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1MDB corruption scandal in 1MDB

corruption
Malaysia: a study of failings in scandal in
Malaysia
control and accountability
David Seth Jones 59
Policy and Management Consultant, UK
Received 6 November 2019
Revised 21 February 2020
Abstract Accepted 28 February 2020
Purpose – The aim of the paper is to examine the various aspects of the 1MDB scandal including the extent
and types of corruption that occurred and the action taken to deal with them. In doing this, the paper seeks to
identify the reasons for the scandal and the lessons that can be learnt to avoid such a scandal in Malaysia and
elsewhere in the future.
Design/methodology/approach – The research for the paper is based on evidence from court hearings,
reports of watchdog and regulatory agencies, media reports, and various articles and books written
about 1MDB.
Findings – The paper shows that most of the scandal involved embezzlement, bribery, false declarations and
bond mispricing relating to extensive borrowing by 1MDB, and entailed a global network of shell companies
and individuals through which the illicit money was passed. It also shows weak governance in 1MDB, poor
internal controls within banks, the failure of watchdog and enforcement bodies to take the necessary action
partly due to political control over them, and overall the lack of political will to deal with the scandal.
Originality/value – The paper builds on the findings of other papers and books written on the 1MDB scandal.
It does this by linking the corruption to the borrowings of 1MDB, the international network of money-
laundering and bribery through which illicit money flowed, and the poor internal controls in the organisation. It
also builds on previous research by highlighting the failure of banks to identify money-laundering and of
watchdog and enforcement bodies to deal with the corruption. A further value of the paper is to identify the
lessons that can be learnt about combatting corruption on such a scale.
Keywords Malaysia, Embezzlement, Bribery, Money-laundering, Mispricing, Shell companies
Paper type Research paper

Introduction
The 1 Malaysia Development Fund Bhd (1MDB) scandal is perhaps the most serious
corruption scandal that has been recorded. The corruption has involved the embezzlement
and laundering of billions of US dollars from its accounts together with gains from bribery
and bond pricing, facilitated by false declarations by its officials and others. The illicit money
was often transferred and laundered outside Malaysia. A cohort of bankers, businessmen and
senior government officials mainly from Malaysia, but some from Saudi Arabia, the UAE and
other countries have been implicated in the scandal. Increasingly from 2016 the spotlight has
been placed on the former Malaysian Prime Minister, Najib Razak (who was also Chairman of
the 1MDB Advisory Board), his wife, Rosmah Mansor, and Low Taek Jho (or Jho Low) a
Malaysian businessman and associate of Najib. He is alleged to have been the mastermind
behind the scandal.
The scandal came to light in 2015 and has given rise to investigations not only in Malaysia
but in other countries where embezzled and other illicit money has been deposited and
laundered. The investigations were intensified in 2018 with the change of government in

© David Seth Jones. Published in Public Administration and Policy. Published by Emerald Publishing
Limited. This article is published under the Creative Commons Attribution (CC BY 4.0) license. Anyone Public Administration and Policy
Vol. 23 No. 1, 2020
may reproduce, distribute, translate and create derivative works of this article (for both commercial and pp. 59-72
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PAP Malaysia when the Pakatan Harapan coalition, under the new Prime Minister Mahathir
23,1 Mohamad, replaced the Barisan Nasional Government led by Najib, which had ruled
Malaysia since independence in 1957. The investigations and court trials are still on-going, as
more evidence of the scandal comes to light.
The paper examines the various corrupt practices in the 1MDB scandal and explains why
they occurred, focusing on political control and the lack of proper surveillance and
accountability, with consideration given to the lessons that can be learnt from the scandal.
60

