Sanskrit The SINDBAD

Dr. UDAY DOKRAS

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 CONTENTS

CHAPTER I- Indian influences as the most important in Cambodia's early history page 3
CHAPTER II-Sanskrit’s Influence on Khmer-Prof C Upender Rao, October 14, 2020 11
C H A P T E R I I I - S a n s k r i t K h m e r - Modern Khmer Language and Sanskrit - The
Myriad Things Are One page 13
CHAPTER IV-Historic inscription from Cambodia Cambodian students of Sanskrit-ANU
helps save Sanskrit in Cambodia, 2021 page 41
CHAPTER V-SANSKRITIZATION OF ANCIENT S.E. ASIAN COUNTRIES page 45
CHAPTER VI-The Indic languages and Indonesian Kingdoms page 60
CHAPTER VII-How did Rama, warrior king & devaraja reach SE ASIA? Page 77
CHAPTER IX-Did the Architects of Angkor apply the Hindu Perspective- What makes a Good
City page 116
CHAPTER X-Hindu Divinity in Angkor page 130
CHAPTER XI-VASTU-SHASTRA PARAMETERS OF ANGKOR page 142
About the Author--- UDAY DOKRAS page 202

Sinbad the Sailor does 7 voyages throughout the seas

encountring fantastic adventures in magical realms, monsters
and supernatural phenomena

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 CHAPTER I
Indian influences as the most important
in Cambodia's early history

Hindu Culture: By the early centuries of the common era, most of the principalities of Southeast
Asia had effectively absorbed defining aspects of Hindu culture, religion and administration. The
notion of divine god-kingship was introduced by the concept of Harihara, Sanskrit and other
Indian epigraphic systems were declared official, like those of the south Indian Pallava
dynasty and Chalukya dynasty. These Indianized Kingdoms, a term coined by George Cœdès in his
work Histoire ancienne des états hindouisés d'Extrême-Orient, were characterized by surprising
resilience, political integrity and administrative stability.
Greater India, or the Indian cultural sphere, is an area composed of many countries and regions
in South and Southeast Asia that were historically influenced by Indian culture, which itself formed
from the various distinct indigenous cultures of these regions. Specifically Southeast Asian influence
on early India had lasting impacts on the formation of Hinduism and Indian mythology. Hinduism
itself formed from various distinct folk religions, which merged during the Vedic period and
following periods. The term Greater India as a reference to the Indian cultural sphere was
popularised by a network of Bengali scholars in the 1920s. It is an umbrella term encompassing
the Indian subcontinent, and surrounding countries which are culturally linked through a diverse
cultural cline. These countries have been transformed to varying degrees by the acceptance and
induction of cultural and institutional elements from each other. Since around 500 BCE, Asia's
expanding land and maritime trade had resulted in prolonged socio-economic and cultural
stimulation and diffusion of Hindu and Buddhist beliefs into the region's cosmology, in particular in
Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka. In Central Asia, transmission of ideas were predominantly of a
religious nature. The spread of Islam significantly altered the course of the history of Greater India.
Cambodia, country on the Indochinese mainland of Southeast Asia. Cambodia is largely a land
of plains and great rivers and lies amid important overland and river trade routes linking China to
India and Southeast Asia.

Indian influences were the most important in Cambodia's early history during the first centuries
ce, when Chinese and Indian pilgrims and traders stopped along the coasts of present-day
Cambodia and Vietnam and exchanged silks and metals for spices, aromatic wood, ivory, and
gold.

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Cambodia has been blessed with a variety of mineral resources that have the potential to
contribute significantly to the economy. Some of the most critical minerals in Cambodia
include iron ore, copper, and gold. Most of Cambodia's mineral resources are yet to be
adequately exploited due to several factors.
Southeast Asia was in the Indian sphere of cultural influence from 290 BCE to the 15th century
CE, when Hindu-Buddhist influences were incorporated into local political systems. Kingdoms
in the southeast coast of the Indian Subcontinent had established trade, cultural and political
relations with Southeast Asian kingdoms in Burma, Thailand, Indonesia, Malay
Peninsula, Philippines, Cambodia and Champa. This led to
the Indianisation and Sanskritisation of Southeast Asia within the Indosphere, Southeast Asian
polities were the Indianised Hindu-Buddhist Mandala (polities, city states and confederacies).
Unlike the other kingdoms which existed on the Indian subcontinent, the Pallava empire which
ruled the southeastern coast of the Indian peninsula did not impose cultural restrictions on people
who wished to cross the sea. The Chola empire, which executed the South-East Asian campaign
of Rajendra Chola I and the Chola invasion of Srivijaya, profoundly impacted Southeast Asia.
This impact led to more exchanges with Southeast Asia on the sea routes. Whereas Buddhism
thrived and became the main religion in many countries of Southeast Asia, it became a minority
religion in India.
The peoples of maritime Southeast Asia — present-day Malaysia, Indonesia and
the Philippines -are thought to have migrated southward from South China sometime between
2500 and 1500 BC. The influence of the civilization which existed on the Indian Subcontinent
gradually became predominant among them, and it also became predominant among the peoples
which lived on the Southeast Asian mainland.
Southern Indian traders, adventurers, teachers and priests continued to be the dominating
influences in Southeast Asia until about 1500 CE. Hinduism and Buddhism both spread to these
states from India and for many centuries, they existed there with mutual toleration. Eventually
the states of the mainland mainly became Buddhist.
The key drivers of the Indianisation of Southeast Asia were Indian maritime trade especially
the Spice trade, the emissaries of Ashoka, the Buddhist missions of Emperor Ashoka - the Great,

Indian Navy; The first clear mention of a navy occurs in the mythological
epic the Mahabharata. Historically, however, the first attested attempt to organise a navy in
India, as described by Megasthenes (c. 350—290 BCE), is attributed to Chandragupta
Maurya (reign 322—298 BCE. The Mauryan empire (322–185 BCE) navy continued till the
times of emperor Ashoka (reign 273—32 BCE), who used it to send massive diplomatic
missions to Greece, Syria, Egypt, Cyrene, Macedonia and Epirus. Following nomadic
interference in Siberia—one of the sources for India's bullion—India diverted its attention to
the Malay peninsula, which became its new source for gold and was soon exposed to the world
via a series of maritime trade routes. The period under the Mauryan empire also witnessed
various other regions of the world engage increasingly in the Indian Ocean maritime voyages.
Buddhist missions
In the Sri Lankan tradition, Moggaliputta-Tissa – who is patronised by Ashoka – sends out nine
Buddhist missions to spread Buddhism in the "border areas" in c. 250 BCE. This tradition does

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not credit Ashoka directly with sending these missions. Each mission comprises five monks, and
is headed by an elder. To Sri Lanka, he sent his own son Mahinda, accompanied by four other
Theras – Itthiya, Uttiya, Sambala and Bhaddasala. [5] Next, with Moggaliputta-Tissa's help,
Ashoka sent Buddhist missionaries to distant regions such as Kashmir, Gandhara, Himalayas, the
land of the Yonas (Greeks), Maharashtra, Suvannabhumi, and Sri Lanka.
Early Common Era—High Middle Ages

Chola territories during Rajendra Chola I, c. 1030 CE.//Model of a Chola (200—848 CE) ship's
hull, built by the ASI, based on a wreck 19 miles off the coast of Poombuhar, displayed in a
Museum in Tirunelveli.
During this era, Hindu and Buddhist religious establishments of Southeast Asia came to be
associated with economic activity and commerce as patrons entrusted large funds which would
later be used to benefit local economy by estate management, craftsmanship and promotion of
trading activities. Buddhism, in particular, travelled alongside the maritime trade, promoting
coinage, art and literacy.
1. Trade from India: In Java and Borneo, the introduction of Indian culture created a
demand for aromatics, and trading posts here later served Chinese and Arab
markets. The Periplus Maris Erythraei names several Indian ports from where large ships
sailed in an easterly direction to Chryse. Products from the Maluku Islands that were
shipped across the ports of Arabia to the Near East passed through the ports of India and
Sri Lanka. After reaching either the Indian or the Sri Lankan ports, products were
sometimes shipped to East Africa, where they were used for a variety of purposes
including burial rites.
2. Maritime history of Odisha, known as Kalinga in ancient times, started before 350 BC
according to early sources. The people of this region of eastern India along the coast of
the Bay of Bengal sailed up and down the Indian coast, and travelled to Indo China and
throughout Maritime Southeast Asia, introducing elements of their culture to the people
with whom they traded. The 6th century Manjusrimulakalpa mentions the Bay of
Bengal as 'Kalingodra' and historically the Bay of Bengal has been called 'Kalinga

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 Sagara' (both Kalingodra and Kalinga Sagara mean Kalinga Sea), indicating the
importance of Kalinga in the maritime trade. The old traditions are still celebrated in the
annual Bali Jatra, or Boita-Bandana festival held for five days in October / November.
3. The Chola dynasty (200—1279) reached the peak of its influence and power during the
medieval period.[19] Emperors Rajaraja Chola I (reigned 985-1014) and Rajendra Chola
I (reigned 1012-1044) extended the Chola kingdom beyond the traditional limits. At its
peak, the Chola Empire stretched from the island of Sri Lanka in the south to
the Godavari basin in the north. The kingdoms along the east coast of India up to the river
Ganges acknowledged Chola suzerainty. Chola navies invaded and conquered
Srivijaya and Srivijaya was the largest empire in Maritime Southeast Asia. Goods and
ideas from India began to play a major role in the "Indianization" of the wider world from
this period.
4. Desinganadu- Quilon or Kollam in Kerala coast, once called Desinganadu, has had a
high commercial reputation since the days of the Phoenicians and Romans. Fed by the
Chinese trade, it was mentioned by Ibn Battuta in the 14th century as one of the five
Indian ports he had seen in the course of his travels during twenty-four years. The Kollam
Port become operational in AD.825. opened Desinganadu's rulers were used to exchange
the embassies with Chinese rulers and there was flourishing Chinese settlement
at Quilon. The Indian commercial connection with Southeast Asia proved vital to the
merchants of Arabia and Persia between the 7th and 8th centuries CE.
5. The kingdoms of Vijaynagara and Kalinga established footholds in Malaya, Sumatra and
Western Java
6. The Cholas excelled in foreign trade and maritime activity, extending their influence
overseas to China and Southeast Asia. Towards the end of the 9th century, southern India
had developed extensive maritime and commercial activity. The Cholas, being in
possession of parts of both the west and the east coasts of peninsular India, were at the
forefront of these ventures. The Tang dynasty (618–907) of China, the Srivijaya empire
in Maritime Southeast Asia under the Sailendras, and
the Abbasid caliphate at Baghdad were the main trading partners.
7. During the reign of Pandya Parantaka Nedumjadaiyan (765–790), the Chera dynasty were
a close ally of the Pallavas. Pallavamalla Nadivarman defeated the Pandya Varaguna with
the help of a Chera king. Cultural contacts between the Pallava court and the Chera
country were common. Indian spice exports find mention in the works of Ibn
Khurdadhbeh (850), al-Ghafiqi (1150 CE), Ishak bin Imaran (907) and Al Kalkashandi
(14th century). Chinese traveler Xuanzang mentions the town of Puri where "merchants
depart for distant countries."

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 Angkor Wat

Indianised early kingdoms

8. Funan: The first of these Hinduised states to achieve widespread importance was
the Kingdom of Funan founded in the 1st century CE in what is now Cambodia —
according to legend, after the marriage of a merchant Brahmin Kaundinya I with
princess Soma who was the daughter of the chieftain of the local Nāga clan. These local
inhabitants were Khmer people. Funan flourished for some 500 years. It carried on a
prosperous trade with India and China, and its engineers developed an extensive canal
system. An elite practised statecraft, art and science, based on Indian culture. Vassal
kingdoms spread to southern Vietnam in the east and to the Malay Peninsula in the west.
9. Chenla and Angkor
In late 6th century CE, dynastic struggles caused the collapse of the Funan empire. It was
succeeded by another Hindu-Khmer state, Chenla, which lasted until the 9th century. Then
a Khmer king, Jayavarman II (about 800-850) established a capital at Angkor in central
Cambodia. He founded a cult which identified the king with the Hindu God Shiva – one of the
triad of Hindu gods, Brahma the creator, Vishnu the preserver, Shiva the god symbolising
destruction and reproduction. The Angkor empire flourished from the 9th to the early 13th
century. It reached the peak of its fame under Jayavarman VII at the end of the 12th century,
when its conquests extended into Thailand in the west (where it had conquered the Mon kingdom
of Dwaravati) and into Champa in the east. Its most celebrated memorial is the great temple
of Angkor Wat, built early in the 12th century. This summarises the position on the South East
Asian mainland until about the 12th century. Meanwhile, from about the 6th century, and until
the 14th century, there was a series of great maritime empires based on the Indonesian islands of
Sumatra and Java. In early days these Indians came mostly from the ancient kingdom of Kalinga,
on the southeastern coast of India. Indians in Indonesia are still known as "Klings", derived from
Kalinga.
10. Champa kingdom
By the 2nd century CE, Austronesian settlers had established an Indianised kingdom
known as Champa along modern central Vietnam. The Cham people established the first
settlements near modern Champasak in Laos. Funan expanded and incorporated
the Champasak region by the sixth century CE, when it was replaced by its successor
polity Chenla. Chenla occupied large areas of modern-day Laos as it accounts for the
earliest kingdom on Laotian soil.

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11. Dvaravati city state kingdoms
In the area which is modern northern and central Laos, and northeast Thailand the Mon
people established their own kingdoms during the 8th century CE, outside the reach of the
contracting Chenla kingdoms. By the 6th century in the Chao Phraya River Valley, Mon
peoples had coalesced to create the Dvaravati kingdoms. In the 8th century CE, Sri Gotapura
(Sikhottabong) was the strongest of these early city states, and controlled trade throughout
the middle Mekong region. The city states were loosely bound politically, but were culturally
similar and introduced Therevada Buddhism from Sri Lankan missionaries throughout the
region

Is Khmer language similar to Sanskrit?: Khmer language was influenced by Sanskrit and Pali
languages which entered Cambodia duringn ancient times along with Hinduism and Buddhism,
and thereafter, these languages have enriched Cambodian culture. Sanskrit, in particular, was a
great inspiration for the Khmer scholars in the past.
Awareness of the Angkor kingdom and its massive temple complexes first reached the world
through international colonial exhibitions held in France in the late 19th and early 20th
centuries, when the colonial power’s presence in “Indochina” was at its peak. The French
name for the region reflected not only its geography but also the strong Indic and Sinic
cultural influences. More recently, exhibitions held in the 1990s in the United States, France,
Australia and Japan have reawakened international interest in Cambodia’s extraordinary art.
India, though, has yet to catch up: knowledge about Southeast Asia in general and Cambodia
in particular remains limited here. Except for a handful of area specialists, the great majority
of Indians know far more about Europe and America than they do about their neighbours in
Southeast Asia. In spite of the obvious close Hindu affinity with Angkor Wat, the largest
Vishnu temple on earth, the educated Indian’s awareness of Cambodia is lost in a vague and
proud memory of “Hindu colonies” established in some dim nationalistic historiographies.

People crossing the Bay of Bengal in either direction a thousand years ago would have found
enough linguistic and cultural connections even today between the regions of South and
Southeast Asia to consider all to be members of a large and varied but coherent community.
When an Indianist reads for the first time the Sanskrit epigraphic poetry of Cambodia, he has
the impression of being in a known terrain, reading an “Indian” literature. He finds there the
same poetic conventions, the same taste for convoluted puns that allude to the same
philosophical and technical treatises circulating at the same time in Kashmir, the Tamil country
or the valley of Kathmandu.1 Similarly, a Cambodian visiting India would see some familiar
figures and practices of worship.

Awareness of the Angkor kingdom and its massive temple complexes first reached the world
through international colonial exhibitions held in France in the late 19th and early 20th
centuries, when the colonial power’s presence in “Indochina” was at its peak. The French
name for the region reflected not only its geography but also the strong Indic and Sinic
cultural influences. More recently, exhibitions held in the 1990s in the United States, France,
Australia and Japan have reawakened international interest in Cambodia’s extraordinary art.
India, though, has yet to catch up: knowledge about Southeast Asia in general and Cambodia

8
in particular remains limited here. Except for a handful of area specialists, the great majority
of Indians know far more about Europe and America than they do about their neighbours in
Southeast Asia. In spite of the obvious close Hindu affinity with Angkor Wat, the largest
Vishnu temple on earth, the educated Indian’s awareness of Cambodia is lost in a vague and
proud memory of “Hindu colonies” established in some dim nationalistic historiographies.

People crossing the Bay of Bengal in either direction a thousand years ago would have found
enough linguistic and cultural connections even today between the regions of South and
Southeast Asia to consider all to be members of a large and varied but coherent community.
When an Indianist reads for the first time the Sanskrit epigraphic poetry of Cambodia, he has
the impression of being in a known terrain, reading an “Indian” literature. He finds there the
same poetic conventions, the same taste for convoluted puns that allude to the same
philosophical and technical treatises circulating at the same time in Kashmir, the Tamil
country or the valley of Kathmandu.1 Similarly, a Cambodian visiting India would see some
familiar figures and practices of worship.

Cambodia possesses a rich literature—both oral and written—and had a thriving community of
writers before the war. This issue includes examples of this material, rarely translated into
English, from the Angkor era through the Khmer Rouge regime and afterward.
The earliest recorded writings in Cambodia are stone inscriptions in Sanskrit, dating back to the
fifth century. We are fortunate to have a translation of one of these inscriptions, composed at the
pinnacle of the Angkor era by Queen Indradevi, celebrated as one of Cambodia’s first known
female poets. Her poem (c. 1190–1200 AD) was carved into the Great Stele of
Phimeanakas. Indradevi’s words are brought to life by translator Trent Walker, who chants the
queen’s Sanskrit in Khmer style.

By the fourteenth century, Khmer had replaced Sanskrit as the official language. Classical
Khmer represents the metaphysical union between Indian Brahmin and native Khmer of
Cambodia’s creation myths. It combines the multisyllabic vocabulary of Pali and Sanskrit with
the largely monosyllabic, highly alliterative and onomatopoeic native vocabulary. Classical
Khmer poetry has about fifty forms, using complex meters and intricate rhyme schemes.
The epics, composed in thousands of stanzas, could take days to chant. These classics were
recorded between the fourteenth to nineteenth centuries. The most famous epic poem in
Cambodia is the Reamker, the Cambodian version of the Indian Ramayana, which has been
recited, sung, and danced in various forms for centuries. Other epic poems include Lpoek Angkor
Vat (The Story of Angkor Wat), which celebrates the Angkor temples; the Jataka tales, stories of
the former lives of the Buddha; and the Tum Teav, based on a seventeenth-century tragic love
story, considered Cambodia’s Romeo and Juliet. The classic tale of separated lovers would
become the subject of many of Cambodia’s later modern novels.

Some of the material in this essay was drawn from “In the Shadow of Angkor: A Search for
Cambodian Literature” and author interviews that first appeared in In the Shadow of Angkor:
Contemporary Writing from Cambodia (Manoa: An International Journal/University of Hawai‘i
Press, 2004). https://wordswithoutborders.org/read/article/2015-11/cambodia-from-angkor-to-
year-zero/

9
Cambodia possesses a rich literature—both oral and written—and had a thriving community of
writers before the war. This issue includes examples of this material, rarely translated into
English, from the Angkor era through the Khmer Rouge regime and afterward.
The earliest recorded writings in Cambodia are stone inscriptions in Sanskrit, dating back to the
fifth century. We are fortunate to have a translation of one of these inscriptions, composed at the
pinnacle of the Angkor era by Queen Indradevi, celebrated as one of Cambodia’s first known
female poets. Her poem (c. 1190–1200 AD) was carved into the Great Stele of
Phimeanakas. Indradevi’s words are brought to life by translator Trent Walker, who chants the
queen’s Sanskrit in Khmer style.
By the fourteenth century, Khmer had replaced Sanskrit as the official language. Classical
Khmer represents the metaphysical union between Indian Brahmin and native Khmer of
Cambodia’s creation myths. It combines the multisyllabic vocabulary of Pali and Sanskrit with
the largely monosyllabic, highly alliterative and onomatopoeic native vocabulary. Classical
Khmer poetry has about fifty forms, using complex meters and intricate rhyme schemes.
The epics, composed in thousands of stanzas, could take days to chant. These classics were
recorded between the fourteenth to nineteenth centuries. The most famous epic poem in
Cambodia is the Reamker, the Cambodian version of the Indian Ramayana, which has been
recited, sung, and danced in various forms for centuries. Other epic poems include Lpoek Angkor
Vat (The Story of Angkor Wat), which celebrates the Angkor temples; the Jataka tales, stories of
the former lives of the Buddha; and the Tum Teav, based on a seventeenth-century tragic love
story, considered Cambodia’s Romeo and Juliet. The classic tale of separated lovers would
become the subject of many of Cambodia’s later modern novels.

Some of the material in this essay was drawn from “In the Shadow of Angkor: A Search for
Cambodian Literature” and author interviews that first appeared in In the Shadow of Angkor:
Contemporary Writing from Cambodia (Manoa: An International Journal/University of Hawai‘i
Press, 2004). https://wordswithoutborders.org/read/article/2015-11/cambodia-from-angkor-to-
year-zero/

10
 CHAPTER II
Sanskrit’s Influence on Khmer
Prof C Upender Rao October 14, 2020

Sanskrit is the life-line of India. There is a harmonious blend of the sacred and philosophy in
Indian culture because it is based on the Sanskrit language (Saṁskṛiḥ Saṁkṛitāśritā). We had a
pleasant and glorious combination of Sanskrit-Prakrit languages in ancient India. Pali is
linguistically a variety of Prakrit, because Prakrit is a collective name of India's ancient spoken
languages. Among these ancient Indian languages, Sanskrit is an invaluable source of Vedic
civilization and beautiful classical literature. It contains the incalculable knowledge. Sanskrit
was also a spoken language in ancient India and it is still continuing as a spoken language in
modern India. Not only Indians, but all human beings on the earth must be proud of this
language. Sanskrit literature is a storehouse of jñāna and vijñāna, and the spiritual depths.
Khmer is the language of the Khmer people and the official language of Cambodia. With
approximately 16 million speakers, it is the second most widely spoken Austroasiatic language
(after Vietnamese). Khmer language was influenced by Sanskrit and Pali languages which
entered Cambodia duringn ancient times along with Hinduism and Buddhism, and thereafter,
these languages have enriched Cambodian culture.

Sanskrit, in particular, was a great inspiration for the Khmer scholars in the past. As a
consequence, many words of Sanskrit and Pali languages have entered and mingled with the
local language Khmer in Cambodia. The terms of these languages and the grammatical structure
and literature also have augmented the Khmer language. It is mainly the royal families who used
the Sanskrit language as they followed Hindu traditions, and the general people followed
Buddhism and their local language, Khmer.

Original words from Sanskrit and Pali languages were used for communication in the past. As
there was no standard agreement to write the Sanskrit and Pali words in Khmer, even today,
there is a confusion about how to write the Sanskrit and Pali sounds in Khmer. Khmer is an
Austroasiatic language, and this family also includes the Mon, the Vietnamese, and the Munda
languages. This family expanded in the area that extended from the Malay Peninsula through
Southeast Asia to East India. In this way, Khmer also had a geographical connection with India,
besides the religious associations.

Many words of Sanskrit and Pali are mixed in Khmer so that it is not easy to recognize them. It
is not easy to precisely tell where the Sanskrit and the Pali languages have entered Cambodia.
Still, with the evidence of inscriptions, we can say that at least from 3rd century A. D, these
languages were used and continued for several centuries in Cambodia. Still, it was after the
Angkor dynasty, the use of Sanskrit and Pali languages has diminished gradually due to the war,
which took place between Khmer and Siem (Thai).

11
Initially, the Royal families used Sanskrit, and later it has slowly spread into the local language,
and then people of Khmer had started using some Sanskrit words as it is, but most words were
mixed with the local names. Consequently, Indians and other foreigners cannot recognize them
initially, due to the typical Khmer pronunciation. The most popular greeting, we hear in
Cambodia is ‘arun susdai’, (aroun susdai), which means the 'good morning.' In Sanskrit Aruna
means the sun, and Khmer people use the this arun (អរុណ ) for morning. Similarly, the word
‘susdai’ means the ‘svasti’. Thus the Sanskrit’s “Aruṇa svasti” frames this word, but the Khmer
people pronounce it so fast, that we cannot recognize the similarity of this word with that of
Sanskrit word. Khmer is primarily an analytic, isolating language. There are no inflections,
conjugations, or case endings. Instead, particles and auxiliary words are used to indicate
grammatical relationships. General word order is subect-verb-object Khmer differs from
neighboring languages such as Thai, Burmese, Lao, and Vietnamese, as it is not a tonal language.
Words are stressed on the final syllable; hence many words conform to the typical Mon–Khmer
pattern of a stressed syllable preceded by minor syllables.

The Khmer language is written in the Khmer script an abugida, which was also descended from
the Brahmi script via the South Indian Pallavi script since the seventh century A. D.. The
Abugida is a writing system that is neither a syllabic nor an alphabetic orientation, but it stands
in between. It has sequences of consonants and vowels written as a unit, each letter is based on
the consonant letter. The Khmer script's form and use have evolved over the centuries. For Indic
scholars, this similarity between the Khmer and Sanskrit is fascinating.
I tried to show the similarity between the Sanskrit and Khmer through the following table. In this
table, an attempt has been made to show how Sanskrit words have transformed into Khmer
words. In the first box, the Sanskrit word, and the second box, Khmer words both in written and
spoken forms, and in the last box, the English meanings of these words have been given.

The number of stone inscriptions of Cambodia that were in Sanskrit, shows the rich Sanskrit
connection of Cambodia. The Vat Thipedi inscription of Īśānavarman II offers a good specimen
of Gauḍī style (Gauḍī-rīti of Sanskrit poetics). The exquisite Kāvya style can be found in the
following verses of the inscriptions –

Namo'naṅgāṅga-nirbhaṅga-saṅgine' pi virāgiṇe
aṅganāpaghanāliṅga-līnārdhāṅgāya śambhave

Pātu vaḥ puṇḍarīkakṣavakṣo-vikṣiptakaustubham

Lakṣmīstanamukhākliṣṭa-kaṣaṇakṣāma-cāndanam
Bodadhva-dhvāntasaṁrodha-vinirdhūta-prajādhiye
dhvānta-dhvad-dvedanādarddhi-medhase vedhase namaḥ

Thus the Sanskrit was an influential language in ancient India that had extensively influenced the
world languages, including the Southeast Asian languages. Among these South East Asian
languages, Khmer was the major language, which was influenced by the Sanskrit language
adequately.
(Cover pic: Prof. Rao teaching Sanskrit to Buddhist monks at Preah Sihanouk-raja Buddhist
University) https://www.csp.indica.in/sanskrits-influence-on-khmer.

12
 CHAPTER III
Sanskrit Khmer
Modern Khmer Language and Sanskrit - The Myriad Things Are One
by Mark Moore 10-2-2013 (October) Updated September 7, 2014

Introduction
Modern Khmer words derived from Sanskrit, and represented clearly in thousands of stone
inscriptions located in temples around modern Cambodia, Thailand, and Vietnam for example,
are called "loan words" in the literature of specialists in this field. After reading a few of these
inscriptions, and learning modern Khmer, I feel that the relationship between Khmer and
Sanskrit is more significant, and "loan word" does not capture the depth of the relationship. The
common assumption that the inscriptions in Cambodia are Sanskrit is only partially true; most of
the text is ancient Khmer transliterated into a script originally Grantha-Pallava, from southern
India.

