Stephen G. Breyer

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Stephen G. Breyer


Born
in San Francisco, California, The United States
August 15, 1938

Genre


Stephen Gerald Breyer is a retired Associate Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court. Appointed by Democratic President Bill Clinton in 1994, and known for his pragmatic approach to constitutional law, Breyer is generally associated with the more liberal side of the Court.

Following a clerkship with Supreme Court Associate Justice Arthur Goldberg in 1964, Breyer became well-known as a law professor and lecturer at Harvard Law School starting in 1967. There he specialized in the area of administrative law, writing a number of influential text books that remain in use today. He held other prominent positions before being nominated for the Supreme Court, including special assistant to the United States Assistant Attorney General for Antitrust, and as
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Average rating: 3.8 · 2,977 ratings · 398 reviews · 39 distinct worksSimilar authors
Active Liberty: Interpretin...

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Making Our Democracy Work: ...

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The Court and the World: Am...

3.76 avg rating — 434 ratings — published 2015 — 9 editions
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Against the Death Penalty

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Breaking the Vicious Circle...

3.62 avg rating — 29 ratings — published 1993 — 11 editions
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Regulation and Its Reform

3.88 avg rating — 17 ratings — published 1982 — 7 editions
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America's Supreme Court: Ma...

3.83 avg rating — 6 ratings — published 2011
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Administrative Law and Regu...

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Mahanoy Area School Distric...

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liked it 3.00 avg rating — 1 rating
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Administrative Law and Regu...

did not like it 1.00 avg rating — 1 rating — published 1982 — 7 editions
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More books by Stephen G. Breyer…
Quotes by Stephen G. Breyer  (?)
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“The Court has a special responsibility to ensure that the Constitution works in practice. While education, including the transmission of our civic values from one generation to the next, must play the major role in maintaining public confidence in the Court's decisions, the Court too must help maintain public acceptance of its own legitimacy. It can do this best by helping ensure that the Constitution remains "workable" in a broad sense of the term. Specifically, it can and should interpret the Constitution in a way that works for the people of today.”
Stephen Breyer, Making Our Democracy Work: A Judge's View

“The complexity of modern federal criminal law, codified in several thousand sections of the United States Code and the virtually infinite variety of factual circumstances that might trigger an investigation into a possible violation of the law, make it difficult for anyone to know, in advance, just what particular set of statements might later appear (to a prosecutor) to be relevant to some such investigation.”
Stephen G. Breyer, You Have the Right to Remain Innocent

“questioning the lawfulness of a long-standing State Department policy specifying that the birthplace of an American citizen born in Jerusalem be given as “Jerusalem” rather than “Israel or Jordan” in his passport.43 The courts were asked to review this policy in light of a congressional statute requiring the State Department to describe the birthplace as “Israel” if the citizen so wished. Did the statute unconstitutionally interfere with the President’s power to conduct foreign affairs?44 The lower courts had decided that the case presented an unreviewable political question.45 But the Supreme Court held to the contrary. All the justices but one (and I was the one) considered the matter of deciding what the statute meant and whether it was constitutional to be “a familiar judicial exercise.”46 My colleagues believed the courts should not avoid the question by invoking the “political question” doctrine.47 They consequently sent the case back to the lower court for a decision on the merits.48 Though alone, I saw the case differently. “In the Middle East,” I wrote, “administrative matters can have implications that extend far beyond the purely administrative.”49 The secretary of state had argued that requiring her to stamp the word Israel on a passport would represent an “official decision by the United States to begin to treat Jerusalem as a city” under Israeli sovereignty.50 She maintained that upholding the statute would have significant foreign policy implications (a conclusion that others denied). Because of our inability to know the answer to this kind of dispute, I concluded that the merits of the case raised a political question, which the other two branches should resolve between themselves.51 What matters for our purposes, however, is that the other members of the Court disagreed with me. They thought that, even there, the doctrine did not prevent the Court from reviewing the merits of this foreign policy-related question. The upshot is that neither the classical view of Cicero nor the “political question” doctrine prevents today’s Court from reaching, and deciding the merits of, many questions in which security and civil liberties collide. But there are other doctrines, embodied in other cases, that have had much the same effect.”
Stephen G. Breyer, The Court and the World: American Law and the New Global Realities

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