Aims, corporate structure and funding of 1MDB

1MDB began as the Terengganu Investment Authority (TIA), launched by the Menteri Besar
(Chief Minister) of the State of Terengganu, Ahmad Said, in February 2009. It was set up as a
holding and investment company for the State, and was funded initially by a bond issue of
RM5 billion (US$1.19 billion). In September 2009, it changed its status to a Malaysian national
investment fund under the name of 1MDB, wholly owned by the Malaysian Government
through the Ministry of Finance Inc. (Ali, 2015, p. 134).
To facilitate its aims, 1MDB developed a network of joint ventures (JVs) with two
subsidiaries of the Saudi Arabian company Petro Saudi International (PSI) and also an Abu
Dhabi company, Aabar Investments PJSC, a subsidiary of the International Petroleum
Investment Company (IPIC). From 2009 to 2015, 1MDB created numerous subsidiaries in its
own right. Particular mention should be made of SRC International Sdn Bhd, whose remit was
to borrow funds from the civil service pension fund, Kumpulan Wang Persaraan (KWAP).
This company was separated from 1MDB in 2012 and became a wholly owned subsidiary of
the Ministry of Finance Inc. (Auditor-General of Malaysia [AGM], 2016, pp. 57–62). As many
of the JVs and subsidiaries of 1MDB were registered in other countries, it was difficult to trace
illicit flows of money between them (Gabriel, 2018, pp. 69–70).
1MDB had several sources of funding. The initial source was the funds of TIA, mainly
derived from a conventional bond issue, transferred to 1MDB on its formation in 2009. The
second source of funding was Islamic bonds or sukuk issues for a medium term in 2009, and a
short-term note issued in 2014 (AGM, 2016, pp. 13–16, 237; US Department of Justice, [DOJ],
2019, p. 15). The third source of funding was three conventional bond issues in 2012 and 2013
which raised US$6.5 billion from the local and international bond markets. Goldman Sachs
played a central role in arranging and underwriting these bond issues, charging above the
market rate of 7.7 per cent of the securities (Adam, 2018). Also relevant was the loan of RM4
billion (US$954 million) provided by the Malaysian Government in 2011 from the country’s
civil service pension fund, and raised by the 1MDB subsidiary, SRC International (AGM,
2016, p. 214; Malaysiakini, 2016). This loan remains a key issue in the present trial of Najib.
Together with other loans, the sum total of the borrowing by 1MDB in 2015 was RM41.9
billion (US$10 billion) including RM8.2 billion (US$1.96 billion) of inherited loans from
companies it took over (AGM, 2016, p. 233; Boey, 2015).

Corrupt practices
Embezzlement
The main malpractice in the 1MDB scandal was embezzlement on an epic scale. It occurred in
four phases and involved misappropriation of its funds largely derived from borrowing,
through bond and sukuk issues and bank loans. The misappropriation involved six major
embezzlements.
(1) During the Good Star phase (2009–2011), in 2009 US$700 million (RM2.93 billion) of a
cash grant of US$1 billion (RM4.19 billion) by 1MDB to a JV with PSI, was siphoned
 off to be credited to an account of a company, Good Star Ltd, owned by Jho Low 1MDB
(Gabriel, 2018, p. 71; US DOJ, 2019, pp. 8, 17–18). corruption
(2) In May 2011 an additional US$330 million (RM1.38 billion) lent by 1MDB to the JV scandal in
ended up as a deposit in the Good Star account (Lee, 2018; US DOJ, 2019, pp. 8–9, Malaysia
17–18, 29–53).
(3) In 2012 during the Aabar-BVI phase, of US$3.5 billion (RM14.51 billion) raised by
1MDB in bond issues in that year, approximately US$1.4 billion (RM5.80 billion), was 61
misappropriated, ending up in an account owned by Jho Low (Gabriel, 2018, p. 72; US
DOJ, 2019, pp. 8–9, 53–88).
(4) In 2013 during the Tanore phase, more than US$1.26 billion (RM5.30 billion) of a US$3
billion (RM12.62 billion) bond issue was embezzled for the benefit of Low, his
associates and officials in 1MDB (Gabriel, 2018, p. 72; Lee, 2018; US DOJ, 2019,
pp. 9–10, 88–109).
(5) Also in 2013 some of the loans to SRC International from the civil service pension
fund, mentioned above, were reportedly embezzled to the benefit of an associate of Jho
Low, Eric Tan Kim Loong (Aw, 2016; Brown, 2018, p. 421). It is also alleged that some
of the funds were diverted locally to the accounts of Najib and former Malaysian
Treasury Secretary-General, Irwan Serigar (Ellis-Petersen, 2018).
(6) In 2014, US$850 million (RM3.58 billion) were embezzled from a loan of US$1.23
billion (RM5.15 billion) to 1MDB from a syndicate of banks. This loan was to be used
as a cash payment to IPIC in return for which it would act as guarantor of 1MDB debt.
Again the benefactors were Low and his associates (US DOJ, 2019, pp. 10, 54,
59,107–108; Wright and Hope, 2018, pp. 211, 216, 253).
Apart from being funneled through the chain of shell companies, the embezzled funds were
also routed on occasions through the accounts of Low’s father (a businessman) and brother.
In addition, the nominal owner of some of the shell companies was Eric Tan, who acted as a
proxy for Low. From these, large amounts of money were transferred to other accounts at the
instruction of Low (Edge Malaysia, 2018a; Brown, 2018, p. 421; US DOJ, 2019, pp. 101, 232).
According to US prosecutors, more than US$6.5 billion (RM27.34 billion) flowed from 1MDB,
“through a complex web of opaque transactions and fraudulent shell companies, to finance
spending sprees by corrupt officials and their associates” (Tan, 2018). This plus the use of
personal and family intermediaries and proxies were all designed to make it difficult to trace
the final destination and ultimate use of the embezzled money.