Prior to the arrival of the ancient Grantha-Pallava scripts from India, the people who lived in the
regions now referred to as Cambodia and Vietnam for example, apparently did not write, and
only used spoken language. Stone inscriptions dated 1,500 years ago contain a mixture of
Sanskrit and non Sanskrit (meaning ancient Khmer of that period, like "krawbei" meaning water
buffalo, which are also in use in modern Khmer language.) The purpose of this paper is
summarize several personal revelations resulting from my study of Khmer language and culture,
as this might be interesting to others exploring the area.

During my first year learning to read modern Khmer, I noticed while gazing at the stone
inscriptions at a temple near my house that a lot of the ancient characters are similar to the
modern ones. When local friends disagreed and claimed this was not similar, I was provoked to
study more seriously. I quickly discovered that the Khmer writing system was imported from
India. Most Khmer people are not aware of this at all, and some actually take offense at the
suggestion. Would an American take offense upon realizing that her letters are Latin? This
nationalistic pride in Cambodia illustrates one of the insular qualities of the people, and showed
up again in the perverse genocide here. Many of these same people feverishly pretending to
study English are equally surprised when I inform them that English is written with Latin and
embellished with Greek characters, and that we inherited most of our words from those
languages and a few also from Sanskrit such as suture, and that this is analagous to the
relationship between Khmer and Sanskrit. It's not English writing at all.

I found translations of the many inscriptions at the Sealang site, and discovered that the
inscriptions include long lists of the names of slaves! Indeed, the great majority of the inscribed
text is nothing but a ledger of the material possessions given to the dude to whom the temple is
dedicated. This surprise focused my awareness more keenly on the reality that the entire temple
complex including Angkor Wat was built by a vast army of slaves. If the Khmer empire was
weaked by the extravagant use of human resources to build temples, the names of many temple
slaves carved into stone on the temple doors makes it less mysterious and hopefully less
attractive as a tourist destination.
13
Imagine a native American pueblo with a plaque outside to inform visitors that, "this indigenous
group inhabited these dwellings for a thousand years until white people came and murdered them
all." Likewise, Unesco and it's corrupt bedfellow "Apsara Authority" charged themselves with
"conserving" the temples and make no effort to illustrate the true history of the Khmer empire.
The question i carried with me for months was, why are there no plaques offering information
about the contents of these ancient inscriptions? Perhaps still more peculiar was the fact that in
my four years of study around the Siem Reap area I never heard another foreigner nor even a
Khmer person ask what these inscriptions say! The insctiptions are the only direct written
information left by the ancient Khmer people. As I studied this subject, I found a French institute
in Siem Reap, and interviewed a scholar there who attempted to answer the question. He claimed
that, "these inscriptions were not intended to be read by ordinary people, that they are just
accounting ledgers." The scribes are dead, and I don't feel compelled by the wishes of their
power hungry bosses. And funny thing about scholars who want to be the technocrats and
reserve the knowledge for themselves: they have to publish it or perrish! (Might as well publish
it cos you're going to perrish no matter what you do.)
So much for the curiosity of the two million temple visitors every year. The answer did not
reduce my curiosity. My current theory about why the contents of the inscriptions is not revealed
for tourists is that Khmer people, government, Apsara Authority, and Unesco are ashamed of the
reality that this national heritage site was built by SLAVES. In fact, the Khmer empire probably
destroyed itself from within by squandering its human resources!
But let me return to the focus of this paper...
Modern Khmer letters closely resemble their ancient ancestors found in the inscriptions.
However, modern Khmer people that I interviewed claimed that they cannot read the
inscriptions. This is because of the extensive appearance of long unfamiliar names in the
inscriptions, such as "dvijendrapura" - the name of the temple at Wat Ankosei - not only because
the style of letters is unfamiliar. Asked if they can find a word that looks familiar the answer is
always "no." Encouraged to look carefully at an inscription, especially one where the text is clear
and well-preserved such as the temple at Batchum near Angkor, a local person will indeed
recognize several letters which are the same as the modern form of the letter. Khmer people
often distinguish Sanskrit or Palli words as such in their vocabulary, usually in written form.
The word for "crown" or "diadem," appears below, from left to right in Angkorian Khmer
(K.262 N, year 968,) modern Khmer script, the Devanagari, and the transliteration. Notice that
the "M" and "K" in old and new Sanskrit are identical forms! The subject of this paper is a
personal history which led to the realization that modern Khmer is in fact more than __%
Sanskrit in original form! Fill in the blank. This is also an exam.
https://sites.google.com/site/firebugpenalty/zrandom/sanskrit-khmer

The Thai language has many borrowed words from mainly Sanskrit, Tamil, Pali and
some Prakrit, Khmer, Portuguese, Dutch, certain Chinese dialects and more recently, Arabic (in
particular many Islamic terms) and English (in particular many scientific and technological
terms). Some examples as follows:(There are some Thai words which are transcribed into
equivalent characters of Thai language e.g. format ฟอร์แมท (f-ฟ o-อ r-ร m-ม a-แ t-ต), lesbian
เลสเบียน (l-ล e-เ s-ส b-บ ia-เอีย n-น) etc. These words are transcribed with rules made by
the Royal Institute.)

14
 English From
Word Romanization Word
translation Language

alphabetic letter,
อักษร àk-sǒrn Sanskrit अक्षर/akṣara อกฺษร
key

องุ่น a-ngùn grape Persian ‫انگور‬/angur

ภาษา phaa-să language Sanskrit भाषा/bhāṣā ภาษา

ชา chā tea Chinese 茶

ภัย phai danger Sanskrit, Pali भय/bhaya ภย "risk, peril"

บัส bát bus English bus

ไวโอลิน wai-o-lin violin English violin

อพาร์ท
a-pháat-mén Apartment English
เมนต์

เทวี thee-wii Goddess Sanskrit, Pali देवी/devī เทวี

दीर्घायु/dīrghāyu
ฑีฆายุ thii-khaa-yú "long live" Sanskrit
ทีรฺฆายุ

ครู khruu teacher Sanskrit, Pali गुरु/guru คุรุ

15
 English From
Word Romanization Word
translation Language

เคาน์เต "counter" or
kháu-toê/ kháu-têr English
อร์ "desk"

कपाल/kapāla กปาล
กบาล ka-baan head Sanskrit, Pali
"skull"

คอมพิวเ khom-phiw-tôe/
computer English
ตอร์ khom-phiw-têr

มหา- ma-hăa- great Sanskrit, Pali महा/mahā มหา

मनुष्य/manuṣya มนุ
มนุษย์ ma-nút human being Sanskrit
ษฺย

มัสยิด mát-sa-yít mosque Arabic ‫مسجد‬/masjid

หมี่ mìi noodles Hokkien 麵 mī

นรก na-rók hell Sanskrit, Pali नरक/naraka นรก

ราส
เบอร์ ráat-ber-rîi raspberry English
รี่

ราชา raa-chaa king Sanskrit, Pali राजा/rājā ราชา

16
 English From
Word Romanization Word
translation Language

รส rót taste Sanskrit/Pali रस/rasa รส

รูป rûp picture Sanskrit, Pali रूप/rūpa รูป

สบู่ sa-bùu soap Portuguese Sabão

เซ็กซ์ sék sex English

संपूर्ण/sampūrṇa สมฺ
ปูรฺณ ← สํปูรฺณ
สมบูรณ์ sŏm-buun perfect, complete Sanskrit (from สํ + ปูรฺณ) =
complete(d) - cf.
"purnama"

ศัตรู sàt-truu adversary, enemy Sanskrit शत्रु/śatru ศตฺรุ

सिंह/singha สิํห/สึห
สิงห์ sĭng lion Sanskrit, Pali
→ สิงฺห

โชเฟอร์
choo-fêr driver French chauffeur
(dialectal)

สวรรค์ sa-wăn heaven Sanskrit स्वर्ग/svarga สฺวรฺค

สุข sùk happiness Sanskrit, Pali सुख/sukha สุข

17
 English From
Word Romanization Word
translation Language

Suriya สูริยา
สุริยา sù-rí-yaa/ sù-ri-yaa sun Pali (Sanskrit: सूर्य/sūrya
สูรฺยา)

เต้าหู้ tâu-hûu beancurd Hokkien 豆腐/tao-hu

แท็กซี่ táek-sîi taxi English

ทีวี thii-wii television English TV

อุดร ù-dorn north Sanskrit, Pali उत्तर/uttara อุตฺตร

ยีราฟ yii-ráap giraffe English

ประถม pra-thǒm primary Sanskrit प्रथम/prathama ปฺรถม

คชา kha-chaa elephant Sanskrit, Pali गज/gaja คช

प्रदेश/pradeśa ปฺร
ประเทศ pra-thêet country Sanskrit
เทศ

นคร ná-khorn city Sanskrit, Pali नगर/nagara นคร

sānti สานฺติ (Sanskrit:

สันติ sǎn-tì peace Pali
शान्ति/śānti ศานฺติ)

18
 English From
Word Romanization Word
translation Language

ชัย chai victory Sanskrit, Pali जय/jaya ชย

ภูมิ phuum soil Sanskrit, Pali भूमि/bhūmi ภูมิ

วาจา waa-jaa words Sanskrit, Pali वाचा/vācā วาจา

ภาวะ phaa-wá condition Sanskrit, Pali भाव/bhāva ภาว

กษัตริ क्षत्रिय/kṣatriya
ka-sàt king Sanskrit
ย์ กฺษตฺริย

ภักดี phák-dii loyal Sanskrit भक्ति/bhakti ภกฺติ

विचार्ण/vicārna วิ
วิจารณ์ wí-jaan review Sanskrit
จารฺณ

พายุ phaa-yú storm Sanskrit, Pali वायु/vāyu วายุ

สัตว์ sàt animal Sanskrit सत्व/satva สตฺว

พินาศ phí-nâat destruction Sanskrit विनाश/vināśa วินาศ

ภูเขา phuu-khǎu mountain compound ภู + เขา

วิหาร wí-hǎan temple Sanskrit, Pali विहार/vihāra วิหาร

19
 English From
Word Romanization Word
translation Language

เวลา wee-laa time Sanskrit, Pali वेला/velā เวลา

อาสา aa-sǎa hope(desire) Sanskrit अभिलाष/asha

กระดาษ kra-dàat paper Sanskrit कागद/kagada

เภตรา phee-traa boat Sanskrit वहित्र/vahitra

อากาศ aa-kàat air Sanskrit आकाश/ākāśa

เทศ thêet outlandish Sanskrit देश/deśa

ทุกข์ thúk suffering Sanskrit दुःख/duḥkha

โทษ thôot blame Sanskrit दोष/doṣa

จิตร jìt design Sanskrit चित्र/citra

ทุน thun fund Sanskrit धन/dhana

จันทร์ jan moon Sanskrit चन्द्र/chandra

20
 English From
Word Romanization Word
translation Language

จักรวาล jàk-kra-waan universe Sanskrit चक्रवाल/chakravala

คุณ khun you,useful Sanskrit गुण/ghuna

สตรี sa-trii woman Sanskrit स्त्री/strī

อาคาร aa-khaan building Sanskrit आगार/āgāra

ปราสาท praa-sàat castle Sanskrit प्रासाद/prāsāda

นาม naam name Sanskrit नाम/nama

ชีวา chii-waa living Sanskrit जीव/jīva

กระจก kra-chòk mirror,glass Sanskrit casaka

กรุณา ka-ru-naa please,compassion Sanskrit करुण/karuṇa

พิเศษ phí-sèet special Sanskrit विशेष/viśeṣa

พุทธิ phút-thí intelligence Sanskrit बुद्धि/buddhi

หิมะ hì-má snow Sanskrit हिम/hima

21
 English From
Word Romanization Word
translation Language

เมฆ mêek cloud Sanskrit मेघ/megha

ตรีศูล trii-sǔun trident Sanskrit त्रिशूल/triśūla

विद्या/vidyā =
วิทยา wít-tha-yaa science Sanskrit
"knowledge"

สัปดาห์ sàp-daa week Sanskrit सप्ताह/saptāha

บริษัท bor-ri-sàt company Sanskrit परिषद्/pariṣad

สมาคม sa-maa-khom association Sanskrit समागम/samāgama

ชีวิต chii-wít life Sanskrit जीवित/jīvita

อาหาร aa-hǎan food Sanskrit आहार/āhāra

หนอง nǒng pus Chinese 膿

อ่าว ǎu bay Chinese 澳

อาน aan saddle Chinese 鞍

Thai and Khmer are from different language families, but share a fair amount of words. I’d
estimate that there are about 30% to 40% cognate between the two languages. In addition to this,

22
the syntax (word order, lack of inflections, particle semantics, etc.) line up about 80% – 90% of
the time. The languages are incredibly similar. I am a native speaker of Khmer and was able to
learn very basic Thai in about two weeks.

However, Thai and Khmer are not without their differences. The main difference between the
languages comes from the way each of them handles vowels. Thai underwent a process of
tonalization that occurred due to interactions with consonants in a way that I won’t detail here
because it’s complicated and doesn’t really add to answering the question. Suffice it to say that
the Thai developed tone and uses the tone to increase contrastiveness, while Khmer did not. To
compensate, Khmer developed a very complicated vowel system. In fact, Khmer is known for
having a large vowel inventory.

Historyically speaking, the Thai borrowed heavily from Khmer in the Angkorian period. It was
the language of their royalty and court. After the fall of Angkor in about 1450, the opposite
happened and the Khmer borrowed from the Thai. Although Thai and Khmer belong to different
language families; Khmer is Mon/Khmer, whereas Thai is Tai/Kadai. Many Khmer words found
its way into Thai vocabularies through the use of 'Ratchashap' ราชาศัพท์, the official
language used by courtiers/bureaucrats during the Ayutthaya period. However as it turns out
many of these words also have Indic or Vedic origins.

Some examples below:

มหาสมุทร maha samuth / សមុទ្រ samuth (ocean) - from Vedic "Samudra"

อารมณ์ arom / អារម្មណ៍ arommo (temperament)

เวลา wela / ពេលវេលា velea (time), from Indic origin

อวกาศ awagath / អវកាស avkas (outer space/void), from Indic origin

เรียน rien / រៀន rien (learn)

นาง naang / នាង naeng (her, she, female) in Thai this refers to third person pronoun or
salutations Mrs. or Ms. (Nang Sao)

Formal and bureaucratic sounding terms tend to have Khmer or Sanskrit origins:

ปราสาท prasat / ប្រាសាទ braseat (castle)

เสมียน samien / ស្មៀន smien (clerk)

อำนาจ amnaj / អំណាច amnach (power)

ประเทศ prathet / ប្រទេស brates (country, territory) - from Indic "pradesh"

รัฐมนตรี rathamontri / រដ្ឋមន្ត្រី rathamontri (minister) - again possibly of Sanskrit

origin.

23
NB there are many loan words in Thai from other languages too.

How similar are the vocabularies of Thai, Lao, and Khmer?

Both Thai and Lao belong to the same language family, the Tai–Kadai language family.

Khmer belongs to the Austroasiatic language family which is a different language family
altogether.

That being said, all 3 languages were heavily influenced by Sanskrit and Pali (hence, the
similarity in the written alphabets and certain words).

Due to the geographic and cultural proximity, both Lao and Cambodia consume a lot of Thai
media. For the most part, many Laotians and Khmer can understand Thai.

Due the the fact that the northeastern part of Thailand, with a population of about 20 million,
speak Isan, a group of Lao dialects, most Thai can understand Lao. Isan is used by 80% of all
Lao speakers.

A comparison between Thai and Lao would be similar to the differences between American-
English and Australian-English. The speakers can understand each other, except when the
speaker used a specific slang to their region. A comparison between Thai/Lao and Khmer
would be similar to the differences between American-English/Australian English and
German. It looks visually similar and certain words are familiar, but for the most part, they don't
understand each other.

Examples:

Thai | Lao | Khmer

Word for Morning

เช้า (Thai pronunciation is cháo) | ເຊົ້າ (Lao pronunciation is sao) | ពេលព្រឹក (Khmer
pronunciation is pelopruk)

Word for Meal

อาหาร (Thai pronunciation is ahan) | ອາຫານ (Lao pronunciation is ahan) | អាហារ (Khmer
pronunciation is ahar). Notice the similarity between the 3 languages. It's because this word is
from the Sanskrit word आहार (pronounced as āhāra).

Word for Breakfast (combination of Morning + Meal)

อาหารเช้า (ahancháo) | ອາຫານເຊົ້າ (ahansao) | អាហារពេលព្រឹក (ahar pelopruk)

24
As you can see, people might understand the word for meal, but when it's a word that's not
derived from Sanskrit, Thai/Laotian will not be able to understand Khmer. They will understand
the word meal, but they won't understand "pelopruk".

In summary, Thai and Lao vocabularies are very similar. Khmer, not so much. While Khmer do
form on of the core language that influenced Thai (other being Tamil, Sanskrit, Chinese, and
Indegenous Thai), many of these volcabulary is unrecognisable for the most part when used in
modern Khmer.

The part where the two languages are connected is mostly the part where Sanskrit come into
play. When I hear Khmer, Sanskrit is often the only part I can recognised in the entire speech.
This often cluster arond term like Television, Freedom/Free, or other big words.

Around 4% of the people in Thailand could speak the language. Those are the Khmer immigrant
workers, Khmer Rouge refugees, or Surin Khmers. They account to around 3 million of the Thai
population.

Other than those people and a few Thai linguists, no Thais can speak Khmer. Despite having
alphabet derived from the Khmer alphabet, Thais couldn’t even read the Khmer alphabet. The
official language of Thailand is Thai, a Kra-Dai language. The official language of Cambodia is
Khmer, an Austro-Asiatic language. Even though Thailand has borrowed many words from
Khmer and Cambodia has borrowed many words from Thai, these two languages are extremely
unrelated and not mutually intelligible. Khmer is not very close to the other languages that are
related to it. Khmer includes several dialects: Standard Khmer (Central Khmer), Surin (Northern
Khmer), Cardamom Khmer (Western Khmer), Khmer Krom (Southern Khmer), Phnom Penh
Khmer, and Khmer Khe. They are mutually intelligible, but still significantly different from one
another.

The closest languages to Khmer are the Pearic languages (Pear, Suoi, Saoch, Western Chong,
Samre, and Somray) and the Bahnaric languages (Jru’, Juk, Su’, Nyaheun, Oi, The, Sok, Sapuan,
Cheng, Brao, Laveh, Krung, Kravet, Taliang, Alak, Tampuon, Bahnar, Chrau, Sre, Stieng,
Mnong, Halang, Kayong, Jeh, Kotau, Tadrah, Sedang, Hrê, Monom, Rengao, Kaco', Ramam,
and Cua).

More distant relatives to Khmer are the Munda languages (of India), Khasi languages (India),
Palaungic languages, Khmuic languages, Pakanic languages, Vietic languages (including
Vietnamese), Katuic languages, Nicobarese languages (Nicobar Islands), Aslian languages, and
Monic languages (including Mon).

‘Similar’ is a very subjective term. In my opinion, only the dialects of Khmer are similar to
Standard Khmer, but someone else might consider the other languages named above to be
similar to Khmer (but they are not mutually comprehensible).
I am Lao. I can understand 90% Thai. “Why do they hate each other so much?” I think I know
what the questioner had in mind. To give the answers to this, one has to understand further to the
history between these two nations of the same ancestors. With flaws, yes, but the word “hate” is
not adequate.

25
1_ First wave: Lao Lan Xang torn apart in 3 small kingdoms fell into vassal states of the Thai
Siam. They had to contribute slave-farmers needed to be settled in the buffer zones between
Ayutthaya and Bangkok. At that time Ayutthaya and all lands North of it had been occupied by
Burmans. After Thai Siam seized back their capital, some of these people got back home, some
of them must stay there. You can find a lot of their direct descendants at that areas the present
day. Thai call them Lao-Khang.

26
Slaves Lao women building fortifications (Thai source).

2_ Second wave: After the uprising of the Vientiane king Chao Anou extinguished, Thai Siam
punitive expedition burnt down Vientiane kingdom to the roots, and all its inhabitants forced to
leave to the right bank of the Mekong to be slave-farmers, not allowed to go back. Getting
absolute control of the fertile soil of the Kholat Plateau (right bank, Isan today), Thai Siam
needed more and more slaves to work in the rice fields in that land. So they started to hunt slaves
whereelse, in the North, North East (Xieng Khouang Plateau) of Laos. It was at that time the
peak of the slavery in the world (see the cotton fields slavery in the South States). Most of the
Isan inhabitants today have their ancestors from the Vientiane kingdom, many of them, for ex.
Phouane people or Phou Thay, from all over the places in Laos. Thais call them Lao Isan. But in
the provinces North of Bangkok they still call themself Lao Vieng.

Lao slaves-farmers somewhere in Isan (Thai source).

So, when Thai people get very angry and need to insult their interlocutor, they just say that
he/she is Lao, and add some water buffalos in it. For Thais the status of Lao is not that higher
than oxes, both have to work quietly in the rice fields, and that’s all.

3_ Chao Anou Vong: As a king’s child he had been held hostage in Bangkok with his two elder
brothers. Growing up there he became warrior, and helped a Thai general in numerous battles,
among them the capture back of Ayutthaya (this general became the king of Thais after that). As
a man of merit he was released and sent back to rule in Vientiane. Being there after a while, he
started his famous uprisings against his former Thai brother in arm. Knowing the might of the
Thai army, having no army for himself, why he brought out the uprisings which led to the
annihilation of his kingdom. He was betrayed, caught, kept with his family in a steel cage in
front of the palace for 7 days (for the example). Tortured he died the 8-th day (Thai and English
dyplomatics source). The only reason he did it is that if he won’t do nothing, his people will all
talk Thai Siam language (see Thaification - Wikipedia). Lao will vanish. So he sacrificed
himself.

27
Lao people willingly welcomed French establishment, because they knew that, under France, someday
they will be free, in the opposite to the Thai Siam (Montpellier University source). 4_Lao people today:
Even though they can speak fluently the language, when they have to say a word in Thai, they always feel
a little bit thorny in their heart. In my community among my friends and acquaintances, we respect the
Thai people, treat them like some distant relatives. We invite them in the case of some events, and we
always have good time together. But going out together for a beer, no, can’t do. In the opposite, we love
to hang out with Isan guys, several of my friends even got married to Isan girls.

It’s a long comment but I hope it would help in the understanding, why are we so close and so
far away at the same time.
P.S.: I am not pro-communist, since 1976 I am abroad. I know that well educated or having any
relations with Laos, Thais treat us respectfully, polite and great. Like we do against them.
To some extend, yes the Khmer script is similar to Thai script due to Thai script being a
derivation of old form of Khmer script which also derive from Brahman Pallava script. If you are
familiar with Thai script, then you will easily recognize some consonant and vowel. Same can be
said if you know Khmer script you’ll find some Thai script familiar as well. They are both
Abugida which mean they have different set of consonant and different set of vowels, and these
vowel cannot stand alone unless there’s a consonant to base on. In Khmer, there is another set of
vowel, in addition to normal Dependance Vowel, which are call Independence Vowel which
mean they can stand alone.
However, Khmer do not have tones nor tones marker unlike Thai. Also, Khmer have a writing
feature that can be describe as cluster which mean that Khmer consonants can be stack on top of
each other such as ច+រ:ច្រ. This is a very good tool to identify Khmer script.

But what are the similarities between the Thai language and the Hindi language?: Interesting
question… I have a few friends from Thailand and have been to Thailand. There are a few
Sanskrit words used in Thai language which can be said to be common with Hindi but the
pronunciation differs.

Please note that I have never studied Thai language… this answer is whatever little I learnt due
to my own interest.
Thai greeting, “Savadikam” (usually Savadika for men/ Savadikrap for women) is similar
to Swagata or Swagatam in Sanskrit. In Sanskrit & Hindi, “Swagata/ Swagatam” means
“Welcome”. In Thai, it is used as “Welcome” and also as “Hello”.
My friend’s name is Kritsana, which is same as Krishna meaning the Lord Krishna who was 8th
Avatar of Lord Vishnu and called Krishna as he had a dark complexion. Kritsana means black/
dark.

The previous capital of Thailand (Siam) is called Ayutthaya which is same as Ayodhya the
capital of King Rama. Thai king is also called Rama (Rama 1, Rama 2, Rama 3 etc.).
The word Phasa which means language is taken from Sanskrit Bhasha. However, at times, “Sha”
or “Sa” is simply pronounced as “Tha”. Thus, don’t be surprised if the person says, Phatha
instead of Phasa.

Bhay in Sanskrit becomes Phay in Thai.

So, you can see above that, BH is pronounced as PH.

28
Similarly, DH or D is pronounced as TH as can be seen in the following words…
The word “Devi” which means Goddess in Sanskrit becomes “Thevi”
Gaja (elephant, in Sanskrit) becomes Khaja.
The sound GH is replaced with KH
Also, in Thai, the sound “R” is omitted in some words (or it is replaced with L).
“Dirghaayu” which means “long life” (Dirgh + Ayu) in Sanskrit becomes “Thi-kha-Yu” in Thai.
Guru in Sanskrit becomes Khuru and may be pronounced as Khulu as R is either omitted or
pronounced as L.
The word “Manushya” (meaning a human in Sanskrit) becomes Manuth (the sound “Sh” is either
changes to “th” or pronounced as “th”).
The word “Raja” becomes Rachaa. One of my friend’s name is Rachaapaul… probably this is a
combination of Rachaa (king) and Paul is likely to be Paal in Sanskrit which means caretaker or
guardian. But when I asked Rachaapaul about it, he could only tell me about Rachaa and he had
no idea about the suffix “paul”… thus the meaning mentioned by me (caretaker/ guardian king)
is my interpretation which could be wrong.
Other words too are used in modified/ simplified form…
Sampurna (meaning, whole or complete) becomes “Sombunn”… notice how the sound R is
removed.

Jay (victory) becomes Chay.

Bhoomi (land, in Sanskrit) is called Phum
Buddhi (intelligence in Sanskrit) is called Phuthi.
Bhakti (devotion, in Sanskrit) becomes Phakdi
Kagad (paper) is called Khadaa (Khradaa)
Dukh (sufferingI is called Thuth.
Chandra (moon, also called Chand in Hindi) is called Jan in Thai.
Saptaah (one week in Sanskrit) is called Sapdaa.
Jeeva (life) is called Chiiva
Jeevit (alive) is called Chiivit)
Trishul (the trident held by Lord Shiva) is called Thrisun
So, you can see that there are a lot of words which are common between Thai and Sanskrit but
you will not be able to make out due to the pronunciation. However, there is always a scope to
learn!!!

Why does the Thai alphabet look so different from other written alphabets in the region like
Chinese or Japanese? It looks a bit like Hindi with a splash of Arabic. Did any of those
languages have any influence when the Thai alphabet was developed?

29
Thailand is in a different region of Asia.
China and Japan are in East Asia.
Thailand is within mainland Southeast Asia. Southeast Asia once referred to as “Indochina”
because of the obvious mixture of Indian & Chinese culture. Some countries have more Indian
influence. Some have more Chinese influence. Later the term “French Indochina” came along
moreso to signify which countries France has colonies in so don’t confuse the two terms. With
Thailand you kind of have to know some of the history of Cambodia.
People from Thailand are originally the Tai people who came from southern China. Khmer
people, are those from Cambodia and I’ve read somewhere they may have come from the Indian
region many many years ago. They had the Khmer empire which was before Thailand. At one
point Khmer used sanskrit in literature. Sanskrit words even incorporated in the language. For
example, I’m Khmer but my last name ”Som” is derived from the Sanskrit “soma,” a deity? But
it means moon and both pronounced the same. It’s known that later the South Indians came
along and Khmer used the brahmic script to make the alphabet. Yet, based on buildings the
depiction of the gods from what I recall are more of a northern interpretation so probably
because prior they had some sort of connection to the area. This is also why the older buildings

30
are very Indian. For example, Angkor wat was built as a Hindu temple because Hinduism was
more prevelant in the area and predates Buddhism. Siddartha Gautama aka Buddha was from
Kushingar, India so there’s still that Indian influence
Modern day Thailand and parts of Laos were once part of the Khmer empire and their alphabet
borrowed from the Khmer one. Vietnam speaks a mon-Khmer language but unlike Thailand or
Cambodia it was moreso Chinese influenced and Vietnam itself was even part of China for
awhile. Vietnamese had their alphabet romanized so it’s different from thai, Khmer or Lao.
Here you can see how the alphabets were borrowing. Khmer borrowing from South Indian
Brahmi script specifically the Pallava script which was developed under the Pallava dynasty of
Southern India around the 6th century of AD and how the Thai, and Lao alphabet broke off from
the old Khmer writing.

