implicit in legislation that makes the repulsive Ben–Givr so pleased. But I don’t quite get the reasoning. Would the Knesset bill be OK if it also extended to settler violence and, so, wasn’t discriminatory? Not sure I understand the point here.

No, I see a larger matter at issue in this bill. It is this: The Zionist-nationalists who now determine Israel’s direction are on the way to passing a law that makes legal what is illegal according to the U.N. Charter, international law, and whatever else we count as the international framework that determines the conduct of nations. The Knesset and the Netanyahu regime, in other words, implicitly argue that Israeli law supersedes what the jurists of international law may count as beyond the boundaries of legality.

We are going to make it legal to execute prisoners so long as we call them terrorists, and all we have to do to make this legal is say it is legal by ruling on our own conduct: This is the Israeli position, fairly stated.

This, the consecration of lawlessness in national law, tips us into another line of inquiry altogether. To put the case very simply, where does the Zionist state get off attempting this stunt? The bitter truth is that the United States, world leader in lawlessness for a long time now, has licensed the Israelis to go unabashedly down this road. We should be clear about this for the sake of our integrity: What the Israelis are about to do is nothing the Americans have not already done.

The most obvious case in point is the bundle of secret memoranda Justice Department attorneys wrote to construct the legality of the kidnappings, the detentions without charge, the torture, the offshore “black sites,” Guantánimo — the whole horrific schmear — after the 9/11 attacks. The commander-in-chief was acting legally in a time of war. The Geneva Conventions did not apply because all those people fighting on their own soil against American soldiers were “unlawful combatants,” and the United States had no obligation under the laws of war to afford them legal protections. The waterboarding, the beatings, the electrodes, the rectal feedings and all that wasn’t torture: It was “enhanced interrogation techniques,” which even got an acronym, EITs. The black sites were OK because they were beyond U.S. borders and the U.N. Convention Against Torture therefore did not apply.

 

I never thought I would see the day, but the day came Monday, when Ahmed al–Sharaa arrived at the White House for a sit-down with President Donald Trump and the usual gaggle of misfits who must be there to make sure the Trumpster understands at least a little of what is being said.

A freak-show terrorist amid all that retro Oval Office elegance: Who could have imagined so offensive a tableau?

Al–Sharaa, alert readers will know, is one of those dripping-with-blood Sunni jihadists who, during the West’s extended covert operation against the Assad regime in Syria, had the habit of changing their names and the names of their murderous militias whenever the world figured out who they were and the extent of their savagery.

Al–Sharaa was known back then as Abu Muhammad al–Jolani, the surname translating as “He of the Golan.” Past beneficiary of C.I.A.–MI6 profligacy during those years when American and British intel financed, armed and trained primitive killers of al–Sharaa’s kind, he is now the president of Syria — the result of a final Anglo-American push that put him in Damascus a year ago next month.

Al–Sharaa–al–Jolani began his brilliant career in 2003, when, at 21, he joined al–Qaeda in Iraq to fight against the American occupation (which, one has to say, was a creditable thing to do in and of itself). Then he hooked up with the Islamic State, via the infamous Abu Bakr al–Baghdadi, to get the Sunni barbarism going back in his native Syria.

After the C.I.A. and MI6 turned “Arab Spring” protests in Syria into a bloody armed conflict in 2011 (early 2012 at the latest), al–Jolani (as he was by this time) helped form Jabhat al–Nusra, al–Qaeda’s front organization in Syria.

But by 2017 al–Nusra was getting an other-than-brilliant press, and al–Jolani changed its name to Hay`at Tahrir al–Sham, HTS, via a merger with… let’s see… by my count, six other not very nice Salafist militias.

HTS was designated a year later as a terrorist organization by the United States and the U.N.; al–Jolani, with the same designation, had a $10 million price on his head.