Bribery
Bribery also figured in the 1MDB scandal. Bribes were offered by Goldman Sachs to and
accepted by officials in 1MDB and the Malaysian Government to allow Goldman Sachs to
arrange and underwrite the bond issues in 2012 and 2013 for a very high underwriting fee, as
mentioned above. In a crucial piece of evidence, Goldman Sachs’ chairman in Southeast Asia,
Tim Leissner, pleaded guilty in a New York court in November 2018 and implicated others,
stating:
While acting within the scope of my employment and with the intent to benefit Goldman Sachs and
myself, as an employee and agent of Goldman Sachs, I entered into a conspiracy with those
individuals identified in the Government’s information to pay bribes and kickbacks to obtain and
then retain business from 1MDB for Goldman Sachs. . . . The goal of paying bribes and kickbacks
was to influence the government officials to take official action so that Goldman Sachs would receive
PAP business from 1MDB. I took part in the process of paying some of these bribes and kickbacks (Edge
Malaysia, 2018b).
23,1
Further bribes were offered to 1MDB officials in managing its accounts to facilitate the
embezzlement, and also to key figures in the banks in which the embezzled money was
deposited or through which it was transferred in order to ignore its illicit nature
(eSpear, 2018).
62
Money laundering
Embezzlement and bribery in the 1MDB scandal led to another corrupt practice, namely,
money laundering, which involved receiving or retaining money from these sources,
disguising or not investigating its origins and purpose. Those in receipt either as
intermediaries or ultimate beneficiaries were thus guilty of money laundering as was any
bank (or legal or financial firm) which retained the money in one of its accounts on behalf of
the sender or recipient without investigating its source. This was often in violation of anti-
money laundering laws in the country to where such money was transferred, and in the case
of banks, in breach of their own anti-money laundering compliance requirements.
Of course, given the chain of complex transactions through which the illicit money was
transferred in the 1MDB scandal, the easier it was for recipients to cover up its origins and
purpose, and the more difficult it was for the banks to undertake a proper investigation. As
discussed below, the enforcement action against the corruption at 1MDB included money
laundering as one of the key offences committed by both the recipients of the money and the
banks involved in the retention and transfer of the money (Ramesh, 2016; eSpear, 2018).

False declarations and bond mispricing

Another aspect of the 1MDB scandal was the repeated false declarations made between 2009
and 2014, which were specified in the court hearings in the US. These included false
declarations by 1MDB officials to banks in Malaysia responsible for forwarding embezzled
money, and to overseas banks receiving the money. There were also false declarations by the
recipients or intermediaries in the transfer of the money. One of them was Jho Low. False
statements were made from time to time by senior officials of 1MDB to the IMDB Board, to the
Bank Negara (Malaysian Central Bank) and to banks from which loans were acquired about
the purpose of the loans and value of 1MDB assets offered as collateral (Ali, 2018, pp. 1869,
1883, 1898).
A further malpractice was the mispricing of the 1MDB bonds (setting of the interest rates
well above the market rates for government-guaranteed debt) and their sale to chosen
investors in a private placement. This may arguably be considered another form of
corruption as the investors in the placement pool were able to reap rewards from
subsequently selling the bonds (flipping) at a substantial profit because of the high interest
rates attached to the bonds (KINIBIZ, 2015; Ali, 2018, pp. 1876, 1879).