Is it influenced by Hindi? No, the Hindi you see now didn’t use that Devanagari script until
1940s but both have linguistic sanskrit influence. Hindi, obviously does moreso.
Arabic? No, but I have heard there was some Persians in the Khmer region although I think it’s
more of a legend but I haven’t read of any proof of it.

How are Thai, Laotian, Cambodian and Vietnamese related?

In a nutshell:
- Vietnam, Laos and Cambodia formed French Indochina, a colony existed from 1887 to 1954.
Its capital was always in Vietnam, with Saigon (now Ho Chi Minh city) being the most
prosperous city in the whole South East Asia at that time. Thailand, on the other hand, was the
only state in ASEAN not invaded during the 19th-2oth century.
- The four countries share Buddhism culture. Thai, Laotian and Cambodian Buddhism is
Theravada, as a result of Indian's influence. However, most Vietnamese follow Mahayana
Buddhism due to Chinese's influence.
- Laotian and Thai languages are mutually intelligent, i.e. Lao people and Thai people can
communicate without intentional study or special effort. Many Cambodians and Laotians can
also understand Vietnamese. However, Vietnamese cannot understand the other three languages.
In fact, Vietnamese alphabet is Latin (abcdef...xy) while the other three have ethnic scripts.
- The four now form part of ASEAN with freedom of movement, enacting travel visa-free in 30
days in each neighboring country.
- The four countries have many mutual or similar dish when it comes to cuisine.
- Proximity of major cities: Phnom Penh - Cambodia's capital and largest city is just 200 kms
from Ho Chi Minh city - economic hub of Vietnam. Vientiane - Laos' capital and largest city,
lies on its border with Thailand.
- Emigration and immigration: Vietnamese accounts for 10% of Cambodia's total population.
Both Thai and Khmer (Cambodia's main ethnicity) are recognized as minority ethnicity in
Vietnam. There are also a lot of Vietnamese seeking refugee in Thailand.
- In terms of economy, Vietnam and Thailand both have strong investments in Laos and
Cambodias. However, all the four now receive a lot of investments from China, South Korea and
Japan.

31
 The photo shows cover of the book on a Chinese diplomat, Zhou Daguan who documented the
Chinese presence in the area of Angkor in 1296.
 By Ky Soklim

 November 28, 2021 6:29 PM

ShareFacebookTwitterTelegramPinterestPrintCopy LinkWhatsAppLinkedIn
PHNOM PENH--Chinese presence in Cambodia could be traced back as long as to the
Kingdom of Funan from the first to the seventh century. But there are significant shreds of
evidence of this fact that describe the presence of a Chinese population in Cambodia at end
of the 13th century.

That began with Zhou Daguan, a Chinese diplomat, who documented the Chinese presence in the
area of Angkor in 1296. Many centuries later in the 1600s, Portuguese travelers, as well as a
Chinese merchant, also noted this trend of Chinese people living in the land of Cambodia.

Chinese immigration began shortly after the Ming dynasty had collapsed in 1644. Chinese
General Dương Ngạn Địch along with Hoàng Tiến led a group of Chinese from Fujian and
Guangdong seeking new settlements in Cambodia as well as in Cochin China as a whole.

Most of those who came were men and they decided to start a new life in the provinces of Takeo
and Kampot by marrying Cambodian women. Despite their new settings, a number of Chinese
immigrants preserved some of their culture until the 18th century by keeping their lengthy hair
just like during the Ming dynasty. Most importantly, their descendants were quickly integrated

32
into the Khmer civilization through agricultural communities.

It is also worth mentioning that the Chinese were the largest ethnic minority in Cambodia from
1960s to the early years of the 1970s. It was estimated that 425,000 Chinese were living in the
kingdom. But the number had decreased significantly by 1984 with only 61,400 left. The cause
of this dramatic decline was due to wars, recessions, the Pol Pot regime, and escaping from both
the Vietnamese in 1979 and other occurring battles. The 1980s was a terrible time for the
Chinese. Their community was referred to as the “351.” During this period, the Chinese were
living in stressful conditions because of the Vietnamese authority in Cambodia.

Presently, there are three types of Chinese in Cambodia. The first one is the Cambodians of
Chinese origin. Their ancestors were Chinese who came from China a long time ago and gained
Cambodian citizenship as time went on. The second group is mixed race. This particular group is
offspring whose parents are from two ethnicities: Chinese and Cambodian. This group is fully
recognized as Cambodian citizens because their birth place is in Cambodia. Finally, the last
group of Chinese is those who migrated during the Paris Peace Agreement, which was signed on
the 23rd of October 1991. These three groups of Chinese came from different parts of the world
such as Singapore, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and China. They all had a variety of occupations
ranging from merchants, investors, teachers and ambassadors to religious missionaries, engineers
and construction workers.

Currently, since Cambodia is a country that implements a free market economy and develops a
strong connection with China, the number of Chinese residents in Cambodia is increasing
significantly, especially in the case of the first and second groups of Chinese. In 2013, it was
estimated that Cambodians with Chinese origins and mixed race approximately accounted for
1% of the entire population in Cambodia, that is, 152,055 people. The majority of them live in
various parts of the country such as Phnom Penh, Kampong Thom, Battambang, Kampot,
Kampong Cham and other provinces.

Although they are small in numbers, they have participated in various sectors in the country.
Moreover, instead of being discriminated against, this minority is being welcomed by the local
people wholeheartedly and is praised for their commitment to the commercial and political
sectors.

The three groups of Chinese also partake in Cambodia’s economic sector and are viewed as
being a big part of it as well. Finally, the majority of Chinese Cambodians have a major
influence in the economic sector in the country. They have acted as enterprises, which provide
loans to SMEs (small and medium-sized enterprises) or other partnering firms from time to time.
The earliest records of Chinese settlement dates back to the late 13th century, where a
detailed and comprehensive Record of Cambodia mentions the presence of Chinese businessmen
trading at Angkor. Portuguese seafarers noted the presence of a small Chinese settlement in
Phnom Penh in the early 17th century. Around the same time Lim To Khieng, a Chinese
privateer, stayed in Cambodia while trading and conducting raids in the South China Sea.
[18]
Shortly after the fall of the Ming dynasty in 1644, Chinese troops under the command of Mac
Cuu and Duong Ngan Dich encouraged large numbers of refugees from Fujian and Guangdong

33
provinces to settle in Indochina.[19][20] The majority of the immigrants were boys and men and
boys who eventually married local Khmer women. Their descendants usually assimilated
smoothly into the local communities, the economic and social process and personally identified
as Cambodians. However, customs were also imported, such as the practice of the Chinese
topknot that was practiced until the 18th century. [21][7]Chinese Cambodians (or Sino-Khmers)
are Cambodian citizens of Chinese ancestry or Chinese of full or partial Khmer ancestry.
The Khmer term Khmer Kat Chen (ខ្មែរកាត់ចិន) is used for people of mixed Chinese and
Khmer descent; Chen Khmer (ចិនខ្មែរ) means Cambodian-born citizen with ancestry from
China. The Khmer constitute the largest ethnic group in Cambodia among whom Chen means
"Chinese". Contact with the Chinese people such as envoys, merchants, travelers and diplomats
who regularly visited Indochina verifiably existed since the beginning of the common era. [4][5]
[6]
However the earliest record of a Chinese community in Cambodia dates to the 13th century. [7]
Chinese Cambodians also play a leading role in Cambodia's business sector and dominate the
Cambodian economy today. In addition, Chinese Cambodians have a strong presence in
Cambodia's political scene with many high ranking government officials and much of the
political elite being of Chinese descent
Relations between China and Cambodia date back at least to the 13th century, when Chinese
emissary Zhou Daguan—also known by his Khmer language name Chiv Ta Koan—visited the
Kingdom of Angkor for one year, from 1296 to 1297.
More than 700 years later, ties between the two countries are at their strongest ever.
But despite their long diplomatic history, China and Cambodia only grew close during the
Second World War and after Cambodia gained its independence from France in 1953.
The relationship developed while the globe was caught amidst a struggle between communism
and democracy when World War II ended in 1945. At the time, the Kingdom of Cambodia under
Head of State Price Norodom Sihanouk declared neutrality. However, Cambodia pursued
relations with China in order to mitigate the influence of neighboring countries Thailand and
South Vietnam, which had shown support for anti-Sihanouk rebels.
Isolated due to its adoption of communism, China sought support from Cambodia in its bid for a
seat at the United Nations over Taiwan, which had broken away from the mainland after Mao
Zedong took power in 1949. China also hoped to maintain Cambodia as an ally amid growing
U.S. influence in Southeast Asia.

Monineath (L) waves to the crowd after being welcomed by China's Prime Minister Zhou
Enlai (C) upon his arrival in Beijing on April 23, 1973.Some experts view the strong friendship
between Sihanouk and Chinese Premiere Zhou Enlai as contributing to improved relations
between the two countries. Henri Locard, a French scholar of Cambodian history, has said
Zhou’s aristocratic and deferent mannerisms helped to win Sihanouk over and convince him that
China could be trusted.

34
A history of the Chinese in Cambodia
Jean-Michel Filippi | Publication date 08 February 2013 | 09:14 ICT
Share

A remarkable complexity of languages, people and rising and falling fortunes: from
congregations to associations, from the French Protectorate through to the Khmer Rouge to the
present day.
The characteristic of the Chinese population in Cambodia is a complex mixture of people who
arrived from different parts of China during the last 800 years, with a big surge about 400 years
ago.
Looking at those people and consider Chinese doing commerce, they have sometimes been
considered a bit like the far eastern Jews, with time-honoured traditions of involvement in
trading and commerce.
That was true in the case of the Teochew Chinese. Even in China, the Teochew Chinese who
came from Swatow were a minority entirely devoted to commerce.
But they were peasants in the context of China and, in a number of cases, here in Cambodia as
well. If we take their religion as an example, we’ll notice that all the Phnom Penh Chinese
temples are Taoist temples while in Vietnam Chinese temples display a mixture of Taoism,
Buddhism and Confucianism.
The origins of Tao festivals are to be searched for in agricultural activities and cycles.
Every time the Chinese could do peasant work and cultivate the land, they took the opportunity
to do it, for instance in Kampot, with the Hainan people, and in Takeo the Hakka people.

35
In the Funan Kingdom from the first to the seventh century there were already Chinese in
Cambodia. These people didn’t come with a state. They consisted of small Chinese families who
settled here; sometimes Chinese took Khmer wives.
Just like in the 13th century, Zhou Daguan describes in his Memoirs of Cambodia, there were a
few Chinese groups settling here, adopting this new country, but the bulk of Chinese arrived at
the end of the 17th century.
In 1644 the Ming dynasty was overthrown by the barbarian Manchus and a new dynasty was
born: the Qing dynasty.
The loyalist Ming generals began to struggle and to rebel against this newly established dynasty.
A few years later, in 1679, they understood that the struggle was desperate.
With soldiers and families these Chinese peoples decided to emigrate. Some of them tried to get
a kind of political asylum from the Dai Viet state (nowadays the northern part of Vietnam,
Tonkin). The
Vietnamese did not want to fight them, and on the other side they didn’t want bad relations with
the new Chinese rulers. They allowed the Chinese to cross and to go down south in what
remained of the
Kingdom of Champa and into the Khmer kingdom. Others used the junks to go up the Mekong
delta and many of them settled in areas of what are today Takeo and the Kampot region and
many places along the Mekong and Bassac rivers.
They were coming from everywhere in China, and in that context, during this period, the Chinese
congregations were born.
A congregation is a specific ethno-linguistic group. The Sinitic (Chinese) languages are mutually
non inter-comprehensible: a Hakka won’t understand a Teochew, who can’t understand a
Cantonese. Hence there was a need of a common language, and this part is now played by
Mandarin, the official language of The People’s Republic of China, Taiwan and the main
language for teaching overseas in Chinese schools.
These Chinese families were living in Cambodia with their countrymen who spoke the same
language and generally stayed together. At that time there was no general Chineseness in
Cambodia and Chinese were first of all members of a given ethno linguistic group.
When the French came they found the Chinese rather well settled, for instance in Phnom Penh
which was going to become the capital in 1865 when the majority of the population in this city
was Chinese.
At that time, the French protectorate administration had to face a situation which was entirely
new. They had on the one side Chinese who had succeeded into penetrating the Cambodian
society well enough to become local administrators, and on the other side they had Chinese who
owned lands. The French entered into conflict with this because of their low tax consciousness.
On the other side, the Chinese were well organised with a small army that could dominate a big
stretch of Cambodian territory. They were involved in opium, gaming and other activities the
French wanted to control.
The French adopted a solution and negotiated directly with the heads of the congregations; they
did not want to deal with individuals. In giving extra power to the head of congregation, the
French found a way to keep order, and in a way to control the activities of these organisations,
thus contributing in some sense in isolating these various congregations and putting barriers
between all of them.
It did not go easily.

36
The opium question was already something interesting. The French did everything in the 1870s
to create their own opium company, which only lasted a few years. At the opium game, the
Chinese could not be beaten.
The Chinese populations in Cambodia were already specialised: Teochew were business people;
Hokkien people had a strong appetite for government business and the Cantonese could
dominate navigation on the Mekong River and so on.
The divisions were present in the pre-existing situation which would exist through the entire
period of the French Protectorate with mutual deference.
After independence, the congregations were replaced by associations. It was not a mere shift
because at that time Chinese were expected to behave like normal Cambodian citizens. This
didn’t always work smoothly between Cambodian power and the Chinese, especially at the time
of the Sihanouk's Popular Socialist Community from 1955 to 1970 (Sangkum Reastr Niyum).
A very important event occurred in 1949 when the People’s Republic of China (PRC) was
proclaimed. From that time, Chinese staying abroad had to take this new event into account.
Most of the time they felt as if they had to take sides. This often infuriated Prince Sihanouk,
especially when at the occasion of a Chinese sports victory, Phnom Penh was covered with
Chinese flags.
Sihanouk, who had excellent relationships with high ranking PRC leaders like Zhou Enlai, had to
ask them to stop the Chinese associations and embassies from propagating the PRC’s views
about politics and so on, which was done. Zhou Enlai was an extremely able personality who
made efforts to stop it by creating a difference between the expected activities of an embassy and
the Chinese associations in Cambodia and the politics of mainland China.
At the time, the weight Chinese had in business was considerable. When Lon Nol took power on
March 18, 1970, the new regime’s first reaction was to ban the Chinese from what they had
before. Lon Nol had the strange habit of confusing the Vietnamese and Vietcong on the one side,
and Chinese and communists on the other. The first thing he did was to close down the Chinese
schools. Of course such a policy couldn’t work well because commerce was still in the hands of
the Chinese.
The fundamental event which was going to transform Chineseness in Cambodia was the coming
to power of the Khmer Rouge. They suppressed commerce, currency, private property and the
towns. In 1975, the Chinese were certainly the biggest part of the urbanized population. From
one day to the other, during the Khmer Rouge period, Chineseness was reduced to an almost non
existence.
With the fall of the Khmer Rouge in 1979, the Chinese were not well regarded at all by the new
masters of the country.
Before 1979 there were two axis connections: Beijing-Phnom Penh and Hanoi-Moscow. After
1979, there was a triangle: Hanoi, Phnom Penh and Moscow. Naturally, the PRC could not
tolerate a situation like that. It is precisely in 1979 that strong links between the US and the PRC
were created and diplomatic relationships between the two countries were soon to come. When
Deng Xiaoping went to Washington and his famous photo was taken there with a Texan hat, he
declared that China was going to teach Vietnam a lesson.
Soon afterwards the Chinese began shelling Lang Son in northern Vietnam, which was erased for
the second time from the map. For the 110,000 Vietnamese soliders in Cambodia, Chinese
Cambodians were at best potential traitors: they could not enter the party, but worse than that,
they could not practice commerce and the towns were forbidden to them.

37
That was one of the worst purgatories experienced by the Chinese in the history of Cambodia. A
number of Chinese people could still do business, secretly at first and little by little in a more and
more open way.
Everything began changing in 1989 when the Peoples Republic of Cambodia transformed into
the State of Cambodia (SOC) and private property was acknowledged, private commerce was
allowed and it is precisely from that year that the Chinese were back.
Two facts need to be underlined about Chinese in Cambodia: In spite of their small number in
Cambodia, the Chinese are very much present in all the sectors of the economy.On the other
side, the coming back of PRC and their increased cooperation with Cambodia should not be
overlooked. This marks the beginning of a new period of the Cambodian Chinese minority.
https://www.phnompenhpost.com/post-plus/history-chinese-cambodia
A long friendship: A look into the history of Sino-Cambodian relations
Taing Rinith / Khmer Times

Portrait of Emperor Temur Khan who ruled China from 1294–1307 when Zhou Daguan wrote
his “Record of Cambodia.” Wikipedia

Cambodia and China have built very strong bilateral ties, but this binding relationship is not the
result of just a few years of engagement. Despite no common border between them, the two
nations have had centuries of historic, cultural and commercial relationships. In 2006, a group of
Vietnamese fisherman discovered the wreckage of a 15th century Chinese trading ship laden
with ancient pottery and other artefacts near Koh Sdach, off the coast of Koh Kong province.
The discovery is just one example of countless of artefacts found in Cambodia, the evidence of
commercial relations between the Khmer Empire and China. Dr Michel Tranet, a prominent
Cambodian historian, says this is not surprising, given the Kingdom’s status as a former hub of
trading activities in the area.

38
“Many ships from all over the world, especially China, had been to the land of ‘The Khmer
Empire’ to trade,” he says. “These are proven by the discoveries of other civilisations’ currencies
and artefacts in today’s Cambodia.”
“Meanwhile, China, as a great civilisation in the past, was building trade with many other
civilisations and Cambodia was not an exception.”
In the meantime, in Nanjing City in China, a museum showcasing the artistic works of the Ming
Dynasty displays a strong Cambodian connection. Some artefacts in this museum have been seen
as new evidence of a long diplomatic relationship between China and the Angkor kingdom
dating back 700 years.
Also a massive replica of a painting made by a Chinese official under the orders of the Ming
Dynasty emperor, contains historical text in ancient Chinese characters describing the diplomatic
and trade relationships between China and Angkor in the 14th century. Similarly, a bas relief at
Angkor Wat also displays economic activities between Cambodian and Chinese people during
the Khmer Empire.
The earliest record on Cambodia by the Chinese goes back to the late 13th century when Yuan
emissary Zhou Daguan visited Cambodia in 1296 and authored his detailed and comprehensive
Record of Cambodia in which he mentions the presence of Chinese residents at Angkor.
However, historians speculate that contact between Cambodia and China has continued more or
less uninterrupted since the first century of this era – and perhaps longer. Unlike early Indian
contact, which produced distinctly Indian forms in the indigenous cultures of Southeast Asia,
contact with China appears to have left them relatively unmarked.
Then just after the fall of the Ming dynasty in 1644, Mac Cuu and Duong Ngan Dich encouraged
large numbers of refugees from Fujian and Guangdong provinces to settle in Indochina. The
majority of the immigrants were men who eventually married local Khmer women, resulting in a
number of people of Chinese descent in Cambodia today. Their descendants usually assimilated
smoothly into the local communities through the economic and social process and they
personally identify as Cambodians. However, customs were imported, such as the use of the
Chinese topknot that was practiced until the 18th century
“The current close ties between Cambodia and China is a result of centuries of great
relationships, as well as mutual understanding among people,” says Sambo Manara, a
Cambodian historian.
https://www.khmertimeskh.com/50768500/a-long-friendship-a-look-into-the-history-of-sino-
cambodian-

39
 CHAPTER IV

Historic inscription from Cambodia Cambodian students of Sanskrit-ANU helps save

Sanskrit in Cambodia, 2021

Cambodia’s national language, Khmer, is heavily influenced by Sanskrit? In fact, Sanskrit

was the court language of the Khmer Empire for more than 1,000 years. According to
Associate Professor McComas Taylor, much of Cambodian history is recorded in Sanskrit
inscriptions, but very few Cambodians can read the language, especially after all intellectuals
were killed in the genocide of the 1970s. So effectively, the Cambodian people do not have
access to their own history.

Cambodia’s First Sanskritist

Back in 2004, Dr Kunthea Chhom, a young Cambodian scholar, attended a conference

organised by the Center for Khmer Study (CKS) in Siem Reap to raise awareness for the
urgent need to train a Cambodian generation of Sanskritists. Kunthea had been no stranger to
working against the tide, and she learned Sanskrit in India despite the odds; at times when
formal classes were suspended due to political strife, Kunthea had the opportunity to learn
from a scholar Chandrashekhar Mishra, popularly known as ‘Guru Ji’. He was happy to have
a disciple from Cambodia, but he had one condition: “Don’t ever ask me to teach according
to the syllabus of the university. You are here to learn what is to be learned”. And this was
the start of Kunthea’s journey to learning Sanskrit beyond the classroom. She recalls, “Now,
I was learning Sanskrit the traditional way, counting to and from one hundred in Sanskrit and
Hindi, memorising proverbs and songs.” Kunthea also joined an intensive Sanskrit speaking
course at a Hindu temple that made her speak and dream in the language, allowing only
Sanskrit and body language.

relations/
After ultimately graduating top of her class, Kunthea started working in Siem Reap for the
Apsara Authority, responsible for the protection of the Angkor World Heritage site. She
40
chose to work in Siem Reap because of the presence in this region of the numerous stone
inscriptions from the Khmer empire, more than half of which is in Sanskrit. Kunthea also
earned her PhD in Sanskrit from France. On her return to Cambodia, she was awarded the
Royal Audience in Phnom Penh. His Majesty the King congratulated her for her
perseverance in her mission of ‘Sanskrit study and research’. Today, next to her work with
the Apsara Authority, Kunthea teaches Sanskrit to high school teachers and monks, paying
particular attention to Sanskrit loanwords in the Khmer language, both at the Royal
University of Fine Arts in Phnom Penh and Wat Reach Bo Buddhist High School in Siem
Reap.

Canberra to Cambodia

In 2018, when McComas visited Cambodia, he was introduced to Kunthea. Kunthea was
running Sanskrit language classes in the community, and McComas taught one of them for
fun. An association that was born by chance then blossomed into a longstanding
collaboration of Sanskrit learning and cultural exchange. Kunthea and McComas agreed that
two of her senior students, Van Vy and Ven Sizet, would greatly benefit from a course of
academic study in Sanskrit. Thanks to a CHL scholarship, both Van Vy and Ven Sizet could
enrol for the Sanskrit course through Open Universities Australia. What’s more, students of
the ANU Sanskrit Students Facebook group contributed funds to purchase and ship textbooks
to the students. Today, the initiative is growing, with both Van Vy and Ven Sizet completing
their second year with flying colours and entering their third year.

Dr Stephanie Majcher, CHL Sanskrit faculty member and a former student of McComas,
reflects on what this initiative represents holistically: “We are still perhaps in the early stages
of building momentum, but this collaboration has a huge value proposition. It’s about taking
a gateway language of Southeast Asia, real-world Sanskrit, out there in Cambodia, to a
temple, to the streets….it’s an amazing cultural spread.” She adds that CHL is neatly
positioned to have an investment in what ANU stands for being in Australia and connecting
the Asia-Pacific nations. As such, the initiative adds another dimension to the classroom.
This kind of spread of a language enables real dialogue and exchange between different
cultures.

41
The Student Lens

From a student perspective, both Van Vy and Ven Sizet were inspired by the depth and
sacred nature of Sanskrit. But even more importantly, they recognised that without Sanskrit,
they would not be able to understand the ancient or modern Khmer language better. As Ven
Sizet says, “If we look deeper into Khmer language, we can see there are so many loan
words from Sanskrit that we need to know this language to uncover its meaning and other
secrets.” The highlights of the course so far have been many.” According to Van Vy, “I
personally think the most interesting learning program is the Spoken Sanskrit. I feel that
when I start using the language in daily life, I feel so connected with the language. And the
vocabulary I have learnt came into use practically. I also think that ‘reciting the verse’
should be included in the class because it’s helping the students stay motivated spiritually
and also helping pronunciation and remembering more vocabularies. Another top highlight
program is learning to translate the original Sanskrit text. In doing so, I have learnt how to
parse the sentences and words, and figure out the meaning by context. This is maybe one of
the most useful tools in learning Sanskrit, because it allows me to look at the language
deeply and enjoy the stories along the way.”

O0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0

42
 CHAPTER V
The SANSKRITIZATION OF MANY ANCIENT S.E. ASIAN COUNTRIES

There was definitely a thriving sea-trade to South East Asia in the Gupta Age 1,500 years ago.
Sages like Agastya and Kaundinya did travel to faraway lands like Malaysia and Cambodia.
Chola kings travelled over the sea to Sri Lanka and Malaysia to expand their empire and to
increase the wealth of the land through trade routes. Even today, in Odisha, and in the island of
Bali, there are festivals related to the departure and arrival of ships, reminding us of ancient
travel over sea. It is this sea travel that ensured epics such as Ramayana and Mahabharata, the art
of shadow puppetry and weaving, reached as far as Indonesia and Thailand.

India has a long history of sea travel. The major epics, Ramayana and Mahabharata, do not refer
to sea travel (Ram builds a bridge to go to Lanka, and Ravana flies through the air in his Pushpak
Viman), but the vrata-kathas of India like Satyanarayana Puja and the Topoye story of Odisha,
and Sanskrit plays like Ratnavali by Harsha, refer to sea-travels and shipwrecks. We do know
that sea-merchants travelled from India to Arabia in the West in Harappan times 5,000 years ago.
There are Vedic verses that suggest (but not conclusively) awareness of the sea and sea-travel
nearly 3000 years ago.

The offense of crossing the sea is also known as "Samudrolanghana" or

"Sagarollanghana

The offense of crossing the sea is also known as "Samudrolanghana" or "Sagarollanghana".

The Dharma Sutra of Baudhayana (II.1.2.2) lists sea voyages as first of the offenses that cause
the loss of varna. The Dharma Sutra suggests a person can wipe away this offense in three years
by eating little at every fourth meal time; bathing at dawn, noon and dusk; standing during the
day; and seated during the night.

The reasons behind the proscription include the inability to carry out the daily rituals of
traditional Hindu life and the sin of contact with the characterless, uncivilized mleccha creatures
of the foreign lands. An associated notion was that crossing the ocean entailed the end of
the reincarnation cycle, as the traveler was cut off from the regenerating waters of the Ganges.
Such voyages also meant breaking family and social ties. According to another belief in the pre-
modern India, the Kala Pani (sea water) was inhabited by the houglis, bad spirits and monsters.
The one community that continued with shipping was the Chettiar community of Tamil Nadu.
The Chettiars did travel, right from the time of Chola kings, establishing temples as far as China.
The Chettiar community, it is said, worshipped Murugan, in his celibate form. Young sailor boys
were told to maintain celibacy, when they travelled across the sea and only marry women of the
community, otherwise they risked excommunication. That the Chettiar community knew how to
manage culture in the pursuit of economics is perhaps the reason of their business success. Sea
travel is mentioned in the Buddhist Jataka tales but not in the great epics Ramayana and
Mahabharata, perhaps because the former was patronised by mercantile communities (vaishyas)
and.the.latter.by.others.kshatriyas.

