I UNIT 5 SOCIAL ORGANISATION

Structure
, 5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Sources for the Reconstruction of Society
5.3 Brahmanical Perspective: Growing Rigidity
5.4 Voice of Dissent
5.5 Changing Material Base and The New Social Order
5.6 The New Social Ethos
5.6.1 Emergence of Shndrm as Cultivators
5.6.2 A k n c e of Intermediary VUMS in Bengal and South India
5.6.3 . Rise of a New Literate Class
5.6.4 .Phenomenal Increase in the Rise of New Mixed Castes
i) Amongst BrPhma~@
ii) Amongst KhPtrj.os
iii) Amongst Vaishym and Shudrrrs
5.7 Land Distribution, Feudal Ranks and Varna Distinctions
5.8 Increasing Social Tensions'
5.9 Let Us Sum Up
5.10 Key Words
5.11 Answers To Check Your Progress Exercises

After reading this Unit you will be able to familiarise yourself with the:
myth of an unchangifig and the so-called static Indian sqciety,
copious agd varied literary and epigraphic sources useful for reconstructing the
nature of social change, .
f
varying perspectives on the social set-up ranging between a call for making it more
rigid and an all-out cry to question its fundamental bases, b

role of the chan$ng material base in social transformation,

leading feat& of the new social ethos, such as the changing position of vaishyas
and shudras, rise of a new literate class, multiplication of castes, weakening of
vama order and emergence of feudal ranks, and
increasing evidence for social tensions.

5.1 INTRODUCTION
For almost a century, we have been fed with the falacious colonialist and imprialist
notion about the Indian society being static through the millennia. This Unit seeks to
show that the Indian social organisation during five hundred years under survey
(8th-13th century) was extremely vibrant and responsive to changes taking place in
the realms of economy, polity and ideas. The Unit focusses on the essentials of the
new social ethos, whose tone was being set by the nature of new land rights and
power bases.

5.2 SOLTRCES FOR THE RECONSTRUCTION OF

SOCIETY
. .
There is an extremely wide ranging source material for the reconstruction qf social
organi~tionduring hdf a millenium (circa eighth to the thirteenth centuries). These
sources comprise both literary and epigraphic notices. Practically all major powers of
Ihdia are known to us through copioys inscriptional data. Though no quantscation

~ - - -- ----
 has been attempted at Bn all India level, the number of the post-Gupta inscriptions
must run in thousands even on a rough impressionistic assessment. These inscriptions
are available in a variety of languages and scripts (See also Unit 7). These records
help us in identifying rregional and local pecuharities without sacrificing a macro view
of the sub-continental scene.

The literary sources are also very varied. It is not merely the writings on
dhannashastras in tha form of commentaries and other d8urm-nibondbrrs which tell
us about the ups and downs in the social system. Even works belonging to the realms
of kavyas (poetic works), drama, technical and scientific works as well as treatises .
and architecture throw enormous light on the post-Gupta developments in the sphere
of society. Kahana's Rajatarangini, Naistwdhiyacbarita of Shriharsha, P r I l b d a
Chintamani of Merutunga, Soddhala's Udaya-Sundari-Katha, Adipurana of
Jinasena, the dohas of the Siddhas, Medhatithi's and Vigymeshwar's commentaries
on the Manusmriti add Yajnavalkyasmriti r e s e v e l y , 'and works such as
Manasollasa, Mayamata and Aparajitapriccha are useful aids for reconstructing the
social fabric of India during the period under survey.

5.3 BRAHMANICAL PERSPECTIVE: GROWING .

.RIGIDITY
Coming of mle@ws such as the Hunas, Arabs, Turks, etc. had created a fear
psychosis and-resulted in a tendency, where the emphasis was on the need to
preserve the age-old social order. Shankaracharya, the famous religiophilosophic ,
leader stated that the varna and ashramadharmas were in a disturbed state. &.

Dhanapala, a writer of the eleventh century, also talks about chaos in the conduct of
vama order. Various rulers between the sixth and thirteenth centuries make rather
pompous claims about preserving the social order. These are reflected in their
inscriptions. Varnasb-dharma-sthapana, i.e. the establishment of the system of
varna and ashrama becomes a frequently used expression in contemporary
inscriptions. A twelfth-century work called Manasollasa eveh mentions
vamadhkub-an bfficer responsible for the maitenance of v ~ m uIt~ n&o . be
underlined that thisitrend of closing social ranks, making social system rigid and
denouncing all efforts to change the system was largely the concern of Brahmanical
law givers and polit@ advisers who had developed vested interests in maintaining a
status quo (See alsa Unit 6). However, it was by no means a universal phenomena.

- 5.4 VOICES OF DISSENT

The fundamental b m of the caste system were being questioned, speclally.by
non-brahmanical followers. Centuries ago the ~ u d had h raised doubts about the
rationale of castes based on birth. His anger was particularly heaped upon

a
brahmanas. Thou h these voices could not achieve si&cant breakthrough in the
long run, they did ot cease either. Simmering discontent against the brahrnanical
social order r&&s head at regular intervals. No wonder, in Dhanuaparik&a
(eleventh century) Jaina Amitagati determined caste on the basis of personal
conduct. The caste superiority of the brahmanas was challenged by the Jainas in such
works as the Khthdnwhpraltarurrr. A'satirical work called Latalcamelaka menfions a
~ u d d h k monk
t who deniesimportance of caste, regards it as baseless and denounces
, ', pollution and caste-based segregation. Kshmendra, the literary genius of Kashmir
refers to Kula-JaWdarpa (vdnity of caste and clan) as a disease of the society for
?
:
rn - which he himself +as a physician. The Padmapurana reveals a conflict of two
ideologies-the orthodox one enjoining on the s h u b a life ofpenury, and the
heterodox one urging upon him the importance of wealth.

. An eleventh cen*
but on -patio&.
work focuses on social ranks and divisions bgsed n& on birth
While the priests of different religions are called hypocrites, thet
.'
second broad so& c l d c a t i o n of householders takes note of the fdowing six -2
I
categories:
1 the highest included chakravartins,
m the high ones comprised the feudal elite,
the middle ones included traders, moneylenders, possessors of cows, buffaloes,
camels, horses, etc.
small businessmen and petty cultivators,
the degraded ones such as the members of guilds off artisans and craftsmen, and
the highly degraded included chandaias and others following ignoble occupations
I
such as killing of birds and animals.

It js obvious that this social categorisation takes note of economic factors in the
determination of social status. Even if such attempts were not aiming at a more
-
egalitarian society than the one espoused and buttressed by the brahmanical'
interest; even if such categorisations show their biases and prejudices, it needs to
be highlighted that such reconstructions were evidently more rational.
I

CHANGING MATERIAL BASE AND THE NEW

SOCIAL ORDER
The aforesaid review of broad but conflicting trends shows that the social
organisation was in a flux and far from being harmonious. lqdeed, it could not have
been so, particularly in view of the momentous changes taking place in the economic
structure of the sub-continent. The mechanics of the scxial systeni is difficult to
I comprehend if the improving economic conditions of a sizeable number of lower
classes are ignored. One single factor which seems to have set the tone of the
post-Gupta society, specially from the eighth-century, was the ever growing
I phenomenon of land grants (See also Unit 1.2.1). Its impact on the agrarian
expansion changed the entire social outlook. This was coupled with:
a fillip to tendencies of localisation,
its bearing on fluctuations in the urban setting,
its nexus with the monetary system,
its role in increasing social and economic immobility and subjection of peasantry
and non-agricultural toiling workers, and
the resultant hierarchy of ruling landed aristocracy (See also Block-1, Unit 1-4 ahd
Blmk 3, Unit 9.3.4).

A new social ethos was in the making. It was shown above that the new trends in
Indian economy were conductive to feudal formation. In the realm of political
organisation too, as will be discussed in Block 3, a great majority of power centres
were marked by feudal tendencies based on graded land rights. No wonder, the sOcial
landscape could not escape the domineering impact of the fast pace of economic
changes outlined above. The resultant social changes demolish the myth of an
unchanging and static social organisation of India which was propagated .by !
colonialist and imperialist historians. Regrettably, even nationalist historians too did
e
not question such assumptions. More recent writings, specially of the last three
decades, have rightly focussed on the dynamism and vibrancy of the Indian social
fabric by highlighting its interlinks with changhig economic patterns.

Check Your Progress 1

1) List the sources which throw light on the social reconstruction between eighth
and thirteenth centuries.
 2) Which of the following Atements are right( J)or wrong (x)?
i) The foundational bases of caste system were questioned during the period
8th-13th century A.D.
ii) The social structure remained static.
iii) The vanm system was in a diiturbed state.
iv) An eleventh century literary work bases social rank divisions on occupations
'rather than birth.
3) Discuss in about'ten lines the voices of dissent raised against the varna order.

-.- -

.
5.6 THE & SOCIAL ETHOS

The post-eighth century sodal organisation &h seems to have prevailed till at least
the establishment of the Turkish political power in the thirteenth century, was
mBrked by:
modifications in the varna system such as the transformation of shodks into
cultivators thereby bringing them closer to the vaishyas,
newly founded brahmanical order in Bengal and South India wherein the
intermediary varnab were absent, and finally, rise of the new literate class
struggling for a pla& in the varna order,
phenomenal increw in the rise of new mixed castes,
unequal distribution of land and milrtary power, which ,in turn, accounts for the
emergence of feuddl ranks cutting across varna distinctions, and
increasing evidencd of social tensions.

5.6.1 Emergence of Shudras as Cubbatom

. The expansion ef the tural space and agricultural activities hgd been responsible for
changes in notiom abcbut persons entitled to undertake these. The law books of the
postdGupta centuries hclude agriculture in the sama~~ya-dhrumrr (corninon
occupation) of all the varnas. The smriti of Parashar further emphask that in
,- addition to their traditional Mold duties (studying, teaching, sacrificing, officiating
as sacrificer to help others, acceptance of gifts from a worthy peison of three higher
varnaa and making of @), the brahumas could also be associated with agricultural
activities, preferably through labour of s h h . It was also enjaised uponbrdmmas
that in or+r to avoid any kind of sin, they should show proper treatmentltooxen
and offer certain fixed quantities of corn to King, Gods and fellow brahmanas.
. Surely, such fdmalitie~hdicate thaf very s i d c a n t dent was being made in the .
brahmanical social order and the v a r norms~ were being mught to be redefined. A
major indicktor of this effort was the bridging of the gap between the vaisbyas and
the shudras. While this trend makes it beginnings ,in the early centuries of the
Christian era, it is significantthat in the post-Gupta centuries the vaishyas practically
lose their identity as a peasant .caste. The famous Chinese traveller of the early .
 seventh century, Hsuan-Tsang, mentions shudras as agriculturists. Al-biruni, who '
came to India alongwith Mahmud Ghanavi in the first quarter of the eleventh
century, also notes the absence of any difference between the vaishyas and shudras.
The Skanda Purana talks about the pitiable conditions of the vaishyas. By the
eleventh century they came to be treatd with the shodras, both ritually and legally. .
Al-biruni, for example, says that both vaishyas and shudns were punished with
amputation of the tongue for reciting the vedic texts. There were certain shudras who
were called bhojyanna, i.e. food prepared by whom could be taken even by
brahmanas. Many Tantric and Siddha teachers were shudras performing works of
fishermen, leather workers, washermen, blacksmiths, etc. A text of the eighth century
states that thousands of mixed castes were produced as a result 'of marriages between
vaishya women and men of lower castes. There is also a mention of anashrita
shudras (shudns who were not dependent) who were well-to-do and sometimes
became members of the local administrative committees and even made their way
into the ruling aristocracy.
b
Such aqhievements of shudns were, 0J c o r n , rather rare. Dependent peasants,
ploughmen and artisans were greatly needed to strengthen the early medieval
economic and political set-up characterized by a relatively self-sufficing local
economy and the emergence of a dominant class of rural aristocracy. Such a need
was being fdfdled by the approximation of the vaishyas and shudras.. This happened
, despite persistence of brahmana orthodoxy reflected in the attitude of Parashar who
threatened the shucbrrrs abandoning their duty of serving the dvijas with the dire
consequence of hell. Even some orthodox sections of the jainas had developed the
notion that the shudras were not eligible for religious initiation.

5.6.2 Absence of Intermediary Varnas in Bengal and @utb India

The aforesaid tendency of removing distinctions between the vaishyas and shudras
resulted in the emergence of a social order typified by an absence of interne-
varnas in Bengal and South India. The new brahmanical order in these areas
provided mainly for brahmans and shudrrs. This may have been partly due to the
influence of non-brahmanical religions in these regions. However, the nature of the
progress of brahmanism also contributed to this development. It was not a case of
mass migration of violent Sanskrit spealung people. There was considerable, '
intermixing and acculturation. Tribal and non-brahmanical population in the
peripheral regions were admitted to the brahmanical system as shudras. Many early
medieval texts provide long lists of aboriginal forest tribes who had been instrumental
in the rise of political powers. From the ninth to the thirteenth centuries almost'all
powers fought Abbiras. The Brabmavaivarta Purana, which is attributed to Bengal
of the thirteenth century, refers to such tribal people as like Agaris, Ambashthas.
Bhillas, C l u m b k , Kauncbas etc, who were accommodated as shudras in the
brahrnadcd order. This is true of the Abhiras as well as far as the Deccan was

1 at: v -..L-itm~ita dealing with the career of a Sena King of Bengal in the twelfth
century speaks of the reordering of the social order. The King raised the position of
the Kaivarthas, potters, blacksmiths, garlandmakers while the goldsmiths and
t r a d e r - b n l r u were d e p d e d . In the region of another Sena King ( ~ ~ s h m a n a
Sena), a writer says in connection with the unfurling ceremony of traders' banner
called Shakradhvaj~:"0where are the traders who once held you aloft. You are
now being used as plough or animal post." Vallalasena's dwading of trading
brabmanns can also be favourably compared with allusions to nishpd brPhmonas
(aboriginal priests making their way into the brahmma fold) who got reoognised as
bcabmanas but were assigned low status in the society. In South India, a Shaiva
brahmana teacher called Basava preached religious equality of men and women. The
tendency to eliminate intermediary v ~ r a a is s also noticeable in.the status of scribes.
The Kayaithas, Karanas, L e k h h s and IipiLarrs are classed as shudras. Same was
true of gavundas (modem day Gowdas in Karnataka) in medieval Deccan.