Cover-up and exposure of the scandal

For a number of years the 1MDB scandal was covered up by the Malaysian Government. This
was achieved in 2015 and 2016 by the removal from office of key officials including the
Deputy Prime Minister, four other ministers, the Attorney-General and some lower level
officials, who were otherwise prepared to unveil evidence of corruption or support an open-
ended inquiry. The Government was also able to hide the scandal by ensuring that
documents and computer files were withheld from investigators and auditors, and by
influencing investigators in the National Audit Department and the Malaysian Anti-
Corruption Commission (MACC) to alter their findings or to abandon their investigations.
This was illustrated not least in the redaction of the report of the AGM in 2016 (Latiff and 1MDB
Ananthalakshmi, 2018). corruption
Despite the efforts of the Malaysian Government to cover up the scandal, evidence
gradually came to light to show widespread irregularities. Firstly, anomalies in 1MDB were
scandal in
initially revealed in 2013 and came from two sources. One was the Malaysian on-line Malaysia
business newspaper KINIBIZ, which ran a series of articles on bond mispricing,
overpayment for energy assets and other questionable deals (Gunasegaram and
KINIBIZ, 2018, p. 14). The second was the web portal managed by British journalist 63
Clare Rewcastle Brown, Sarawak Report, alleging that Goldman Sachs had been overpaid
for the bond issues. The exposure then widened at the beginning of 2015, when a retired
Swiss banker and ex-employee of PSI, Xavier Justo, forwarded to Brown thousands of
documents, including 227,000 emails. They came from the servers of PSI, and unearthed
evidence of the theft of hundreds of millions of dollars from 1MDB and other corrupt
practices (Teh, 2018, pp. 187–191). Important sections of the evidence were published in the
Sarawak Report, and from this source they were also published in the British Sunday Times
and Guardian, and the Wall Street Journal.
This evidence was also reported a few months later in certain news outlets in Malaysia
itself such as Utusan Malaysia, Malaysiakini, Malaysia Insider and various publications of the
Edge Media Group (Teh, 2018, pp. 189–190). In addition, the local press provided from 2015
further information relating to the financial dealings of 1MDB, together with major
international newspapers including The Guardian, Daily Telegraph, and The Wall Street
Journal. The press reports ensured that the scandal was kept at the centre of public attention.
These reports gave opposition Members of Parliament (MPs) and some MPs of the ruling
Barisan Nasional, important information to question the investment policies of 1MDB and
raise suspicions of malpractices in its financial dealings. Ultimately, trust in Najib’s
government was undermined and contributed to its defeat in the 2018 general election. The
concern of Najib’s government regarding the role of the press was indicated in its suspension
of two print publications of the Edge Media Group (the Edge Weekly and the Edge Financial
News) in July 2015. The order was ruled as illegal and revoked three months later by the
High Court.
The cover-ups indicated above have simply exacerbated the 1MDB scandal. As pointed
out by Lowi (1988, pp. viii-ix), the repercussions of such cover-ups, which he refers to as the
procedural scandal, may be as serious as the original malpractices, which he terms the
substantive scandal (the actual embezzlement, money laundering, and bribery etc.). As the
cover-ups have been exposed through the various channels mentioned above, so the
procedural aspect of the scandal has increased alongside the substantive scandal.

Investigation and enforcement

Malaysia
Malaysia is of course the centre of the investigation into the corruption at 1MDB. The new
government under Mahathir took steps to revive the investigation, re-establishing the special
task force. It comprises the MACC, Attorney-General’s Chambers, Royal Malaysia Police, and
Bank Negara Malaysia, and its leading members are those who figured in the original task
force but who fell out of favour with the previous government. According to the office of
Prime Minister Mahathir, “This special task force will be responsible on [sic] all aspects of the
investigation, from financial tracking and asset acquisition which resulted from the
mismanagement of 1MDB funds that are kept or invested in the country or abroad” (Star
Online, 2018). Part of its remit is to cooperate with judicial and enforcement agencies in those
countries which are also investigating the 1MDB scandal. The legislation under which
enforcement is proceeding is the Anti-Money Laundering and Anti-Terrorism Financing Act,
PAP 2001, the Malaysian Anti-Corruption Commission (Amendment) Act, 2018, and the Penal
23,1 Code (Section 409).

Other jurisdictions
Given the international nature of the 1MDB scandal, investigations have been and continue to
be conducted in a number of countries under their respective anti-corruption and anti-money
64 laundering laws where financial institutions have been in receipt of illicit money from 1MDB.
The focus has been largely on money laundering although other offences such as bribery and
supplying dishonest and misleading information are being investigated. In Singapore, money
laundering by certain banks and individuals connected to 1MDB has been investigated since
2016 and enforcement action taken, as mentioned below. Detailed investigation has also been
conducted in Switzerland by the Money Laundering Reporting Office Switzerland (MROS),
the Office of the Attorney General of Switzerland (OAGS), and the Swiss FINMA (Financial
Market Supervisory Authority). The main focus of the investigation, as in Singapore, is
money laundering given the large amount of embezzled money from 1MDB that passed
through banks in Switzerland. The main legislation under which it is proceeding is the Anti-
Money Laundering Act of 1997 (revised in 2009) (Attorney General of Switzerland, 2017, pp.
19–20). In addition, investigations into 1MDB corruption continue to be conducted in the USA
where certain locally registered banks and their senior managers are currently being
investigated for money laundering, bribery and other offences connected to 1MDB. The main
anti-corruption agency involved in this task is the Money Laundering and Asset Recovery
Section (MLARS) of the DOJ.