Sailors from India travelled along the monsoon winds to Southeast Asia and to Arab countries to

43
trade on fabrics and spices in exchange for gold. We do know that Indian sea trade was
widespread even during the Harappan Era. The sea was used to trade with the Arab coast. India
was then known as Meluha. 2000-year-old Tamil literature refers to merchants who travelled far
and wide and brought back great riches including Roman coins, Roman wine and even Roman
women. In Southeast Asia, sea merchants travelled to countries like Indonesia, Cambodia and
Vietnam. They carried with them not just trading goods, but stories, which is why in these
regions we find the retelling of the great epics, Ramayana and the Mahabharata. Along the sea
coasts of India and South-East Asia, one finds shadowpuppetry, telling the stories of Ramayana
and Mahabharata. These were supposed to have been invented on ships, sailing to Southeast
Asia, with the light of the flames, casting shadows on the sails of the ships.

The Chola kings had a great navy. One does see images of kings and gods taking boat rides in
the terracotta temples of Bishnupur in Bengal dating 17th century; but most of these boats are
usually on ponds and rivers and lagoons, not the kind of great boats that travel across the sea.
“From 300 CE to 1300 CE, from the Gupta period to the arrival of Islam in India, the elite from
Afghanistan to Vietnam spoke Sanskrit and this shaped kings as well as kingdoms. This period
saw the spread of Buddhism and post-Vedic ‘Puranic’ Hinduism to a vast part of the world,
which is why when one visits Myanmar, Cambodia, Thailand, Laos or Indonesia, we feel a sense
of civilizational continuity with India. Since ancient times, people from North India had been
travelling to Central Asia in the West and Southeast Asia in the East. But cultural contact was
accelerated when religious ideas rose and began to spread. Amongst the first ‘missionaries’ were
Buddhist monks, sent by Emperor Ashoka. Even before the Buddhists, from around 800 BCE, if
not earlier, the men we refer to as Vedic rishis travelled to unknown lands over hills and forests
and seas, spreading Vedic ideas beyond the Gangetic plains. Thus we hear of Agastya rishi
travelling to the south, having caused the Vindhya Mountains to ‘bend’. And we hear of
Kaundinya rishi travelling to Cambodia and marrying a naga princess there.

Different Brahmins

Over time, from around 1800 years ago, local chieftains started inviting Brahmins from the
Gangetic plains to help set up kingdoms. These Brahmins were different from the Vedic
Brahmins. They followed the Agama tradition based on the worship of Shiva and Vishnu in
temples. They were knowledgeable in dharma-shastra (governance), artha-shastra (economics),
niti-shastra (politics), kama-shastra (art), natya-shastra (theatre) and shilpa-shastra (architecture),
and they were world-affirming. They connected the clan gods (kuladevata) of the chieftains to
Shiva, Vishnu and most importantly Durga and brought them into the Hindu fold. Across India,
even today, there are many kings known for venerating and tracing their power to a fierce
goddess, often one who rides a lion or a tiger, such as Chamunda of Mysore, Bhavani of
Kolhapur or the Thakuranis of Odisha, who rose to popularity in the post-Gupta era.

These Brahmins helped a chieftain become a king by establishing a kingdom that privileged
them and their clan. They were like Brihaspati to Indra and Shukra to Bali, priests in mythic
texts. Historians call this process ‘kshatriyisation’ or ‘Rajputisation’ where a king’s ancestry was
traced either to the sun (Surya-vamsa) hence Ram, moon (Chandra-vamsa) or to fire (Agni-kula).
Land was given to Brahmins as donations (brahmadeya, or agrahara), as indicated by vast
number of copper plates in this period. Brahmins established villages in these lands, inviting

44
people of different communities to join them. These communities were organised in segments,
based on vocation, and hierarchy. The Brahmins, the kings and the aristocracy lived closer to the
temple. At the margins lived the least powerful service providers. In between were the markets.
Thus we find across South India and Southeast Asia from Kanchi in Tamil Nadu to Puri in
Odisha to Angkor Wat in Cambodia, vast cities that grew around temples. To ensure the king did
not feel threatened, the Brahmins made sure they were associated with the philosophy of
‘detachment’ and actively distanced themselves from profit and power. They focused on the
deity in the temple and through him connected with the king. Internally, amongst Brahmins, the
‘ritualist philosopher’ gained higher status than ‘service provider’. Eventually, the order of
Brahmin-monks (matha, akhara) rose and became even more powerful than Brahmin-
householders.

But this remarkable system had a negative side. At the periphery of these temple-states were
communities of people involved in ‘impure’ vocations and so shunned to protect the core of
mystical power the royal centre of the temple-state. Although many Brahmins such as
Dyaneshwara and Eknath in Maharashtra, especially during the bhakti movement, denounced
this practice and saw it as against the spirit of Vedas, they failed to purge it. In time, this
Brahminical obsession with ‘purity’ led to its global criticism and eclipsed its grand
achievements in temple-states across South and Southeast Asia.
The above from DevDatt Patnaik https://devdutt.com/articles/how-brahmins-helped-create-
temple-states-and-kingdoms-in-south-india-and-southeast-asia/
In his 2006 book The Language of the Gods in the World of Men, Sheldon Pollock, scholar
of Sanskrit, the intellectual and literary history of India, and comparative intellectual history. He
is currently the Arvind Raghunathan Professor of South Asian Studies at the Department of
Middle Eastern, South Asian, and African Studies at Columbia University-. posits "the scholarly
cultivation of language in premodern India" should be seen in terms of "its relationship to
political power."Although Sanskrit was a language of Vedic ritual, it was adopted by royal
courts, and by the fifth century "power in India now had a Sanskrit voice" According to Pollock,
"Sanskrit become the premier vehicle for the expression of royal will, displacing all other codes"
and "Sanskrit learning itself became an essential component of power." Pollock believes that
grammar was linked to power, stating "the main point should be clear: that power's concern with

45
grammar, and to a comparable degree grammar's concern with power, comprised a constitutive
feature of the Sanskrit cosmopolitan order." [ Pollock states, "overlords were keen to ensure the
cultivation of the language through patronage awarded to grammarians, lexicographers,
metricians, and other custodians of purity, and through endowments to schools for the purpose of
grammatical studies." Pollock links the varna of Sanskrit grammar (which means language
sounds) to the varna of social order.
The vernacular millennium
"vernacularization" or the frequent use of the vernacular language involved two steps:
1. first, the use of a written form of the vernacular in "everyday" contexts, such as
recording names in inscriptions
2. second, the use of the written form of the vernacular in more imaginative contexts, such
as writing poetry, which Pollock calls "literarization".
3. Literarization has often involved the creative adaptation of models from "superposed
cultural formations", and in South Asia this has largely meant using Sanskrit
models. Pollock has focused on Kannada as a case study in vernacularization in South
Asia and has reflected on the vernacularization of Europe as a parallel instance.

Sanskrit makes its first appearance in inscriptions in South Asia during the early centuries of the
Common Era. It then gradually takes over and becomes the inscriptional language par excellence
in the whole of the South Asian subcontinent and much of Southeast Asia. For almost a thousand
years Sanskrit ‘rules’ in this enormous domain. Sheldon Pollock (1996, 2006) speaks for this
reason of the ‘Sanskrit cosmopolis’, which he dates approximately between ce 300 and 1300.
How do we explain the Spread of Sanskrit in Southeast Asia, Johannes Bronkhorst “Sanskrit makes its
first appearance in inscriptions in South Asia during the 3 centuries of the common era. The inscriptional
language par excellence in the whole of the South Asian subcontinent was Sanskrit. Did the Brahmins
carry the Sanskrit language to the lands of the South East Asia or were they the Ksatriyas who
manned the ships and set sail from the Southern parts of India? We know that Suryavarman I
who was king of the Khmer Empire from 1006 to 1050established diplomatic relations with
the Chola dynasty of south India (Tamilnadu) around 1012. Suryavarman I sent a chariot as a
present to the Chola Emperor Rajaraja Chola I. It seems that the Khmer king Suryavarman I
requested aid from the powerful Chola Emperor Rajendra Chola against
the Tambralinga kingdom. After learning of Suryavarman's alliance with Rajendra Chola, the
Tambralinga kingdom requested aid from the Srivijaya king Sangrama Vijayatungavarman. That
eventually led to the Chola Empire coming into conflict with the Srivijiya Empire. The war
ended with a victory for the Chola dynasty and the Khmer Empire, major losses for the Sri
Vijaya Empire and the Tambralinga kingdom. Such contacts were not rare by the time
Jayavarman II had performed his DEVRAJA puja on Mount Kulen or Mahendraparvata
bRahmins were already established as Counsels to Kings, Priests, Advisors and performers of
holy occasions for the royalty. It was they who brought Sanskrit to these lands for in “India” of
those days Sanskrit was spoken by Brahmin priests and not the common people – neither the
Royals unless taught by the Brahmins.

Chatterji, Bijan Raj, in his Indian Cultural Influence in Cambodia, Calcutta: University of
Calcutta, 1928 referred to an unpublished lecture by Peter Skilling, in which the Sambor-
Prei Kük inscription in Chenla: with a Sanskrit inscription says that:
46
 ... from the reign of Á«s"anavarman I, records the erection of a li<nga in ®Saka 549 = CE 627, by
the high official Vidy"avi«se]sa, a P"as"upata Brahman, who was versed in grammar («s"abda), the
Brahmanical systems of Vai«se]sika, Ny"aya, and S"a]nkhya, and the doctrine of the Sugata.’

Sanskritisation (or Sanskritization) is a term in sociology which refers to the process by

which castes or tribes placed lower in the caste hierarchy seek 'upward' mobility by emulating
the rituals and practices of the dominant castes or upper castes. It is a process similar
to "passing" in sociological terms. This term was made popular by Indian sociologist M. N.
Srinivas in the 1950s.

Sanskritisation refers to a change in the hierarchical caste system when certain castes that are ranked
low in the caste hierarchy are able to elevate and enhance their position by adopting and emulating
the socio-cultural beliefs, values, habits, customs and rituals of castes that are ranked higher than
them.Based on his ethnographic research in Rampura village in Karnataka, Srinivas produced a

47
detailed explanation of the phenomenon of Sanskritisation in ‘A Note on Sanskritisation and
Westernisation (Far Eastern Quarterly, 1956)’.Initially, ‘Sanskritisation’ referred to the lower castes’
adoption of the “Brahmanical” ways of life. But gradually, the process also involved the adoption of
the practices and rites of the locally dominant caste in a particular region, which included non-
Brahmin castes which were politically powerful, socio-economically influential and ritually higher
in the local caste hierarchy.

In a broader sense, also called Brahmanisation, it is a historical process in which "local" Indian
religious traditions become syncretised, or aligned to and absorbed within the Brahmanical
religion, resulting in the pan-Indian religion of Hinduism.

Srinivas defined Sanskritisation as a process by which a low or middle Hindu caste, or tribal or
other group, changes its customs, ritual, ideology, and way of life in the direction of a high and

48
frequently twice-born caste. Generally such changes are followed by a claim to a higher position
in the caste hierarchy than that traditionally conceded to the claimant class by the local
community.
In a broader sense, Sanskritisation isthe process whereby "local" or regional forms of culture and
religion – local deities, rituals, literary genres – become identified with the 'great tradition' of
Sanskrit literature and culture: namely the culture and religion of orthodox, Aryan, Brahmans,
which accepts the Veda as revelation and, generally, adheres to varnasrama-dharma. In this
process, local traditions ("little traditions") become integrated into the "great tradition" of
Brahmanical religion, disseminating Sanskrit texts and Brahmanical ideas throughout India, and
abroad.This facilitated the development of the Hindu synthesis, in which the Brahmanical
tradition absorbed "local popular traditions of ritual and ideology."
According to Srinivas, Sanskritisation is not just the adoption of new customs and habits, but
also includes exposure to "new" ideas and values appearing in Sanskrit literature. He says the
words Karma, dharma, paap, maya, samsara, and moksha are the most common Sanskrit
theological ideas which become common in the talk of people who are sanskritised.
Srinivas first propounded this theory in his D.Phil. thesis at Oxford. The thesis was later brought
out as a book, which was an ethnographical study of the Kodava (Coorgs) community
of Karnataka. Srinivas writes:
The caste system is far from a rigid system, in which the position of each component caste is
fixed for all time. Movement has always been possible, and especially in the middle regions of
the hierarchy. A caste was able, in a generation or two, to rise to a higher position in the
hierarchy by adopting vegetarianism and teetotalism, and by sanskritising its ritual and pantheon.
In short, it took over, as far as possible, the customs, rites, and beliefs of the Brahmins, and
adoption of the Brahminic way of life by a low caste seems to have been frequent, though
theoretically forbidden. This process has been called ‘sanskritisation’ in this book, in preference
to ‘Brahminisation’, as certain Vedic rites are confined to the Brahmins and the two other ‘twice-
born’ castes.
The book challenged the then prevalent idea that caste was a rigid and unchanging institution.
The concept of sanskritisation addressed the actual complexity and fluidity of caste relations. It
brought into academic focus the dynamics of the renegotiation of status by various castes and
communities in India.
Sanskritisation is often aimed to claim the Varna status of Brahmin or Kshatriyas, the two
prestigious Varna of the Vedic-age Varna system. Another example in North India is of Rajput.
According to historical evidence, the present day Rajput community varies greatly in status,
comprising those with royal lineage to those whose ancestors were petty tenants or tribals who
gained land and political power to justify their claim of being Kshatriya. One clear example of
Sanskritisation is the adoption, in emulation of the practice of twice-born castes,
of vegetarianism by people belonging to the so-called "low castes" who are traditionally not
averse to non-vegetarian food.
Dating back to the first century, Indian culture started making its way into the region
of Southeast Asia. The expansion of Indian culture into these areas was given the
term Indianization. The term was coined by French archaeologist, George Coedes in his
work Histoire ancienne des états hindouisés d'Extrême-Orient (The Indianized States of

49
Southeast Asia). He defined it as the expansion of an organized culture that was framed upon
Indian originations of royalty, Hinduism and Buddhism and the Sanskrit dialect.

A large number of nations came under the influence of the Indosphere becoming a part
of Greater India, causing the Sanskritization of South East Asia, the rise of Indianized kingdoms,
spread of Hinduism in Southeast Asia and the Silk road transmission of Buddhism. Indian
honorifics were adopted into the Malay, Thai, Filipino and Indonesian languages. The Indian
diaspora, both historical (PIO or Person of Indian-Origin) and current (NRI or Non-Resident
Indian), play an ongoing key role in the region in terms of geopolitical, strategic, trade, cultural
traditions, and economic aspects, with most Southeast Asian countries having sizable Indian
communities alongside often much larger ethnic Chinese minorities.
Maritime Silk Road

50
51
Expansion of Hinduism in Southeast Asia.
There are many different theories for how Indianization spread throughout insular and mainland
Southeast Asia. These differing theories each argue for a different caste of Indians as being the
main propagator of Indian language and culture into Southeast Asia.
Theory of the Vaishya traders
The first of these theories focuses on the caste of Vaishya traders, and their role for bringing
Indian traditions into Southeast Asia through trade. Southeast Asia was rich in resources that
were desired in the Indian sub-continent, the most important of which being gold. During the 4th
century A.D. the Indian subcontinent was at a deficiency for gold due to extensive control of
overland trade routes by the Roman Empire, and this period is when we see the first evidence of
Indian trade in Southeast Asia. Vaishya traders had turned to maritime trade to acquire gold, and
they set their sails for Southeast Asia. However, the conclusion that Indianization was just spread
through trade is insufficient, as Indianization permeated through all classes of Southeast Asian
society, not just the merchant classes
Theory of the Kshatriya warriors
Another theory states that Indianization spread through the Kshatriya class of warriors. This
hypothesis does a good job at explaining state formation in Southeast Asia, as these warriors
came with the intention of conquering the local peoples and establishing their own political
power in the region. However, this theory has not attracted much interest from historians as there
is very little literary evidence to support it.
Theory of the Brahmins
The most widely accepted theory for the spread of Indianization into Southeast Asia is through
the class of Brahmin scholars. These Brahmins used the maritime routes established by the
Vaishya traders, and brought with them many of the Hindu religious and philosophical traditions
to spread to the elite classes of Southeast Asia. The Brahmin Theory credits the Brahmin priests
with the transmission of Indian culture to Southeast Asia.

It is logical that the Brahmins were the main reason Indianisation took place. Being the top caste
in India's caste system, the Brahmins were highly knowledgeable. They knew the Sanskrit codes
regarding the law, the art of government, as well as architecture and would therefore be able to
serve as developmental planners in various fields. It is theorised that because of this, they would
have been welcomed by early Southeast Asian rulers. This is evidenced by the fact that several
early states of Southeast Asia had Indian priests as their rulers, showing that they were in a
position in which they would be easily able to spread the Indian culture.

Furthermore, the Brahmin priests also had extensive knowledge about abstract subjects such as
the cosmic universe. This concept would undoubtedly appeal to the animistic people of early
Southeast Asia. In addition, the Brahmins generally married local women from wealthy families.
All this would lead to them gaining greater respect from the indigenous people, who would then
be more willing to listen to their ideas.

Therefore, it was believed that the Brahmins were the main transmitters of Indian influence to

52
Southeast Asia. The position of the Brahmins allowed them to easily spread Indian traditions,
customs and beliefs. Thus, it would be possible and highly logical for them to have spread Indian
influence to Southeast Asia. Once these traditions were adopted into the elite classes, it
disseminated throughout all the lower classes, thus explaining the Indianization present in all
classes of Southeast Asian society. Brahmins had influence beyond just the fields of religion and
philosophy however, and soon Southeast Asia had adopted many Indian influenced codes of law
and architecture.
A combination of all three theories can explain the Indianization of Southeast Asia, rather than
just choosing one. There was an extensive maritime trade network, which allowed for traders to
extract gold and spices from Southeast Asia. Once these trade networks had been established, it
paved the way for new classes of warriors to exert military prowess over select Southeast Asian
areas. Finally, these extensive trade networks also allowed for the influx of Brahmin scholars,
who impressed many Southeast Asian elites with their knowledge of law, arts, philosophy. Thus
through the Brahmin scholars many of these Indian and Hindu practices were propagated
throughout all social classes Southeast Asia.

WHY THIS HYPOTHESIS MIGHT BE WRONG

As the Brahmin were of a high caste, they were generally elitist. Therefore, it would be expected
that if the Brahmins were truly responsible for the spread of Indian influence, they would have
introduced the caste system to the region. However, if there was one aspect of Indian culture not
commonly seen in Southeast Asia today, it would have to be the caste system. It is most unlikely
that the Brahmins - being of such a high caste - would not have transmitted the caste system to
the region, hence debunking the theory.

One of the major imports to early Southeast Asia from India was religion: specifically, Buddhism
and Hinduism. In particular, the Hindu religion (Brahminism) established the cosmological and
political legitimisation of kingship in the courts of Southeast Asia. The ‘brahmins’ who preside
over court rituals in contemporary Cambodia and Thailand are said to be direct descendants of
Angkorian ‘brahmins’, but this identification is highly contested. By Indian definition and from a
ritual perspective, the term brahmin generally referred to those whose caste and gotras (ritual
lineage) go back to the Vedic period. Scholars of ritual and religions have questioned whether the
‘brahmins’ of Southeast Asia were ‘brahmins’ by the Indian definition, and if so, in what
sense. 23 - Broken Threads: Contested Histories of Brahminism in Cambodia and Thailand and
the Construction of Ritual Authority-from PART II - Localisation in Southeast Asia, Boreth
Ly,Published online by Cambridge University Press: 21 October 2015

Literature
Scripts in Sanskrit discovered during the early centuries of the Common Era are the earliest
known forms of writing to have extended all the way to Southeast Asia. Its gradual impact
ultimately resulted in its widespread domain as a means of dialect which evident in regions, from
Bangladesh to Cambodia, Malaysia and Thailand and additionally a few of the larger Indonesian
islands. In addition, alphabets from languages spoken in Myanmar, Thai, Laos and Cambodia are
variations formed off of Indian ideals that have localized the languages.

53
The utilization of Sanskrit has been prevalent in all aspects of life including legal purposes.
Sanskrit terminology and vernacular appears in ancient courts to establish procedures that have
been structured by Indian models such as a system composed of a code of laws. The concept of
legislation demonstrated through codes of law and organizations particularly the idea of "God
King" was embraced by numerous rulers of Southeast Asia. [5] The rulers amid this time, for
example, the Linyi kingdom once embraced the Sanskrit dialect and devoted sanctuaries to the
Indian divinity Shiva. Many rulers following even viewed themselves as “reincarnations or
descendants” of the Hindu gods. However once Buddhism began entering the nations, this
practiced view was eventually altered.

Scripts in Sanskrit discovered during the early centuries of the Common Era are the earliest
known forms of writing to have extended all the way to Southeast Asia. Its gradual impact
ultimately resulted in its widespread domain as a means of dialect which evident in regions, from
Bangladesh to Cambodia, Malaysia and Thailand and additionally a few of the larger Indonesian
islands. In addition, alphabets from languages spoken in Myanmar, Thai, Laos and Cambodia are
variations formed off of Indian ideals that have localized the languages.
The utilization of Sanskrit has been prevalent in all aspects of life including legal purposes.
Sanskrit terminology and vernacular appears in ancient courts to establish procedures that have
been structured by Indian models such as a system composed of a code of laws. The concept of
legislation demonstrated through codes of law and organizations particularly the idea of "God
King" was embraced by numerous rulers of Southeast Asia. The rulers amid this time, for
example, the Linyi kingdom once embraced the Sanskrit dialect and devoted sanctuaries to the
Indian divinity Shiva. Many rulers following even viewed themselves as “reincarnations or
descendants” of the Hindu gods. However once Buddhism began entering the nations, this
practiced view was eventually altered.
The effects of Hinduism and Buddhism applied a tremendous impact on the many civilizations
inhabiting Southeast Asia which significantly provided some structure to the composition of
written traditions. An essential factor for the spread and adaptation of these religions originated
from trading systems of the third and fourth century. In order to spread the message of these
religions Buddhist monks and Hindu priests joined mercantile classes in the quest to share their
religious and cultural values and beliefs. Along the Mekong delta, evidence of Indianized
religious models can be observed in communities labeled Funan. There can be found the earliest
records engraved on a rock in Vocanh. The engravings consist of Buddhist archives and a south
Indian scripts written in Sanskrit that have been dated to belong to the early half of the third
century. Indian religion was profoundly absorbed by local cultures that formed their own
distinctive variations of these structures in order to reflect their own ideals.
The Mandala
The Mandala is a religious symbol representing the universe and is also involved in the political
system of Southeast Asia. The center of the Mandala is considered to contain the power while
the power then spreads outwards. This replicates the how the political system within Southeast
Asia has a powerful center of administration. The Mandala, just like a political system, changes
from empire to empire with its relation to the King and the empire.
According Hindu belief system, the caste system divides all people of the world into a
hierarchical groups based on their work (karma) and duty (dharma). The land workers were

54
called Shudras. The Business workers called Vaishyas. The Warriors or those who maintained
social order were called Kshatriyas. Those who memorized key mathematical formulas,
philosophical precepts, and other knowledge systems and retained in memory were called
Brahmins.
The Brahmins from the Indian culture spread their religion to southeast Asia. By traveling to
these countries they were able to inform others on their beliefs and spark the beginning of the
Hindu and Buddhist cultures in Southeast Asia. These Brahmins introduced the caste system to
all the countries; however, more so in Java, Bali, Madura, and Sumatra. Unlike India the caste
system was not as strict. As a result of all these different writings, there are big speculations that
the Brahmins has a big role on their religion. There are multiple similarities between the two
caste systems such that both state that no one is equal within society and that everyone has their
own place. It also promoted the upbringing of highly organized central states. Although they
have some similarities, Southeast Asians did not use the Hindu system entirely and adjusted what
they did use to their local context. The Brahmins were still able to implement their religion,
political ideas, literature, mythology, and art.
Historiography of S.E. Asia
The history of South East Asia was mostly always written from the perspective of external
civilizations that influenced the region. The prevalent interpretation caused mainly because of
the ontological differences, fundamentally dichotomous histories of Europe and pre colonial
Asia, was apparently that the despotism, obscurantism, servile equality of Asian societies along
with innovation becoming prey to tyranny had rendered history cyclical, immobile and non-
linear.
The belief in the idea that South East Asia had never engendered its own civilization, and of
indigenous incapacity or external benefaction gained additional support, such was the
tremendous evidence of Indian architectural and religious influence in South East Asia and were
fundamentally identified as being derivative and thus Indianization was perceived as occurring
more so due to the Indian initiatives rather than the indigenous initiatives of South East Asia.

55
Vo Vanh Inscription the oldest Sanskrit inscription ever found in Southeast Asia. It was found in
the village of Võ Cạnh, Nha Trang, Khanh Hoa, Vietnam. A replica at Khanh Hoa
Museum.RIGHT Khmer Inscription K-127: the significance of this inscription made in AD 683, is that it
indicates that at present knowledge, the first zero is an ancient Khmer invention, while the first known use
of a numerical zero in India was dated to the mid-ninth century, an era that coincided with the Arab
Caliphate.

Epigraphy
Inscriptions in Sanskrit
Sanskrit inscriptions, from the 5th to the 14th century, are found all over Cambodia, and they are
proof of the flourishing state of Sanskrit learning. These inscriptions exhibit the knowledge of
different metres and the most developed poetic rules and conventions of rhetoric and prosody.
Khmer inscriptions are more philosophical than the mangala of Indian inscriptions. Their
language and grammar is also more correct than most Indian inscriptions.

The number of such inscriptions written in ornate kavya style is the larger than in any other
country in Southeast Asia. Khmer inscriptions in Sanskrit make us of the Shaka era and
the decimal system in number first noticed in the 7th century, including the number O.
Sanskrit is used in Khmer inscriptions as the language of the gods, especially for poems and
prayers offered in their honour. Their structure is fixed: after an introductory invocation of the
divinity, comes the praise of the founder or benefactor of the sanctuary before ending
with imprecatory verses aimed at anyone who would not protect the premises of the temple and
wishing them the chastisement of hell. Useful archeological information is most often found in
the central part, which often reveals the name of the ruling king, and the dates of his reign.
Inscriptions in ancient Khmer
Ancient Khmer first appears on inscriptions at the end of the 7th century. Khmer inscriptions
written in ancient Khmer are most often in prose and are usually a more or less detailed
inventory of the offerings received by a sanctuary. These inscriptions, such as the Grande
Inscription d'Angkor, reveal precious information about the culture of Cambodia. Their content
has also been found at least in one instance to match that of the Royal Chronicles of Cambodia.
It is believed that the population expressed some sort of resistance with regard to the Sanskrit
language, which necessitated the use of indigenous language to make known the royal orders and
the charters which affected the life of the autochthonous populations.

56
Khmer inscriptions use an alphabet stemming from Southern India. This early alphabet evolved
into the actual form of Khmer. At the end of the 9th century, King Yasovarman I attempted to
introduce a new form of script probably from Northern India but this attempt to not last beyond
his own reign.
Inscriptions in Pali
Pali epigraphy in Khmer provinces is extremely scarce; only a dozen Pali inscriptions have been
found, engraved in a span of twelve centuries.
There is no trace of Pali texts proper in ancient Cambodian epigraphy, except epigraphs
consisting of the formula: Ye dhamma. The presence of Pali in Khmer epigraphy effectively
replaced that of Sanskrit from the 14th century onwards and it was regarded as a sacred
language.
Development of caste system
Another main concern for indianization was the understanding and development of caste
systems. The debate was often whether or not the caste systems were seen as an elite process or
just the process of picking up the Indian culture and calling it their own in each region. This had
showed that the Southeast Asian countries were civilized and able to flourish their own interests.
For example, Cambodia's caste system is based on people in society. However, in India, the caste
system was based on which class they belonged to when they were born. Based on the evidence
of the caste system in Southeast Asia, shows that they were applying Indian culture to their own,
also known/seen as indianization.
Similar to the caste systems, the cultures were a huge part of determining the legitimacy of
indianization. Many argue that only writing could really date the culture and prove indianization.
The lives of rulers, daily lives of people, rituals of funeral, weddings and specific customs were a
few that helped anthropologists date the indianization of countries. The religions found in India
and Southeast Asian countries was another piece of evidence that led anthropologists to
understand where the cultures and customs were adopted from.[5]
Rise of Islam
During the 13th century, Islam began to replace the Hindu religion/culture in much of Southeast
Asia.