The world is run in secrecy, I long ago concluded. And it is hard to tell when the invisible powers that determine global events decided to buy al–Jolani some suits, tell him to change his name back to what it was and make him legit.

Rehab Operation

I first clocked that some kind of rehab operation was afoot when, in April 2021, PBS broadcast the first interview with al–Jolani ever to appear in a Western medium. In it, the specially designated terrorist in a blue blazer and a buttoned-down shirt promised to found a “salvation government” in Syria. Martin Smith, a correspondent with a good reputation (at least until April 2021) nods credulously.

Three years and change later, al–Jolani leads his expensively armed forces in a lightning march toward Damascus, backed, as it was all along, by the Western powers, this time by the Turks and probably but not demonstrably the Israelis.

HTS had not even got to Damascus before you read of how terrific it was all going to be. Headline in the Dec. 3 editions of The Telegraph: “How Syria’s ‘diversity-friendly’ jihadists plan on building a state.”

The sectarian violence for which al–Sharaa has lived and breathed all these years has not stopped since he declared himself president for the next five years — violence against the Druze, violence against Christians, violence against Alawites.

The place is a riot of Sunni-driven brutality, so far as one can make out from the spotty reporting. Some of this is reportedly the work of foreign Salafists who have continued to operate — under al–Sharaa’s direction? with his tacit approval? — since the Assad regime fell.

The American edition of The Spectator ran an interesting piece in its Monday edition by Theo Padnos, who spent a year as a prisoner of HTS, under the headline, “The jihadist I knew: my life as al–Sharaa’s prisoner.”

Here is Padnos’s lead:

“As Washington rolls out the red carpet today for the former al–Qaeda chieftain and now Syrian president, Ahmed al–Sharaa, Syria’s minorities continue to live in terror. An army of destruction, half Mad Max, half Lollapalooza is rolling through the desert somewhere south of the country’s capital, Damascus.

Who has ordered these militants into action? No one knows. What do they want? It isn’t clear. But, as a former prisoner of al–Sharaa’s band of jihadists, I can’t say I’m surprised by what is unfolding in Syria.”

You don’t read much about what is unfolding in Syria in the mainstream American press. Instead, you read about “Mr. Sharaa’s journey from a jihadist intent on killing American soldiers to today’s suave, impeccably dressed, conciliatory leader wooing nations across the globe” — this from Roger Cohen in Monday’s New York Times under the headline, “A Syrian Village and the Long Road to the White House.”

Slather on the uplift, Roger.

Or, from Christina Goldbaum in the same paper, same day:

“Mr. al–Sharaa’s meeting in Washington is the latest turn in the transformation of the Islamist former rebel leader, who was once designated as a terrorist by the United States with a $10 million bounty on his head.”

Suave? Conciliatory? Impeccably dressed? No, no, and those suits look like cheap schmatta to me. The latest turn in the transformation?

You see what is happening here, I hope. Just take this criminal as the powers behind him present him and think no more about what was on that long road, or the beheadings, or who financed the journey.

Ms. Goldbaum informs us that al–Sharaa went to Washington this week “to sign an agreement to join 88 other countries in the global coalition to defeat the Islamic State, which remains active in Syria.” Say whaaa?

Al–Sharaa, no stranger to the Islamic State, was sanctioned as a terrorist until the Treasury Department removed him last Friday; Syria is still designated a state sponsor of terrorism. And al–Sharaa is in the Oval Office for some kind of enlistment ceremony?

Age of Comprehensive Secrecy

In our Age of Comprehensive Secrecy we may never know why Trump and his people had al–Sharaa into the Oval Office. My surmise: At issue Monday was how al–Sharaa is to manage — how he will be told to manage — his relations with Israel, given the Zionist state’s objective is to reduce what is still formally called the Syrian Arab Republic to a smashed mosaic mess as it proceeds with its “seven-front war.”

Al–Sharaa is, in short, now a fully certified instrument of the imperium and its appendages. He is to serve an assigned purpose.

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