5.6.3 Rise of-a New Literate CIass

1 .
The {henomenon of land grants involved land transactions, keeping of ownership
I --:-c------
- - 2 - --2 r n ~ n t This meantea c
nf m ~ ~ c l ~ r ~ rtatistim. h of s-&t$
of writers and record keepers. Though the first kayastha is mentioned in Gupta
ipcriptions from Bepgal, the post-Gupta inscriptions are full of references to a gar
variety of people involved in record keeping activities. Apart from kayasthas, these
included kmnas, e a n i k a s , pwtapala, lekhaka, diviw, aksharachanchu,
dhannalekhin, aksMpatalika, etc. Though these scribes were being recruited from
different varnas, latek they got crystallized into distinct castes wth attendent marriage
restrictions. From the ninth century we hear of a large number of kayastha families
such as Valabha, Gapda, Mathur, Katana, Shrivastavya, Negam, etc. The use of Kula
and Varnsha with kayastha from the eleventh century and terms such as jati and
gyati with kayastha &om 12th-13th century show that the emergence of the
kayastha caste was evident. Individual kayasthas began to play leading role in
learning and literatme. Tathagatarakshita of Orissa who belonged to a family of
physicians by profewion and kayastha by caste, was a reputed professor of Tantras in
the Vikrarnashila U$versity (in Bihar) in the twelfth century.

5.6.4 Phenomenhl Increase in the Rise of New Mixed Castes

This is one of the mdst distinctive features of social changes during the centuries
urider reference. Thd Brahmavnbarta Purana dictum deshabhda (difference based
on regions/temtorie$) leads to differences in castes. A village named
Brihat-Chhattivama (inhabited by 36 varnas) is mentioned in a tenth century
inscription from Benkal. No vama seemed to have remained homogeneous and got
fragmented on account of territorial aflliations, purity of gotras and pursuance of
specific crafts, professions and vocations:

i) Amongst Brahmanas: The multiplication of castes as a phenomenon appears to

be most pronounced among brahmanas. As already mentioned, they were no
longer confined to their traditional sixfold duties. Apart from occu~yinghigh
governmental positions such as those ktf ministers, purohitas, judges, etc. they
had also started performing military functions. For example, the senapati of
Prithviraj Chauhan was a brahmana named Skanda and another brahmana
named Rak was Leading the army of a ruler of Sapadalalaksha (In Rajasthan).
Inscriptions from Pehoa and Siyadoni and dated in ninth-tenth century mention
brahmanas as horse dealers and betel sellers. The eleventh century Kashmiri
writer Kshemendra mentions brahmanas performing functions of artisans,
a dancers and inddlging in the sale of wine, butter-milk, salt, etc. Functional
d@nction of bdhmanas is reflected in such titles as:

Shrotriya, pandii, maharaja-pandita, dikshit, yajnik, pathaka, upadhyaya,

thaklrura:agnihotri, etc

Mitakshara, the famous commentary on the Smrili of Yagyavalkya speaks of the

ten-fold gradation ofl brahmanas ranging between Deva (who is a professor, and
devoted to religion and shastras) and Chandal, who does not perform srrndhya three
times a day. In betwgen were the shudrabrahmanas who lived by profession of arms
and temple priests.

Divisions within the brolhmana vama were also caused by temtorial affiliations. In
North India we hear d Sarasvat, Kanyakubja, Maithi, Ganda and Utkal
brahmanas. In Gujartat and Rajasthan they were identified in terms of their mola
(original place of habitation) and divided into Modha, Udichya, Nagara, etc. By the
late medieval times, the brahmanas were split into about 180 mulas. There were also
the feelings of superiority. While there was a phenomenal migration of brahmanas,
certain regions were ponsidered to be papadeshas (inpious regions). These included
Saurashtra, S i d h and Dakshmapath.

ii) Amongst Kshatiiyas: The ranks of kshatriyas also swelled in the post-eighth
century. Numerous works give varying lists of 36 clans of Rajputs in northern
India alone. They arose out of different strata of population-kshatriyas,
brahmanas, some other tribes including even the original ones and also out of
the ranks of foreign invaders who settled here and got assimilated into the Indian
social system. While the traditional notion invested the kshatriya vama as a
whole with func%ons of rulership, the ideologues were never opposed to
. I recagnising in many cases the non-kshatriya rulers as kshatriyas. It is said that
from amone the kanutred "resnectahle men were enrolled amnnv the Shekhavat
 and the Wadhela tribes of Rajputs whilst the lower kinds were allotted to castes
of Kolis, Khantas and Mers". Thai there was a conscious attempt to give exalted
genealogies to rulers in many parts of India has been discussed in details below
, (See Units 10.4, 11.4.3 and 12). Some of the new kshatriyas were called
Samskara-Varjita, i.e. they were deprived of ritualistic rites. This may be taken
as a coverup for their admission to the brahmanical social order through inferior
rites.
iii) Amongst Vaishyas and Shudras: The process of caste proliferation did not leave
the vaishyas and shudras untouched. While these two broad varnas, as seen
above (Unit 5.6. I), were clearly coming closer to each other, there is an equally
unmistakable evidence of jatis (castes). Like the bral~maoas,the vaishyas too
were being identified with regional affiliations. Thus, we a&unt for vaishyas
called Shrimal's, Palliwals, Nagar, Disawats, etc. No less striking is the
heterogeneity of the Shudras who had been performing multifarious functions.
They were agricultural labourers, petty peasants, artisans, craftsman, servants
and attendants. The Brahma Vaivarta Purana lists as many as one hundred
castes of shudras. In their case too, these sub-divisions were based on regional
and territorial affiliations. In addition, shudra castes were also emerging which
were related to a specific process of industrial working, e.g. Padukakrit,
Charmabra (makers of shoes, leather workers), etc. Crystallization of craftd into
castes was a complementary phenomenon. It seems that napita, modaka,
tambdika, suvanrakara, sutrakara, malakara, etc. emerged as castes out of
various crafts. These castes increased with the growth of nrling aristocracy and
their dependence is reflected in their characterization as ashrita. Their subjection
and immobility is indicated in the transfer of trading guilds (called shrenis or
prakritis) to brahmana donees. An inscription of 1000 A.D, belonging to
Yadava mahasamanto Bhillama-I1 defines the donated village as comprising
eighteen guilds. Incidentally, these guilds also functioned as castes.
;:heck Your Progress 2
I) List the six duties of brahmaoas.

.............................................................................................................................................
2) What led to the increase in .the rise of new mixed castes? Answer in about ten

.............................................................................................................................................
3) W c h of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( J )or (X).

6
i) During eighth to thirteenth centuries varna norms were being redefined.
ii) The intermediary varnas were present in Bengal and South India.
iii) An unequal distribution of land and military power accounted for the growth
of feudal ranks cutting across varna distinctions.
iv) The famous Chinese traveller'Hsuan-Tsang mentions shudras as
. .
.n-m.lt..r;ctc
5.7 LAND DISTRIBUTION, FEUDAL RANKS AND
VARNA DISTINCTIONS

The studies of the past-Gupta economic and political structures (Blocks 1and 3
respectively) have @ken due note of newly emerged graded land rights. The
hierarchy of officials and vassals (See also Unit 9.4) also shows the impact of unequal
distribution of land. The kultifarious functions of vassals and officials (See Unit 9.9,
show among other feratures a strong predilection of military obligations. The nature
of power dispersal and its links with the structure of land distribution were bound to
influence the social wt-up as well. One very significant dimension of this impact was
the emergence of feudal ranks cutting across varna distinctions. Constituting the
ruling aristacracy wag no longer the monopoly of Lrsbatriyas.-That the feudal ranks '
were open to all varuas is clear in the 1Mansam (a text on architecture) when it lays
down that everybody irrespective of his varna could get the two lower military ranks
in the feudal hierarchy: praharka and astragrahin. Although lowest in rank, the
astrPgrPhin was entitied to have 500 horses, 5000 elephants, 50,000 soldiers, 5000
women attendants and one queen. We do not have to take these figures literally but
surely, the text is an important indicator of v a m distinctions getting a rude shock by
new distribution of 4nd and power. Further, the titles such as thakur, raut, nayaka,
etc. were not confined to kshatriyas or Rajputs. These were also conferred on
kayasthas and other mtes who were granted land and who sewed in army.
Kulluka's commentaty on the Smriti of Manu mentions the tendency of bigger
merchants joining the ranks of the ruling landed aristocracy. In Kashmir, rajanaka, a
little of high honour literally meaning "nearly a kingn, got closely associated with the
brahumas and later on it became a family name in the form of razdnn.

Feudal titles were also bestowed upon artisans. For example, the Deopara inscription
of Vijayasena tells us that Shulapani; who was the head of artisans of Varendra (in
West Bengal), held the title ranaka .

The symbols and ilsipia of social identity amongst feudal rank holders were alsb
related to landed postsessions. Badges of-honour,fly whisk, umbrella, horses,
elephants,%palanquin$, acquisition of pancha-mahashabda (See also Unit 9.6), etc.
depended on the sc- place in the feudal hierarchy. To illustrate, chakravarth and
mahasamantas were permitted to erect the chief gate (sinhadvar) which could not be
done by lesser vassals. The provision of varying sizes of houses for different grades of
vassals and officjals was also the product of the impact of unequal holdings.

5.8,' INCREA$ING SOCIAL TENSIONS

Though various modifications were taking placewd developments were happening

which cut across vama distinctions, nevertheless, the pace of social changes in the
pst-eighth centuries was far from being an agent of harmonious and egalitarian
set-up. The manifestations of social tensions were too many.

A society which was based on an unequal distribution of bases of economic power

was bound to be iniquitous. Though the shudras were rising in their status but
untouchability was very much part of the social fabric. A fairly large dumber of'
shudras appear to have been the actual workers, whether on land or in industry, .
working for their feudal overlords, notwithstanding the few and rare examples of
rurrrshrita shudras. Pursuit of the so-called impure occupations, being guilty of
prohibited acts, adherence to heretical acts and physical impurities were major factors
for the growth of untouchability. The Brihad Naradiya Purana reveals the
beginnings of the exdusion of the shudras from places of workship. The chandalas
and dombas were to cany sticks by striking which they made themselves known so
that people could avbid touching them. When Vastupala was the governor of
Cambay, he construcked platforms and thus stopped the promiscuous mingling of all
castes in shops where curd was sold. Though the brahrnanical lawgivers were showing
their concern f ~ther proprietory rights of women, specially on stridban, it was also
an age when the b e o u s practice of sati seems to have made a real beginning.
Kina Warsha's mnther nerfnrminn it even before the death of her husband
 Prabhakanarandhhe, is a classic example. It is mentioned in the Harshacbarita of
Banabhatta. The Rajatarangini comprising chronicle of Kashmir also refers to the
performance of sati in royal families. The archaeological evidence is to be seen in the
numerous sati-satta plaques found in both North and South India. .
Sectarian rivalries must have caused sufficient tensions in the society. A brahmana
who believed in Jainism was considered to be an outcaste. In the Latakamelaka, two
brahmanas indulge in the exchange of hot words and charge each other with
'abrahmanya without any rhyme or reason. The p d e l between the multiplication of
religious sects and that of castes in medieval times is very close. Differences in rituals,
food, dress, etc. caused religious splits. For example Budhism split into 18 sects: The
Jainas in Karanataka had as many as seven sects: Karnataka was also the scene of
tussle between the Lingayats and Virashaivas. Very often, the religious sects tended
to crystallize into castes. Isn't it an historical irony that the religions whose avowed
aim was to abolish caste distinctions and cleavages based on birth were themselves
swallowed by the caste system? It is also true that quite ~ f t e nthese sectarian tensions
were products of the land grant economy. There seems t o v e been an inevitable
competition amongst numerous religious sects-both br anical and

"91;
non-brahmanical, to grab as much land as possible. Indeed, great majority of
religious establishments tended to become lafiied magnates. or example, some
rulers of the post-eighth centuries, such as Avantivarman of the Mattamayara region
(possibly a Chalukya prince of central India, near Gwalior) and a Cedi King of
Dahala are said to have dedicated their kingdoms to be religious heads of the Shaiva
Siddharta school and then apparently ruled as vassals. The movement of a particular
sect of the Jainas emerged in the eleventh century in Gujarat and Rpjasthan, which
was called vidhi-ehaitya. It was a sort of protestant movement aiming at denunciation
of greedy and acquisitive Jaina ascetics who were Qrhg to grab land.

The rise of kayasthas, the new literati class, had its own implications as far as social
tensions were concerned. This class had clearly emerged as a challenge to the
position of brabmanrrs. The example of kayastha Tathagata-rakshita of Orissa
, becoming a reputed professor of Tantras in the Vikramashila University has already
I been cited above (See Sec. 5.6.3). Kshemendra of Kashmir clearly writes that the rise
of kayasthas led to loss of economic privileges becah hyaatbp officials hesitated in
' resuming landgrants to bmhmmm. In Kashmir the members of the temple-purohita
corporation used to organise prayopaveebrr (hunger strikes) as a weapon for getting
their grievances redressed. As if with a vengeance, the brdmamw in order to
reiterate their superiority, often despised kayaPthPs as shrdrPa.

No less significant were the manifestations of rural tensions. The damara revolts in
Kashmir, rebellion of the kaivarattas in the region of Ramapala in Bengal, acts of
self-immolation in situations of encroachments on land in Tamil Nadu, appropriation
of donated land by shpdrps in the Pandya territory are indices of distrust agpinst the
new landed intermediaries(See also Unit 1.5, Block-1). .
b

Check Your Progress 3

1) C o w e n t on the increasing social tensions in the post-eighth centuries in about
10 lines.
-
2) Write a note oh the emergence of feudal ranks cutting across vama distinctions.
Answer in 10 Unes.

.............................................................................................................................................
3) Mentien six castes that emerged out of various crafts. , .

5.9 LET US 'SUM LIP

Z

This survey of social changes during the centuries between eighth and thirteenth
centuries highhghts the following:
extremely rich and varied source material for the survey
the brahmanical perspective with a concern for social rigidity and the need to
maintain the vama order,
questioning of the bases of caste system where an emphasis is put on consideration
of economic factors in the determination of social status,
changing material base and its impact on the emergence of the new social ethos,
modifications in the varna order, particularly the changing position of the vaishyas
and shudras and the disappearances of intermediary varnas, specially in Bengat
and South India,
rise of kayasthas-a new lite~aticlass,
multiplication of castes in all varnas,
linkage between land distribution and the emergen& of feudal ranks and how the
later were cutting across varna lines, and hally,
absence of a harmonious and egalitarian society marked by various sources of
tension.

5.10 KEY WORDS

k

m ~ t n : hdependent shudras.
. asBCita : dependent shudras.
bhojyannn : those shudras, whose food preparations could be taken by
brahmanas.
gavundas : scribes in Karnataka with landed interests.
haia-jati F r p a : vanity of caste and clan. I*

ashrita : dependent shndras.

 mula : place of origin of a family Kaste. Social Organisation
papadishas : impious regions.
prakritis : trading guilds.
samskara-vajfqa : those who were deprived of the rights to perform rituals.
varnadhikarin : officer responsible for the maintenance of vanus.

