Nandhitha Babuji BA 1 1
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Subject: Political Cultural History
Subject Code: HUM118
Instructor: Dr. Prabodhan Aravind Pol
Semester and Year: Year 1 Semester 1
Program: BA Humanities
Name: Nandhitha Babuji
Roll Number: 203606064
This paper looks at ‘Nationalism and Women’, their relationship and change. The 19 th
and 20th century saw the rise of Indian nationalism. Around the same time English educated
Indian men brought the women’s question regarding their rights and reforms to discussion.
Women participation in nationalism movements were markers of the changing women’s
situation.
The idea of femininity and women’s reform go hand in hand. The 19 th century India
was labelled effeminate by the British as compared to the masculine colonizers. India thus
was understood as showing feminine characteristics which are often linked to the idea of
weakness. This feminine idea of India later became the justification for the colonialization by
the stronger, masculine British. It is in this backdrop that the paper will explore the
reformation of the women’s question. 19 th century India increasingly saw English educated
Indians reflecting interest in modern reforms and thoughts. One among that was the
reformation of the women’s question. Raja Rammohun Roy and Iswarchandra Vidyasagar
were important figures in the women’s discourse as they brought widow remarriage to light
and were vocal about the need for female education. In this pattern of demanding reforms,
reformers like them questioned the Age of Consent Bill (1891) which marked an important
pivot, as the ideas of reforming the Age of Consent was seen as impeding into native
masculinity. In the backdrop of India being labelled effeminate, native masculinity was very
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crucial and thus impedance into that had consequences. The conservatists and traditionalists
stopped the women’s reforms and instead began to evoke a Hindu revivalism which pushed
women back into subordination. Nationalism at this point of time rose with conservatist
ideologies and adopted the women’s question through these lenses.
The 19th century nationalism also saw the splitting of livelihoods into private and
public spheres. The public represented the involvement of men with the colonials. Colonials
represented the materialism where India was a subject nation. The private sphere represented
the spiritual part of India, which was prided as something the West did not have and thus
made the Indians superior. The division of labour according to the sexes was that of
public/private, material/spiritual and male/female. As the division indicates, women were
pushed into seclusion and were given control of only the domestic setup. Association of
women with the spiritual section led to the idea that the purity of women equated to the caste
status. The purity increased with higher seclusion. Aparna Basu 1 in her paper on ‘Feminism
and Nationalism in India, 1917-1947’, calls women the ‘popular barometer’ as a scale to
describe this situation. The equation of seclusion and caste status soon became reasons for
lower caste people to seclude their women even further in hopes of moving upward in caste
status. It is important to note that seclusion was a concept of the 19 th century (Sekhar
Bandyopadhyay2 Plassey to Partition and After). While nationalist ideas were centred around
religion and conservatism, Sekhar Bandyopadhyay3 goes on to tell that the domesticity and
seclusion of women were the only areas of consensus for the colonial rulers and Indian men.
Nationalism rose alongside a period of modernism and rational thinking. This change
was brought by the colonials into Indian society to create English educated Indian men.
1
Aparna Basu, “Feminism and Nationalism in India, 1917- 1947,” Journal of Women’s History 7, no.4 (1995):
95, doi:10.1353/j owh.2010.0459.
2
Sekhar Bandyopadhyay, Plassey to Partition and After: A History of Modern India, 2nd ed. (Hyderabad,
Telangana: Orient Blackswan, 2015),383.
3
Bandyopadhyay, “Plassey to Partition”, 385.
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Meanwhile the need for women’s education also increased and eventually led to the
education of women. A common misconception is that this female education was for
emancipatory purposes of women. Sekhar Bandyopadhyay 4 states how this education was
actually for the men to come home to educated wives and hence to maintain a psychological
balance in the family. The ‘New Women’ of Nationalist ideologies thus was superior to the
Western women by her involvement with spirituality and upholding of culture. Partha
Chatterjee5 in his essay on ‘The Nationalist Resolution of the Women’s Question’, explains
how the increasing Nationalist movements brought women into the public sphere for
education. The idea of the new women extended women’s mobility into the public sphere as
long as her education and awareness of her culture, tradition and femininity would be
retained. A simple way of stating this would be that the woman extends her domesticity to the
public sphere. In this crossroads one can question why women did not take this opportunity to
create reforms for themselves. It is often unnoticed that the entire idea of public and private
spheres and that of the domesticity of women were the result of the nationalist patriarchy that
stemmed from the Age of Consent issue. All the changes given to women, education and
mobility for instance, were strictly for the benefit of men, and sanctioned by men. When the
idea of extended domesticity is controlled by men, women protesting for reforms would
reverse these changes and bring them back into seclusion. Regardless, the movement of
women into the public sphere retaining their femininity was a marked change for the
women’s question. This mobility became instrumental in changemaking in later parts of the
19th century
Though mobility was possible, women did not utilise it much until the 1920s and
1930s. The arrival of Gandhi with experience of rallying African women was instrumental in
4
Bandyopadhyay, “Plassey to Partition”, 384.
5
Partha Chatterjee, “The Nationalist Resolution of the Women’s Question,” in Recasting Women: Essays in
Indian Colonial History, ed. Kumkum Sangari and Sudesh Vaid, (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press,
1990),245.