Enforcement action so far

In Malaysia charges have been levied against several 1MDB officials. The former CEO of
1MDB, Arul Kanda, was charged in December 2018 with tampering with the audit report on
1MDB in 2016 to eliminate evidence of corruption. But the centre of the investigation and the
focus of media speculation is the role of former Prime Minister Najib. In 2018, he was charged
with 21 counts of money laundering and four counts of abuse of power. The trial is now on-
going (Lim, 2019). So far, a key focus of the trial is his alleged involvement in the
embezzlement of funds from the state pension fund through SRC. In addition, apart from the
main individuals involved in the scandal, enforcement action is being taken against those
persons who had illicitly received money from 1MDB. For example, on 7 October 2019, 80
persons were fined US$100 million (RM418.6 million) for receiving illicit money from 1MDB
(Associated Press, 2019).
In addition, in December 2018 the two leadings bankers of Goldman Sachs in Southeast
Asia, Tim Leissner (Chairman) and Roger Ng Chong Hwa (Deputy Chairman), were charged
with misappropriating US$2.7 billion (RM11.34 billion), bribing officials and giving false
statements when issuing the bonds (Makortoff, 2018). Most recently, 17 current and ex-
executives of Goldman Sachs have been charged for their part, according to the Malaysian
Attorney-General, in “the fraudulent misappropriation of billions in bond proceeds”. The
intention is to seek custodial sentences and criminal fines (Bowie and Mulberry, 2019).
In two other countries, banks and their senior employees have already been subject to
sanctions. In Singapore four bankers from the Falcon Bank and Banca della Svizzera Italiana
(BSI) were jailed for money laundering and related offences in 2016. The main charge was a
failure to report suspicious and risky transactions as legally required with additional charges
related to forging documents, mis-information and cheating. Four other bankers were given
prohibition orders from 3 to 10 years for bribery and providing misleading information
(Monetary Authority of Singapore [MAS], 2018, p. 11). Also in Singapore, fines of S$31 million
(US$22.3 million) were imposed on the eight banks that received embezzled money from
1MDB, for not paying due diligence to the source and purpose of the transactions in violation 1MDB
of the anti-money laundering regulations. Furthermore, two private Swiss banks, the Falcon corruption
Bank owned by IPIC, and BSI have been closed. The reason was the extent to which they
laundered money embezzled from 1MDB funds, and the serious misconduct of their senior
scandal in
managers in dealing with 1MDB transactions (Daga, 2016; MAS, 2018, p. 11). Malaysia
In Switzerland, three banks (Falcon, BSI and Coutts) have been fined a total of 103 million
Swiss Francs (US$105.2 million) for having “seriously breached money laundering
regulations” in relation to the 1MDB scandal. Other banks which broke money laundering 65
regulations in relation to 1MDB have not been fined, but informed by FINMA to improve their
control and reporting procedures, followed by a period of close monitoring. FINMA has also
warned the banks that if they do not improve their controls against money laundering, their
licence to operate could be revoked. BSI, which has been the most culpable of the banks, has
been taken over by another Swiss bank, EFG International. In addition, the OAGS is currently
pursuing an investigation of six senior bank employees as a result of alleged personal gains
from both the laundering of the embezzled money from 1MDB and accepting bribes to
facilitate the money laundering (FINMA, 2017, pp. 18, 84; 2018, pp. 12, 16, 46, 72, 76).
Steps have been taken in the USA to impose sanctions on banks and individuals involved
in money laundering and offering and taking bribes connected to 1MDB. Under the
Kleptocracy Asset Recovery Initiative of the DOJ, complaints have been filed by the DOJ for
the forfeiture and recovery of assets in the USA worth more than US$1.5 billion paid for by
the embezzled money and the bribes received. Sixteen senior figures in 1MDB and its JV
partners, and their associates and cronies have been mentioned in US court files for
involvement in the 1MDB scandal. In addition, in November 2018 indictments were issued in
New York charging Low and his associate from Goldman Sachs, Roger Ng, for conspiring to
launder billions of dollars embezzled from 1MDB and for paying bribes to various Malaysian
and Abu Dhabi officials. Low is still at large while Ng is in remand in Malaysia and due to be
extradited to the USA. Tim Leissner, as mentioned above, has already pleaded guilty in the
USA to the charges of conspiring to launder money and paying bribes. According to court
filings in the USA, he was ordered to forfeit US$43.7 million (RM183.58 million) as a result of
his money laundering and bribery and could be sentenced to a jail term of several years (US
DOJ, 2018; New Straits Times, 2018).
In other countries, investigations of 1MDB are on-going with the likelihood of further
charges being brought against those who were involved in the embezzlement, bribery and
money laundering. These include Australia, New Zealand, Hong Kong, UAE and the United
Kingdom. In these and other countries, banks, fund management companies, financial trusts
and JV partners were located, which managed or guaranteed 1MDB assets, laundered the
embezzled money or arranged 1MDB bond issues. In addition, in some of the countries
involved in the scandal, the accounts of the shell companies were set up, in which the illicit
money was deposited, or valuable physical assets were purchased from this money.
An important part of the enforcement work is the recovery of assets stolen from 1MDB
and their return to Malaysia. So far, RM919 million (US$218.6 million) has been recovered. In
June 2019 it was announced that civil forfeiture action has been taken by the MACC to recover
a further RM270 million (US$64.3 million). Forfeiture claims are being made against 41
organisations and individuals. This is part of a long process to recover as much of the stolen
funds as possible (Mackessey, 2019).