I 5.11 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

I EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) Base your answer on Sec. 5.2
2) i) J ii) X iii)/ iv) J
3) Base your answer on Sec. 5.4
Check Your Progress 2
4 1) The sixfold duties included studying, teaching, sacrific& etc. See Sub-sec. 5.6.1
2) Refer to Sub-sec. 5.6.4.
3) i) J ii) X iii) J iv) J
Check Your Progress 3

I 1) Base your answer on Sec. 5.8

2) Refer to Sub-sec. 5.7
3) Some of the castes were napiter, modaka, malakara etc. Refer Sub-sec. 5.6.4.

I .-
 UNIT 6 IDEOLOGY
Structure

6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Ideology: Varied Standpoints
6.2.1 Ideology as a System of Knowledge
6.2.2 Sociological Approaches
6.2.3 Psycho-cultural Approaches
6.3 Religion, Ideology and Society
6.4 ' Ideology: The Early Indian Setting
6.5 Ideology: Its Role and Nature in the Post-Gupta Cenhires.
6.5.1 Land Orahts: Their Philosophy
6.5.2 Bhakti and Pilgrimage
6.5.3 Tantricism
6.5.4 Hero-Stones -
6.5.5 ReliGon as Ideology-For Whom?
6.6 Let Us Sum Up .
6.7 Key Words
6.8 Answers?~Check Your Progress Exercises

After reading this Unit you should be able to explain the:

complexities of difining ideology,
nuances of ideology and the ways of looking at these,
major s t a m in the writings on ideology from various standpoints,
recent developmdnts in the analysis of ideology,
place ojreligion and ideology in society,
philosophical background of land grants in the post-Gupta centuries, and
specific religious developments tn India through the millennia and their
potentiahties to act as ideology.

6.1 INTRODUCTION . ,

&Unit deals with the pioblem o f ideology. Broadly, three major issues have been
discussed. First, the theoretical dimensions of ideology take cognizance of various
approaches of studying ideology. It also mentions distinctive contribution in each i'
case. Second, the Unit has also attempted to determine the place of religion and
ideology in society. Finally, the theoretical understanding of ideology is applied in the
Indian setting. In this cbntext, the focu's is on the role and nature of ideology in the
post-Gupta centuries, though certain important religious developments of the
pre-Gupta millennizizlhavealso been mentioned. The overall thrust underlines the
need to study ideology in its potentialities to sway masses.

6.2 IDEOLOGY: VARIED STANDPOINTS

The concept of igeology has been one of the most controversial concepts in the
history of socispolitical thought as well as in the history of ideas. An understanding
. . of multifarious components of ideology depends on the standpoint from .which it is -
viewed. The standpoints are many:.
. It can be viewed as a system of knowlehge,, ,.
scholars have emphasized its.sociologica1 components, and
there have also been writings which emphasize the need to study it through
. psychological and cultui?l approaches.
 Before undertaking an analysis of ideology as a concept of social thought it is
Ideolog
necessary to distinguish between ideology as a concept and ideology as a political
doctrine. The analysis of ideology in terms of its nature and functions is quite afar
from its ann'-.;is as a body of political beliefs, such as conservatism, liberalism,
~ 0 c i d k .i. .

6.2.1 Ideology As a System of Knowledge

Amongst the earliest conceptions, the expression 'Ideology' designated a
philosophical discipline con&mdt to examine the methodological foundations of all
sciences and to guarantee their impartial application. Its basic conception goes back
to the d&s of famous English thinker Francis Bacon (1561-- 1626 A.D.). He
maintained that progress in science can be guaranteed only if scientific thought can
be secured against fallacious ideas. With his doctrine of "idols" (phantoms of
misconceptions) Bacon hoped to elucidate why human reason is inhibited from
perceiving actuality.
. .
Bacon spoke of four types of idbls which affect humans very strongly. The idols of
the tribe represent the incapacity to reflect reality adequately. This basic cognitive
barrier-common to all humans-is further compounded by the idols of cave: human
being appears as an isqlated cavedweller who tends to judge the outside world only
from his personal viewpoint. The idols of the market place are misunderstandings in
communication which originate in the imprecision of language. Finally, the idols of
the theatre consist of obstacles conditioned by authority. tradition, convention and
irrational doctrines. Thus, Bacon's doctrine of idols-the earliest form of a theory of
ideology-points to feeling, will, communication and transmitted prejudice as factors
disturbing pure cognition. Only by disciplining reason can unprejudiced knowledge,
and thereby truth, be attained.

This hypothesis of Bacon was the basis for the French ideologues of the latter part of
the eighteenth century (Condillac, Cabanis and de Tracy in particular) who sought
to do for philosophy what the Englush thinker had done for science. The basic
assumption of the ideologues was that all ideas, all knowledge and all faculties of
human understanding (perception, memory, judgement) rest on sensory data. The
study of the origin and development of ideas in terms of sensations is the only
guarantee against errors in cognition and judgement.

Fallacious ideas can41ayclaim to a certain authority in society; indeed they may even
be championed by those in authority. Consequently, the "ideologists" must not
hesitate to apply their scientific methods to the critique of religion and official
political ideas. Ideology is, in this sense, a genuine scientific endeavour inlpoten,tial
opposition to every sort of authority. However, the post-revolutionary France
considered criticism of religious and political ideas as a threat to social stability.
'Ideology' became a term of abuse, and ideological thought was rejected as
destructive. For example, Napoleon saw "ideologists" as "ideologues" in a pejorative
sense), i.e. isolated worshippers of reason, lacking in common sense-as people who
operate on ideas and not facts.

6.2.2 Sociological Approaches

C.W. Frohlich in Germany was first to state in 1792 A.D. that human thought
depends on social relations. He goes on to demand that the critique of religion and
metaphysics be carried to its logical conclusion by a change in property relations.
According to Frohlich only a property-free society can make right thinking and
,' moral action possible. This suggests an aspect of the ideology problem which is
systematically developed by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels.

The works of Marx and Friedrich Engels represent a watershed in the study of the
concept of ideology. They viewed ideology as a system of false ideas, a statement of
class position, and a justification for class rule. Ideologies are secondary and unreal,
since they are part of the "superstructure" and as such reflection of the more
fundamental material economic "base".

Marx and Engels attached a derogatory connotation to ideology, since they viewed
all ideological thought as the dishonest use of reasoning; as the conscious or
unconscious distortion of facts in order to justify the position of the ruling class. "The 17
 class, which is the ruling material force of society, is at the same time its &ing
intellectual forcew.Ideology represents, in EngeIs' memorable phrase, "false
consciousness".
5
In presenting such a motion of ideology, Marx and his d a t e were profiting from
FeuerbachP ( a German Philosopher) insight into the projective character of the
religious conceptual world. He perceives in religion the necessarily false form of
consciousness deriviog from social relations and conditioned by contradiction
between human needs and the means available for satisfying them @ax Weber in
Germany had seen the rationale of religion in this contradiction (See also Sec. 6.2.3).
For Marx critique of ideology implies more than mere negation of religion, since the
latter constitutes priqation for manyit is the reflection of characteristic human traits
which have emerged under specific socio-historical donditions. Religion is understood
as an "expression" of the social order and as a "protest" against it. Thus, religion is
exposed merely in its role of justifying the political status quo: it is also perceived in
its negative, anticipatory function and is included in the critique of &al conditions
which require ideological clarification. For example, the enlightened man o p ~
any further enlighteximent in order to protect his own interests. Criticism of religion
in a society where it has a power-political function is criticism of the political statos
quo.

n arx and Engels, b i basing ideas on the socio-economic system, raised an issue that,
, at the hands of Karl Mannbeim came to be known as the "Sociology of knowledge",
i.e. the study !,f social bases, conditions, varieties and distortions of ideas. However,
unlike Marx and influenced by Weber, Mannbeim gave up primarily class approach
and based ideology on the total social structure, particularly political parties.

Conclusions strikingly similar to those of Marx were reached via an entirely different
route by two early European sociologists-Mosca and Pareto. Both believed in a
h(
scientific approach to social anaiysis.

According to Mosca, irs the most decisive feature of any sooiety is its ruling class. A
society's art, culture, politics, religion, etc. are all determined by the dominant social'
stratum. As such, soaial analysis must begin and end with the ruling.class. The leaders
maintain, perpetuate, rationalize, and justify their own rule through the skiiful
manipulation of "political formulae" or idelogies.

Pareto divides all human conduct into two categories logical and non-logical--in
terms of whether it employs suitable means in pursuit of attainable objectives. He
stresses the prevalence of the irrationhl in human conduct. He insists that significant
portions of human behaviour are motivated and sustained by non-logical drives lying
well below the level of consciousness. All societies, he points out, are filled with
taboos, magic and m).ths. In the political realm, codes, constitutions, platforms, and
programme fail to meet the criteria of logical action. his is because, among other
things, they are stated in the vaguest, most rhetorical, and most meaningless terms.

Thus, in the analyses of society by Mosca and Pareto, ideology is a major varidble.
Used synonymously with "myth", "political formula", or "derivation", ideology is
viewed as the guiding force i m f i ' a n society and the principal means for attaining
social solidarity.

Among contemporary sociologists, Parsons defines ideology as "an empirical belief

system held in c o m n by the members of m y collectivity". It binds the community
together, and it legititnizes its value orientations. More significantly, ideology involves
an element of distortion. Daniel Bell is an exponent of the "functionalwapproach to .
ideology. It implies: ,
a action orientation,,
ability to promote or undermine legitimacy,
potential for attaiqing social solidarity, and
value integration.

The "functional" nature of ideology)us also been in thaesense of those forms of

social consciousness that are so moulded as to maintain exploitative relation? of
production in'any class society. The general function of ideology is to maintain social
cohesion through mystified social relations and class domination. In this way ideology
in general is a mystified form of consciousness. Being part of social consciousness,
ideology in general appeals to every person in the social formation. However,
ideology does not spring automatically out of consciousness. In other words, "
consciousness does not develop (in an evolutionary sense) into ideology. Ideology has
a material origin in the first place. The analysis of its function is pursued within the
social formation as a totality with the social relati,on of production as the object of
that analysiS. Inevitablf, the investigator is led to consider, in dealing with
class-relations, in whose benefit ideology is. It is the specific social formation of
which a specific ideology is an element, and the class struggle appropriate to it, which
determines the character of that sp&c ideology.

In sum, the sociological approaches are centrdly concerned with ideology as a system
of socially determined ideas, without necessary truth-value but with great potential
for social solidarity as well as for social control, mobilization, and manipulation. In
addition, ideologies may serve to justify (or reject) a particular set of goals and values
and to legitimize (or denounce) political authority. Some writers atta .h a derogatory
connotation to ideology, whereas others see it in a neutral light.

6.2.3 Psyc)o-cultural Approaches

The psychological theories see ideology primarily as a means or managing personal
strain and anxiety, whether socially or psychologically induced. Among the most
important exponents of this approach are Sigmund Freud and Franas Sutton.
Suggesting that religion and ideology have much in common, Freud makes the
follo+g statement: "ReLigious doctrines are all illusions, they do not admit of proof
and no one can be compelled to consider them as true or to believe in them....". The
strength of religious-ideas lies in the fact that it:
performs the function of wish fulfilment,
affords protection and security to the individual,
controls instinctual behaviour and relieves humans of their sense of guilt, and
counteracts human's alienation from society.

The case for substituting "ideology" wherever Freud uses "religion", is strengthened
by his following statement:
Having recognised religious doctrines to be illusions, we are at once
confronted with the further question: may not all cultural possessions, which
, we esteem highly and by which we let our life be ruled, be of a similar nature?
Should not the assumptions that regulate our political institutions likewise be
called illusions?

Sutton and his colleagues offer a conception ol ~deologyas a response to strain .

generated by social roles. Individuals daily confront conflicting demands and anxiety
situations in the course of performing their roles. Ideology is a system of ideas that
enables humans to cope with strain.

Such psychological aporoaches also rekind us of Max Weber's emphasis on the ,

"religious anchorage" ,f economic, political, social and cultural institutions primarily
because ."religion7' wzls human's saviour in situations of scarcity, anxiety and
deprivation. Weber thought that specific religious features are not only partially
independent of the relevant social and economic conditionsBntthg religious
determination of life conduct and "economic ethic" was also a major consideration.
Weber's was thus an anti-Marxist position.

Although there is some relationship between ideology and strain, the actual linkages
are by no means clear or simple. This is because the individual may react to strain in
a variety of ways. Hence ideology is merely one way of responding to stress.

Among the psycho-cultural approaches to ideology Leon Dion refers to ideology as -

*a more or less integrated cultural and mental structure". By this he means a pattern
of norms and values that is both objective (cultural) and subjective'(mental). Clifford
Gee- defines it in terms of symbols and symbolic action. For him ideology is more
than a mere psychological response to strain; it embodies social and cultural element
as well. Broadly speaking, ideology is a cultural symbol-sjlstem that aims to guide the
 humans in their political life: "Whatever else ideologies may be.... They are, mest
distinctively, maps df problematic social reality and matrices for the creation of
collective conscience."

We have identified and e x m e d at some length several approaches to the concept

of ideology. Each approach throws light on a different dimension of concept;
together they reveal its extraordinarily rich heritage. Ideology is an emotion-laden,
myth-saturated, action-related system of beliefs and values about humans and
society, legitimacy abd authority. The myths and values of ideology are
communicated through symbols in simplified and economical manner. Ideologies
have a high potentid for mass mobilisation, manipulation, and control; in thaJ sense,
thky are mobilised belief systems.
P
Check Yohr Progress 1
1) List the four types of idols referred by Bacon?

.............................................................................................................................................
2) How "Ideology" was conceived by Marx and Emgels. Answer in about ten lines.
..............................................................................................................................................

.............................................................................................................................................
3) What are the categoties of human actions defined by Pareto?

6.3 RELIGION, IDEOLOGY AND SOCIETY

Without identifying religion and ideology, it may be safely asserted that writin& in
the last decades-particularly those of Marxists in varied disciplines-have
considerably enriched the study of both as cultural forms and processes.

Amongst the classic statements about the relations between religion and society one
can mention scattered and unsystematic references to religion in the works of Marx
and Engels. As early as 1844, Marx wrote:
"The basis of keligious criticism is "man makes religion, religion does not
make man. Religion is the self-consciousness and.self-esteem of man who has
either not yet found himself or has already lost himself again*.

For Marx "man is up abstract being encamped outside the world." The only way for
man to rid himself of this illusion is to destroy the social world that produces it. As
hiam PrWop: ..
 -
R e l i o n s distress is at the same time the expression of real distress and also
the protest against real distress. Religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature.