57
 CHAPTER VI
The Indic languages and Indonesian Kingdoms

The Ancient Languages of Indonesia

Inthe earlier papers I described what we mean when we talk about ‘medieval Indonesia’ or
‘ancient Indonesia’. Plenty of historical work is set more or less in that region, a region that
actually amounts to the main landmasses, and generally the coastal parts of those, in western
Indonesia and Malaysia: Sumatra, Java, Bali, Borneo, and the Malay Peninsula. Eastern Indonesia
is treated entirely separately by historians. ‘Indianization’ and inscriptions were restricted to the
western islands.
So if you want to use primary sources on Indonesia/Indo-Malaysia before the sixteenth century
then the languages you need are mostly from western Indonesia and India. Chinese and Arabic are
also helpful, the former especially so. There are also European sources from the fourteenth and
fifteenth centuries (Polo, Odoric, Conti). The reports in Portuguese by Tomé Pires, Duarte
Barbosa, and Afonso de Albuquerque the younger (among many others) from the early-to-mid
sixteenth century are extremely useful in making sense of the history of poorly documented parts
like Ternate.

Ethnohistory is important in Indonesia because of the relative lack of local sources. A brief survey
of the Indic languages that a historian of Indo-Malaysia up to 1500 CE might need in order are :
1. Vatteluttu,
2. Tamil,
3. Brahmi,
4. Pallava
5. Sanskrit,
Vatteluttu, popularly romanised was a syllabic alphabet of south India (Tamil Nadu and Kerala)
and Sri Lanka used for writing the Tamil and Malayalam languages. Vatteluttu belonged to the
group of Tamil-Malayalam scripts among the Southern Brahmi derivatives. The script was used
for centuries in inscriptions and manuscripts of south India. Three possible suggestions for the
etymology of the term 'Vatteluttu' are commonly proposed. Eluttu (ezhuthu) is literally 'written
form' in this context; and affixed here it means 'writing system' or 'script'.
The three suggestions are:

 Vatte + eluttu; 'rounded script'

 Vata + eluttu; 'northern script'
 Vette + eluttu; 'chiseled script

The script was also known as Tekken-Malayalam or Nana-mona. [8] The name "Nana-mona" is
given to it because, at the time when it is taught, the words "namostu" etc. are begun, which are
spelt "nana, mona, ittanna, tuva" (that is, "na, mo and tu"), and the alphabet therefore came to be
known as the "nana-mona" alphabet.

58
Vatteluttu probably started developing from Tamil-Brahmi from around the 4th or 5th
century AD. The earliest forms of the script have been traced to memorial stone inscriptions
from the 4th century AD. It is distinctly attested in a number of inscriptions in Tamil Nadu from
the 6th century AD. By the 7th to 8th centuries, it had developed into a completely separate
script from Tamil-Brahmi. Its use is also attested in north-eastern Sri Lankan rock inscriptions,
such as those found near Trincomalee, dated to between c. the 5th and 8th centuries AD.
Vatteluttu was replaced by the Pallava-Grantha script from the 7th century AD in
the Pallava court. From the 11th century AD onwards the Tamil script displaced the Pallava-
Grantha as the principal script for writing Tamil. In what is now Kerala, Vatteluttu continued for
a much longer period than in Tamil Nadu by incorporating characters from Pallava-Grantha to
represent Sanskrit loan words in early Malayalam. Early Malayalam inscriptions (c. 9th and 12th
century AD) are composed mostly in Vatteluttu. The script went on evolving in Kerala during
this period and from c. the 12th century onwards.
Replacement

 Vatteluttu gradually developed into a script known as "Koleluttu" in Kerala. This script
was more commonly used in north Kerala. It continued in use among certain Kerala
communities, especially Muslims and Christians, even after the 16th century and up to the
19th century AD.
 Another script derived from Vatteluttu was the "Malayayma" or "Malayanma". This
script was more commonly used in southern Kerala. The script is not, however, the one that
is ancestral to the modern Malayalam script.
 The modern Malayalam script, a modified form of the Pallava-Grantha script, later
replaced Vatteluttu for writing the Malayalam language.

Jewish Plates (11th century AD, Malayalam) Evolution of Vatteluttu (script)

59
The script continuously went on evolving during its period of existence (in such a way that the
date of a record may be fixed approximately by reference to the script alone).

Velvikudi Grant (8th century AD, Tamil)/ Quilon Plates (9th century AD, Malayalam)
The Tamil script, like the other Brahmic scripts, is thought to have evolved from the
original Brahmi script. The earliest inscriptions which are accepted examples of Tamil writing
date to the Ashokan period. Modern Tamil script does not, however, descend from that script. In
the 4th century, the Pallava dynasty created a new script for Tamil and the Grantha
alphabet evolved from it, adding the Vaṭṭeḻuttu alphabet for sounds not found to write Sanskrit.
Parallel to Pallava script a new script (Chola-Pallava script, which evolved to modern Tamil
script) again emerged in Chola territory resembling the same glyph development like Pallava
script, but it did not evolve from that. By the 8th century, the new scripts supplanted Vaṭṭeḻuttu in
the Chola resp. Pallava kingdoms which lay in the north portion of the Tamil-speaking
region. However, Vaṭṭeḻuttu continued to be used in the southern portion of the Tamil-speaking
region, in the Chera and Pandyan kingdoms until the 11th century, when the Pandyan kingdom
was conquered by the Cholas.
The script used by such inscriptions is commonly known as the Tamil-Brahmi or "Tamili script"
and differs in many ways from standard Ashokan Brahmi. For example, early Tamil-Brahmi,
unlike Ashokan Brahmi, had a system to distinguish between pure consonants (m, in this
example) and consonants with an inherent vowel (ma, in this example). In addition, according
to Iravatham Mahadevan, early Tamil Brahmi used slightly different vowel markers, had extra
characters to represent letters not found in Sanskrit and omitted letters for sounds not present in
Tamil such as voiced consonants and aspirates. Inscriptions from the 2nd century use a later form
of Tamil-Brahmi, which is substantially similar to the writing system described in
the Tolkāppiyam, an ancient Tamil grammar. Most notably, they used the puḷḷi to suppress the
inherent vowel. The Tamil letters thereafter evolved towards a more rounded form and by the 5th
or 6th century, they had reached a form called the early vaṭṭeḻuttu.
Linguistic reconstruction suggests that Proto-Dravidian was spoken around the 6th millennium
BCE. The material evidence suggests that the speakers of Proto-Dravidian were the culture
associated with the Neolithic complexes of South India The next phase in the reconstructed
proto-history of Tamil is Proto-South Dravidian. The linguistic evidence suggests that Proto-
South Dravidian was spoken around the middle of the 2nd millennium BCE and Old Tamil
emerged around the 6th century BCE. The earliest epigraphic attestations of Tamil are generally
taken to have been written shortly thereafter. Among Indian languages, Tamil has one of the
ancient Indian literature besides others

60
Scholars categorise the attested history of the language into three periods, Old Tamil (400 BCE –
700 CE), Middle Tamil (700–1600) and Modern Tamil (1600–present).
Old Tamil
The earliest records in Old Tamil are short inscriptions from around the 6th century BCE in
caves and on pottery. These inscriptions are written in a variant of the Brahmi script called Tamil
Brahmi. The earliest long text in Old Tamil is the Tolkāppiyam, an early work on Tamil
grammar and poetics, whose oldest layers could be as old as the 2nd century BCE. A large
number of literary works in Old Tamil have also survived. These include a corpus of 2,381
poems collectively known as Sangam literature. These poems are usually dated to between the
1st and 5th centuries CE, which makes them the oldest extant body of secular literature in India.
Other literary works in Old Tamil include two long epics, Cilappatikaram and Manimekalai, and
a number of ethical and didactic texts, written between the 5th and 8th centuries
Despite the significant amount of grammatical and syntactical change between Old, Middle and
Modern Tamil, Tamil demonstrates grammatical continuity across these stages: many
characteristics of the later stages of the language have their roots in features of Old Tamil.
Middle Tamil
The evolution of Old Tamil into Middle Tamil, which is generally taken to have been completed
by the 8th century, was characterised by a number of phonological and grammatical changes.
Middle Tamil also saw a significant increase in the Sanskritisation of Tamil. From the period of
the Pallava dynasty onwards, a number of Sanskrit loan-words entered Tamil, particularly in
relation to political, religious and philosophical concepts. Sanskrit also influenced Tamil
grammar, in the increased use of cases and in declined nouns becoming adjuncts of verbs, and
phonology.
Modern Tamil
Modern Tamil script does not, however, descend from that script. In the 4th century, the Pallava
dynasty created a new script for Tamil and the Grantha alphabet evolved from it, adding the
Vaṭṭeḻuttu alphabet for sounds not found to write Sanskrit. Parallel to Pallava script a new script
(Chola-Pallava script, which evolved to modern Tamil script) again emerged in Chola territory
resembling the same glyph development like Pallava script, but it did not evolve from that. By
the 8th century, the new scripts supplanted Vaṭṭeḻuttu in the Chola resp. Pallava kingdoms which
lay in the north portion of the Tamil-speaking region. However, Vaṭṭeḻuttu continued to be used
in the southern portion of the Tamil-speaking region, in the Chera and Pandyan kingdoms until
the 11th century, when the Pandyan kingdom was conquered by the Cholas.
The best-known inscriptions in Brāhmī are the rock-cut Edicts of Ashoka, dating to the 3rd
century BCE. These were long considered the earliest examples of Brāhmī writing, but recent
archaeological evidence in Sri Lanka and Tamil Nadu suggest the dates for the earliest use of
Tamil Brāhmī to be around the 6th century BCE, dated
using radiocarbon and thermoluminescence dating methods.
This script is ancestral to the Brahmic family of scripts, most of which are used
in South and Southeast Asia, but which have wider historical use elsewhere, even as far
as Mongolia and perhaps even Korea, according to one theory of the origin of Hangul.

61
The Brāhmī numeral system is the ancestor of the Hindu-Arabic numerals, which are now used
worldwide.
Brāhmī is generally believed to be derived from a Semitic script such as the Imperial Aramaic
alphabet, as was clearly the case for the contemporary Kharosthi alphabet that arose in a part of
northwest Indian under the control of the Achaemenid Empire. Rhys Davids suggests that
writing may have been introduced to India from the Middle East by traders. Another possibility
is with the Achaemenid conquest in the late 6th century BCE. It was often assumed that it was a
planned invention under Ashoka as a prerequisite for his edicts. Compare the much better-
documented parallel of the Hangul script.
Older examples of the Brahmi script appear to be on fragments of pottery from the trading town
of Anuradhapura in Sri Lanka, which have been dated to the early 400 BCE. Even earlier
evidence of the Tamil -Brahmi script has been discovered on pieces of pottery in Adichanallur,
Tamil Nadu. Radio-carbon dating has established that they belonged to the 6th-century BCE. [102]
The origin of the script is still much debated, with most scholars stating that Brahmi was derived
from or at least influenced by one or more contemporary Semitic scripts, while others favor the
idea of an indigenous origin or connection to the much older and as yet undeciphered Indus
script of the Indus Valley civilisation

Chola-Pallava script
With the fall of Pallava kingdom, the Chola dynasty pushed the Chola-Pallava script as the de
facto script. Over the next few centuries, the Chola-Pallava script evolved into the modern Tamil
script. The Grantha and its parent script influenced the Tamil script notably. The use of palm
leaves as the primary medium for writing led to changes in the script. The scribe had to be
careful not to pierce the leaves with the stylus while writing because a leaf with a hole was more
likely to tear and decay faster. As a result, the use of the puḷḷi to distinguish pure consonants
became rare, with pure consonants usually being written as if the inherent vowel were present.
Similarly, the vowel marker for the kuṟṟiyal ukaram, a half-rounded u which occurs at the end of
some words and in the medial position in certain compound words, also fell out of use and was
replaced by the marker for the simple u. The puḷḷi did not fully reappear until the introduction
of printing, but the marker kuṟṟiyal ukaram never came back into use although the sound itself
still exists and plays an important role in Tamil prosody.
The forms of some of the letters were simplified in the 19th century to make the script easier to
typeset. In the 20th century, the script was simplified even further in a series of reforms, which
regularised the vowel markers used with consonants by eliminating special markers and most
irregular forms.
The Tamil script differs from other Brahmi-derived scripts. Also unlike other Brahmi scripts, the
Tamil script rarely uses typographic ligatures to represent conjunct consonants. ISO 15919 is an
international standard for the transliteration of Tamil and other Indic scripts into Latin characters.
It uses diacritics to map the much larger set of Brahmic consonants and vowels to the Latin
script.

62
The Ciaruteun inscription, a 5th-century Pallava stone inscription discovered in Indonesia/ One of the oldest
inscriptions discovered in Indonesia, the Yūpa inscriptions of King Mulavarman, king of Kutai
Martadipura written in the 4th century AD
The Bujang Valley (Lembah Bujang) is a sprawling historical complex and has an area of
approximately 224 square kilometres (86 sq mi) situated near Merbok, Kedah, between Gunung
Jerai in the north and Muda River in the south. It is the richest archaeological area in Malaysia.
These archaeological remains show that there was a Hindu Buddhist polity here. In Sanskrit the
term bhujanga refer to serpent, thus the name itself is roughly translated into "Serpent
Valley". The area consists of ruins that may date more than 2,535 years old. More than fifty
ancient pagoda temples, called candi (pronounced as "chandi"), have also been unearthed. The
most impressive and well-preserved of these is located in Pengkalan Bujang, Merbok. The
Bujang Valley Archaeological Museum is also located that known as Sungai Batu, excavations
have revealed jetty remains, iron-smelting sites, and a clay brick monument dating back to AD
110, making it the oldest man-made structure to be recorded in Southeast Asia. Research also
indicates that there was a Hindu-Buddhist kingdom here possibly as early as 110 CE. The local
rulers adopted Indian cultural and political models earlier than those of Kutai in eastern Borneo,
in southern Celebes orTarumanegara in western Java, where remains showing Indian influence
have been found dating from the early 5th century. Relics found in the Bujang Valley are now on
display at the archaeological museum. Items include inscribed stone caskets and tablets, metal
tools and ornaments, ceramics, pottery, and Hindu icons.
The local rulers adopted Hindu-Buddhist Indian cultural and political models earlier than those
of Kutai in eastern Borneo, in southern Celebes or Tarumanegara in western Java, where remains
showing Indian influence have been found dating from the early 5th century. Relics found in the
Bujang Valley are now on display at the archaeological museum. Items include inscribed stone
caskets and tablets, metal tools and ornaments, ceramics, pottery, and Hindu icons .

63
The temples have not survived the onslaught of age because their wooden roofing has rotted and
withered over the past 1,200 years. The museum itself is inadequate and not organised, much of
the findings are elsewhere scattered from Museum Negara to Singapore (which once formed a
part of Malaysia). Folk stories and oral history also provide place for a magnificent kingdom of
jewels and gold. Outside peninsular and insular Southeast Asia, oral history in India suggests the
presence of golden chariots and jewels in hidden caves at Bujang Valley and Mount Jerai. Some
visitors to the antiquity department at Muzium Negara has eyewitness accounts of magnificent
objects such as a 10-feet-tall Raja Bersiung Throne and various idols and items from the Valley .

seated Bodhisattva carved in terracotta, from site 21/22/ Buddha

In 2013, it was reported that, a 1,200-year-old Hindu Temple at the site, identified as Candi No.
11, had been demolished by a land developer.

64
65
Built in 6th century A.D, Candi Bukit Batu Pahat is the most well-known ancient Hindu temple found in Bujang
Valley, Kedah, Malaysia. Figure of a dancer carved in high relief found at Batu Lintang, south of Kedah.

Claudius Ptolemaeus ( c. 90 – c. 168), known in English as Ptolemy, was a Greek geographer,

astronomer, and astrologer who had written about Golden Chersonese, which indicates trade
with India and China has existed since the 1st century AD.

A printed map from the

15th century depicting Ptolemy's description of the Ecumene by Johannes Schnitzer (1482).

As early as the 1st century AD, Southeast Asia was the place of a network of coastal city-states,
the centre of which was the ancient Khmer Funan kingdom in the south of what is now
Vietnam. This network encompassed the southern part of the Indochinese peninsula and the

66
western part of the Indonesian archipelago. These coastal cities had a continuous trade as well as
tributary relation with China from very early period, at the same time being in constant contact
with Indian traders.
The rulers of the western part of Indonesia adopted Indian cultural and political models e.g.
proof of such Indian influence on Indonesian art in the 5th century, i. e. an Amaravati Buddha
statue found in southern Sulawesi and a Sanskrit inscription found east of Jakarta. Three
inscriptions found in Palembang (South Sumatra) and on Bangka Island, written in a form of
Malay and in an alphabet derived from the Pallava script, are proof that these "Indonesians" had
definitely adopted Indian models while maintaining their indigenous language and social system.
These inscriptions reveal the existence of a Dapunta Hyang (lord) of Srivijaya who led an
expedition against his enemies and who curses those who will not obey his law.
Being on the maritime route between China and South India, the Malay peninsula was involved
in this trade. The Bujang Valley, being strategically located at the northwest entrance of
the Strait of Malacca as well as facing the Bay of Bengal, was continuously frequented by
Chinese and south Indian traders. Such was proven by the discovery of trade ceramics,
sculptures, inscriptions and monuments dated from the 5th to 14th century CE. The Bujang
Valley was continuously administered by different thalassocratical powers
including Funan, Srivijaya and Majapahit before the trade declined.

Head of Nandi found in the vicinity of site 4 near the Bujang Valley;One of the six stone boxes, which were found buried beneath Candi

Bukit Batu Pahat

In Kedah there are remains showing Buddhist and Hindu influences which has been known for
about a century now from the discoveries reported by Col. Low and has recently been subjected
to a fairly exhaustive investigation by Dr. Quaritch Wales.
An inscribed stone bar, rectangular in shape, bears the ye-dharma hetu formula in Pallava script
of the 7th century, thus proclaiming the Buddhist character of the shrine near the find-spot (site
I) of which only the basement survives. It is inscribed on three faces in 6th century, possibly
earlier.[34] Except for the Cherok To'kun Inscription which was engraved on a large boulder, other
inscriptions discovered in Bujang Valley are comparatively small in size and probably were
brought in by Buddhist pilgrimage or traders
some ruins of candi (temples) in Bujang were destroyed by an urban developer, causing an
international outcry against attacks on cultural heritage. In 2017, the government of Malaysia

67
announced that more research on the site is still needed, thus excluding it from the Malaysian
tentative list. The government also said that Bujang's Merbok Museum and Pengkalan Bujang
held historical significance to the site

The Tamils coming from Southern India and the local Malays were already using the rounded
script, or Vatteluttu writing styles which differed from the Devanagari script of Northern India.
Vatteluttu was also commonly known as the Pallava script by scholars of Southeast Asian
studies such as George Coedes and D.G.E. Hall. The Tamil script of Vatteluttu later evolved
into Old Kawi script which was used in Java, the Philippines, and Bali as well.
There are stone inscriptions which indicate that the Kedah region at 400 CE or before was
already an established trade centre. One of the early Malay texts include the karma verses refers
to a king named Ramaunibham, who may be the first local ruler whose name is recorded in
history. The history of this period showed the influence of Indian cultures on the region while the
locals in return, influenced the Indians in their living skills on the sea and in the hills.
By around 788 BCE, a large settlement had been established on the northern bank of the Merbok
River. The settlement was one of several in the Bujang Valley, covering the Merbok and Muda
Rivers, about 1000 square miles. The Merbok settlement was built near the estuary of the
tributary river, the Sungai Batu. Around 170 CE groups of Hindu faith arrived at Kedah, joining
them soon were peoples from nearby islands and from the northern Mon-Khmer region. At the
same time traders from India, Persia and Arab, arrived the brink of the Malacca Strait, using
Gunung Jerai the Kedah Peak as marking point. Ancient Kedah covered the areas of Kuala
Kedah, Kuala Bara, Kuala Pila and Merpah.
Medieval history
Early in the Medieval era, Kedah became part of Srivijaya (a major power in the Indian Ocean
trade). This led to rivalries with the Indian states, especially the Chola Empire from the 9th to
13th centuries CE. The Cholas had a powerful merchant and naval fleet in the Indian Ocean and
the Bay of Bengal. In the early 11th century, Tamil Chola King Rajendra Chola I sent an
expedition to attack Kedah (Sri Vijaya) on behalf of one of its rulers who sought his assistance to
gain the throne.The Chola fleets successfully defeated the Srivijaya empire, captured and sacked
Kedah.

68
Map of early sea trade route (in red) and the early transpeninsula routeways of the Malay Peninsula

69
In ancient Kedah there is an important and unmistakably Hindu settlement which has been
known for about a century now from the discoveries reported 1840s by Col. James Low, later
subjected to a fairly exhaustive investigation by Dr. Quaritch Wales. Dr. Wales investigated no
fewer than thirty sites round about Kedah . The results show this site was in continuous
occupation for centuries, by people who under strong South
Indian, Buddhist and Hindu influences.

An inscribed stone bar, rectangular in shape, bears the Ye Dharma Hetu formula in South Indian
characters of the 4th century CE, thus proclaiming the Buddhist character of the shrine near the
find-spot (site I) of which only the basement survives. It is inscribed on three faces in Pallava
script, or Vatteluttu rounded writing of the 6th century CE, possibly earlier. One of the early
inscription stones discovered by James Low, at Bukit Meriam and in Muda River, mention
of Raktamrrtika. The word Raktamrrtika means ‘Red Earth’ (Tanah Merah).
Inscriptions, both in Tamil and Sanskrit, relate to the activities of the people and rulers of
the Tamil country of South India. The Tamil inscriptions are at least four centuries posterior to
the Sanskrit inscriptions, from which the early Tamils themselves were patronizers of
the Sanskrit language.
In Kedah, an inscription in Sanskrit dated 1086 CE has been found. This was left by Kulothunga
Chola I (of the Chola empire, Tamil country). This too shows the commercial contacts the Chola
Empire had with Malaya.
Early west-coast trade centres are few in number as they were overshadowed by Kedah. Her
nearness to the entrances to the Straits of Malacca — and more importantly — being
on latitude 6° north of the equator, the same as Ceylon to the south of India, meant that ships
sailing the Bay of Bengal in a sea lane heading due east or west between the two were in little
danger of becoming lost. The early transpeninsular routeway is part of the sea trade route of
the Spice Route for Arab, Persian, Tamil Nadu and India-to-China traders, as the route through
the Straits does not seem to have been in general use. Early sea traders from the west, upon
reaching the coast, engaged porters to transport goods by raft, elephant and man-carry along the
rivers (Kelantan River, Pattani River, Pahang River, Muda River, Bernam River, Muar River,
and others) to the opposite coast. The Sungai Muda in particular favoured the development of
Kedah.
After the 7th century, Srivijaya subjugated Kedah, but due to her fame, Indian sources continue
to depict Kedah. Early Kedah also supplied its own tin, and jungle products such as rattan, resin,
honey, beeswax, elephants, ivory, areca nuts, sepang wood and black woods, as well as profiting
from tax collections.The early history of Kedah can be traced from various sources, from the
prehistoric period to the archaeological site of Bujang Valley, the early maritime trade of India,
Persia, and the Arabs to the written works of early Chinese pilgrims and early Chinese records,
the Hikayat Merong Mahawangsa (known as Kedah Annals) to Al-Tarikh Salasilah Negeri
Kedah.
Austronesians began migrating to the Malay Archipelago approximately 3,500 years before
present. It is widely now accepted that Taiwan is the cradle of Austronesian languages. Some
4,000 years ago, Austronesian began to migrate to the Philippines. Later, some of their

70
descendants started to migrate southwards to what is now Indonesia and eastwards to the Pacific
islands.
Ancient history

Ancient artefact found in Kedah/Map of the early Kadaha kingdom and the Early transpeninsular routeway

Austronesians were great seafarers, colonising as far as New

Zealand, Hawaii and Madagascar. In some regions they intermarried with the local
inhabitants (Orang Asli), becoming the Deutero-Malays. Possibly as early as the 4th
century BCE, Austronesians started to sail westwards in search of new markets for their
products. Some Greco-Roman merchants in the 1st century CE described huge non-Indian ships
coming from the east with rich cargoes, possibly from the Malay Archipelago. This would
indicate that the Malay participated actively in Indian Ocean trade, and likely handled much of
the traffic between Southeast Asia and India.Three kinds of craft are described by the author of
the Periplus: light coasting boats for local traffic, larger vessels of a more complicated structure
and greater carrying capacity, and lastly the big ocean-going vessels that made the voyages
to Malaya, Sumatra, and the Ganges

Flag of Kedah in the 18th century

71
 Map based on
the Periplus of the Erythraean Sea, a source of information about the Indian Ocean region during the
early centuries CE

A good number of Sanskrit inscriptions have been found

in Malaysia and Indonesia (in Indonesian known as Prasasti). "Early inscriptions written in
Indian languages and scripts abound in Southeast Asia. [...] The fact that southern Indian
languages didn't travel eastwards along with the script further suggests that the main carriers of
ideas from the southeast coast of India to the east - and the main users in Southeast Asia of
religious texts written in Sanskrit and Pali - were Southeast Asians themselves. The spread of
these north Indian sacred languages thus provides no specific evidence for any movements of
South Asian individuals or groups to Southeast Asia.
Kutai Inscription

Picture of one of the Kutai inscriptions at the National Museum in

Jakarta

72
The oldest known inscriptions in Indonesia are those on seven stone pillars, or yupa (“sacrificial
posts”), found in the eastern part of Borneo, in the area of Kutai, East Kalimantan province. They
are written in the early Pallava script, in the Sanskrit language, and commemorate sacrifices held
by a king called Mulavarman. Based on palaeographical grounds, they have been dated to the
second half of the 4th century AD. They attest to the emergence of an Indianized state in the
Indonesian archipelago prior to AD 400.
In addition to Mulawarman, the reigning king, the inscriptions mention the names of his father
Aswawarman and his grandfather Kundungga. It is generally agreed that Kundungga is not a
Sanskrit name, but one of native origin. The fact that his son Aswawarman is the first of the line
to bear a Sanskrit name indicates that he was probably also the first to adhere to Hinduism. [2]

Tugu Inscription

Tugu inscription in National Museum of Indonesia

The Tugu inscription is one of the Tarumanagara inscriptions discovered in Batutumbuh hamlet,
Tugu village, Koja, North Jakarta, in Indonesia. The inscription contains information about
hydraulic projects; the irrigation and water drainage project of the Candrabaga river by the order
of Rajadirajaguru, and also the water project of the Gomati river by the order of King
Purnawarman in the 22nd year of his reign. The digging project to straighten and widen the river
was conducted in order to avoid flooding in the wet season, and as an irrigation project during
the dry season.
The Tugu inscription was written in Pallava script arranged in the form of Sanskrit Sloka
with Anustubh metrum, consisting of five lines that run around the surface of the stone. Just like
other inscriptions from the Tarumanagara kingdom, the Tugu inscriptions do not mention the
date of the edict. The date of the inscriptions was estimated and analyzed according to
paleographic study which concluded that the inscriptions originated from the mid 5th century.
The script of the Tugu inscription and the Cidanghyang inscription bear striking similarity, such
as the script "citralaikha" written as "citralekha", leading to the assumption that the writer of
these inscriptions was the same person.