Why did the 1MDB scandal arise?

There are six reasons why the 1MDB scandal arose, as indicated below.
Firstly, the internal controls over spending, lending and investment in 1MDB were weak
and reflected in a defective system of governance. This was highlighted by the AGM’s report
PAP on 1MDB in 2016. It found that management practices were in contravention of the
23,1 Companies Act of 1965, the Malaysian Code on Corporate Governance and international best
practices on corporate governance. Many examples were given in the AGM’s report,
including key decisions made by a Written Board Resolution outside of a Board of Directors
(BOD) meeting and not subject to the scrutiny of a Board meeting. The Board was also
repeatedly fed false and inaccurate information. Some key financial and investment decisions
were made without reference to or approval of the Board at all. Nor did the management and
66 BOD undertake feasibility studies and a proper evaluation process where these were called
for, reflected not least in the absence of an Investment Sub-committee of the BOD with a remit
to examine both funding and investment risks for a particular project or debt issue (AGM,
2016, pp. 313–320). Moreover, the AGM’s report found that the “maintenance of records and
documents in 1MDB is not satisfactory” and were marked by “serious flaws”. With such a lax
system of control, it is not surprising that financial checks were not undertaken to identify
and prevent the embezzlement of funds (AGM, 2016, p. 325; Ali, 2018, pp. 1867–1946 passim).
Secondly, the attempts to deal with corruption in 1MDB were hamstrung by political
control over the watchdog and investigative agencies. The special task force formed in 2015
to uncover evidence of corruption, was soon after side-lined and then abandoned, after
incriminating evidence against Najib emerged (Wright and Hope, 2018, pp. 139, 251–253).
The Attorney-General was removed from office in 2015, MACC officers were harassed and
arrested, and the Public Accounts Committee’s investigation into 1MDB was disrupted (Ali,
2015, pp. 137–138). The AGM’s own investigation in 2016 was shackled by a lack of access to
1MDB documents compounded by being prevented from accessing 1MDB computers and
servers. The AGM’s original report on 1MDB in 2016 was redacted where it contained
damaging evidence relating to Najib, Low and others. Moreover, it was classified under the
Official Secrets Act so it could not be read by MPs, the press, and the public and acted upon by
the MACC and the Attorney-General (Ali, 2016, pp. 59–68; Aziz, 2018). The MACC’s own
investigations into 1MDB were also restricted. In 2015 it declared that the funds transferred
from 1MDB to Najib’s account, were not the result of embezzlement but were a donation from
Saudi Arabia, with the investigating officials removed from office. The investigation was
closed in 2017 (Wright and Hope, 2018, p. 249). In fact, Tunku Abdul Aziz Ibrahim, the
advisory board chairman of MACC, reportedly stated in 2015 that the MACC had suffered
from “meddling” by the Government that was “ill-advised” (Sherwell, 2015).
Thirdly, the corruption was facilitated by weak internal rules against money laundering in
banks in Malaysia and elsewhere, and even where such rules existed by their willingness not
to adhere to these rules or to anti-money laundering laws. It appears that given the profits to
be made from managing such flows of money and the belief that little action would be taken
against them, banks did not take money laundering prohibitions perhaps as seriously as they
should have done. This again reflects how corruption springs from a perception that such
practices were low risk and high reward (Gabriel, 2018, pp. 73–74; Fox, 2019). One