So the struggle against religion is necessarily a struggle against that world whose
"halo is religion" and "of which religion is the spiritual aromn". It ,si in this context
that religion becomes the "opium of people". Here Marx anticipdtes one of the
crucial elements of his concept of ideology, namely, that religion compensates in the
mind for a deficient reality; it reconstitutes in the imagination a coherent solution
which goes beyond the real world in an attempt to resolve the contradibns of the
real world. So Marx confirms his conviction that the ideological inversion responds to
and derives from a real inversion. As he suggests:
Man is the world of w,the state, society. This state, this society, produce
religion, an inverted world consciousness because they are an inverted world.
It was largely the earliest exponent of sociology of religion, Durkheim to begin with,
who contributed to the discussion on religion as an ideology, Like Marx, Durkheim
made clear that religion and ideology have a ,socialbasis, particularly in patterns of
I social relations and organisation, but they also have a degree of autonomy, followihg
c e m rules peculiar to culture.
i
Max Weber, a junior contemporary of Durkheim and a product of Bismarckian
Germany, is known for his numerous writings not only on religions of specific
countries such as India and China but also on specific religions as well as sociology of
religion. From the perspective of sociology of relgion, he highlighted the following
three forms of relationship between social organisation and religious ideas:
Social groups with particular economic interests often show themselves to be
more receptive to some religious ideas than to others. ~ h & they e were
chivalrous warrior heroes, political officials, economically acquisitive classes or
finally, where an organised hierocracy dominated religion, the results were
different than from where genteel intellectuals were decisive. The social stratum
including artisans, traders, entrepreneurs engageed in industry are attracted by all
sorts of individual p h u i t s of salvation. Everywhere the hierocracy has sought to
monopolise the administration of religious values. The individuals quest for
salvation or the quest of free communities by means of contemplation, orgies or
asceticism has been considered highly suspect and has had to be regulated
ritually and controlled hierocratically. From the standpoint of the interests of the
priesthood in power, this was considered natur.al.
Religious ideas lead to the formation of certain groups, such as monastic orders,
guilds of magicians, or a clergy and these groups may develop quite extensive
economic activities.
The gap between the elite and the masses poses a problem with which each of
the great religions of the world has had to wpe with. With specific references to
religion in China, particularly Confucianism and Taoism, Weber shows how the
former remained amfin@ to the Emperor and the bureaucratic order but
broadly excluded the masses. In contrast, the brahmanns in India, who were
royal chaplains, spiritual advisers, theologians and authorities on questions of
ritual propriety, achieved a "systematic rationalization of magic" and effected a
compromise between their own elite interests in a digdied way of life and their
need to provide for the release of the masses from the misfortunes that were their
lot.
I
Surely with such an analysis, Weber had produced one of the most sensitive and
complex accounts of "elective &ties" between social groups and sets bf beliefs
or ideologies. However, Weber's notion of the "religious anchorage" and his
emphasis of channelling effegs of "ideas" rather than "material interests" in
determining people's action make him an anti-Marxist.

Recent developments in the analysis of ideology have been concerned with

improving explanations of how anti why ideology takes a particular form and
how it works. Two important developments are noticeable.

First, more attention has been given to what Geertz has called "autonomous
p r v ~f symbolic formulation," which as already seen above (See Sec. 6.2.3),
 md Culture: entails examining ideologies as systems of,interesting symbols and the ways in
1. l rl1Ul-T
which they provide plausible interpretations of problematic social reality. This
h a helped us in appreciating Intricate and complex nature of symbolic processes,
wh~chcannot beldifferentiated s~rnplyin terms of false consciousness versus true
consciousness. P
.
ii) Second, there is now an awareness in the field of ideology in relation to classes
and groups as being one of contestation and a 'lived relationship', not a
mechanical procless.

IDEOLOGY: THE EARLY INDIAN SETTING

There are certain crucial questions which need to be raised before the specificities of
early Indian re@on$ are taken up for discussion. If ideology is considered to be
subservient to the interests of ruling/dominant classes, do we simultaneously assume
the existence of an ideology of the dominated classes? What is the raison d'etre of
dominant ideas? Are they dominant because they are supposed to be widely shared
by the dominated classes themselves? Under what conditions do the dominated
groups come to sharp interpretations of the world that legitimize the existing social
order not only in the eyes of the dominant group, but also in their own eyes? Do we
say that the ideas of xhe dominated do not constitute an ideology since they do not
legitimize the existinp social order?

We review below certain phases of Indian religions to illustrate the theoretical

position. The Indian scene may not enable us to answer various questions raise'd,
- nevertheless it would be worth determining the parameters of religion functioning as
ideology in early India.

Amongst one of the learliest phases, the question of religion being an "intensifying
factor" of "catalyst" of the urban growth under the Harappans has been highlighted
in recent specialised !writings.That this role has been attributed to rehgion on
negative evidence is Pather apparent to be overlooked. Equally exaggerated is the
enthusiasm with whiph it is treated like an ideology. W e it is possible to infer
certain soclal divisions, it is not easy to share D.D. Kosambi's dogmatic assertion of
the prototype of brahmaaa priesthood recognizable in the Harappan metropolis. .
Eh in if parallels from other contemporary centres of bronze age civilizations are
mvoked, one would do well to recall V. Gordon Childe's perceptive observation on
pnest kmgs of Sumet, viz., it was the economic system "that made the God (through
his represent )rive) a great capitalist and landlord his temple into a city bank." It must
have been the potential of the people to generate agricultural surplus necessitating
huge granaries at Mbhenjodaro, Harappa and possibly at Kalibangan t w . This is
coupled with extensive mechanism and network of internal as well as long-distance
overland and maritime trade symbolized in the Lothal "wareha&"' This must have
been instrumental in giving shape to such forms of religious manifestations as we are :
able to even speculate about.

The existence of pi Aary producers and managers of production in the later Vedic
period is generally rbgnized by scholars. We argue that there was not only an
antagonism between the two but amongst the non-producing classes too (bralunanas
and kshafriyas) and that the latter struggle can be rationalised in terms of fight for
agricultural surplus. But do the exalted sacnficlal cult of the Brahmanas and the
atma-vidya of the dpanishads constitute ideologies of brahmanas and kshafriyas
respectively? It may8betempting to call both as ideologies of the ruling class.
However, such chargcterization is not only simplistic but also ignores the dialectics of
the development of these rdigio-philosophic systems. That none of them is a
monolithic uniform idea should be apparent from the minutae of various sacrifices.
Just one of the numerous ceremonies of only one sacrifice, viz., the ratnahavimshi
ceremony of the rajLsuya shows how the tribal and matriarchal elements were being
submerged by class, territorial and how priestly domination was being replaced by
that of the Kshatriyps. That sacrifices aimed at the creation of large communities by
transcending consideiations ought not be overlooked in the present context.
prescribed for the admission of the Vratya chief of Magadha
to Vedic society and the chief of the nishadas called Sthapati finds a place in Vedic
rituals meant for higher orders.

Again it is generally accepted that as opposed to brahmanical Sanskrit works, the Pali
texts of the Buddhists provided a different rationale of the origin of kingship, and the
new monarchs of the Ganga Valley in the sixth-fifth centuries of the pre-Christian
era were favourably disposed towards non-brahmanical religions. But it would again
be an over-simplification to say that the Buddha's was an ideology of the kshatriyas.
This is being suggested not only because all the concerned monarchies were cekainly
not in the hands of the kshatriyas but also because it would unjustifiedly restrict the
social base of early Buddhism. Apart from the material sustenance received by the
Buddha from peasants and traders who were certainly out of reckoning of upper class
dominance, a fairly extensive popularity of the master amongst brahmanas too is not
unknown.

Ashok's Dhamma, which was anything but religion in the literal sense of the term,
and is perhaps closer to ideology, offers yet another matiifatation. If the imperatives
of Dhamma are to be understood, one will have to go beyond the zeal of the
so-called "philosopher-king" and the "revolutionary" impact of the great event-the
Kalinga War. Recent studies on the concepts of state and empire, striking a severe
blow to the notions of "centralised" Mauryan empire, enable us to highlight the
compulsions of the economic logic of the set-qq and comprehend the driving forces
behind Ashok's Dhrunma.

6.5 IDEOLOGY: ITS ROLE AND NATURE IN THE-

POST-GCTPTA CENTCTRIES
Since we are concerned with ideology within the broad framework of society and
culture between the eighth and thirteenth centuries, it would be worth working out its
role and nature. We have been emphasizing the dominance of land-grant economy in
the post-Gupta centuries. Could this phenomehon of almost pan-Indian dimensions
be seen as an ideological force? Why land-grants at all?

6.5.1 Land Grants: Their Pbilosopby

Epigraphic records, which constitute our principal sources, are marked by a
contradiction. On the one hand, they are quite eloquent about descriptions of cruelty,
violence and lust for temtorial power on the part of kings, while on the other, same
powers show magnanimity to blPhmana donees. Perhaps these grants were means to
satisfy or the,manifestation of Kings, vanity. The pompous genealogies, full of
grandiloquent titles for donor and his predecessors were typical examples of political
psychophancy. Apparently, there was certain amount of selfishness on the part of
donor kings. The ostensible purpose for these large munificent gifts was to earn
puoya not only for donors but for their predecessors as well.

It is argued that landgrants served the purpose of financial support to selfless'

brahmanas-who were engaged in imparting learning and educition. The brahmanas
used to lead a plain and simple life. Such an argument is an oversimplification for wc
have already seen (Units 5.6.1 a& 5.6.4) that the vocations of bralunanas were
getting diversified. There was a distinct transformation of brahmanas from
priesthood to landlords-they were emerging as a property seeking and property
owning class.

A significant dimension Uf the epigraphic evidence under discussion is the close

correspondence between dhannashastric prescriptions and terminology of gift
making in inscriptions. The whole concept of dana (gift making) was undergoing
perceptible change. The dharmashastms underline prayashchitta (expiation,
repentance) for sins committed in this world. Imagine, which King would have been
free from sins and transgressions? After all, they had all been guilty of Loot, arson,
killing-particularly in wars. The lawmakers, who were invariably brahmanas,
instilled a feeling of fear by a graded system of sins and punishments and by evolving
such notions as that of mahapatakw.
I
4
Society and Coltore: The'sense of y i l t in kings coupled with principle of its prayashchitta was exploited
8th-13thCenbry ,
by brahmanas. Huge gifts of cows, bulls, land and gold were strongly recommended
by them if the kings did not want themselves or their ancestors to lead a miserable
plight of an insect or lower animal in the next world. Of all the items of gift, land got
the pre-eminent position. Vyasa, who is quoted very often in epigraphic records, is
known to have laid down that giver of land lives in heaven for, 16000 years. Many
puranas, similarly, stipulate that the donor of land would have the good fortune of
being in the charming company of apsaras (celestial nymphs). In the hands of
brahmana lawgivers, the sacred texts did not remain abstract theories and
prescriptive works only. Instead. they seem to have acquired the character of some
sort of policy statements.

Were the kings who madelarge gifts of land, only victims of avarice of brahmanas?
Evidently not. The quest for legitimacy was a major consideration for political
authorities. (The issue has been discussed in detail in Block 3; see specially Units 9.7,
10.4 and 11.5). In the present context it would be sufficient to underline the
mutuality of interests bf the donor as well as the donee. The pmhastikaras (eulogy
singers), the dharmasbastrakaras (lawmakers) and purohitas (brahmana in the
court) were all collaborators in the new landed order.

How did this new order manifest itself in the cultural ethos of the post-Gupta
centuries? It appears that at the level of ideas the post-Gupta scene in the entire
sub-continent is marked by two distinctive strains,. viz. growth of bbakti and an
all-pervasive influence of tantric practices. It is possible to explain their widespread
dispersal in terms of the growth of the feudal mode of production epitomised in the
phenomenon of land grants. +

8
65.2 Bhakti and Pilgrimage
For about half a millennium from the mid-sixth century, Shaiva and Vaishnava saints
(Nayanmars and Alvars respectively) and their followers practised and propagated
bhakti in the cduntryside and went to pilgiim centres singing and dancing. The
overall pattern is that of consolidation of classical brahmanical society in early .
medieval India. Origiqating in sixth century Kanchipuram, area under the Pallavas,,it
had traversed the full length of Tarnilaham by the end of the ninth century and ,
engulfed all the major kingdoms of the Cholas, Pandyans and the Cheras. If we are
to believe in a recent analysis, the spread of the Bhakti movement in the north,
epitomised in such a popular work as the Bhagavata Purana, was also the result of
the impetus given by the Tamil saints. The spread of the movement is inthately
associated with the temple base, which, in turn, derived its raison d'etre and
economic sustenance &rough land grants received from not only kings and men at
the helm of political affairs but even from influential members of the society.
\
Some recent writings on the Pallavas, the Cholq and the Alirars as well as
Nayanmars have been able to show the gradual importance of the paddy cultivation
in the Kaveri Valley ahd the resultant pattern of brahrnanical settlements, which, in
turn, contributed to the growth of the 'Chola power. To illustrate, the specific spread
of the temple movement in the Kaveri Valley may be looked at. The three famous
Nayanmars, viz., Appar, Sambandhar and Sundarar sang 307,384 and 100 hymns
respectively. Out of thme 442 temples, as many as 3 15 belong to the Chola period
and all of which are concentrated in the Kaveri Valley (126 being situated north of
this river while 189 were to its south). That this temple Bhllrti movement was an
important tool of the consolidation of political power by feudal chiefs and kings is
apparent from the similarities in the vocabulary and symbols used to designate
temple and its officers on the one hand andl the King and his retinue on the other.
For example: Koyil stands for both palace and temple; crowned deities were
comparable with crowped kings; rituals of worship 1s conceived on the same pattern
as the rituals of service to the King-bathing, anointing, decorating, dressing of deity,
were replicas of similat practices in the court. Taxes and tributes were paid to
temples, as they were experted forkings as well. Like the palace, temple is also
constrbcted with mandapas; prakaras, dvarapalas, etc. (pavilions, walled enclosures,
doorkeepers respectivdy),Ahe chief deity of the temple, like the King, was
accompanied by his consort and relatives and served by a whole m y of musicians,
dancing girls, actors, garland makers, etc. To compare the feudal p9amid consisting
of plurality and co-existence of the lords-each commanding loyality from h&
I
J
'immediate vassal-we sek in the Bhakti'moyement a clear recognition of the plurality
and co-existence of different deities-each deity occupying the position of the lord
for his devotee. The devotee habitually addresses the deity as udaiyar or tambiran
standing for "lord" and "master" and describes himself as adiyan, i.e. slave. What
becaye the hallmark of greatness in the age of growing brahrnanical power was the
surrender of pride in th.e self and voluntary acceptance of the position of "the servant
of the Lord" -sls Kulashckhara Alvar had proclaimed. To all this must be added the
concerted drive on the part' of men of religion of evolve a mechanism of regular
pilgrimage ost&nsiblyto earn merit (Punya). It is well known that the brahmanical
literature alone mentions more than 400 tirthas in early medieval times and that he
Mahabharata and the Puranas alone contain at least 40,000 verses on tirthas,
sub-tirthas and legends connected with them. And this is not all-one can add not
only numerous sthalapuranas but specific digests on tirthas dealing with brahmanical
and non-brahmanical centres of pilgrimage.