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The Tugu inscription is the longest Tarumanagara inscription pronounced by edict of Sri
Maharaja Purnawarman. The inscription was made during the 22nd year of his reign, to
commemorate the completion of the canals of the Gomati and Candrabhaga rivers. On the
inscription there is an image of a staff crowned with Trisula straight to mark the separation
between the beginning and the end of each sentence.
KEDAH:
An inscription in Sanskrit dated 1086 has been found in Kedah . This was left by Kulothunka
Cholan I (of the Chola empire, Tamil country). This too shows the commercial contacts the
Chola Empire had with Malaysia.
Ligor inscription was found on the Southern Thailand Malay peninsula, at Nakhon Si
Thammarat. It has been dubbed the "Ligor inscription", "Ligor" being the name given by
Europeans to the region in the 16th and 17th centuries. It is written in Sanskrit Illustrious Great
Monarch (śrīmahārāja) belonging to the ‘Lord of the Mountain’ dynasty (śailendravaṁśa), which
is also mentioned in four Sanskrit inscriptions from Central Java; the other side refers to the
founding of several Buddhist sanctuaries by a king of Sriwijaya. Sriwijaya is the name of a
kingdom whose centre was located in the modern city of Palembang in South Sumatra province,
Indonesia. The Ligor inscription is testimony to an expansion of Sriwijaya power to the
peninsula. Others:

 Võ Cạnh inscription, Vo Canh, Nha Trang, Vietnam (used to be Champa), c. 350–500

AD
 Mulawarman inscription, Kutai, ~ 400 CE
 Kebon Kopi I inscription, Ciampea, Bogor, ~ 400 CE
 Tugu inscription - early 5th century discovered in North Jakarta
 Cidanghiang inscription also known as Prasasti Munjul or "Manjul inscription",
in Lebak village, Kecamatan Munjul, Pandeglang, Banten, 5th century CE
 Ciaruteun inscription, Ciampea, Bogor
 Muara Cianten inscription or Prasasti Pasir Muara ("Pasir Muara inscription"),
Ciampea, Bogor, 536 CE
 Jambu inscription, Nanggung, Bogor, 5th century CE
 Pasir Awi inscription atau Prasasti Ciampea, Citeureup, Bogor
 Tukmas inscription, Dakawu, Magelang, Central Java, ~ 500 CE
 Changgal inscription, Candi Gunung Wukir, Central Java, 732 CE
 Ligor inscription, Nakhon Si Thammarat, South Thailand, 775 CE
 Kalasan inscription, Kalasan, Sleman, Yogyakarta, 778 CE
 Tri Tepusan inscription, Kedu, Temanggung, Central Java, 842 CE

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 Munggu Antan inscription, Purworejo, Central Java, 887 CE
 Belanjong pillar, Sanur, Bali, 913 CE (written in two languages, in Sanskrit mixed
with Old Balinese)
 Minto Stone, Malang, East Java, 982 CE
 Pucangan inscription, Gunung Penanggungan, Mojokerto, East Java, ~ 11th century CE
(written in two languages, in Sanskrit mixed with Old Javanese)
 Mula Malurung inscription, Kediri, 1255 CE
 Gondang inscription, 1275 CE
 Padang Roco inscription, Dharmasraya, West Sumatra, 1286 CE (written in two
languages, in Sanskrit mixed with Old Malay)
 Wurare Inscription, Kandang Gajak, Desa Bejijong, Trowulan, Mojokerto, 1289 CE
 Pasir Panjang inscription, Meral, Karimun, Riau Islands, circa 9th century to 12 century
CE
 Singapore Stone, Singapore, circa 10-11th century CE
 Akarendra inscription, Suruaso, West Sumatra, 1316 (written in two languages,
in Sanskrit mixed with Old Malay)
 Manjusri inscription, Tumpang, Malang, East Java, 1343 CE
 Amoghapasa inscription, Dharmasraya, West Sumatra, 1347
 Pagaruyung III inscription, Tanah Datar, West Sumatra, 1347
 Pagaruyung VIII inscription, Tanah Datar, West Sumatra, 1369
 Bukit Gombak inscription, Pagaruyung, West Sumatra, 1356 (written in two languages,
in Sanskrit mixed with Old Malay)
 Suruaso inscription, Suruaso, West Sumatra (written in two languages, in Sanskrit mixed
with Old Malay), 1375
 Batusangkar inscription, Batusangkar, West Sumatra, 14th century CE
 Kuburajo inscription, Limo Kaum, West Sumatra

See my paper on
https://www.academia.edu/85917747/The_Inscriptions_that_nail_the_presence_of_Srivijaya
_Empire_Dr_Uday_Dokras

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 CHAPTER VII
How did Rama, warrior king & devaraja reach SE ASIA?
The divine incarnation as an Inspiration to SE Asian Monarchs

SYNOPSIS
The Ramayana portrays RAM as the archetype of the ideal ruler. Spiritual and martial Gurus
trained him to enable him to save the world from oppression. As part of the great warrior
tradition, he transcends religion.

His myth is of the same genre as King Arthur and today’s Luke Skywalker. Rather than
detaching from the world or dominating it, they are all social activists, fighting the evil powers of
the world. In the East, there is a blend of the human and divine world, as represented in
the Ramayana. Rama was the divine incarnated in human form. Further Vishnu and the other
gods regularly incarnated in human affairs.This mixture of human and divine, which is exhibited
in both Hindu and Buddhist tradition, doesn't exist in the West. While the Pope speaks for God,
he is not God. The Biblical God is of a fundamentally different nature; he only incarnated in
human form once. Typically the gods and humans are distinctly different in Western mythology.
This certainly holds true for the God of the Bible. To sum Rama, as warrior king, represents the
classic devaraja/Bodhisattva, the Southeast Asian god-king. If the South East Asian Kings
wanted to be like Rama and idolized him, emulate him,govern and fihght lie him, become a
father figure to the subjects- WHO ARE WE TO QUESTION THAT DESIRE?

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Rama is shown about to offer his eyes to make up the full number - 108 - of lotus blossoms needed in the puja that he must
offer to the goddess Durga to gain her blessing from 1895

Quick guide to the Ramayana

Background

The Ramayana is an ancient Sanskrit epic which follows Prince Rama's quest to rescue his
beloved wife Sita from the clutches of Ravana with the help of an army of monkeys. It is
traditionally attributed to the authorship of the sage Valmiki and dated to around 500 BCE to 100
BCE.

Comprising 24,000 verses in seven cantos, the epic contains the teachings of the very ancient
Hindu sages. One of the most important literary works of ancient India, it has greatly influenced
art and culture in the Indian subcontinent and South East Asia, with versions of the story also
appearing in the Buddhist canon from a very early date. The story of Rama has constantly been
retold in poetic and dramatic versions by some of India's greatest writers and also in narrative
sculptures on temple walls. It is one of the staples of later dramatic traditions, re-enacted in
dance-dramas, village theatre, shadow-puppet theatre and the annual Ram-lila (Rama-play).

Origins

The original five books of an oral epic of local northern significance dealing with a hero and his
exile, the abduction of his wife by a rival king and her rescue became conflated into seven books
in which the hero Rama became an avatar of the god Vishnu, the scene shifted to encompass the
whole of India, and the struggle to recover his wife became a metaphor for the final triumph of
the righteous.

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A brief summary of the Ramayana

Rama, prince of Ayodhya, won the hand of the beautiful princess Sita
(seen here), but was exiled with her and his brother Laksmana for 14 years
through the plotting of his stepmother. In the forest Sita was abducted by
Ravana, and Rama gathered an army of monkeys and bears to search for her.
The allies attacked Lanka, killed Ravana, and rescued Sita. In order to prove
her chastity, Sita entered fire, but was vindicated by the gods and restored to
her husband. After the couple's triumphant return to Ayodhya, Rama's
righteous rule (Ram-raj) inaugurated a golden age for all mankind.

Characters of the Ramayana

Rama is the hero of the Ramayana epic, an incarnation of the God Vishnu. The eldest and
favourite son of Dasaratha, King of Ayodhya, he is a virtuous prince and is much loved by the
people. He is exiled from Ayodhya due to the plotting of his stepmother, Kaikeyi.

Sita is Rama's wife and daughter of King Janaka of Mithila. Sita is the epitome of womanly
purity and virtue.

Laksmana (seen here) is Rama's younger brother. Completely loyal to

Rama, he chooses to go with Rama and Sita when they are exiled from
Ayodhya.

Ravana is the king of Lanka and has 10 heads and 20 arms. He received a boon from the God
Brahma that he cannot be killed by gods, demons or by spirits, after performing a severe penance
for 10,000 years. After receiving his reward from Brahma, Ravana began to lay waste to the
earth and disturbed the deeds of the good Hindu sages. Vishnu incarnates as the human Rama to
defeat him, assisted by an army of monkeys and bears, thus circumventing the boon given by
Brahma.

Dasaratha is the King of Ayodhya, Rama's father.

Kausalya is Rama's mother, Dasaratha's chief wife.

Kaikeyi is Dasaratha's wife and Rama's stepmother. She demands that Rama be banished to the
forest and that her son Bharata be awarded the kingdom instead.

Bharata is the second son of Dasaratha. When he learns that his mother Kaikeyi had forced
Rama into exile, causing Dasaratha to die broken hearted, he storms out of the palace and goes in
search of Rama. When Rama refuses to return from his exile to assume the throne, Bharata
obtains Rama's sandals and places them on the throne as a gesture that Rama is the true king.

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Sumitra is Dasharatha's wife and mother of the twins Lakshmana and Satrughna.

Hanuman is the wise and resourceful monkey who helps Rama in his quest to defeat Ravana
and rescue Sita.

Sugriva is the ruler of the monkey kingdom. His throne was taken by his brother Bali, but Rama
helps him to defeat the usurper in return for his assistance in finding Sita.

The importance of the Ramayana in Indian culture

The epic's poetic stature and marvellous story means that the story of Rama has been constantly
retold by some of India's greatest writers both in Sanskrit and regional languages. It is one of the
staples of various dramatic traditions, in court drama, dance-dramas, and in shadow-puppet
theatres. In northern India, the annual Ram-lila or 'Rama-play' is performed at the autumn
festival of Dassehra to celebrate with Rama and Sita the eventual triumph of light over darkness.

A hugely popular television series, 'Ramayan', was aired in India 1987-1988, drawing over 100
million viewers to become 'the world's most viewed mythological serial'. Dubbed 'Ramayan'
fever by India Today magazine, it was reported that India came to a virtual standstill as so many
people who could gain access to a television stopped whatever they were doing to watch the
small screen adventures of Rama. From January 2008, a new big-budget primetime se
https://www.bl.uk/onlinegallery/whatson/exhibitions/ramayana/guide.htmlries of
the Ramayana has been appearing on television screens across India.

It is impossible to overestimate the importance of the Ramayana to Southeast Asian

culture-a cosmic war between good and evil. Rama, the epitome of a good warrior king,
ultimately conquers the demons led by their king Ravana, The plot of Ramayana unfolds as
follows:

1. The evil demon king, Ravana, has enslaved the gods because in a moment of weakness
they granted him immortality. Later he has become a nuisance.
2. Since no God or animal can kill him according to a blessing given to him by Indra
Himself, Vishnu incarnates as human Rama to exterminate him and save the gods;
because his blessing is that he will not be killed by Gods, demons and animals but does
not mention humans. Ravana while asking for that blessing, did not think that humans
were capable of such a thing.

3. Unlike Krishna, another avatar of Vishnu, who was born a God, Rama as a human, had to
endure the hardships endured by humanity and reach adulthood. Hence his banishment
from his kingdom,his wandering in the forest. The abdication of his wife by Ravana. All
part of a divine plot to make the two fight each other - the only way for the Gods to Kill
Ravana.

4. Hence, Ravana traps Sita and brings her to his demon kingdom. Distraught, Rama
employs the monkey Hanuman to first find Sita and then assist him in his battle to

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 retrieve her. Eventually, Rama employs his martial powers to defeat Ravana, the demon
king, and restore the divine order. To accomplish this task, he teams up with his brothers
and a monkey army, including Hanuman. All of Rama’s allies are divine incarnations.

significance of the plotline?

All the incarnated gods and demons of the Ramayana belong to the warrior class –
the kshatriya caste. None of these incarnated gods and demons are artists, craftspeople,
musicians or writers. Even the mystic Sage, who trains Rama on both spiritual and martial levels,
was formerly a powerful warrior-king.
The incarnated gods are good warriors, while the demons are warriors gone bad. As a virtuous
warrior, Rama's mission is to destroy the warriors who have turned to the dark side.

Album painting on paper, from c1820

The demons, led by Ravana, practice austerities, achieve spectacular powers and misuse
them to enslave their teachers, the gods. These austere practices are rooted in ancient yoga-like
disciplines, which include meditation and martial arts. However, the plot suggests that these
practices don’t necessarily lead to moral behavior. In fact, the considerable powers that results
from these disciplines can be badly abused.
If the martial artist primarily cultivates the body (jing) and mind (chi) at the expense of the
spirit (shen), the temptation to become a bully becomes almost irresistable. It is necessary to
integrate body, mind and spirit to become a sage. A central theme of the Ramayana addresses
this need to balance body and mind with spirit.
Although the gods trained the demons, the moral development of the demons somehow didn't
keep up with their martial training. They became bullies rather than protectors.

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Religious Novels, Ramayana and the Mahabharata, of Prime Importance

With the introduction of books into Southeast Asian Aristocracy, the Kings,Royals, chiefs and
ruling classes were infected with Hindu literature. One effect of this trend was the rise of
kingdoms and the other was the interest in Hinduism. While the philosophical books like the
Vedas and Upanishads had limited influence, the Indian religious novels, especially
the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, had a tremendous influence. The philosophical literature
was accessible only to those who could read - the spiritual elite or the highly motivated. The
stories had a much broader appeal. Both novels dealt with universal themes that anyone could
relate to. Both novels presented plausible heroes and villains that could be held up as models of
virtue and vice. Because stories have an emotional component, they are more easily assimilated
into the individual’s psyche than are dry ideas. As evidence, human memory tends to retain
stories better than philosophy. The Ramayana in Thailand, for instance, is known as Ramakien,
prepared in 1797 under the supervision of (and partly written by) King Rama I. King Rama II
adapted parts of his father's version for Khon dance drama. Archaeological evidence showing the
Ramayana influence, he said, can be found in Southeast Asian countries including Vietnam,
Indonesia and Cambodia. The art forms of Thailand and Bali, he added, also reference the
Ramayana.

The kecak dance from Bali is about the battle between Shri Ram and Ravan. Similarly, khon, a genre of
dance-drama from Thailand, is based on the Ramakien, the Thai Ramayana.The Ramayana-based
folklore, bas-reliefs and art forms in Southeast Asian countries certainly prove the close cultural
connection between India and Southeast Asia.

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The second World Ramayana Conference was held late January 2020 in Jabalpur, a city in central India. Photo:
Narendra Kaushik

Reamker Cambodia, like many countries in mainland Southeast Asia, has a population that
predominantly follows Theravada Buddhism; therefore the Reamker has many Buddhist influences. In it,
Rama is known as Phreah Ream, and Sita is known as Neang Seda. The Khmer text also contains unique
episodes not included in the original Hindu texts. For example, the encounter between Hanuman, the
monkey general, and Sovann Maccha, the mermaid, is a favorite in Cambodia. But perhaps a key
divergence to the original Hindu text is that after Neang Seda’s trial by fire, in which she passes the test,
she becomes deeply offended by her husband’s lack of trust. Instead of reuniting with him to rule the
kingdom of Ayodhya, she decides to leave him and find refuge with Valmiki the wiseman (who is also
attributed for writing the oldest version of the Ramayana).

Practically speaking, these stories were told and retold in myriad variations and settings with varying
intent and emphasis. They were portrayed in drama, dance and the tangible arts. This was not possible
with Indian philosophy. These well written stories dealing with universal themes were very inspirational
to the Southeast Asian population. They were instrumental in unifying and motivating the Khmer to
create the wonderful temples at Angkor. The sculptures that adorned the temples illustrate the characters
and themes of the above novels. In short, during the initial centuries of the modern era, the Indianization
of Southeast Asia was well under way. Kingdoms with centralized power began to pop up in areas that
had previously been primarily based in smaller tribal units. Kingdoms with a larger cultural gravity
absorbed tribes into their sphere.

Brahmin Priests: With the influx of Hindu businessmen and traders came the Brahmin priests as well as
minstrels to sing the Mahabharata and the Ramayana. These stories were quickly assimilated and
rewritten in the local vernacular.Temples as State Symbols were to be built left and right- sometimes at a
exalting pace. Feverish with ambition, these chiefs formed kingdoms of which they were the head. The
larger and more prestigious the kingdom, the greater the demands on the local population. The
agricultural peasantry were eventually persuaded or coerced to grow three crops of rice a year to support
the needs of the growing kingdoms. Previously, one crop a year would suffice for their individual needs.
The story of Indian Brahmanas in Southeast Asia is significant in the repertoire of culture, faith, trade,
and perhaps most important, the language of Sanskrit, and its creation of so many exquisite bridges
between India and Southeast Asia. Their great influence lay as much in the narratives they carried as the
9
language that etched literature, philosophy, and faith into elite and then popular belief.

Southeast Asia devoted themselves to the greater good of society, which included feeding the artisans
that were building our magnificent temples the Holy books Ramayana and Mahabharatha a glue and an
influence. Waves of Indians migrated this part of the world in the first centuries of the modern era. Many
were traders in search of fortune. They came, stayed and intermarried with the indigenous population. On
the mainland, this racial blending gave birth to the modern race of the Khmer. The Indian immigrants
also brought their kingdom-based politics, their religions, their script and their literature. The
sophistication of these innovations blended with local traditions to create Khmer culture. However, in the
beginning at least, the Indian water technology was more important to the Khmer than their culture.

Accompanying his traders were Indian craftsman and Brahmins, who brought India’s traditions with
them. This included the amazing script and literature of Sanskrit with the accompanying Hindu
mythology. Metaphysical ideologies integrated and authenticated the lush mythology. Plus, India’s

82
religion claimed to be a universal cosmic frame of reference. As such, it also included the local religions
rather than excluding it Further, India’s mythology was so rich that one could easily identify Indian
deities with our local spirits. Also the Hindu philosophy of statecraft contained the conceptual system of
kingship, which was used to unify our diverse tribes and centralize our cities into countries and kingdoms.

The more immediate and pressing need was for control of our devastating annual floods. India’s people
supplied a new technology of hydraulic engineering, which was used for both flood control and irrigation.
In many ways, this was more important than all of the rest. In fact, this technological ability to control
water lent so much prestige to the Indian traders that we became more interested in the rest of their
culture. Impressed by the complexity of his technology. The Khemers accepted the immigrant Tamilians.

The Importance of the Tamil culture to Southeast Asia

Tamils have played an important role in the transmission of Indian culture and customs to that part of the
world, as well as the rest of Southeast Asia. Thay have been a spreading center for Buddhism and
Jainism. Having a long history of cultural achievement, including literature, art and architecture and
knowledge of reservoirs, water towers, and elaborate drainage systems- the Chola Empire, which spread
all over the islands of Southeast Asia, was also a Tamil dynasty. The Aryan culture of the north has had
much less influence on your people of Southeast Asia than have we Tamils from the south. Tamil brought
his political kingdoms, religions, and literature-their marvelous attributes were essential ingredients of my
magnificent Empire at Angkor.

There has been a close religious and cultural link between Indian Tamils and Southeast Asia over
centuries and the economic globalisation is giving it new relevance. Culturally, India's influence on
Southeast Asia goes back to the earliest days. Much of that influence emanated from South India, the
Tamil components being the most important. Ethnic business networks become the specialty of Indian
groups like the Parsees, Jains, Sindhis and Marwaris, as also Chettiars themselves a caste group within the
Tamil community. Ancient Tamil epic Manimekalai steeped in Hindu-Buddhist- Jain tradition, alluded to
the close religious and cultural links between the Tamils of South India and the people of Southeast Asia
over centuries and early Sangam literature described the trade links between South India and Kadaaram
on the Malay Peninsula, now called Kedah. I-Tsing, a Tang Dynasty Buddhist monk who spent much
time studying Buddhism in Sumatra before going to India, reported regular sailings of ships between
Kedah and Nagapattinam in Tamil Nadu.The date of the record, AD 1088, corresponded with the reign of
the Chola Emperor Kulottunga 1, whose long and prosperous rule lasted nearly half a century. Under his
reign, the Chola Empire extended its influence into large parts of Southeast Asia and conducted trade with
Indo-China and China.

The people of Southern India were not a small isolated subset of Indians. There are 57 million of them
India alone. At the bottom of the Indian peninsula, surrounded by the Indian Ocean on three sides, they
had long been prominent sea traders who traversed the seas from Sri Lanka, to the Malay Peninsula, to
East Africa, South Africa, Fiji and the West Indies.

Rama: a wise warrior king, not a pacifist

Rama, the demon destroyer, is the classic warrior prince. He has been trained to follow in his
father's footsteps and is destined to become king. However, his education has been special. The
Sage trains Rama on both spiritual and martial levels. In other words, Rama’s moral

83
development has been cultivated in equal measure with his military training. Vishnu’s
incarnation, Rama, was born a human, hence imperfect. His innate godly tendencies had to be
encouraged and refined. As a result of this training, Rama becomes a moral leader as well as a
great warrior. A major feature of Rama is that he is socially active, fighting against evil with the
powers at his command. He is the good warrior who uses his training for the benefit of his
people, while resisting the temptation to use his power for personal gain. He has not received this
intense martial training in order to attain power, wealth or fame. He receives his martial training
so that he can take constructive action in this world. He is the archetype of the positive warrior
king.
Nor does he receive his yogic training in order to detach from and escape this world of
illusion. He does not renounce the world like Buddha or Lao Tzu, but engages the world to fight
the demons in order to restore justice. He has gained great powers that he will use to fight evil
and restore the good.
Rama is no pacifist, no Buddha, no Jesus, no Gandhi. He does not ‘kill with kindness’, or
achieve his ends through negotiation or non-violent protests. Instead, conflicts are resolved in
armed combat on a battlefield, where he employs his trusted bow and arrow. Rama is a wise
warrior king, using aggressive military techniques to achieve his ends. His Dharma led him into
this world of action, rather than toward personal salvation from suffering.
In like manner, the Ramayana’s Brahmin ascetics, the yogis, did not escape this world of
action to attain personal enlightenment. Sensitive to the universal order, these Brahmin sages
listened to and followed their internal, presumably divine, directives. Due to self-cultivation,
they understood their personal role, their dharma, as teachers.

The Ramayana presents the image of a warrior king, who has reached a high level of attainment.
He did not achieve this elevated state by removing himself from the ‘world of illusion', but by
engaging in it. As such, the Ramayana conveys the dharma of the ideal warrior.

Good and Evil Rulers in the context of the Ramayana and the individual, as divine incarnation

Another powerful underlying theme of the Ramayana is that each human has the potential to be a
divine incarnation. The novel identifies innumerable Hindu gods who incarnate as living beings
in this world. When Hindu gods are born as a human or animal, they frequently don't remember
their divine origins.

This theme is incredibly empowering. The ruler, as devaraja/god-king or Bodhisattva 1

Through his physical and spiritual practices, Rama realizes and manifests his purified god nature
or bodhi/Buddha nature. In Hindu kingdoms, he becomes a god-king, a devaraja.* Buddhist
kingdoms view him as a Bodhisattva. While Buddhists and Hindus perceive the
devaraja/Bodhisattva through different cultural contexts, the role of the king is essentially
identical.
The citizens expected their rulers to fulfill the ideal role by employing spiritual practices to
purify themselves and their kingdom. Many of the kings of India and Southeast Asia certainly
identified with the notion of devaraja or Bodhisattva. In this regard, they attempted to set up the
ideal social conditions that would lead their kingdoms to enlightenment.
The Hindu kings of Java were the first to call themselves devarajas and act accordingly.
Inspired by the Javanese, the Khmer kings, also Hindu, deliberately identified themselves with
84
Vishnu and his incarnation Rama. To this end, Angkor Wat is dedicated to Vishnu and the story
of Ramayana is etched into its sandstone walls.
While there is a distinct identification with Rama going on in the Khmer kingdom, the Thai
kings take this act of identification a step further. The Thai kings call themselves Rama and the
Thai people respect them as so. However as a Buddhist nation, the Thai consider their king to be
Bodhisattva, rather than devaraja.

1. I am not getting into the discussion of the true translation of DEVARAJA here. For that
see my Papers: Who was Jayavarman Part I, Jayavarman part II Srivijaya connect, For a
complete list of my papers and books on Cambodia, see end of this paper.
Ramayana Outside India

The following are among the versions of the Ramayana that have emerged outside India:
East Asia
1.China, Tibet – found in several manuscripts from Dunhuang
o Yunnan – Langka Sip Hor (Tai Lü language)
2.Japan – Ramaenna or Ramaensho
Southeast Asia
3.Cambodia – Reamker
4.Indonesia:
o Bali – Ramakavaca
o Java – Kakawin Ramayana, Yogesvara Ramayana
o Sumatera – Ramayana Swarnadwipa
5.Laos – Phra Lak Phra Lam, Gvay Dvorahbi
6.Malaysia – Hikayat Seri Rama, Hikayat Maharaja Wana
7.Myanmar (Burma) – Yama Zatdaw (Yamayana)
8.Philippines
o Mindanao – Maharadia Lawana, Darangen (Moro)
9.Thailand – Ramakien
o Kingdom of Lan Na – Phommachak
10.singapore-Sri Mariamman
South Asia
11.Nepal – Siddhi Ramayan (Nepal Bhasa), Bhanubhaktako Ramayan (Nepali language)
12.Sri Lanka – Janakiharan

In the East, there is a blend of the human and divine world, as represented in the Ramayana.
Rama was the divine incarnated in human form. Further Vishnu and the other gods regularly
incarnated in human affairs.This mixture of human and divine, which is exhibited in both Hindu
and Buddhist tradition, doesn't exist in the West. While the Pope speaks for God, he is not God.
The Biblical God is of a fundamentally different nature; he only incarnated in human form once.
Typically the gods and humans are distinctly different in Western mythology. This certainly
holds true for the God of the Bible. To sum Rama, as warrior king, represents the
classic devaraja/Bodhisattva, the Southeast Asian god-king. If the South East Asian Kings
wanted to be like Rama and idolized him, emulate him,govern and fihght lie him, become a
father figure to the subjects- WHO ARE WE TO QUESTION THAT DESIRE?

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 The Ramayana portrays RAM as the archetype of the ideal ruler. Spiritual and martial Gurus
trained him to enable him to save the world from oppression. As part of the great warrior
tradition, he transcends religion.

His myth is of the same genre as King Arthur and today’s Luke Skywalker. Rather than
detaching from the world or dominating it, they are all social activists, fighting the evil powers of
the world.

Jayavarman II and later Jayaraman VII both the famous Khmer rulers who, consolidated the
Khmer Kingdom by a series of battles and political arrangements have a parallel
reputation.That of helping crystallize the Khmer rule.

Jayavarman II, in the first and second half of the 9th century ca. ca 802-835 and after a hundred
years when Khmer overlordship had been in abeyance, was consecrated on Mount Mahendra “to
ensure that the country of the Kambujas would no longer be dependent on Java and that there
would be no more than one sovereign who was cakravartin ”.