commentary in 2019 singled out Goldman Sachs, stating: “the reality is that Goldman Sachs
allowed key internal compliance controls to be over-ridden or simply avoided and there was
no manner to check on what were clearly red flags raised”. The commentary continued: “there
was a culture which supported doing business even if it was done illegally and others
consciously looked the other way” (Fox, 2019). These observations were supported by Tim
Leissner’s own testimony in his guilty plea (US DOJ, 2018).
According to its own assessment, Goldman Sachs acknowledged: “the firm’s business
culture, particularly in Southeast Asia, at times prioritized consummation of deals ahead of
the proper operation of its compliance functions” (Goldman Sachs Group, 2018, p. 89).
Although it pointed the blame specifically at its leading employees in Southeast Asia, Tim
Leissner and Roger Ng, for “repeatedly lying to control personnel and internal committees”,
little seems to have been done to check the honesty of their reports (Goldman Sachs Group,
2018, pp. 88–89). Much of this could have been said of other banks which were involved in 1MDB
raising loans for 1MDB and in handling illicit money transfers from embezzlement and corruption
bribery connected to 1MDB.
The fourth and most important reason was the lack of political will. With Najib as Prime
scandal in
Minister and Chairman of 1MDB Advisory Board and allegedly himself a beneficiary of the Malaysia
embezzlement, there was no political will at the top to deal with the corruption in 1MDB. In
fact, any minister in Najib’s government who questioned the management of 1MDB was
removed from office and eventually expelled from the United Malays National Organisation 67
(UMNO), the dominant party in the then ruling Barisan Nasional coalition. It was only after
the change of government in May 2018, did the political will become evident to root out the
corruption. This allowed the shackles to be lifted from the watchdog and investigative
agencies and enabled a far reaching investigation to be conducted and enforcement action to
be taken within Malaysia itself.
The fifth reason for the 1MDB scandal was the hegemonic nature of the democratic
system in Malaysia until after the May 2018 general election. This was based on the continued
dominance of the Barisan Nasional coalition, at the centre of which was the main political
party UMNO. The Barisan Nasional in recent years used its hegemony to place constraints on
watchdog and enforcement institutions, such as the MACC, the National Audit Department
and the Police Force, whenever its interests were at stake, while preventing Parliament from
effectively scrutinising and vetting the actions of the government. Under such hegemony,
Prime Minister Najib was able to exercise his personal authority with little restraint to suit his
own ends.
Finally, there existed a mind-set in high places in government and the private sector in
Malaysia which considered corrupt practices leading to large financial gains as acceptable
and to be engaged in when opportunities arose. This was also reflected in a previous major
scandal involving the state bank, Bank Negara (Teh, 2018, pp. 24–29, 118–124). In recent
years, corruption in Malaysia has deteriorated as its Corruption Perceptions Index (CPI) score
has dropped from 52 in 2014 to 47 in 2018 (Transparency International, 2019). However, the
defeat of the Barisan Nasional in the May 2018 general election resulted in Najib’s arrest on 3
July by the new Pakatan Harapan government for money laundering and abuse of power.
The change in government and the Pakatan Harapan government’s strong anti-corruption
stance is reflected in Malaysia’s improved CPI score of 53 in 2019 (Transparency
International, 2020).