6.5.3 Tantricism . .

Tantricism, like bhakti, permeates all religions in the post-Gupta centuries, not
excluding even the so-called puritanical non-brahmanical religious systems. R.S.
Sharma has retionalised it in terms of the preponderance of the cult of the Mother
Goddess consequent upon the spread of agriculture as a result of land grants. A
fascinating dimension of this analysis is the process of cultural interaction of priestly
Sanskritik and tribal elements. A recent study, based entirely on literary data, argues
that the Devi Mahatmya of the Markandeya Puraoa (c. sixth century A.D.) is the
first comprehensive account of the Goddess to appear in Sanskrit-the explanation is
sought in terms of Sar+skritisation. It is yderlined that the basic impulse behind the
worship of Goddess is of pon-Aryan and non-Sanskritic origin. A survey ofShakti
sculptures in Madhya Pradesh alone refers to as many as 400 images. A great
majority of their names such as Charchika, Umarimata, Bijasanidevi, Behamata,
Biiasanidevi, etc. link them with popular tribal deities.

6,5.4 Hero-Stones
In recent years there have been some very refreshing and stimulating writings on'the
notions of Death-in terms of rituals, religious beliefs and practices, art forms an$
above all, in association with socio-economic developments. These have resulted in a
special genre of literature on an obscure field of religious and art history of the
sub-continent. These stidies centre round the hero-stones, which are littered over
most parts of the Indian sub-continent. There has been a long and almost
continuous history of these relics for more than 1500 years and extends to both
brahmanical and nbn-brahmanical religions. They are locally called viragals,
natugals, paliyas, govardhana stambhes, kirti-stambhas, ehhaya-stambhas, or
merely as chhahis, stambhas devalis, etc. These tablets Qr pillars fall into several
poups originating in ritual or cult practices as well as religious or social customs of its
batrons :

The chhaya-stambha is among the earliest archaeological evidence, and it seems to

be rwtedip the social practic& of the Buddhists.
The nhidhi represents the ritual death'practices exclusively by the Jains.
The viragals or at least the currency of this term-cross religious demarcations, if
not the conventional geographical limits of southern India.
The kirti-stamba, paliya, chatri, devali and stambha share the country between
the Himalayas and the Vindhyas-mostly in Gujarat and Rajasthan.

The change in style of hero-stones seems to refleg a change in the status of the hero
being memorialised. Many of the earlier stones from Tamil Nadu come from the
North Arcot district which is known to have been at that time q area of Livestock
breeding, where cattle-raiding would be one method of increasing wealth. Later,
elaborate stones commemorated heroes who claimed to belong &I the upper caste
groups, often claiming Lshntriya status. The indication of the hero's religious sect
may have been due to the influence of the bhakti sects. The following is suggested on
an impressionistic basis: topographically and ecologically there is a frequency of such
memorials in upland areas, in the vicinity of passes across hills, and in areas regarded
~racti~~onallt I\ frontier /one> w h ~ c otten
t ~ ~ncludedprimarily pastoral region, the
%i;\L~rt\ot t o ~ ~ . s and
t s the e d g c ~of what have come to be called the 'tribal areas' of
I ~rltrnlI I I L ~ I ~ .

Hero-stone\ are relatively Infrequent in the large agricultural tracts of the Indus and
thc Ganga valleys a& in the agriculturally rich delta areas of the peninsula. Frontier
.tones were often majntalned as buffer regions where political security was transient
and where roya! armies did not necessarily guarantee protection to local inhabitants.
They would, therefore, inevita hly have recourse to their own arrangements for
protection, in which the village hero or the local chief played a major role. This
would suggest a differentiation of military functions in a decentralised political
syktem. Further, since these relics proliferated in the post-sixth century period, it
would be worth finding out the correlation and correspondence, if any, between the
distribution of land grants on the one hand and that of the memorial stones on the
other. This is particularly desuable in view of several assumptions:

a) the phenomenon of the lanJ grants is associated with the expansion of

agriculture,

b) both memoriai stones and land grants are considered -to be useful mechanisms of
cultic integration- the cult of Vithoba in Pandharpur (Maharashtra) is in itself a
case of the hero-stone being transformed into a deity, and

c) both the phenodena have also been instrumental in the processes of state
formation.

6.5.5 Religion as Ideology -For Whom?

Such prominent manifestations of the religio-philosophic outlook of people of the
Indian sub-continent of the post-Gupta centuries as the rise of bhakti, tantricism,
pilgrimage, etc. are indeed products of the land grant economy. Though the
lardamanas were the biggest beneficiaries of the mechanism and may have also
worked consciously in league with contemporary rulers to prepare a philosophic .
background, it would again be difficult to rationalise these developments only in
terms of dominating lbrahmana ideology. Surely, it is impossible to eliminate the
symbiotic relationship between the brahmaoas on the one hand and the tribals on the
other. The traffic of ideas was certainly a two-way one. And this receives support
from an unexpected quarter. For example iconographic studies have so far remained
confined to identification, description and interpretation of divine images and their
attributes. Largely forming a pa^ Df art history, these works have rarely been looked
as an index to soc~o-teligiouschanges at macro and micro levels. Treating
iconography as an integral part of the history of religions a recent work on Vaishnava
lconogrqphy in the $amil Country tries to trace the evolution of the concerned
subject through folk movements and integration of tribal cults of pre-Pallavan
centuries. Similarly, another 6ork undertakes a micro study of the process of cultural
coalescence and agencies of acculturation in the growth of Murugan. The growth of
.
this significant deitv of the Shaiva pantheon is presented as a convergence of two
cultural streams-'Sanskrit' and 'Tamil', without taking any of them as 'monolithic or
unidimensional'. -4nanalysis of sacrifice and divine mamage in the South Indian
Shaiva tradition has glso been done in the light of the many traditions that have
contributed to their formation, including vedic, epic, puranic, classical Tamil and
southern folk traditions.

Whd about the Buddhists and the Jainas? They were also affected by the nuances of
the land g r a ~economy.
t Though the sphere of the influence of the Buddhists was
shrinking, it was not the case with the Jainas. In Karnataka, Gujarat and Rajasthan
specially, they had c h e d out a place for themselves in the mind of people. Bbt ideas
such as bhakti, tantdc practices and pilMmage were essential components of their
creed too. The so-called 'Brahmans-Peasant Alliance' in the post-Gupta southern .
India is based on v skimpy aAd shaky evidence. Even the hypdhesk of the rural
3
base of the temple ovement under the patronage of brPhmnna-king collaboratiod
leaves many gaps if tihe role of bhakti as an ideology is to be fully appreciated. To-
illustrate, the Tarnilaham, where this rural-based model has been applied, also
an extensihe hternal trade network as well as an ambitious programme of
--A,:,, +-,A, o
t.
+;
& W h a t urac the rnle nf tradem and mprphantr in +ha ,
,.
*I
. ,F
the temple movement? Perhaps because of the violent attitude of the Alvars and the
Nayanmars, at least in the initial few centuries, non-brahmanical religions which used .
to get .the support of these communities, had almost vanished frop Tarnilham. t id
traders and merchants switch their allegiance to the new temple movement? Or they
did not need any ideological prop? Evidence is mounting to show that even
merchants and their assemblies (nagarams) exercised control over land and had
interest in its agricultural output. Further, did not templt: also tend to erect barriers
of both language and rituals between peasant laity and the priesthdod? If then,
ideology is to be understood in terms of a mechanism of class interests in general and
ruling class interests in particular how does one explain the role of bhakti? This
dilemma would apply to other major post-quota religious manifestations as well. The
role of religion in society, particularly aF ideomgy ought to be seen in its
potentialities to sway masses and not cl sses.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Discuss the relationship between Religion, Ideology and Society. Answer in
about fifteen lines.

2) What role did ideology play in the post-Gupta centuries. Answer in aboit ten
lines.
............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................

.............................................................................................................................................
3) Which of the following statements are right or wrong? Mark ( J )or (X).
i) Bhakti, tantriiism, pilgrimage etc. were products of land gant economy.
ii) Reli@ousideas had no role in the formation of groups like the monastic
orders.
iii) Marx said.that "religion is the sigh of the oppressed creature"
iv) Man did not say that 'religion is. the opium of the ahasses"
v) The brahmanical literature meritions more than 4Oa'firthas in e d y medieval
times.
Society and Culture:
8th-13thCcahrly 6.6 LET US SUM UP
This Unit w& concerned with three broad issues, viz. the theoretical dimensions of
ideology, religion and ideology and their place in society and finally an application of
these in the specific Indian setting through millennia.

The underlined facets of the theoretical dimensions of the ideology showed:

complexities of d e w g ideology.
differences betweeg ideology in terms of nature and functions and ideology as
body of political belief.
ideology as a system of knowledge is based on assumption that all ideas, all
knowledge and all faculties of human understanding rest on sensory data.
major stages in tha writings on ideology from sociological standpoint with a
pronounced focus on M a n and Engels.
fundamental postulates and critique of psycho-cultural dimensions of ideology,
and
high potential for mass mobilisation and manipulation on the part of ideologies.

The section dealing with the place of religion and ideology in society has focusid
on :
recent developments in the analysis of ideology which are concerned with
improving explanations of how and why ideology takes a particular form and how
it works, and
certain question requiring answers bearing on the name, role and functions of
ideology.

The issues raised in the theoretical discussions of ideology are sought to be applied 'in
the specific Indian setting through the millennia-literally from the Harappan times to
the thirteenth century A.D. The points highlighted in the discussion include:
-

weakness of the hypothesis about the autonomy of religious ideas,

hegemony and dominance attributed to religion and ideology are exaggerated and
somewhat unwarranted,
philosophic backgmund of h d grants in the post-Gup@centuries, and
the need to study the role of religion in society, particularly as an ideology, in its
potentialities to sway masses and not classes.

6.7 KEY WORDS

slave
Vaishnava saints
Congruent having some size a d shape
Dana gift miking
p a t sinner
Pavilion in palace/temple
Saiva saints
Wded enclosure in palace/temple
eapiation
religious merit
a V&C sacrifice
Lord/Master
6.8 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOtTR PROGRESS .
EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) These are idolr of tribe: idols of cave, idols of market and idols of theatre. See
Sub-sec. 6.2.1.
2) Base your answer on Sub-sec. 6.2.2.
3) Base your answer on Sub-sec 6.2.2.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Base your answer on the views expressed by Mam, Max Weber and Geertz.
See Sec. 6.3
2) Base your answer on Sec. 6.5 and its Sub-secs.
3) i) J ii) X iii)J iv) X v) J
A UNIT 7 DEVELOPMENT OF REGIONAL
CULTURAL TRADITIONS
Structure
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Temple Architecture
7.2.1 Major Styles
7.2.2 Presidink Deities
7.2.3 Shapes, Plans and Language of Temples
7.2.4 Ecdogiaal Setting, Raw Materials and Regionalisation
7.2.5 Rok of Decorative Elements
Organisation of Building Programme
Chronological and Geographical Spfead of Indian Temples
Temples and Ibdian Cultural Ethos
Sculptures: Stone and Metal Images
Paintings, Temcottas and the "Medieval Factor"
Education and Learning
L d Chronicles and Eras
The New Religious Trends
Let Us Sum Up
Key Words
Answers To Check Your Progress Exercises

This Unit aims at acquainting you with the development of regional cultural
traditions and after reading it, you should be able to understand the:
emergence of regional cultural units,
manifestations of re6onalisation in various spheres of peoples' activities in the
realms of arts, literature,education, learning and religion,
development of architectural styles and basis of classlfying various temples,
terminology used in the descriptions of architectural features,
relationship between the ecological setting and temple constructions.
impact of the availability of raw materials on the construction of temples,
role of temples in the overall cultural ethos,
emergence of localised schools of sculptures in stone and metal,
regionalisation of larlguages, scripts, chronicles and eras, and
linkages between the essence of the "medieval factor" - the spreaa of feudal ethos
and the cultural manifestations.

7.1 INTRODUCTION
The centuries between the eighth and the thirteenth stand out rather prominently
from the point of view of the making of cultural traditions in India. The most
arresting feature of thew traditions is regionalism, which gets reflected in every
sphere, whether it be the formation of political power or the development of arts or
the transformations in languages and literature or even religious manifestations. In
very general terms, the emergence of regional cultural units such as Andhra, Assam,
Bengal, Gujarat, Karnataka, Kerala, Maharashtm, Orissa, Rajasthan, Tamil Nadu,
etc. was the outcome of significant material changes. As already delineated (Block I),
the pace of agrarian chmges and the developments in the no!?-agrariansector were
setting the tone of f e u d socio-economic formation (see also Unit 5 in this Block).
1 As we shall see in Block 3, nor could the political structure remain unaffected by
these developments.

It should, not, therefore, surprise us if the cultural rhos too got permeated by similar
strains. The Mudrakshasa, a play writtcn in Sanskrlt by Vishakhadatta and generally
ascribed to the fifth century, speaks of different regions whose inhabitants differ in
Development of Rqional
Cnltanl Traditions

customs, clothing and language. The identity of some kind of subnational groups is
recognized by the Chinese pilgrim Hsiuan-Tsang who visited India in the first half of
the seventh century and mentions several nationalities. The Kuvalayamala, a Jain
text of the eighth century and largely concerned with western India, notes the
existence of 18 major nationalities and describes the anthropologcal character of
sixteen peoples, pointing out their psychological features and citing the examples of
their language. The Brabmavaivarta Purana, ascribed to the thirteenth century
Bengal explicates deshabheda - differences based on regions/territories.

I Indian temples have symbolised the very ethos of life-style of people through the
millennia. The panorama of Indian temple architecture may be seen across at
extremely wide chronological and geographical horizon. From the simple beginnings
at Sanchi in the fifth century of the Christian era to the great edifices at Kanchi,
J h a n j a w and Madurai is a story of more than a millennium.
i

I The prominent Shilpashastras that deal with the subject of temple architecture are:
1 Mayamata, Manasam, Shilparatna, Kamikagama, Kashyapasbipa and
I Ishanagurudevapaddbati

In the majority of these works the subject is dealt with under the three heads of:
the geographical distribution
e their differentiation from the point of view of shapes, and
their presiding deities and castes.

All these topics, however, are not mentioned in all these.works. Some later texts as
the Kamikagama and Kashyapashilpa show that the nature of ornamentation,
.
number of storeys, the size of prasadas ctc. ,I,W ,,. t ituted bases of differentiation.