His inscriptions have never been recovered, but Khmers in later times remembered his reign as
the time when their ancestors, his supporters, were rewarded with estates. The king's cult,
inaugurated on Mount Mahendra, was innovative in projecting the King in a better frame than
before for the subjects as well as enemies. Three centuries later, Jayavarman VII (ca. 1120–
1218) is another Cambodian “Angkor” leaders, of the stature of self styled RAMA in part
because he was able to unite the numerous small, fragmented Khmer Cambodian and Cham
kingdoms of the day. He ruled his consolidated Khmer kingdom from 1181–1218, bringing the
decentralized Khmer and Cham states together through political and military alliances. No one
ever reads the Ramayana and the Mahabharatha for the first time in SE Asia. The stories are
there, “always already”. Only that, the story changes a little, with every step one takes.
Ram, DEVARAJA in Thailand
This concept of "" (Thai: เ ท ว ร า ช า ) (or "divine king") was adopted by the Thai kings from the
ancient Khmer tradition of devaraja followed in the region, and the Hindu concept of kingship was
applied to the status of the Thai king. The concept centered on the idea that the king was an
incarnation (avatar) of the god Vishnu and that he was a Bodhisattva (enlightened one), therefore
basing his power on his religious power, his moral power, and his purity of blood.
Brahmins took charge in the royal coronation. The king was treated as a reincarnation of Hindu gods.
Ayutthaya historical documents show the official titles of the kings in great
variation: Indra, Shiva and Vishnu, or Rama. Seemingly, Rama was the most popular, as in
"Ramathibodhi". However, Buddhist influence was also evident, as many times the king's title and
"unofficial" name "Dhammaraja", an abbreviation of the Buddhist Dharmaraja. The two former
concepts were re-established, with a third, older concept taking hold.
The king, portrayed by state interests as a semi-divine figure, then became—through a rigid cultural
implementation—an object of worship and veneration to his people. From then on the monarchy was
largely removed from the people and continued under a system of absolute rule. Living in palaces
designed after Mount Meru ("home of the gods" in Hinduism), the kings turned themselves into a
"Chakravartin", where the king became an absolute and universal lord of his realm. Kings demanded

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that the universe be envisioned as revolving around them, and expressed their powers through
elaborate rituals and ceremonies. For four centuries these kings ruled Ayutthaya, presiding over some
of the greatest period of cultural, economic, and military growth in Thai History.
In Thailand: All kings in the current Chakri dynasty of Thailand are often referred to as Rama. The
name Rama was adopted from the name of the Hindu God Rama, an avatar of Vishnu. While "Rama"
was used as a title for all the kings, it was not always taken on as the name. In the present dynasty,
the first king to call himself Rama was Phra Mongkutklao or King Vajiravudh, who was the sixth to
reign. His reigning title was Phra Mongkutklao Chaoyuhua; later in his reign, he preferred to style
himself as Phra Ram thi Hok (พระรามที่หก lit. Rama VI). It was presumed that he was influenced
by the European practice of numbering the rulers with similar names while he studied in England.
Quite conveniently, it coincided with another practice of the Thai people. Traditionally, the name of
the king is sacred and would not normally be said. Instead, people would refer to the king by other
words; currently, Nai Luang or Phra Chao Yu Hua. When King Phutthayotfa Chulalok founded the
dynasty, he was commonly referred to as Phan Din Ton (แผ่นดินต้น literally 'the First Reign');
and when his son inherited the throne, he was referred to as Phan Din Klang (แผ่นดิน
กลาง lit. 'the Middle Reign'). That then became awkward when Prince Jessadabodindra
(King Nangklao) became the third king, as the obvious referral would then be Phan Din Plai (แผ่น
ดินปลาย literally 'the Last Reign'), which did not sound very auspicious.

The use of the name "Rama 'n'th" is in line with Thai practice of giving numbers to the king in the
current dynasty. However, the translation was not exact and can give rise to some confusion as to
whether this was actually the name adopted by the king on his coronation.

| Photo Credit: SR Praveen

The deep and enduring cultural impact of the Ramayana reverberates in Thailand, from its
national epic to the names of kings. Amid the ruins of Wat Phra Si Sanphet in Ayutthaya,
the Thai city that was the capital of the Siamese kingdom for over four centuries from 1351,
until it was overrun by the Burmese army is RAM himself. Unlike Ayodhya, situated 3,500
km away in India, which inspired its name,
Thailand attracts the attention of many Indians, be it the name ‘Rama’ that all of the Thai
kings of the Chakri dynasty to the present day are referred by, or the centrality of the ‘Ramakien’,
the Thai Ramayana, in the society here.

A Buddha head trapped amid roots of a Bodhi tree |

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But moving beyond the names and into the heart of the Ramakien, the current version of which was
composed in the 18th century by King Rama I, it diverges from the popular Indian versions of the
Ramayana. Demon king Thotsakan (Ravana) is much more prominent in the epic than Phra Ram
(Rama).
As AK Ramanujan notes in his classic essay ‘300 Ramayanas’, the Ramakien admires “Ravana’s
resourcefulness and learning, while his abduction of Sita is seen as an act of love and is viewed with
sympathy. The Thais are moved by Ravana’s sacrifice of family, kingdom and life itself for the sake
of a woman. Unlike Valmiki’s characters, the Thai ones are a fallible, human mixture of good and
evil. The fall of Ravana here makes one sad. It is not an occasion for unambiguous rejoicing, as it is
in Valmiki.”

Thais enjoy the details of war, the techniques and the fabulous weapons more than the partings and
reunions. This interest in war is not an accident, but has everything to do with Thailand’s own
history.The Ramayana is believed to have reached these regions as early as the seventh century,
through the trade routes from South India.

Though Buddhism was the main religion of the Kingdom of Ayutthaya, Hindu scriptures had a
major influence on its culture and society. This easy blending of the two religions might not be
visible to a visitor at present, as mostly Buddhist symbols stand out, except when you travel back to
Bangkok along the Chao Phraya River. At the centre of the city, near the Grand Palace stands Wat
Phra Kaew, the Temple of the Emerald Buddha.

A big undamaged statue of Buddha at Wat Phra Mahathat | Wat Phra Mahathat |
Photo Credit: SR Praveen

Inside, one would come across an imposing statue of Thotsakan, the Thai Ravana. There’s more.
One of the compound walls is filled with giant murals, which tell the complete story of the
Ramakien sequentially through 178 images. Painted in the eighteenth century, just a few years after
the sacking of Ayutthaya by the Burmese, it might take some time for those from India to recognise
the epic being represented here, for the attires and presentation are starkly different from the images
we are used to watching in the television version of the Ramayana.

The ruins of Ayutthaya, now a UNESCO World Heritage site spread over a vast area, still retain
some of the majesty of the once thriving empire. At Wat Phra Si Sanphet, three bell-shaped stupas
stand at the centre of the site, with each containing the ashes of former kings. Steps lead half-way
up these stupas, from where the pillars at a distance give one the outline of a large hall that existed
here. Red brick structures of myriad shapes and sizes dot the area, which once served as the temple
of the royal family and venue of royal ceremonies.

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Situated by a vast lake is Wat Phra Ram, initially built as a cremation site for one of the first
Ayutthayan king, Ramathibodi I, but later turned into a temple. Buddha’s head in the roots is just
one of the many marvels at Wat Maha That, built in 1374 and set to fire in 1767 by the Burmese.
Walking past the many limb-less Buddha statues that line the periphery of the large open hall, one
would be caught by surprise by a giant undamaged statue of a seated Buddha, with an elevated
mountain-like platform and a hexagonal pagoda forming a perfect backdrop.

It was in one of these sites that the Thai dance drama form of ‘Khon’ originated, again with the
Ramakien, and by extension the Ramayana, playing a role as source material. Back in those days, it
was performed only by members of the royal family, with the audience too from the upper classes.
Performed with elaborate costumes and sets, it is still performed under royal patronage, but with the
doors open to the larger public, both as performers and the audience. The Ramakien continues to be
the major source material.

The ruins of Wat Phra Si Sanphet in Ayutthaya | Photo Credit: SR Praveen

REFERENCES

1 Jayavarman II's Military Power: The Territorial Foundation of the Angkor Empire , O. W.
Wolters1973
2. Jayavarman VII and the Crisis of the Thirteenth Century ,Chapter,A History of Cambodia, David
Chandler, 2018
3. Sectarian Rivalry in Ninth-Century Cambodia: A Posthumous Inscription Narrating the Religious
Tergiversations of Jayavarman III (K. 1457),Dominic Goodall,Chhunteng Hun,Kunthea
CHHOM,Nina Mirnig

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4. Sectarian Rivalry in Ninth-Century Cambodia: A Posthumous Inscription Narrating the Religious
Tergiversations of Jayavarman III (K. 1457),Dominic Goodall,Chhunteng Hun,2018
5. Source
6. www.The Problem of the Ancient Name Java and the Role of Satyavarman in Southeast Asian International
Relations Around the Turn of the Ninth Century CE , Arlo Griffiths - https://www.persee.fr/doc/arch_0044-
8613_2013_num_85_1_4384 ALSO
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/289730725_The_Problem_of_the_Ancient_Name_Java_and_the_Role
_of_Satyavarman_in_Southeast_Asian_International_Relations_Around_the_Turn_of_the_Ninth_Cent
7. An example is the Wat Phra Ram - Ayutthaya: The other Ayodhya
8. By /S.R. Praveen,2019

CHAPTER VIII
International travels of GOD SHIVA-Beyond the
Indian subcontinent

Dr Uday Dokras P HD Stockholm,SWEDEN

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During the millennium from 1500 to 500 BCE, people who called themselves Aryans (from the word for
"noble" in Sanskrit, the major language of ancient India) came to dominate northern India politically and
culturally. They created a body of sacred works, epics, hymns, philosophical treatises, and ritual texts
called the Vedas, which serve as the primary source of information about this era. The traditional view is
that the Aryans came into India from the north using the superior military technology of chariots and
bronze weaponry, and conquered the indigenous tribal population. (This is why, in the twentieth century,
the Nazis glorified the Aryans as a superior race and claimed links with them.) Although archaeological
evidence for the Aryan invasion is slim, this is the story told in the Vedas—the oldest of the Hindu
religious texts—which present their leaders as heroic figures, aided by priests and warriors.
The Aryans recognized a number of gods and goddesses, who could be approached through the
ceremonies of priests called Brahmins. These rituals might allow a person to achieve union with the
ultimate unchanging reality that is the source of the universe, called brahman. Originally this was seen as
possible only for men who were Brahmins and lived an ascetic life focused on purity rather than pleasure,
but in the third century BCE this idea began to widen. The brahmanic religion developed into what was
later called Hinduism, a diverse set of practices and beliefs in which individual worshippers could show
their devotion to the gods directly, without using priests as intermediaries. Personal gods could be
honored through saying prayers, singing hymns, dancing, presenting offerings, and making pilgrimages to
holy sites, and also by living an honorable life in one's own situation.

The spread of Hinduism

The Aryans established small kingdoms in northern India, and priests supported the expanding power of
rulers, who in return confirmed the superior status of the priests. The Persians and the Greeks under
Alexander conquered parts of northwest India, but at times Indian rulers also created larger empires, some
of which favored Buddhism and some Hinduism.
Religious and social practices associated with Hinduism spread into Nepal and Sri Lanka, where they
blended with local religious and social systems. They also spread into Southeast Asia, carried across the
Indian Ocean by merchants and sailors on ships. After about 100 CE, Indian priests and officials travelled
to Southeast Asia as well, where they married into powerful families and were appointed as advisers by
rulers attempting to build up their authority on the Indian model. In these Indianized kingdoms of
Southeast Asia, imported traditions fused with local ones. Some groups understood themselves to be
members of specific Indian castes, especially lineages within the Kshatriyas warrior caste. Huge stone
temples were built to Hindu deities, but rituals also continued to indigenous gods and spirits, who retained

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their power over the rice harvest, daily life, and cosmic order. Other than among South Asian migrants,
the impact of caste was limited, and locally-created social hierarchies remained the most important.

In more recent times, South Asian migrants have taken Hinduism around the world, though it has not
spread widely to people from other areas. Today there are about a billion Hindus, about 95 percent of
whom live in India.

Angkor Wat temple complex in Cambodia, the largest Hindu religious structure in the world, dedicated to SHIVA or
VISHNU was built as a Hindu temple by the rulers of the Khmer Empire in the twelfth century. When the rulers became
Buddhist, it was gradually transformed into a Buddhist holy site.

Siva ( शिव, 'The Auspicious One'), also known as Mahadeva -. 'The Great God' is one of the principal
deities of Hinduism. Lord Siva is said to be the deity of death and time. In Sanskrit language, kālá means time. He is
the Supreme Being in Shaivism, one of the major traditions within Hinduism.
Lord Siva has pre-Vedic tribal roots, and the figure of Siva as we know him today is an amalgamation of various
older non-Vedic and Vedic deities, including the Rigvedic storm god Rudra who may also have non-Vedic
origins, into a single major deity.
Shiva is known as "The Destroyer" within the Trimurti, the triple deity of supreme divinity that
includes Brahma and Vishnu. In the Shaivite tradition, Shiva is the Supreme Lord who creates, protects and
transforms the universe. In the Shakta tradition, the Goddess, or Devi, is described as one of the supreme, yet Shiva
is revered along with Vishnu and Brahma. A goddess is stated to be the energy and creative power (Shakti) of each,
with Parvati (Sati) the equal complementary partner of Shiva. He is one of the five equivalent deities
in Panchayatana puja of the Smarta tradition of Hinduism.
Shiva is the primal Atman (Self) of the universe. There are many both benevolent and fearsome depictions of Shiva.
In benevolent aspects, he is depicted as an omniscient Yogi who lives an ascetic life on Mount Kailash as well as a
householder with wife Parvati and his two children, Ganesha and Kartikeya. In his fierce aspects, he is often

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depicted slaying demons. Shiva is also known as Adiyogi Shiva, regarded as the patron god of yoga, meditation and
arts.
The iconographical attributes of Shiva are the serpent around his neck, the adorning crescent moon, the holy
river Ganga flowing from his matted hair, the third eye on his forehead (the eye that turns everything in front of it
into ashes when opened), the trishula or trident, as his weapon, and the damaru drum. He is usually worshipped in
the aniconic form of lingam. Shiva is a pan-Hindu deity, revered widely by Hindus in India, Nepal, Sri
Lanka and Indonesia (especially in Java and Bali).
The Sanskrit word "śiva" (Devanagari: शिव, also transliterated as shiva) means, states Monier Monier-Williams,
"auspicious, propitious, gracious, benign, kind, benevolent, friendly". The roots of śiva in folk etymology
are śī which means "in whom all things lie, pervasiveness" and va which means "embodiment of grace".
The word Shiva is used as an adjective in the Rig Veda (approximately 1700–1100 BC), as an epithet for
several Rigvedic deities, including Rudra. The term Shiva also connotes "liberation, final emancipation" and "the
auspicious one", this adjective sense of usage is addressed to many deities in Vedic layers of literature. The term
evolved from the Vedic Rudra-Shiva to the noun Shiva in the Epics and the Puranas, as an auspicious deity who is
the "creator, reproducer and dissolver".
Sharva, sharabha presents another etymology with the Sanskrit root śarv-, which means "to injure" or "to
kill", interprets the name to connote "one who can kill the forces of darkness".
The Sanskrit word śaiva means "relating to the god Shiva", and this term is the Sanskrit name both for one of the
principal sects of Hinduism and for a member of that sect. It is used as an adjective to characterize certain beliefs
and practices, such as Shaivism.
The Vishnu sahasranama interprets Shiva to have multiple meanings: "The Pure One", and "the One who is not
affected by three Guṇas of Prakṛti (Sattva, Rajas, and Tamas)".
Shiva is known by many names such as Viswanatha (lord of the universe), Mahadeva, Mahandeo, [
Mahasu, Mahesha, Maheshvara, Shankara, Shambhu, Rudra, Hara, Trilochana, Devendra (chief of the gods),
Neelakanta, Subhankara, Trilokinatha (lord of the three realms), and Ghrneshwar (lord of compassion). The highest
reverence for Shiva in Shaivism is reflected in his epithets Mahādeva ("Great god"; mahā "Great"
and deva "god"),Maheśvara ("Great Lord"; mahā "great" and īśvara "lord"), and Parameśvara ("Supreme Lord").
Sahasranama are medieval Indian texts that list a thousand names derived from aspects and epithets of a deity.
[52]
There are at least eight different versions of the Shiva Sahasranama, devotional hymns (stotras) listing many
names of Shiva.[53] The version appearing in Book 13 (Anuśāsanaparvan) of the Mahabharata provides one such list.
[54]
Shiva also has Dasha-Sahasranamas (10,000 names) that are found in the Mahanyasa. The Shri Rudram
Chamakam, also known as the Śatarudriya, is a devotional hymn to Shiva hailing him by many names.
History of Shaivism

Assimilation of traditions-Roots of Hinduism

The Shiva-related tradition is a major part of Hinduism, found all over the Indian subcontinent, such as
India, Nepal, Sri Lanka, and Southeast Asia, such as Bali, Indonesia. Shiva has pre-Vedic tribal roots, having "his
origins in primitive tribes, signs and symbols." The figure of Shiva as we know him today is an amalgamation of
various older deities into a single figure, due to the process of Sanskritization and the emergence of the Hindu
synthesis in post-Vedic times.How the persona of Shiva converged as a composite deity is not well documented, a
challenge to trace and has attracted much speculation. According to Vijay Nath:
Vishnu and Siva [...] began to absorb countless local cults and deities within their folds. The latter were either taken
to represent the multiple facets of the same god or else were supposed to denote different forms and appellations by
which the god came to be known and worshipped. [...] Siva became identified with countless local cults by the sheer
suffixing of Isa or Isvara to the name of the local deity, e.g., Bhutesvara, Hatakesvara, Chandesvara."
An example of assimilation took place in Maharashtra, where a regional deity named Khandoba is a patron deity of
farming and herding castes. The foremost center of worship of Khandoba in Maharashtra is in Jejuri. Khandoba has
been assimilated as a form of Shiva himself, [61] in which case he is worshipped in the form of a lingam. Khandoba's
varied associations also include an identification with Surya and Karttikeya.

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Vedic elements
According to Anthony, the Old Indic religion probably emerged among Indo-European immigrants in the contact
zone between the Zeravshan River (present-day Uzbekistan) and (present-day) Iran. was "a syncretic mixture of old
Central Asian and new Indo-European elements",which according to Beckwith borrowed "distinctive religious
beliefs and practices"from the Bactria–Margiana Culture. At least 383 non-Indo-European words were borrowed
from this culture, including the god Indra and the ritual drink Soma.
Rudra

Three-headed Shiva, Gandhara, 2nd century AD

Shiva as we know him today shares many features with the Vedic god Rudra and both Shiva and Rudra are viewed
as the same personality in Hindu scriptures. The two names are used synonymously. Rudra, a Rigvedic deity with
fearsome powers, was the god of the roaring storm. He is usually portrayed in accordance with the element he
represents as a fierce, destructive deity. In RV 2.33, he is described as the "Father of the Rudras", a group of storm
gods
Flood notes that Rudra is an ambiguous god, peripheral in the Vedic pantheon, possibly indicating
the destructive and constructive powers, the terrific and the gentle, as the ultimate recycler and rejuvenator of all
existence.
The Vedic texts do not mention bull or any animal as the transport vehicle (vahana) of Rudra or other deities.
However, post-Vedic texts such as the Mahabharata and the Puranas state the Nandi bull, the Indian zebu, in
particular, as the vehicle of Rudra and of Shiva, thereby unmistakably linking them as same.
Agni
Rudra and Agni have a close relationship. The identification between Agni and Rudra in the Vedic literature was an
important factor in the process of Rudra's gradual transformation into Rudra-Shiva. The identification of Agni with
Rudra is explicitly noted in the Nirukta, an important early text on etymology, which says, "Agni is also called
Rudra." The interconnections between the two deities are complex fire myth of Rudra-Śiva plays on the whole
gamut of fire, valuing all its potentialities and phases, from conflagration to illumination.
In the Śatarudrīya, some epithets of Rudra, such as Sasipañjara ("Of golden red hue as of flame")
and Tivaṣīmati ("Flaming bright"), suggest a fusing of the two deities. Agni is said to be a bull, and Lord Shiva

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possesses a bull as his vehicle, Nandi. The horns of Agni, who is sometimes characterized as a bull, are mentioned.
In medieval sculpture, both Agni and the form of Shiva known as Bhairava have flaming hair as a special feature
Indra
According to Wendy Doniger, the Saivite fertility myths and some of the phallic characteristics of Shiva are
inherited from Indra Doniger gives several reasons for her hypothesis. Both are associated with mountains, rivers,
male fertility, fierceness, fearlessness, warfare, the transgression of established mores, the Aum sound, the Supreme
Self. In the Rig Veda the term śiva is used to refer to Indra. (2.20.3, [ 6.45.17, and 8.93.3Indra, like Shiva, is likened
to a bull. In the Rig Veda, Rudra is the father of the Maruts, but he is never associated with their warlike exploits as
is Indra.
Indra himself was adopted by the Vedic Aryans from the Bactria–Margiana Culture. According to Anthony,
Many of the qualities of Indo-Iranian god of might/victory, Verethraghna, were transferred to the adopted god Indra,
who became the central deity of the developing Old Indic culture. Indra was the subject of 250 hymns, a quarter of
the Rig Veda. He was associated more than any other deity with Soma, a stimulant drug (perhaps derived
from Ephedra) probably borrowed from the BMAC religion. His rise to prominence was a peculiar trait of the Old
Indic speakers.
The texts and artwork of Jainism show Indra as a dancer, although not identical generally resembling the dancing
Shiva artwork found in Hinduism, particularly in their respective mudras. For example, in the Jain caves at Ellora,
extensive carvings show dancing Indra next to the images of Tirthankaras in a manner similar to Shiva Nataraja. The
similarities in the dance iconography suggests that there may be a link between ancient Indra and Shiva
Spread of Shaivic thought BEYOND BORDERS
Indian scholars wrote about the Dwipantara or Jawa Dwipa Hindu kingdom in Java and Sumatra around 200 BC.
"Yawadvipa" is mentioned in India's earliest epic, the Ramayana. Sugriva, the chief of Rama's army dispatched his men to
Yawadvipa, the island of Java, in search of Sita. It was hence referred to by the Sanskrit name "yāvaka dvīpa" (dvīpa =
island). Southeast Asia was frequented by traders from eastern India, particularly Kalinga, as well as from the kingdoms of
South India. The Indianised Tarumanagara kingdom was established in West Java around 400s, produced among the
earliest inscriptions in Indonesian history. There was a marked Buddhist influence starting about 425 in the region. Around
the 6th century, Kalingga Indianized kingdom was established on the northern coast of Central Java. The kingdom name
was derived from Kalinga east coast of India. These Southeast Asian seafaring peoples engaged in extensive trade with
India and China. Which attracted the attention of the Mongols, Chinese and Japanese, as well as Islamic traders, who
reached the Aceh area of Sumatra in the 12th century.
Examples of the Hindu cultural influence found today throughout the Southeast Asia owe much to the legacy of the Chola
dynasty. For example, the great temple complex at Prambanan in Indonesia exhibit a number of similarities with the South
Indian architecture.
According to the Malay chronicle Sejarah Melayu, the rulers of the Malacca sultanate claimed to be descendants of the
kings of the Chola Empire.Chola rule is remembered in Malaysia today as many princes there have names ending with
Cholan or Chulan, one such being Raja Chulan, the Raja of Perak. The Chola school of art also spread to Southeast Asia
and influenced the architecture and art of Southeast Asia.
Some scholars have pointed out that the legends of Ikshvaku and Sumati may have their origin in the Southeast-Asian
myth of the birth of humanity from a bitter gourd. The legend of Sumati, the wife of King Sagar, tells that she produced
offspring with the aid of a bitter gourd.
Hinduism in Southeast Asia had a profound impact on the region's cultural development and its history. As the Indic
scripts were introduced from India, people of Southeast Asia entered the historical period by producing their earliest
inscriptions around the 1st to 5th century CE.[2] Today, Hindus in Southeast Asia are mainly Overseas
Indians and Balinese. There are also Javanese (also other minorities of Indonesia) and Cham minority in Cambodia and
southern Vietnam who practices Hinduism.
Hindu civilization, which itself formed from various distinct cultures and peoples, including also early Southeast Asian,
specifically Mon Khmer influence, was adopted and assimilated into the indigenous social construct and statehood of
Southeast Asian regional polity. Through the formation of Indianized kingdoms, small indigenous polities led by petty
chieftain were transformed into major kingdoms and empires led by a maharaja with statecraft akin to India. It gave birth
to the former Champa civilisation in southern parts of Central Vietnam, Funan in Cambodia, the Khmer
Empire in Indochina, Langkasuka Kingdom and Old Kedah in the Malay Peninsula, the Sriwijayan kingdom on Sumatra,

95
the Medang Kingdom, Singhasari and the Majapahit Empire based in Java, Bali and parts of the Philippine archipelago.
The civilisation of India influenced the languages, scripts, written tradition, literatures, calendars, beliefs system and
artistic aspects of these peoples and nations. [5] A reason for the acceptance of Indian culture and religious traditions in
Southeast Asia was because Indian culture already some striking similarities to indigenous cultures of Southeast Asia,
which can be explained by earlier Southeast Asian (specifically Austroasiatic, such as early Munda and Mon
Khmer groups) and Himalayan (Tibetic) cultural and linguistic influence on local Indian peoples. Several scholars, such as
Professor Przyluski, Jules Bloch, and Lévi, among others, concluded that there is a significant cultural, linguistic, and
political Mon-Khmer (Austroasiatic) influence on early Indian culture and traditions. India is seen a melting pot of
western, eastern and indigenous traditions.
The monist Shiva literature posit absolute oneness, that is Shiva is within every man and woman, Shiva is within
every living being, Shiva is present everywhere in the world including all non-living being, and there is no spiritual
difference between life, matter, man and Shiva. The various dualistic and monist Shiva-related ideas were
welcomed in medieval southeast Asia, inspiring numerous Shiva-related temples, artwork and texts in Indonesia,
Myanmar, Cambodia, Laos, Vietnam, Thailand and Malaysia, with syncretic integration of local pre-existing
theologies.

Lingodbhava is a Shaiva sectarian icon where Shiva is depicted rising from the Lingam (an infinite fiery pillar) that narrates how Shiva is the foremost of
the Trimurti; Brahma on the left and Vishnu on the right are depicted bowing to Shiva in the centre.
Shaivism

Shaivism is one of the four major sects of Hinduism, the others being Vaishnavism, Shaktism and the Smarta
Tradition. Followers of Shaivism, called "Shaivas", revere Shiva as the Supreme Being. Shaivas believe that Shiva
is All and in all, the creator, preserver, destroyer, revealer and concealer of all that is. He is not only the creator in
Shaivism, but he is also the creation that results from him, he is everything and everywhere. Shiva is the primal Self,
the pure consciousness and Absolute Reality in the Shaiva traditions
Vaishnavism
The Vaishnava (Vishnu-oriented) literature acknowledges and discusses Shiva. Like Shaiva literature that presents
Shiva as supreme, the Vaishnava literature presents Vishnu as supreme. However, both traditions are pluralistic and
revere both Shiva and Vishnu (along with Devi), their texts do not show exclusivism, and Vaishnava texts such as
the Bhagavata Purana while praising Krishna as the Ultimate Reality, also present Shiva and Shakti as a
personalized form an equivalent to the same Ultimate Reality. The texts of Shaivism tradition similarly praise
Vishnu. The Skanda Purana, for example, states:
Vishnu is no one but Shiva, and he who is called Shiva is but identical with Vishnu.

— Skanda Purana, 1.8.20–21

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Mythologies of both traditions include legends about who is superior, about Shiva paying homage to Vishnu, and
Vishnu paying homage to Shiva. However, in texts and artwork of either tradition, the mutual salutes are symbolism
for complementarity. The Mahabharata declares the unchanging Ultimate Reality (Brahman) to be identical to Shiva
and to Vishnu,] that Vishnu is the highest manifestation of Shiva, and Shiva is the highest manifestation of Vishnu.