Consequences of the scandal

Insolvency and bail outs
One consequence of the 1MDB scandal was to make the organisation insolvent by 2016,
unable to meet key debt servicing payments. With so much money embezzled, the funds
remaining for investment in many projects were insufficient to meet the interest payments on
all of the borrowed funds. Subsequently, the Malaysian Government stepped in to pay
RM6.98 billion (US$1.66 billion) in debt servicing payments in 2016 and 2017. The payments
were met from cash generated by the sale of land by the Malaysian central bank, Bank
Negara, and by the issue of shares by the sovereign wealth fund of the Government of
Malaysia, Khazanah Nasional Berhad (Tay, 2018; Aziz, 2018).

Erosion of trust
The second important consequence of the scandal was the erosion of public trust in both
politicians and institutions of government. A survey of 1,000 persons in Malaysia
conducted by civil society group Centre For a Better Tomorrow (Cenbet) in February 2018
PAP (before the general election), found that only 16 per cent expressed trust in Malaysian
23,1 politicians and that only 29 per cent expressed trust in the Federal Government (Tho, 2018).
It is likely that the emerging evidence of the 1MDB scandal had significantly decreased the
level of trust, and in turn undermined support for Najib’s government. The 1MDB scandal
was a key issue in the campaign and certainly contributed to its defeat in the 2018 general
election.
68
Implications for combating corruption in Malaysia and other countries
There are several implications of the 1MDB scandal which provide lessons for combating
corruption in Malaysia and other countries.
Firstly, the 1MDB scandal indicates the necessity in public agencies engaged in major
investment programmes, for strong internal auditing and management controls. Amongst
other things, such controls can ensure that information presented to the Board of Directors
with regard to the viability of investment projects, sources of funds, and disbursements of
money is correct. They can ensure for bond issues with a government guarantee that
underwriting fees and bond prices are close to market rates, and, where possible, private
placements avoided. In this regard, action should be taken to identify if there has been bribery
in setting the fees and bond prices and in the selection of investors in a private placement pool.
In addition, control through a rigorous process of verification must be exercised on the
remittances of money to outside bank accounts, and whether such remittances are intended to
fund approved projects. Such controls can reduce the loopholes by which money is
embezzled.
Secondly, it is essential that watchdog and investigative agencies in Malaysia such as the
MACC, the National Audit Department, and the Attorney-General’s Chambers should be
protected from political interference. Such interference can only be prevented if there are
safeguards both against pressure on such agencies to water down reports and remove
evidence incriminating certain high level individuals in government, and also against
restrictions on the availability of such reports to the public, the media and Parliament.
Likewise, investigative and judicial staff should be protected against dismissal or
harassment to stop them pursuing an investigation or engaging in a prosecution. This of
course depends on the political will at the highest level of government to ensure such
protection.
Thirdly, it is essential that banks in Malaysia and in other jurisdictions undertake
thorough checks when transferring large amounts of money from a public agency to ensure
that the remittance is for a legitimate purpose to fund an approved project. In addition, in the
receiving banks, whether in Malaysia or overseas, due diligence should be exercised to
identify the names of the recipient account holders and the true purpose for which the money
was transferred so as to uncover money laundering. In this regard, internal compliance
requirements in Malaysian banks and those in other jurisdictions regarding money
laundering should be strengthened and strictly adhered to with the state financial services
regulator or central bank (in the case of Malaysia, Bank Negara) monitoring adherence to
both compliance standards and anti-money laundering laws.
Particular attention should be paid to accounts held by shell companies both on-shore and
off-shore, to establish why, when, by whom and for what purpose such companies were
registered, and to identify who are their owners. Where suspicions of money laundering arise
such as when there are disproportionately large, frequent and unusual transactions involving
shell companies, the accounts should be frozen or closed and information should be
forwarded to the relevant anti-corruption agency and the financial services regulator or the
central bank for further investigation. This is necessary given the leading role of shell
companies in the transfer and laundering of embezzled money from 1MDB. It is noticeable
that the MAS in Singapore has signalled to banks the need to be pro-active in detecting and 1MDB
reporting suspicious transactions by shell companies and to be prepared to close their corruption
accounts in order to combat money laundering. In fact, during the past twelve months under
the guidance of the MAS, banks in Singapore have closed the accounts of several shell
scandal in
companies after detecting unlawful transactions (Daga, 2019). This is an example that could Malaysia
be followed in Malaysia.
Given the international nature of the 1MDB scandal, the prevention of illicit cross-border
transfers of money, the penalties imposed on culpable banks and individuals, and the 69
repatriation of stolen assets require much closer cross-border cooperation and more
consistent application across jurisdictions. For example, a more consistent and stricter
approach is required in dealing with shell companies (to follow Singapore’s example), in
applying guidelines in banks to check money laundering and in imposing penalties on
culpable banks and their senior personnel that go beyond warnings and nominal fines.
In response to the 1MDB scandal the new Government unveiled in January 2019 a five-
year plan to clamp down on corruption in government, called the National Anti-Corruption
Plan (NACP) 2019–2023. The plan, launched by former Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad
himself, would entail major changes to the appointment process for key posts, require MPs
and ministers to publicly declare their assets, and ensure new laws to regulate political
funding and lobbying. This sounds promising and is intended to prevent another major
corruption scandal, but it remains to be seen how vigorously the plan will be implemented in
practice and whether it will be also affected by political influences (MACC, 2019).

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PAP About the author
David Seth Jones was an Associate Professor at the Department of Political Science, National University
23,1 of Singapore, and the Faculty of Business, Economics and Policy Studies, University of Brunei
Darussalam. He is currently a Policy and Management Consultant specialising in government
procurement, public finance, public management reform, and land policy. He has published widely in
these fields. David Seth Jones can be contacted at: dsjones1x@gmail.com

72

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