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increasing the participation of Indian women in the nationalist movement. Aparna Basu 6
remarks upon how Gandhi’s simple language, attire and respect spoke not only to the
educated women, but to the rural and unsophisticated ones too. Gandhi gave them roles that
they were able to do while in their domestic boundaries, which increased women’s
participation in the nationalist movements. When he spoke for the women supporting their
men for nationalism, he also spoke about how he believed women had the highest inherent
capacity for nonviolence. As nonviolence was one of the pillars of Gandhian thought, he
advocated for women in picketing for liquor, foreign clothes and spinning Khadi. This
became their passive participation in the Indian National Movements observed in the years
following 1920. He forged the idea of sisterhood and motherhood in way of evoking
consciousness and unity in women. Partha Chatterjee 7 upon the topic of women as mothers,
remarks how this shifted perspective ‘erases their sexuality’ and thus allowed for their
heightened participation. Gandhi also asked women to tie their women’s struggle with the
national struggle. Nehru and others imminent leaders had the idea that independence of the
nation would emancipate women from their problems too. However, modern India does not
show such improvement in the women’s question. Sumit Sarkar on a concluding note 8 in his
essay on women in Bengal, emphasises how ‘genuine women’s liberation cannot come as an
automatic fall-out from other types of change, but requires sustained, self-conscious and
independent struggle’. While entertaining this thought, Aparna Basu 9 states an important
point, that ‘the merging of the women’s movement with the Indian National Movement is
argued to have helped the cause of women and prevented development of hostility between
the genders, which is characteristic of Western feminist movements. Gandhian ideology
created a consciousness among women. Some of them wanted to actively participate beyond
6
Basu, “Feminism and Nationalism,” 103.
7
Chatterjee, “The Nationalist Resolution,”249.
8
Sumit Sarkar, “The Women’s Question in Nineteenth Century Bengal,” Women and Culture 1, (1994):109.
9
Basu, “Feminism and Nationalism,” 103.
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what Gandhi had asked for, and thus women participation in nationalist movements evolved
accordingly.
Quit India Movement was the culmination of women’s ideologies and participation.
Namrata Singh’s paper10 on the women’s question, explains how the Quit India Movement
saw most of its leaders jailed very soon and, in their place, women began to lead. While the
Gandhian ideologies still prevailed, there was a distinction between non-violent Satyagraha
and equally violent outbreaks women were involved in. One such example would be women
involvement in the Indian National Army, led by Subash Chandra Bose. As the events began
to close towards the partition, women of both Hindu and Muslim religions were seen
participating. While women fought among men almost as though they were equal, the
public/private and material/spiritual divide was still there. India-Pakistan partition highlighted
these divides. Women were still areas of purity untouched by the West. Women’s bodies
were still the ‘barometers’ of the society, as Aparna Basu 11stated. At this point of nationalist
struggle women were still controlled by the patriarchy of their community. However, as
women held the chastity of a community, other communities wanting to violate that, often
showed the violence to the women themselves. Sekhar Bandyopadhyay’s essay states the
staggering statistics that in the few months surrounding the partition 75000 to 100 000
women were abducted or raped12.
When the nationalist ideologies adopted the women’s question in the 19 th century, the
women’s question faced dramatic changes. As Sumit Sarkar stated, the women’s question is a
struggle of its own. However, women’s reformation was overshadowed by the nationalist
agenda. Though men, women and leaders of that era believed that independence would result
in their emancipation too, current day India proves otherwise. Regardless, beyond the
10
Namrata Singh, “The Women’s Question: Participation in the Indian National Movement and its impact,”
IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 20, no.4 (2015) :25, doi:10.9790/0837-20412326.
11
Basu, “Feminism and Nationalism,” 95.
12
Bandyopadhyay, “Plassey to Partition”, 398.
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overshadowing, women brought other important reforms such as voting rights for themselves
in the same period. Namrata Singh’s 13 paper shows how in 1920 Bengal, The Bangiya Nari
Samaj campaigned for women’s voting rights. They were granted suffrage and female voters’
ratio of 1:5 through the Government of India Act 1935. Historians have argued that the
Nationalist sympathy was shown to the women for their participation in nation building.
Regardless, the 19th century saw the shift of women’s participation from passive to active.
The women’s question and their movement are still present today. The 19 th century saw
awakened consciousness in many women that still stays awakened in the modern discourse.
To quote Sekhar Bandyopadhyay14, ‘the women’s question in colonial India hardly received
the priority it deserves’. However, the nationalist movement did change the reception of the
women’s question in the discourse of modern India.
Bibliography
13
Singh, “The Women’s Question”, 25-26.
14
Bandyopadhyay, “Plassey to Partition”, 398.
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Bandyopadhyay, Sekhar, Plassey to Partition and After: A History of Modern India. 2nd ed.
Hyderabad, Telangana: Orient Blackswan, 2015.
Basu, Aparna. "Feminism and Nationalism in India, 1917-1947." Journal of Women's History
7, no. 4 (1995): 95-107. doi:10.1353/jowh.2010.0459.
Chatterjee, Partha, “The Nationalist Resolution of the Women’s Question,” in Recasting
Women: Essays in Indian Colonial History, edited by Kumkum Sangari and Sudesh
Vaid, 234-253. New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1990.
Sarkar, Sumit, “The Women’s Question in Nineteenth Century Bengal,” Women and Culture
1, (1994): 103 – 112.
Singh, Namrata. “The Women’s Question: Participation in the Indian National Movement
and its impact.” IOSR Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences 20, no.4 (2015): 23-
26. doi:10.9790/0837-20412326.
Words without footnotes and Bibliography: 1586.