7.2.1 Major Styles

The ancient texts on Indian temple architecture broadly classify them into three
orders. The terms Nagara, Dravida and Vesard indicate a tendency to highlight
typological features of temples and their geographical distribution: These terms
describe respectively temples that primarily employ square, octagonal and apsidal
ground plans which also regulate the vertical profile of the structure. Nagara an*,
Dravida temples are generally identified with the northern and southern temple styles
respectively. All of northern India, from the foothills of the Himalayas to the central
plateau of the Deccan is furnished with temples in the northern style (See Illus. 1).
There are, of course, certain regional variations in the great expanse of this area. A
work entitled Aparajitapriceha confines the Nagari (Nagara) style to the
Madhyadesha (roughly the Ganga-Yamuna plains) and further mentions Lati and
Vaimti (Gujarat and Rajasthan respectively) as separate styles. The local
manuscripts of Orissa recognise four main types of Orissa style temples, viz., the
Rehka, Bhadra, Kharkhara and Gaudiya.

The ~ravidaor southern style, comparatively speaking, followed a more consistent

development track and was confined to the most southemly, portions of the
sub-continent, specially between the Krishna river and Kanyakumari. The term
Vesara is not free from vagueness. Some of the texts ascribe the Vesara style to the
country between the Vindhyas and the river Krishna but there are texts placing it
'between the Vindhyas and the Agastya, the location of which is uncertain. Since the
temples of the Nagara type are found as far south as Dharwad (in Karnataka) and
those of the Dravidian type as far north as Ellora (in Maharashtra), a narrow and
compartmentalised geographical classification is misleading. At certain periods there
- I s

8th-13thCentwy,
SodetgradCWuc:, occurred striking overlapping of major styles as influends from'different regions
confroqed each other, e.g., the temples of the early Chalukyas whose kingdom was
strategically positioned in the middle of the peninsula in the seventh and eighth
centuries. The Kandariya Mahideva temple in Khajuraho is another striking exanfple
where the vMous architectural elements 'combined into an integrated whole.
. simjldY,the Kerala temples display variety in their plan t@s. Square, circular or
apsideended buildings are utilized. The earlibt examples in Kerala go back to the
twelfth century.

7.2.2 Presiding Deities

Temples were dedicated not only to two great gods of the Brahmanical pantheon,
viz., Shiva and Vihqu but to the Great Mother Goddess as well. In fact, consecration
and depiction of divinities big and small, benevolent and malevolent, celestial and
terrestrial, atmospheric .and heavenly, devas and asuras and countless folk deities
such as vakshas, vakshis,' apsaras and kinnaris represent a world of their own. It is
.indeed fascinating to see that even animal or bird 'vehicles' (vahanas) of these
divinities shed their mu!eness and become eloquent carriers of meaningful
symbolism. Thus, Nmdi, the agriculiural bull of Shiva is fully expressive of the god's
sexuality (See Illustration No. 2); tiger, the mount of Durga embodies her fierce
strength and aggressiveness. The river goddesses, Ganga and Yamma are identified
by their vahanas, vii, crocodile and tortbise respectively. Lakshmi's association with
elephants, lotus flowers and water not only symbolise her popularity as the goddess
of fortune but more importantly as a divinity conveying the magical power of
-
agricultural fertility an aspect that goes back to the days of the Rigvetla. Swan
canying Saraswati typified not only her grace and elegance but classic Kshira-nira i
viveka - the tremendous intellectual discerning capacity which is an integral . - 1 I
element of this goddess of learning. The Kashyapashilpa has a chapter on the deities
to be enshrined in the principal styles mentioned above. Thus, the Shantamurtis
(peaceful, calm and serene deities) are to be installed in Nagara; couples or moving
deities in vesara shrines; and heroic, dancing or enjoying deities in the Dravidg
structures. However, these injunctions about presiding deities, like the basic styles,
ought not to be taken in a cornpartmentalised sense. Similarly, textual prescriptions
about the Nagara, Dtuvida and Vesara styles being associated with brahmana,
Kshatriya and Vaishys varnas respectively cannot be taken literally.
9
f-- Check Your Progress 1
1) How do we come to know about regional cultural units?

.............................................................................................................................................
2)" List six major works which dea1:with the sub,ect of temple architecture.
1) 2) "
3) 4)
'5) 6)
3) List the three major temple styles with their geographical distribution.

............................................................................................................................................
. .
,
..I ........................................................................................................................................
4) . List the main deities placed in different styles of temples.
 Development of Regional
7.2.3 Shapes, Plans and Language of Temples C d b n l Tnditiom,
Each temple style has its own distinctive technical language, though some terms are
common but applied to different parts of the building in each style. The sanctuary,
which is the main part is called the vimana where the garbhagriha or the inner
sanctum containing the main presiding deity is located. The part surmounting the
vimana is known as the shikhrua. The other elements of ground plan are: mandapa
or pavilion for the assembly of devotees; antarala, which is a vestibule connecting the
vimana and mandapa and the pradakshiapath, i.e. circumarnbulatory passage
surrounding these. The natmandir or dance hall and bhogamandapa were evolved
subsequently in the Orissan temples such as the famous Sun temple at Konarka, to
add to the dignity and magnificence of the deities who were honoured in them. The
exterior of the Nagara type is characterized by horizontal tiers, as in the jagamohan
or porch in front of the sanctum of the Ligaraj temple at Bhubaneswar, and the
viman, is usually circular in plan. Fundamentally, there is no structural similarity
between the Brahmanical and the Jain temples in the North except that the need for
housing the various Tirthankaras dominates the disposition of space in the latter.
' The ~ r i v i d astyle has a polygonal, often octagonal ohikhara and a pyramidal
vimana, which is rectangular in plan. A temple of the Dravida type is also notable for
the towering gopurams or gatetowers of the additional mandapas. From the days of
Ganesh ratha of the Pallava times (seventh ceniury) at Mahabalipuram (near
Madras) to the gigantic Brihadishvara temple (c.985-1012 A.D.) of the Cholas at
Thanjavur:the Dravida style took many strides. (For various Temple plans see
lllustration Nos. 3 to 8.)

7.2.4 Ecological Setting, Raw Materials and Regionalisation

I
The stylistic evolution of temples was also rooted in ecological setting which gave
1 them specific regional identity. In the relatively heawy rainfall areas of the western
I
coast of India and Bengal, temples have sloping tiled roofs, giving rise to timber
gables. T o overcome the hazards of snow and hail, wooden sloped roofs are also
1 employed in the temples of the Himalayan belt. In general, the hotter and drier the

I climate, the flatter the roof; open porches provide shaded seating, and pierced stone.
.screens are utilised to fiter the light. Some such features which are noticeable in the
famous Ladkhan temple of the Chalukyas at Ahole (north Karnataka) are direct
adaptations of thatch and timber village and community halls.>Thedistribution of
space in Jain shrines was affected by their placements on high hills. These structures
are characterized by an air of seclusion and aloofness. Some such typical examples
can be seen at the Shatrunjaya and Palitana hills in Gujarat or the Dilwara temples at
Mount Abu in southern Rajasthan.

Apart from the ecological influences, the availability of raw materials also affected
styles of craftsmanship. While the transition from wood to stone attributed to the
Mauryas of the third century B.C. was in itself a great step forward, local raw
materials played a dominant role in techniques of construction and carving. No
wonder, the Pallava King Mahendravarman (early seventh century) is called
vichitra-chitta (curious minded) because he discarded conventional perishable
materials such as brick, timber and mortar and used the hardest rock surfact (granite)
for his cave temples at Mahabalipuram. Hard and crystalline rocks prevented detailed
carving, whereas soft and sedimentary stone permitted great precision. Friable and
schistlike stones, such as those by the Hoyshal architects and craftsmen at Belur and
Halebid (Karnataka) in the twelvth and thirteenth centuries promoted the carving of
mouldings created by sharp and angled incisions. Brick building traditions continued
I
to survive where there was an absence of good stone and techniques of moulding and
carving bricks doubtless influenced the style of temples in these areas, e.g. the
temples at Bishnupur in Bengal. The influence of timber and bamboo techniques of
construction represent a unique architectural development in north eastern state of
Assam. Almost no stone temples are found in the Himalayan valleys of Kulu, Kangra
and Chamba. It is obvious that timber and brick building traditions dominate temple
f ~ r min
s these areas. The sloping and gabled roofs which are preserved only in stone
in the temples of Kashrnir can be seen in these areas in pure wooden conrext. In the
ninth celitury or so, a remarkable multi-towered temple was excavated into a natural

I
escarpm :nt at Masrur in Kangra.
Society and Culture: 7.2.5 Role of D e c o r a t i v e Elements
8th-13th Centmry
T h p evolution of vadious styles in tenns of decorations, ornamentations and other
embellishments is a natural phenomenon. However, it needs to be stressed that these
elements did not affect the basic structure of temples already outlined above.
Amongst conspicuous decorative elements one can mention growth of pillars from
simple oblong shafts in early Pallava structures to extremely finely chiselled (almost
giving the impressioh of lathe work) columns in Hoyshala temples. Later still, the
temples of Madurai and Rameshvaram give extraordinary place to long corridors
studded with animals based caryatids. The niches, pavilions and horse shoe-shaped
windows (kudu) (See llustration No. 9), among others, are also important decorative
motifs which help in the delineation of stages of evolution. In general, the tendency is
to make constant indrease in embellishments.T o illustrate, the kudu which at the
Mahabalipuram monuments has a plain shovel-headed firial, develops a lion head in
the Chola monuments. The process of excessive ornamentation is noticeable in North
India too. Shikharas, ceilings and other walls receive great attention of artisans and
craftsmen. Extremely exquisite catvings in marble in the ceilings at Dilwara Jain
temples at Mt. Abu do not serve any structural purpose and are purely decorative.

Sometimes it is argued that multiplication of roofs constitutes a distinctive feature of

temples of Malabar, Bengal and the eastern and western Himalayas. In a west coast
or Malabar temple the walls resemble a wooden railing in structure and were made of
wood, though stone bpies from about the fourteenth century also exist. Such
temples (for exampl&,the Vadakkunath temple at Trichur - 15th-16th century)
may have either a simple pitched roof of overlapping slabs, or they may have a series
of pitched roofs one above another, which bear an obvious resemblance to the
multiple pitched roofs of Chinese and Nepalese temples.

In the Kashmir Valley of the western Himalayas, temples bear two or three roofs
which were also copiled from the usual wooden roofs. In the wooden examples the
interval between the two roofs seems to have been left open for light and air; in the
stone buildings it is dosed with ornaments. Besides this, all these roofs are relieved
by types of windows comparable to those found i6 medieval buildings in Europe.
Example of such roofs in Kashmir may be seen in Shiva temple at Pandrethan and
Sun temple at Martand. In Rengal, temples have been identiaed which have been
borrowed from leaf-huts that are very common in the region. In this form of temple
with curved caves we also find the same tendency to a multiplication of roofs one
above another. The temples at Bishnuvir such as the famous Keshta Raya (17th
century) are built with a variety of roofs forms on square and rectangular plans. Even
contemporary Mughal architecture makes use of this so-called "Bengal roof" in
sandstone or marble. (For various types of roofs see lllustration Nos. 10 to 15 for
pillars No 16 and niches No. 17).

7.3 ORGANISATION OF BUILDING PROGRAMIME

In the erection of the structural temple an organised building programme was
fonowed. Bricks were baked either on or near the site and stone was mostly quarried
locally. From reliefs carved on temples and from a palm-leaf manuscript (See
Illustration No. 18) that has been discovered about the building operations carried
out at the world famous thirteenth century Sun temple at Konarka, (See lllustration
Nos. 19, 20) it is learnt that stone from quarries was sometimes transported to the
building site on wooden rollers drawn by elephants or floated on barges along rivers
and canals. At the site the masons roughly shaped the stone blocks which were then
hoisted into position by rope pulleys on scaffolding. Ramps were a!so constructed of
timber and sand to facilitate the placing of extremely heavy stone pieces in place. A
classic example of this is the stone constituting the huge shikhara of the Brihadishvar
temple at Thanjavur. Whis shilchara weighing about 80 tonnes is popularly believed to
have been raised to it6 present height of about 200 feet by being dragged on an
inclined plane, whichhad its base about seven kilometres, away at Sarapallan
(literally, meaning 'elevation from depression'). Occasionally, as in Konarka, iron
beams (For iron beams see Illustration No. 21) were used in the sanctuary and hall.
The architects, artisans and workmen engaged in the various activities associated with
the building of a temple were organised into groups which functioned as guilds. The
above-mentioned Kdnarka temple manuscript lists the workmen, their salaries and Development of R m l
C.lbml Trdltiocms
rules of conduct and provides an account over several years of the various building
operations. Quite often, these get reflected in stone as well, e.g., an eleventh century
panel from Khajuraho shows cuttings, chiselling and transporting stone for temples.

Check Your Progress 2

1) What are the main parts in a temple plan?

2) How did the ecological setting and raw material decide the shape of the roof of
the temples?

,,3)' In which are& multiplication of roofs was used for temple decoration? .
+
.............................................................................................................................................

'7.4 CHRONOLOGICAL AND GEOGRAPHICAL

, SPREAD OF INDIAN TEMPLES
In this section we mention some of the prominent temples according to their
chronology and geographical spread.

THE NORTHERN.STYLE
Northern, Central and Western India (Fifth-seventh centuries)
The Pawati temple at Nachna (South-east of Khajuraho, M.P.); the Dashavatara
temple at Deogarh.(Jhansi District, U.P.); the brick temple at Bhitaragon (Kanpur
District, u.P.); ihe Vishnu temple at Gop (Gyarat); Mundeshwari temple (an unusual
example of octagonal plan) at Ramgarh (Bihar) and temples at Sanchi and Jigawa
(both in Madhya Pradesh).

The Deccan and Central India (Sixth-eighth centuries) E

Cave temples at Ellora (near Aurangabad in Maharashtra, see Illustration No. 22),
Elephanta (near Bombay) and Badarni (north Karnataka; Early Chalukyan temples)
in north Karnataka at Btdami, Aihole (Ladkhan temples), and Pattadakal
(Papanatha and Galganatha temples).

Western and Central India (Eighth - thirteenth centuries)

Harihara and other temples at Osian (North of Jodhpur, Rajasthan); Jelika Mandir
(Gwalior); Chandella temples at Khajuraho (specially, Lakshman, Kandariya
Mahadev and Vishvanatha); temples at Roda (North of Modhera in Gujarat); Sun
temple at Modhera (Gujarat) and Marble temples of the Jains at Mt. Abu
(Rajasthan). '
 -- -

society and Ctllture:

8th-13th Century
Eastern India (Ei&th - thirteenth centuries)
Parashurameshvar Vaital Deul, Mukteshvar, Lingaraj and Rajarani temples (all at
Bhubaneshwar); Sun temple at Konarka (Orissa) and the jagannatha temple at Puri
(Orissa).

The Himalayan belt (Eighth century pnwards)

Sun temple at Martand; Shiva temple at Pandrethan and Vishnu temple at
Aventesvamin (all in Kashmir); temple at Masrur (Kangara, Himachal Pradesh) and
brahmanical temples in Nepal (Kathmandu, Patan and Bhadgaon).

THE SOUTHERN STYLE

The Deccan and Tamil Nadu (Sih-tenth centuries)
Cave temples, the Rathas and the 'Shore' templepf~hePallavas at Mahabalipuram
(near Madras); (See Illustration No. 23) the Vdikunthaperumal and Kailasanatha
temples at Kanchipuram (also near Madras); Chalukyan stqctures at Aihole ( ~ e g u t i
temple), Badami (Malegitti Shiva temple) and Pattadakal (Virup@csKatemple) and
the Kailas temple at Bllora carved out under the patronage of the RashtrakuJas,

Karnataka, Tgmil Nadu and Kerala (~enth-seymieenth centuries)

Brihadishvar temples of the Cholas at Jhanjaw and Ganga;! 6ndacholapuram;
Hoyshal temples at Belur, Halebid and Somnathpur (all irl Karnataka); later
Chalukya temples in -ataka (at Lakkundi and Gadag); the Pampati temple of the
Pandyas at Vijaynagw; the Shrirangam (near Trichinopoly, Tamil Nadu) and
Minakshi temples (Madurai, Tamil Nadu,See Illustration Nos. 24,25); the
Kattilmadam (at Chalpurarn, District Palghat, Kerala) temple and ~arasguram
temple at Tiruvallam (near Trivandrum).

THE VESARA STYLE

The Buddhist Chaitya halls of the early centuries of the Christian era and situated in
the western ghats in the modem state of Maharashtra may be said to be prototypes of
this style. Its most conspicuous feature-is the apsidal ground plan. As already
mentioned, tiwe is certain vagueness about its essential components and
geographical distribution. Amongst the early examples (seventh-tenth centuries) can
be cited the structures at Chezarla (Andhra Pradesh), Aihole (Durga temple),
Mahabalipuram (Sahdeva and Draupali rathas) and Kerala (Shiva temples at
Trikkandiyur and Tiruvannur). The classic post-tenth century examples include the
Nataraja shrine at Chidambaram (Tamil Nadu) and the Vamana temple at
Kizhavellur (District Kottayam, Kerala). <
I

7.5 TEMPLES AND I N D ~ N

CULTURAL m O S
Indian temples symbalised the very mundane urges of humans and were for varied
activities of the community as a whole.
To begin with, general education within the temple was of great importance. Many
endowments to temples were specifically made for establishment of colleg&which
were incorporated into temple complexes. Teaching of such subjects as gramm'ar and
astrology as well as recital and teaching of texts such as the Vedas, the Epics
Ramayana and the Mahabharata and the Puranas were encouraged. Music and
dance generally formad part of the daily ritual of the temples and during special
celebrations and annual festivals these played a particularly dominant role. Large
temples wouldpaintab their own musicians - both vocal and instrumental, together
I
with dancers, actors and teachers of performing arts. The life-size delineations of
such musicians in a tenth-century temple at Khajuraho (See Illustration No. 26) as
well as in the Sun temple at Konarka and nata mandir (dancing hall) forming an
absolutely integral element in the Orissan and other temples also provide eloquent
testimonies to that effect. And, of course, who can forget the performance of the
great cosmic-dance of the Mahadeva Shiva himself at the Chidambaram temple. No
Iess important was the institution of devadasii. These teruple maidens played a
significant role in dancing as well as in singing of devotional hymns by which the
temple god was e n t e m e d . The fact that the Chola emperor Rajaraja 1 (984-1-012)
constructed two long streets for the accommodation of four hundred dancing women
attached to the Brihadishvar temple (Thanjavur), gives us an idea of the lavish scale
 Pandrethan
A
A Avantipur
A Martand

A Main Brahmanical temple sites

- .
 on which he endowed the temple and its functions. Many temples had regular
festivals which provided opportunities for mingling of mythology and folklore, as for
instance, the annual hthayatra of the Jagarinatha temple at Pun. The undertaking of
pilgrimage (tirthayatra) is yet another mechanism through which the participation of
the community in temple activities was facilitated.

As temples prdvided work and the means of livelihood for a large number of
persons, they were able to exert great influence upon the economic life of people.
Even small temples needed the services of priests, garland-makers and suppliers of
clarified butter, milk and oil. One of the most detailed accounts that have been
preserved of the number of people who were supported by a temple and the wages
they received is that given in an inscription on the above-mentioned Thanjawr
temple, and dated 1011 A.D. The list includes cooks, gardeners, dance-masters,
garland-makers, musicians, wood-carvers, painters, choir-groups for singing h@ns in
Sanskrit and Tamil, accountants, watchmen and a host of other officialsand servants
of temples, totalling more than six hundred persons (See also Units 6.5 and 11.5) ,

7.6 .SCULPTURES: STONE AND METAL IMAGES

The regional spirit asserting itself is seen in sculptural arts as well. Stylistically,
schools of artistic depictions of the human form developed in eastern, western,
central and northern India. Distinctive contribution also emerged in the Himalayan
regions, the Deccan and the far South. A great majority of these regions produced
works of arj that were chqracterized by what has been described as the "medieval
factor" by the great art historian and critic Nihar ~ & j a nRai. This "medieval factor"
was marked by a certain amount of slenderness and an accent on sharp angles and
lines: The roundness of bodily form acquires flatness. The curves lose their convexity
and turn into the concave. Western and Central Indian sculptures, Eastern Indian and
Himalayan metal images, Gujarati and Rajasthani book and textile illustrations,
Bengal terracottas and wood carvings and certain Deccan and Orissa miniatures
registered this new conception of form through the post-tenth centuries.

The pivot of the early medieval sculpture is the human figure, both male and female,
. in the form of gods and goddesses and their attendants. Since these cult images rest
on the assured foundations of a regulated stiucture of form, it maintains a more or
less uniform standard of quality in all art-regions of India. Curiously, the creative
climax of each art-region is not reached at one and the same time all over India. In
Bihar and Bengal it is reached in the ninth and tenth centuries; 'in Orissa in the
twelfth and thirteenth; in Central India in the tenth and eleventh; in Rajasthan in the
tenth; in Gujarat in the eleventh; and in the far south in the tenth-eleventh centuries.
It is in the Deccan alone that the story is of increasing torpor and petrification -
indeed, Deccan ceases to be a sculptural province after the eighth century.

It is not only the cult images but non-ironic figure sculptures too which conform to
. more or less standardised types within each art-province and hardly reveal any
personal attitude or experience of the artist. The multitude of figures related
themselves to a large variety of motifs and subjects. These include: narrative reliefs, ,
historical or semi-historical scenes; music and dance scenes, mithuna couples in a
variety of poses and attitudes, arrays of warriors and animals and shalabhanjikas
(women and the tree) (See Illustration No. 24).

Metal images cast in brass and oct-alloy (ssthta-dhataj, copper and bronze emerge in
profusiom in eastern India (Bihar, Bengal and Assam), Himalayan kingdoms
(specially Nepal and Kashmir) and more particularly in the south. The North Indim
images largely portray brahmanic and Buddhist deities penqeated with tantrik
influences. The main types represented in the remarkable galaxy of South Indian
metal images are the various forms of Shiva, especially the Nataraja, Parvati; the
Chaiva saints such as Apgar, Sambaudar and Saudarar; Vaishnav saints called Alvars
and figures of royal donors.

All oaer the country, the post-Gupta iconography prominently displays a divine
hierarchy which reflects the pyramidal ranks in feudal society. Vishnu, Shiva and
 Development of Regional
Durga appear as supreme de!ties lording over many other divinities of unequal sizes Coltan1 Tnditioas
and placed in lower positions as retainers and attendants. The supreme Mother
Goddess is clearly established as an independent divinity in iconography from this
time and is represented in a dominating posture in relation to several minor deities.
Even hitherto a puritanical religion l i e Jainism could not resist the pressure of
incorporating the Mother Goddess in its fold, which is fully reflected in the famous
Dilwara temples at Mt. Abu in Rajasthan. The pantheons do not so much reflect
syncretism as forcible. In the rock-cut sculptures of Ellora one can feel the fighting
mood of the divinities engaged in violent struggles against their e n e m i ~The
. reality
of unequal ranks appear in the.Shaivite, Jain and Buddhists monastic organisations.
The ceremonies recommended for the consecration of the acharya, the highest in
/
rank, are practically the same as those for the coronation of the prince.

Check Your Progress 3

1) List two main temples each of the five categories listed under Northern style.

2) List four temples of the Southern and Vesara styles each.

Which were the main groups of people associated with various activities in
temples?

4) What are the peculiar features of sculptures described by art historians as

' "medieval factor"?
7.7 PAINTINGS, TERRACOIT'AS AND THE L

"MEDIEVAL FACTOR"
The medieval tradition in paintings has the following traits:
sharp, jerky and pointed angles, e.g., at the elbow and the shoulders,
sensuous facial features - sharp and peaked nose, long wide swollen eyes
projected sharply and crescent lips,
richness of variegatled patterns, motifs etc. gathered and adapted to the grip of
sharp curves, and
an intense preference for geometric and abstract patterns of decoration.

The manifestations of these traits can be seen in the paintings on the walls of the
Kailas temple (eighth century) of Ellora; the Jain shrine at Sittanavasal (ninth
century) and the Brihadishvar temple at Thanjavur (eleventh century), both in Tamil
Nadu. However, these traits are still more pronounced ine!t well-known
manuscript-illustrations of Bihar and Bengal, Nepal and Tibet in $he post-tenth
centuries. Textiles sudaces also offered a very rich field for the development of this
tradition. At least from the thirteenth century onwards West Indian textile designs,
and later, those of the Deccan, South, Orissa and Bengal also register their impact in
unmistakable terms.

The feudal ethos of the post-Gupta economy, society and polity is also noticeable in
the terracotta art. The change is noticeable in the patrons and content of depictions.
Art activity, as a whole, was being feudalised. The pre-Gupta art at Bharhut, Sanchi,
Karle, Amaravati, Nagaqunakonda, etc. was patronised mainly by the mercantile and
commerical class, artisans and craft-guilds as well as royal families. Art in the Gupta
period (fourth-sixth centuries), when feudal tendencies had just begun to appear,
reflects that vitality and zest of renewed brahmanism - for the first time brahmanical
temples were construcded in permanent material, i.e. stone. The art of the post-Gupta
centuries (650-1300 A.D.) was supported mainly by kings of different principalities, ,
feudatories, military chiefs, etc. who alone could patronise large-scale art activities.
The terracotta art, which had once symbolised the creative urges of commonman,
ceased to be so and instead, became a tool in the hands of resourceful patrons. The
output of miniature portable terracottas made for the urban market dwindled in the
post-Gupta period. Though some of the old urban centres such as ~aranasi,
Ahichchatra and Kanauj survived and some new ones like Tattanandapur (near
Bulandshahr in U.P.) merged in the early medieval period, very few of them ha9e
yielded terrawttas. Instead of producing for the market, the clay modeller
(pitakaraka) become subservient to the architect and now produced for big
landlords, brahmanical temples and non-brahmanical monasteries. Terrawtta
acquired the character of an elite art and was preserved in feudal headquarters and
religious centres such as Paharpur, Rajbadidanga (Bengal), Vikramashila ( B i b ) ,
Akhnur and Ushkar (Kashrnir). Terrawttas in the post-Gupta centuries were used by
landed aristocrats and kings to dewrate religious buildings and their own places on
auspicious occasions such as marriages as rewrded by Bana in the Harshacharita.

.7.8 EDUCATION AND LEARNING

Just as the Church was the principal organiser of education in Europe in tbe
Medieval times, similarly the post-Gupta centuries saw the concentration of the
centres of education in religious establishments, such as the Virrrs, mathas and
temples. Colleges also existed in some royal capitals such as Dhara, Ajmqr.
AnahillaFura, etc. The fame of Mithila in North Bihar and Nadia in Bengal as centres
of brahmanical learning increased in these centuries. Kashi (Varanasi) with its Shaiva
monasteries was also a flourishing seat of brahmanical learning. Kashmendra tells us
that students from such distant regions as Gauda (Bengal) travelled to Kashmir for Development of Regional
CdtumI T d o m
study in the mathas. The evidence of Hemachandra reveals the existence of
Vidya-mathas in Gujarat in the twelfth century. Numerous agraharas in the south
were developing as educational centres. Amongst notable universities, one can
mention Nalanda, Vikramashila and Odantapuri (all in Bihar), Valabhi (Gujarat),
Jagadalla and Somapuri (in Bengal) and Kanchipuram in Tamil Nadu.

The concept of temple libraries was evolved from the eighth century. The real
,ginnings in this sphere were laid by the Jainas. The long lists of their
achers/preceptors - bhattarakas and shripujyas, and the place of honour given to
em is symptomatic of this development. Their espousal of the cause of Shastradana
dift of religious texts/manuscripts) explains the great bhandaras (store houses) such
is patan, Khambhat, Jainsalmer, etc., which became integral parts of Jain
:stablishments in Gujarat, Rajasthan and Karnataka in particular. The trend was
picked up by brahmanical mathas as well and we get a phenomenal pcd$feration of
the manuscript tradition almost all over India.

That tantra and mantra became a favourite subject of study may be inferred from the
fact that a full-fledged department of Tantra was run in the University of
Vikramashila. The Tibetan traveller Taranatha, who came to India in the 17th
century is very eloquent about tantrik curricula at Nalanda, Odantapuri and other
prominent universities of Bihar and Bengal. The growth and popularity of occult
sciences also constitute a significant feature of the post-eighth centuries. The list of
subjects pursued by people in the thirteenth century has been given in Rajashekhara's
Prabandhakosha. It includes many occult sciences in the long list of more than 70
subjects.

Amongst the most notable phenomena in the sphere of learning may be recounted:
a) .regionalisation of languages,
b) emergence of regional scripts, and
c) growing verbosity in literature.

The post-Gupta centuries are epoch-making in the history of language and literature
Although the large-scale dispersal of Sanskrit &owing brahmanas was resulting in
the spread of that language in distant areas due to the landgrant phenomenofl. The
scope of. Sanskrit was graduaUy getting confined. It was being used by the ruling class
at the higher administrative levels. In the Naishadhiyaeharita we find the dignitaries
present in the svayamvara of Damyanti having the fear of not being understood and,
as such, taking recourse to Sanskrit.

'According to Al-biruni, vernacular literature which was used by the common people
was neglected by the upper and educated class. However, a development of
undeniable significance is the differentiation of Apabhramsha into proto-Hindi,
proto-~engali,proto-Rajasthani, proto-Gujrati, proto-Marathi, proto-Maithili, etc.
The Apahhramsha, which formed a link in our period between the Old-classical
languages guch as Sanskrit and Prakrit on the one hand and modem vernaculars on
the other, originated much before our period. The Kuvalayamala, an eighth century
work,.enumerates as many as 18 Apabhramshas spoken in various regions of India,
which tQrned into modem Indian languages later. In the list of Rajashekhara, Prakrit,
Paishachika,'Apabhramsha and Deshabhasha are mentioned alongwith Sanskrit as
subjects to be studied by a prince. Vernaculars such as Avahatha, Magadhi, Shakari,
Abhiri, Chandali, Savali, Draviti, etc. f.ormed part of curriciduhi mentioned in the
Varna Ratnakara. The pace of linguistic variations quickened in the country in the
post-Gupta centuries mainly on account of lack of inter-regional communication and
mobility. The migrating brahmanas enriched the vocabulary of regipnal languages.
They also helped to develop and systematize local dialyts into langpages through the
introduction of writing. ,

The emergence of regional scripts run parallel to the growth of regi6nal languages.
,As there are numerous languages, so also there are quite a large nuthber of scripts
used to express these languages. From Maurya to Gupta times the s~riptchanged
mainly as a result of the passage of time and anyone knowing the Brahmi script of
the Gupta period could read inscriptions from any part of the country. This was not
possible after the seventh century. From this period the regional variations become so
I
Society md Cubre: pronounced that one has to be well-versed in several scripts to be able to rwd.
8th-13th Centory
Obviously, the regions1 script was produced by regional insulation and the availability
. of the locally educated scripts to meet the needs of local education and
. administration. Manu$cripts, inscriptions and other written material use Devanagari,
Assamese, Bengali, Osiya, Tamil, Telugu, Kannada and Sharada (in Kashrnir) scripts.
That the proliferation of scripts went beyond linguistic confines, is clear from the case
of Tamil. A study of various inscriptions leads one to an inescapable conclusion that '
dough the Cheras, the Cholas and the Pandyas adopted Tamil as their language,
each seems to have adopted a different script, .perhaps to indicate their regional
identity. The Cheras used a cursive variety of Tamil Brahmi d e d VATTELUTIV
(rounded script). The Pandyas seem to have populan'sed the KOLELUITU (script
of straight lines) and the Cholas combined the two. This is not all. For philosophic
and religious discourses, in the three kingdoms put together, the scholars gave rise to
the Tamil Grantha script. Hundreds of manuscripts in this script are said to have
reached as far north as Tibet, where Buddhist monasteries became great repositories.

While editing a medieval Sanskrit text called Subhashita-Ratnakasha, D.D.Kosambi

brought to light many neglected poets but characterized it as a decadent poetry or
- writing of a decadent age. sometimes we understand such phenomena in absolute or
total sense. It is not necessary that economic, political, social and cultwal decline run
simultaneously. Also, the yardstick of "decadence" cannot be worked out in absolute
terms. The erotic sculptures of Khajuraho, Bhubaneshwar, 'Konarka and Belur may
appear to some to be products of a perverted mind but the same art pieces are taken
by others to be manifestation of vital cultural ethos of people. '

The post-eighth centu~iessaw prolific literary output in realms of bhilosophy, logic,

legal texts, devotional poetry of the Alvars and the Shaiva Agamas, Kavyas,
narratives, lyrics, historical biographies, scientific writings, shilpasbastras, etc.
Nonetheless, in keeping with the growing paraphernalia and personal vanity of the
new landed classes, the language of most of these literary compositions became
extremely verbose and ornate. This omate style marked by pompous adjectives,
adverbs and sirnilies b ~ a m thee hallmark of literature as well as inscriptions.
Although the prose styje of Bana, which is known for highly complex and elaborate
sentence constructions, was not exactly initiated, it did continue to serve as a model
for the post-seventh catury writings.

In the realm of poetry too, dvayashraya or Shlesha Kavyas were being produced
consciously. These works contain verses conveying two different senses when read in
different directions. The Ramacharita of Sandhyahra Nandi presents both the story
of Rama and the life oh Kirig ~ a m a p a l aof Bengal. The marriages of Shiva and
Parvati and Krishna and Rukmani are described in a twelfth century work (Parvati
Ruluniniya) produced in the (3haulukya court. Hemachandra is credited with the
composition of Saptasqnbbana having seven alternative interpretations. The tendency'
of working out the intdcate pattern of double, triple or even more meanings reflects
the artificiality of life.
I

AND ERAS
7.9 LOCAL C~RONICLES
Hsiuan-tsang, the Chinese p i l p m of the seventh century writes that he learnt
thoroughly the dialects in all the districts through which he journeyed. Further, writing
general observations on languages, books, etc. he says:
"with resped to the records of events each province has its own official for
preserving them irl writing. The record of these events in their full character is
called Nilapita (blue deposit). In these records are mentioned good and evil
events, with calamities and fortunate occurrences."

The existence of historical chronicles in Kashrnir (Rajataranm), Gujarat (Rasniala.

Prabandha, Chintamani, Vasanta Vilasa, etc.), Sind (Chadmama) and Nepal
(Vamshavalis) supports the presumption that the archives of different states, as a
rule, contained such royal chronicles as stated by Hsiuan-tsang. These chronicles are
further c o n h a t i o n of the tendency of regionalisation noticeable in the overall
cultural pattern and traditions.
-
An analogous development which further strengthened this tendency is visible in the
rise of localised eras. In addition to the older Saka and Vikrama eras which had a
vast and expansive usage upto the Gupta epoch and, to some extent even later; the
post-Gupta centuries are marked by regional systems of time ieckoning. Harsha
himself founded an era in the early seventh century. His contemporary in Assam i.e.
Bhaskaravarman started Bhasksrabda, which is used in some manuscripts from &at
region. An era in Bengal also'came into being. The Jains started using the Mahavira
samvat. The great Vaishnava saint and teacher of Assam, viz., Shankaradeva is
credited with the starting of Shankarabda - a reckon~ngafter him.
'
I

7.10 THE NEW RELIGIOUS TRENDS

The religious rituals and practices underwent important changes during the centuries
under discussion. In accordance with the growing practice of land grants alongwith
the surrender of other property and service to the I a r d and then receiving fiscal
rights and protection as prasad or favour, there grew the puja system. The puja was
interlinked with the doctrine of bhakti or complete self-surrender of the individual to
his god (See also Unit 6.5.2).

Both puja and bhakti became integral ingredients of tantriasm, which arose outside
the Madhyadesha in the aboriginal, peripheral areas on account of the acculturation
of the tribal people throughout large-scale religious land grants. Brahmanical land
rights in the new territories could be maintained by adopting tribal rituals and deities,
especially the Mother Goddess, which eventually produced the tantras (see also Unit
6.5). Tantricism permeated all religions in the post-seventh centuries-Jainism,
Buddhism, Shaivism and Vaishnavism. If a thematic compilation of thousands of
manuscripts is undeytaken, it would be noticed that literature on pujas, vidhis, tantra
and occult sciences is phenomenal. Even the jainas, who had been allergic to such
practices gave birth to countless such manuscripts. The jaina Bhandaras are full of
such manuscripts as Dharmachakiapuja, Dashalakshanapj a , etc. This is so,
notwithstanding the original meaning of puja in the Jaina Anga literature, specially in
the context of monks. In that context it is 'said to have symbolised "respect" shown to
him and not the "worship" of limbs. It is unmistakable, however, that puja of idols of
tirthankaras had the connotation with which we are concerned. According to R.C.
Hazra, new topics in the Puranas, from the sixth, century onwards, mainly relate to
uana to the brahmanas and their worship, tirtha (pil&image), sacrifices to the
planets and their pacifibtion (installation of the images of naragraha, becomes quite
conspicuous in temple architecture), vrata (religions vows), puja etc. Purtadharma
which involved the building of temples, tanks and works of public utility, was
emphasized as the highest mode of religion in the Puranas. Purtadharma was the
dominant ideology behind the large-scale building of temples in this period (See also
Unit 6.5).

Check Your Progress 4

-
1) What are the four main characteristics of early medieval tradition in painting?

.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
-.
2) Discuss the scripts of Cheras, Cholas and Pandyas.
 society and Cdtpro:
8tb-13th Cenhuy

b
3) List four main sygtems of calculating time period (eras) in usage in post-Gupta
period. .;
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................................................................................................................................
.............................. ...............................................................................................................

4) Briefly comment bn the meaning of puja and Purtadhanna in new religious

trends. ,

7.11 LET US $UM UP

This Unit has focussed on "regionalism" as the hallmark of the making of Indian
cultural traditions in the centuries behveen the eighth and the thirteenth A.D. The
manifestation of these include:
the emergence of r~gionalcultural units such as Andhra, Bengal, Gujarat,
Karnataka, etc.
development of architectural,styleswith broad regional specificities reflected in the
three principal typGs Nagara, Dravida and V-,
the bases of classifpg temple styles in terms of geographical distribution,
differentiation in gfound plans and presiding deities,
distinctive technical language used for describing architectural features,
the impact of the emlogical setting and the availability of raw materials on building
activities,
the evolutionary phases of decorations, ornamentations and other embellishments,
the emergence of territorial schools in the making of sculptures in stone and metal, -
the role of the "medieval factor" in sculptures, terracottas and painting,
the emergence of ptoto-types of modem Indian languages as a tesult of
' '

differentiation of tlpabhramsha,
the growth of regional scripts, chronicles and eras, and
the permeation of feudal ethos in arts, literature, education learning and religion.

7.12 KEY WOiRDS

AntarPIa : vestibule, ante-room
Apsidal : building with a ground plan of semi-circular termination
 Bhadra : flat face or facet of the Shikhara Development of Regional
Caltoml T d C o m
Bhattaraka : Jain religious teacher/preceptor
Bhadra-deul : 'auspicious temple', it refers, however, to the jagamohana in
front of the deul
Bhoga-mandapa: the reflectory hall of a temple
Caryatid : sculptured female/animal figures used as columns or supports
Deul : general name for a temple as a whole

I Finial : finishing portion of a pinnacle

Garbha-griha : sanctum sanctorum, the most sacred part of a temple
Gopuram : monumental gateway
Jagamohana : hall in front of the sanctum
i
Kalasha : water-pot; pitcher-shaped element in the finial of a temple
Kudu - : foliated arch on dravidian temple-ornamental motif derived
from the Buddhist Chaitya arch
Mandapa : large open hall
Matha . : monastery
Nata-mandir : dancing/festive hall, usually in front of the jagamohana
Irasada : palace/shrine; also used in the sense of favour by God/Lord
Pustakaraka : clay-modeller
Ratha : literally a temple chariot used on ceremonial occasions in South
Indian temples; also applied incorrectly to the monolithic Pallava
structures at Mahabalipuram
Rekha-deul : order of temple characterized by curvilinear shikhara
Shikhara : spire, tower
Torpor : inactiyeness
Vimana : towards sanctuary containing the cell in which the deity is
.. enshrined.

7-13 ANSWERS TO CHECK YOUR PROGRESS

EXERCISES
Check Your Progress 1
1) Texts like Mudrakshara, Kuvalyamala, Brahmavaivarta Puranaand
Hsiuan-tsang's work inform us about regional cultural units. See Sec. 7.1.
2) See Sec. 7.2.
3) The three main temple styles are nagara, dravida and vesara. See Sub-sec. 7.2.1.
. .
4) Shiva, Durga,'Saraswati and Ganga etc. are main deities. See Sub-sec. 7,2.2.
Check Your Progress 2
1) Garbhagriha, vimana, shikhara, mandaps and pradakshinapth are the main
parts, See Sub-sec. 7.2.3.
2) The shape of the roof was most of the times decided by the climatic conditions
and the raw material available. See Sub-sec. 7.2.4.
3) Malabar, Bengal and the eastern and western Himalayas were the main regions
where this was popular. See. 7.2.5.
4)' Stones were raised by rope pulleys on scaffolding and ramps were also used. See
Sec. 7.3.
Check Your Progress 3
1) See Sec. 7.4 under northern style.
2) See Sec. 7.4 under the southern style and the Vesara style.
3) Musicians, garland-makers, painters, woodcarvers, accountants, devadasis, etc.
were the main erouv of veople. See Sec. 7.5.
Society .ad Culture: 4) The main feature is a certain amount of slenderness and an accent on sharp ,.
BcL-13I Ceahry
angles and lines. See Sec. 7.6.
4
3
check Your Progress 4
1) See Sec. 7.7.
2) All the three had Tamil as their language but adbpted three different scripts to .
maintain their identity.
3) There were Harshas system, Bhaskarabada, Shankarabda, Mahavir Samvat, See
Sec. 7.9.
4) See Sec. 7.10.

SOME USEFUL BOOKS FOR THIS BLOCK

Jha, D.N. (Ed.) Feudal Social Formation in Early India, New Delhi, 1987.
Sharma; R.S. Perspectives in Social and Economic History o f Early India, New
Delhi, 1983.
Sharma, R.S. Urlian Decay in India 1987, New Delhi.
Sharma. R.S. Indian Feudalism, New Delhi 1980, 2nd Edn.
Sharma, R.S. Material,Culture and Social Formations in Ancient India, New Delhi.
1983.
Thapar, Romila.Wstory o f India 1'01. I., New Delhi.
 CAY) A.D.

I. Tempk W k h ~ (Northern
s Style).

2. Shivn .ad Pnnnti seated on Nnndi

(Hinghjgarh 10th century).

3. plm a( Labhmnm Temple (Kbjmnbo, lOtL cemhry).

4. Plan (semi-circular) of Duqp Temple (Aihole, Ulh century).

 6. Plan (apsidal) of Vamana Tcmpk
5. Plan (octagonal) of Mundeshvari Temple (KizB.vellur, 11th century).
(Ramgarb, 7th centuq).

7. Plan of V l h u Tempk (Shrimnpm).

\

AS), 1f1.1 m m j i ~ -., 8. Plan of Lingamj. Temple* .

 to siuhurtersgue sdt ni ubnun to noitmodds s a .Q
.(pldar, at8 , l d s b d t e q ) slqmsT edtmeaeIe3 sdt

.(yuiam dtr-i) , q o 3 ) slqmsT unllziV l o loor 9111 te zwobniw bsqd-dssrod sdeq .OI
13- N d bpe Tempk.
18. A p.B-M mlusaipt ahmt temple cooshction showing the arcitect,
calculmtions, heigbt m e t i o m dphn.

19. Sun Temple (Konarka, 13th cent or^).'

..

20. Platfonn of deul and jagamoh.lu, stonewheel (Konarh).

21. Iron beams ceiling in the natamandir (jagmnnath temple, Yorij.

22. Kailmsh Temple (Fllora, 8-Yth century).

 , -- 25. Colon.de witbin ~ i n aTemple.
~ i
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24. m d d i Tempk (Midmni).