Trimurti
The Trimurti is a concept in Hinduism in which the cosmic functions of creation, maintenance, and destruction are
personified by the forms of Brahma the creator, Vishnu the maintainer or preserver and Shiva the destroyer or
transformer. These three deities have been called "the Hindu triad" [ or the "Great Trinity" However, the ancient and
medieval texts of Hinduism feature many triads of gods and goddesses, some of which do not include Shiva

Shiva with Parvati. Shiva is depicted three-eyed, the Ganges flowing through his matted hair, wearing ornaments of serpents and a skull garland, covered in
ashes, and seated on a tiger skin.// A seated Shiva holds an axe and deer in his hands.//
KHMER TRIMURTI (THE GODS BRAHMA, VISHNU AND SHIVA) style of Banteay Srei, 10th century,

Third eye: Shiva is often depicted with a third eye, with which he burned Desire (Kāma) to ashes, called
"Tryambakam" (Sanskrit: त्र्यम्बकम् ), which occurs in many scriptural sources.[202] In classical Sanskrit, the
word ambaka denotes "an eye", and in the Mahabharata, Shiva is depicted as three-eyed, so this name is sometimes
translated as "having three eyes". However, in Vedic Sanskrit, the word ambā or ambikā means "mother", and this
early meaning of the word is the basis for the translation "three mothers". These three mother-goddesses who are
collectively called the Ambikās. Other related translations have been based on the idea that the name actually refers
to the oblations given to Rudra, which according to some traditions were shared with the goddess Ambikā.

 Crescent moon: Shiva bears on his head the crescent moon. The
epithet Candraśekhara (Sanskrit: चन्द्रशेखर "Having the moon as his crest" – candra =
"moon"; śekhara = "crest, crown") refers to this feature. The placement of the moon on his head as a standard
iconographic feature dates to the period when Rudra rose to prominence and became the major deity Rudra-
Shiva. The origin of this linkage may be due to the identification of the moon with Soma, and there is a hymn
in the Rig Veda where Soma and Rudra are jointly implored, and in later literature, Soma and Rudra came to be
identified with one another, as were Soma and the moon.
 Ashes: Shiva iconography shows his body covered with ashes (bhasma, vibhuti). The ashes represent a
reminder that all of material existence is impermanent, comes to an end becoming ash, and the pursuit of eternal
Self and spiritual liberation is important.

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 Matted hair: Shiva's distinctive hair style is noted in the epithets Jaṭin, "the one with matted hair",[218] and
Kapardin, "endowed with matted hair"[219] or "wearing his hair wound in a braid in a shell-like (kaparda)
fashion".[220] A kaparda is a cowrie shell, or a braid of hair in the form of a shell, or, more generally, hair that is
shaggy or curly.

 Blue throat: The epithet Nīlakaṇtha (Sanskrit नीलकण्ठ; nīla = "blue", kaṇtha = "throat"). Since Shiva
drank the Halahala poison churned up from the Samudra Manthan to eliminate its destructive capacity. Shocked
by his act, Parvati squeezed his neck and stopped it in his neck to prevent it from spreading all over the
universe, supposed to be in Shiva's stomach. However the poison was so potent that it changed the color of his
neck to blue. This attribute indicates that one can become Lord Shiva by swallowing the worldly poisons in
terms of abuses and insults with equanimity while blessing those who give them.

 Meditating yogi: his iconography often shows him in a Yoga pose, meditating, sometimes on a symbolic
Himalayan Mount Kailasha as the Lord of Yoga.

 Sacred Ganga: The epithet Gangadhara, "Bearer of the river Ganga" (Ganges). The Ganga flows from the
matted hair of Shiva. The Gaṅgā (Ganga), one of the major rivers of the country, is said to have made her
abode in Shiva's hair.

 Tiger skin: Shiva is often shown seated upon a tiger skin

 Serpents: Shiva is often shown garlanded with a snake.

 Trident: Shiva typically carries a trident called TrishulaThe trident is a weapon or a symbol in different
Hindu texts. As a symbol, the Trishul represents Shiva's three aspects of "creator, preserver and destroyer",or
alternatively it represents the equilibrium of three Gunas of "sattva, rajas and tamas".

 Drum: A small drum shaped like an hourglass is known as a damaru. This is one of the attributes of Shiva
in his famous dancing representation [236] known as Nataraja. A specific hand gesture (mudra) called ḍamaru-
hasta (Sanskrit for "ḍamaru-hand") is used to hold the drum. [237] This drum is particularly used as an emblem by
members of the Kāpālika sect.

 Axe (Parashu) and Deer are held in Shiva's hands in Odisha & south Indian icons

 Rosary beads: he is garlanded with or carries a string of rosary beads in his right hand, typically made
of Rudraksha. This symbolises grace, mendicant life and meditation.

 Nandī: Nandī, (Sanskrit: नन्दिन् (nandin)), is the name of the bull that serves as Shiva's mount. Shiva's
association with cattle is reflected in his name Paśupati, or Pashupati (Sanskrit: पशुपति), translated by
Sharma as "lord of cattle and by Kramrisch as "lord of animals", who notes that it is particularly used as an
epithet of Rudra.

 Mount Kailāsa: Mount Kailash in the Himalayas is his traditional abode.[214][246] In Hindu mythology,
Mount Kailāsa is conceived as resembling a Linga, representing the center of the universe.[247]

 Gaṇa: The Gaṇas are attendants of Shiva and live in Kailash. They are often referred to as the bhutaganas,
or ghostly hosts, on account of their nature. Generally benign, except when their lord is transgressed against,
they are often invoked to intercede with the lord on behalf of the devotee. His son Ganesha was chosen as their
leader by Shiva, hence Ganesha's title gaṇa-īśa or gaṇa-pati, "lord of the gaṇas"

 Varanasi: Varanasi (Benares) is considered to be the city specially loved by Shiva, and is one of the holiest
places of pilgrimage in India. It is referred to, in religious contexts, as Kashi.

FORMS

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Shiva is a god of ambiguity and paradox whose attributes include opposing theme The ambivalent nature of this
deity is apparent in some of his names and the stories told about him.

Destroyer and Benefactor

Shiva is represented in his many aspects Left: Bhairava icon of the fierce form of Shiva, from 17th/18th century Nepal; Right:
Shiva as a meditating yogi in Rishikesh.

Shiva Lingam with tripundra.

Why Lingam everywhere in Khmer Empire?

These three divinities—Vishnu, Shiva, and the Goddess—represent the three main deities worshipped in
Hindu practice. Those who worship Vishnu are Vaishnava, those who worship Shiva are Shaiva, and
those who worship the Goddess are Shakta (from shakti, or “power,” the feminine force the Goddess is
said to possess). Brahma is not often the object of worship. Other deities have gained in popularity, such
as Ganesha (the son of Shiva and Parvati) and Hanuman (the monkey god who aided Rama, an avatara, or
“incarnation,” of Vishnu, in the Ramayana). It is important to note that although there are many deities
represented in the Hindu pantheon, worshippers generally consider their own deity to be central and all-
powerful; other deities are subservient to him or her. In addition, all are often seen to be manifestations of
one central force in the universe. Many Hindus today (as in the past) therefore see themselves as
believing in a single divine presence that takes form in endlessly diverse ways.

Temples acted as both religious and social centers in the dynamic urban hubs of the regional kingdoms
established in the wake of Gupta power (after 500 C.E.) As regional kings and princes gained power, they

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often sought legitimacy by granting Brahmins large areas from which to collect taxes to finance temple
development. Temples provided homes for the central deity, and the images enshrined within represented
the deity and in many cases embodied it. Puja, or “worship,” of the deity, carried out in the home as well
in as the temple, became the central focus of religious practice, representing a full transition away from
sacrifice as the primary form of practice. Puja remains a central practice in temples all over Hindu South
Asia and its diaspora. Home-based rituals have continued to be important; in some contexts, more so than
public and congregational forms of worship.

1. Shaivism preceded Vaishnavism by 2 millenium as per recent historical proofs, that’s a very strong
reason.
2. The aborgines of India followed Shaivism which would have influenced them more.
3. The coastal traders who had very strong relationship with all South Eastern countries from Tamilnadu
ports were following Shaivism.
Lingam
The Linga Purana states, "Shiva is signless, without color, taste, smell, that is beyond word or touch,
without quality, motionless and changelessThe source of the universe is the signless, and all of the
universe is the manifested Linga, a union of unchanging Principles and the ever changing nature.
The Linga Purana and Siva Gita texts builds on this foundation. Linga, states Alain Daniélou, means
sign. It is an important concept in Hindu texts, wherein Linga is a manifested sign and nature of someone
or something. It accompanies the concept of Brahman, which as invisible signless and existent Principle,
is formless or linga-less
Apart from anthropomorphic images of Shiva, he is also represented in aniconic form of a lingam. These
are depicted in various designs. One common form is the shape of a vertical rounded column in the centre
of a lipped, disk-shaped object, the yoni, symbolism for the goddess Shakti.[311] In Shiva temples,
the linga is typically present in its sanctum sanctorum and is the focus of votary offerings such as milk,
water, flower petals, fruit, fresh leaves, and rice. According to Monier Williams and Yudit
Greenberg, linga literally means 'mark, sign or emblem', and also refers to a "mark or sign from which the
existence of something else can be reliably inferred". It implies the regenerative divine energy innate in
nature, symbolized by Shiva.
According to Sivananda Saraswati, Siva Lingam speaks unmistakable language of silence: "I am one
without a second, I am formless" Siva Lingam is only the outward symbol of formless being, Lord Siva,
who is eternal, ever-pure, immortal essence of this vast universe, who is your innermost Self or Atman,
and who is identical with the Supreme Brahman, states Sivananda Saraswati.
Some scholars, such as Wendy Doniger and Rohit Dasgupta, view linga as merely a phallic
symbol, although this interpretation is criticized by others, including Swami Vivekananda, Sivananda
Saraswati, Stella Kramrisch. Swami Agehananda Bharati, S. N. Balagangadhara, and others According
to Moriz Winternitz, the linga in the Shiva tradition is "only a symbol of the productive and creative
principle of nature as embodied in Shiva", and it has no historical trace in any obscene phallic cult.
According to Sivananda Saraswati, westerners who are curiously passionate and have impure
understanding or intelligence, incorrectly assume Siva Linga as a phallus or sex organ.Later
on, Sivananda Saraswati mentions that, this is not only a serious mistake, but also a grave blunder
The worship of the lingam originated from the famous hymn in the Atharva-Veda Samhitâ sung in praise
of the Yupa-Stambha, the sacrificial post. In that hymn, a description is found of the beginningless and
endless Stambha or Skambha, and it is shown that the said Skambha is put in place of the
eternal Brahman. Just as the Yajna (sacrificial) fire, its smoke, ashes, and flames, the Soma plant, and the
ox that used to carry on its back the wood for the Vedic sacrifice gave place to the conceptions of the
brightness of Shiva's body, his tawny matted hair, his blue throat, and the riding on the bull of the Shiva,
the Yupa-Skambha gave place in time to the Shiva-Linga. In the text Linga Purana, the same hymn is

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expanded in the shape of stories, meant to establish the glory of the great Stambha and the superiority of
Shiva as Mahadeva.
The oldest known archaeological linga as an icon of Shiva is the Gudimallam lingam from 3rd-century
BCE. In Shaivism pilgrimage tradition, twelve major temples of Shiva are called Jyotirlinga, which
means "linga of light", and these are located across India.
Five faces- Pañcānana

Shiva sculpture, Dieng Plateau in Java, Indonesia//The 10th century five headed Shiva, Sadashiva,
Cambodia.

Five is a sacred number for Shiva. One of his most important mantras has five syllables (namaḥ śivāya)
Shiva's body is said to consist of five mantras, called the pañcabrahman. As forms of God, each of
these have their own names and distinct iconography
 Sadyojāta

 Vāmadeva

 Aghora

 Tatpuruṣa

 Īsāna
These are represented as the five faces of Shiva and are associated in various texts with the five elements,
the five senses, the five organs of perception, and the five organs of action. Doctrinal differences and,
possibly, errors in transmission, have resulted in some differences between texts in details of how these
five forms are linked with various attributes.The overall meaning of these associations is summarized by
Stella Kramrisch:
Through these transcendent categories, Śiva, the ultimate reality, becomes the efficient and material cause
of all that exists.
According to the Pañcabrahma Upanishad:

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One should know all things of the phenomenal world as of a fivefold character, for the reason that the
eternal verity of Śiva is of the character of the fivefold Brahman. (Pañcabrahma Upanishad 31)
Avatars
Puranic scriptures contain occasional references to "ansh" – literally 'portion, or avatars of Shiva', but the
idea of Shiva avatars is not universally accepted in Saivism. The Linga Purana mentions twenty-eight
forms of Shiva which are sometimes seen as avatars, however such mention is unusual and the avatars of
Shiva is relatively rare in Shaivism compared to the well emphasized concept of Vishnu avatars
in Vaishnavism. Some Vaishnava literature reverentially link Shiva to characters in its mythologies. For
example, in the Hanuman Chalisa, Hanuman is identified as the eleventh avatar of Shiva. The Bhagavata
Purana and the Vishnu Purana claim sage Durvasa to be a portion of Shiva. Some medieval era writers
have called the Advaita Vedanta philosopher Adi Shankara an incarnation of Shiva.
Indonesia
In Indonesian Shaivism the popular name for Shiva has been Batara Guru, which is derived from
Sanskrit Bhattāraka which means "noble lord". He is conceptualized as a kind spiritual teacher, the first
of all Gurus in Indonesian Hindu texts, mirroring the Dakshinamurti aspect of Shiva in the Indian
subcontinent. However, the Batara Guru has more aspects than the Indian Shiva, as the Indonesian
Hindus blended their spirits and heroes with him. Batara Guru's wife in Southeast Asia is the same Hindu
deity Durga, who has been popular since ancient times, and she too has a complex character with
benevolent and fierce manifestations, each visualized with different names such as Uma, Sri, Kali and
others. In contrast to Hindu religious texts, whether Vedas or Puranas, in Javanese puppetry
(wayang) books, Batara Guru is the king of the gods who regulates and creates the world system. In the
classic book that is used as a reference for the puppeteers, it is said that Sanghyang Manikmaya or Batara
Guru was created from a sparkling light by Sang Hyang Tunggal, along with the blackish light which is
the origin of Ismaya. Shiva has been called Sadāśiva, Paramasiva, Mahādeva in benevolent forms, and
Kāla, Bhairava, Mahākāla in his fierce forms.
The Indonesian Hindu texts present the same philosophical diversity of Shaivite traditions found in the
Indian subcontinent. However, among the texts that have survived into the contemporary era, the more
common are of those of Shaiva Siddhanta (locally also called Siwa Siddhanta, Sridanta).
During the pre-Islamic period on the island of Java, Shaivism and Buddhism were considered very close
and allied religions, though not identical religions. The medieval-era Indonesian literature equates
Buddha with Siwa (Shiva) and Janardana (Vishnu). This tradition continues in predominantly Hindu Bali
Indonesia in the modern era, where Buddha is considered the younger brother of Shiva.
Central Asia
The worship of Shiva became popular in Central Asia through the influence of the Hephthalite
Empire and Kushan Empire. Shaivism was also popular in Sogdia and the Kingdom of Yutian as found
from the wall painting from Penjikent on the river Zervashan. In this depiction, Shiva is portrayed with a
sacred halo and a sacred thread (Yajnopavita). He is clad in tiger skin while his attendants are wearing
Sogdian dress. A panel from Dandan Oilik shows Shiva in His Trimurti form with Shakti kneeling on her
right thigh. Another site in the Taklamakan Desert depicts him with four legs, seated cross-legged on a
cushioned seat supported by two bulls. It is also noted that the Zoroastrian wind god Vayu-Vata took on
the iconographic appearance of Shiva.
Sikhism
The Japuji Sahib of the Guru Granth Sahib says: "The Guru is Shiva, the Guru is Vishnu and Brahma; the
Guru is Paarvati and Lakhshmi." In the same chapter, it also says: "Shiva speaks, and the Siddhas listen."
In Dasam Granth, Guru Gobind Singh has mentioned two avatars of Rudra: Dattatreya Avatar
and Parasnath Avatar.

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Buddhism-Tantric Buddhism-Mahakala, c. 1500 CE Tibetan Thangka.
Shiva is mentioned in the Buddhist Tantras and worshipped as the fierce
deity Mahākāla in Vajrayana, Chinese Esoteric, and Tibetan Buddhism. In the cosmologies of Buddhist
Tantras, Shiva is depicted as passive, with Shakti being his active counterpart: Shiva as Prajña and Shakti
as Upāya.
Chinese Buddhism
In China and Taiwan, Shiva, better known there as Maheśvara is considered one of the Twenty
Devas ( Èrshí Zhūtiān) or the Twenty-Four Devas ( Èrshísì zhūtiān) who are a group of dharmapalas that
manifest to protect the Buddhist dharma. Statues of him are often enshrined in the Mahavira
Halls of Chinese Buddhist temples along with the other devas. In addition, he is also regarded as one of
thirty-three manifestations of Avalokitesvara in the Lotus Sutra. In Mahayana Buddhist cosmology,
Maheśvara resides in Akaniṣṭha, highest of the Śuddhāvāsa ("Pure Abodes") wherein Anāgāmi ("Non-
returners") who are already on the path to Arhathood and who will attain enlightenment are born.
Japanese Buddhism
Daikokuten, one of the Seven Lucky Gods in Japan, is considered to be evolved from Shiva. The god
enjoys an exalted position as a household deity in Japan and is worshipped as the god of wealth and
fortune. The name is the Japanese equivalent of Mahākāla, the Buddhist name for Shiva.
Shiva has been merged with Buddhist deities in East Asian Buddhism

Daikokuten is a Shiva-Ōkuninushi fusion deity in Japan / / Statue of Shiva depicted as a Chinese

Buddhist deva on Mount Putuo Guanyin Dharma Realm in Zhejiang, China//Acala is a fierce Shiva
adaptation in both China and Japan

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Lingodbhava (emergence of the Linga) is the story of the origin of the Shiva lingam. It is also an iconic
representation of Lord Shiva. The Shiva lingam is his aniconic representation. The story of Lingodbhava
is mentioned in many Puranas including the Linga Purana, Shiva Purana, Kurma Purana, Vamana
Purana, Skanda Purana, Brahmanda Purana, and Vayu Purana with slight variations. This is also the story
of the birth of Lord Shiva. The Lingodbhava Story in the Linga Purana (1.17.6):

At the end of the Kalpa (a period of 4.32 billion years), there was only a single vast sheet of water. Lord
Brahma saw Lord Vishnu having a yogic sleep on the bed of Shesha (a serpent deity of Hindus). He woke
him up with the blow of his hand and asked him who he was. Lord Vishnu told him that he was the
creator, sustainer, and destroyer of the world. It infuriated him because he believed he was the creator,
sustainer, and destroyer of the world. Then they got into an argument about who was superior. The
argument turned into a furious fight, and then suddenly a Jyotirlinga, a huge infinite pillar of light,
appeared in front of them. It had thousands of clusters of flames. Also, it had no beginning, middle, or
end. It was the source of the universe. They were deluded by it. They forgot their fight and decided to test
it. Lord Brahma assumed a form of a swan and went upwards. Lord Vishnu took the form of a wild boar
and went downwards.

They both traveled for one thousand years but could not find the end of the lingam. Therefore, they returned to
where they started. They bowed to the lingam and wondered what it was. Then a loud sound “Om” came out of the
column, and the letters “अ” “ऊ,” and “म” (“a,” “u,” and “m”) appeared on the lingam. Above those letters, they
saw Lord Shiva along with the goddess Uma. Lord Shiva told them that they both were born out of him,
but they had forgotten about that. The day this incident happened is celebrated as Mahashivaratri (the
Great Night of Lord Shiva) by Hindus

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Cambodia

Statue of Buddha at Angkor Wat converted from statue of Visnu.

Cambodia was first influenced by Hinduism during the beginning of the Kingdom of Funan. Hinduism
was one of the Khmer Empire's official religions. Angkor Wat, the largest temple complex in the world
(now Buddhist) was once a Hindu temple. The main religion adhered to in Khmer kingdom was
Hinduism, followed by Buddhism in popularity. Initially, the kingdom followed Hinduism as the main
state religion. Vishnu and Shiva were the most revered deities worshipped in Khmer Hindu temples.
Temples such as Angkor Wat are actually known as Preah Pisnulok (Vara Vishnuloka in Sanskrit) or the
realm of Vishnu, to honour the posthumous King Suryavarman II as Vishnu. Hindu ceremonies and
rituals performed by Brahmins (Hindu priests), typically only remained among the ruling elites of the

king's family, nobles, and the ruling class.

Angkor Wat, in Cambodia, is one of the hundreds of ancient Hindu temples in Southeast Asia.

The Khmer Empire has developed a complex society where sophisticated culture, art, and architecture
flourish. The Khmer king and his officials were in charge of irrigation management and water
distribution, which consisted of an intricate series of hydraulics infrastructure, such as canals, moats, and
massive reservoirs called barays. Society was arranged in a hierarchy reflecting the Hindu caste system,
where the commoners — rice farmers and fishermen — formed the large majority of the population.
The kshatriyas — royalty, nobles, warlords, soldiers, and warriors — formed a governing elite and
authorities. Other social classes included brahmins (priests), traders, artisans such as carpenters and

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stonemasons, potters, metalworkers, goldsmiths, and textile weavers, while on the lowest social level are
slaves. The extensive irrigation projects provided rice surpluses that could support a large population. The
state religion was Hinduism but influenced by the cult of Devaraja, elevating the Khmer kings as
possessing the divine quality of living gods on earth, attributed to the incarnation of Vishnu or Shiva. In
politics, this status was viewed as the divine justification of a king's rule. The cult enabled the Khmer
kings to embark on massive architectural projects, constructing majestic monuments such as Angkor Wat
and Bayon to celebrate the king's divine rule on earth.
The empire's official religions included Hinduism and Mahayana Buddhism until Theravada
Buddhism prevailed, even among the lower classes, after its introduction from Sri Lanka in the 13th
century. Since then, Hinduism slowly declined in Cambodia, and finally being replaced by Theravadan
Buddhist as the major faith in the kingdom. Despite this, Hindu rituals continue to play an important role
in the kingdom. Like in neighboring Thailand, the ceremony of coronation is conducted mostly by royal
brahmins, during which the sovereign swears in front of the idols of gods Vishnu and Shiva to maintain the ancient
national traditions.

Hinduism in Indonesia

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The main three towers of the 9th century Prambanan Trimurti temple complex, the largest Hindu temple site in Indonesia.

Hindu influences reached the Indonesian Archipelago as early as first century. In 4th-century, the kingdom
of Kutai in East Kalimantan, Tarumanagara in West Java, and Holing (Kalingga) in Central Java, were among the early
Hindu states established in the region. The notable ancient Indonesian Hindu kingdoms are Medang i Bhumi
Mataram (famous for the construction of the majestic 9th-century Trimurti Prambanan temple) followed
by Kediri, Singhasari and the 14th-century Majapahit, the last and largest among Hindu-Buddhist Javanese empires.
Today in Indonesia, Hinduism is practised by 1.7% of the total population. Hindus constitute 83.29% of the population
of Bali and 5.75% of the population of Central Kalimantan, as of the 2010 census. However, between the 4th century to
15th century, Hinduism and Buddhism was adhered by the majority of the population, along with native
indigenous animism and dynamism beliefs that venerated natural and ancestral spirits. By 15th to 16th-century Islam had
supplanted Hinduism and Buddhism as the majority religion in the Indonesian archipelago. The influence of Hinduism has
profoundly left its marks on the culture of Bali, Java, and Sumatra. Bali has become the last remnant of once Hindu
dominated region.

A Hindu Balinese family after puja in Bratan temple./ A dance performance by Balinese Hindus. Many of these dances are rituals
reflecting mythical or spiritual stories from Hindu Epics and other literature

The Hindu civilisations have left their marks on Indonesian culture. The
epics Mahabharata and Ramayana, became enduring traditions among Indonesian art forms, expressed
in wayang shadow puppet and dance performances. Many Indonesian names are Sanskrit-based,
and Bahasa Indonesia contains loads of loanwords of Sanskrit origin. The vehicle of Vishnu, Garuda, was
adopted as both national emblem Garuda Pancasila and flag carrier national airline named Garuda
Indonesia.
Today, the Indonesian government has recognised Hinduism as one of the country's six officially
sanctioned religions, along with Islam, Protestantism, Roman Catholicism, Buddhism and Confucianism.
The Hindu communities in Java tend to be concentrated around built temples (pura) or around
archaeological temple sites (candi) which are being reclaimed as places of Hindu worship. An important
Hindu temple in eastern Java is Pura Mandaragiri Sumeru Agung, located on the slope of Mt. Semeru,
Java's highest mountain. Another Hindu temple, built on a site with minor archaeological remnants
attributed to the Kingdom of Blambangan, the last Hindu polity on Java, and Pura Loka Moksa Jayabaya
(in the village of Menang near Kediri), where the Hindu king and prophet Jayabaya is said to have
achieved spiritual liberation (moksa). Another site is the new Pura Pucak Raung in East Java, which is
mentioned in Balinese literature as the place from where Maharishi Markandeya took Hinduism to Bali in
the 14th century.
An example of resurgence around major archaeological remains of ancient Hindu temple sites was
observed in Trowulan near Mojokerto, the capital of the legendary Hindu empire Majapahit. A local
Hindu movement is struggling to gain control of a newly excavated temple building which they wish to
see restored as a site of active Hindu worship. The temple is to be dedicated to Gajah Mada, the man
attributed with transforming the small Hindu kingdom of Majapahit into an empire. Although there has
been a more pronounced history of resistance to Islamization in East Java,

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Laos
Ancient Laos used to be a part of Hindu Khmer Empire. The Wat Phou is one of the last influences of that
period. The Laotian adaptation of the Ramayana is called Phra Lak Phra Lam.
Hinduism in Malaysia

Most Malaysian Hindus are settled in western parts of Peninsular Malaysia. Indian Hindus and Buddhists
began arriving in Malaysia during the ancient and medieval era. A large number of Hindus from South
India were brought to Malaysia by British colonial empire during the 19th and 20th century, as indentured
labourers to work on coffee and sugarcane plantations and tin mining; later they were deployed in large
numbers, along with Chinese Buddhists, on rubber plantations. The British kangani system of
recruitment, designed to reduce labour turnover and enhance labour stability, encouraged Hindu workers
to recruit friends and family from India to work in British operations in Malaysia. The kangani system
brought numerous Tamil Hindus into Malaysia by early 1900s. By 1950s, about 12.8% of Malaysian
population professed to be a Hindu.
Hinduism in Myanmar

A Hindu procession in Yangon, Myanmar

Most Hindus in Myanmar are Burmese Indians. In modern Myanmar, most Hindus are found in the urban
centres of Yangon and Mandalay. Ancient Hindu temples are present in other parts of Burma, such as the
11th century Nathlaung Kyaung Temple dedicated to Vishnu in Bagan. Hinduism in Myanmar has also
been influenced by Buddhism with many Hindu temples in Myanmar housing statues of the Buddha.
Thagyamin is worshipped whose origins are in the Hindu god Indra. Burmese literature has also been
enriched by Hinduism, including the Burmese adaptation of the Ramayana, called Yama Zatdaw. Many
Hindu gods are likewise worshipped by many Burmese people, such as Saraswati (known as Thuyathadi
in Burmese), the goddess of knowledge, who is often worshipped before examinations; Shiva is
called Paramizwa; Vishnu is called Withano, and others. Many of these ideas are part of thirty-
seven Nat or deities found in Burmese culture.[

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Philippines

The first document found in the Philippines, the Laguna Copperplate Inscription (c. 900), shows Hindu
influences in the Philippines.

Before the arrival of an Arab trader to Sulu Island in 1450 and Ferdinand Magellan, who sailed in behalf
of Spain in 1521, the chiefs of many Philippine islands were called Rajas, and the script was derived
from Brahmi. Karma, a Hindu concept is understood as part of the traditional view of the universe by
many Philippine peoples, and have counterparts such as kalma in the Pampangan language,
and Gabâ in Visayan languages. The vocabulary in all Philippine languages reflect Hindu influences.
There are smaller number of followers of Hinduism today at 0.1% of the Philippine population.
Today, there is a "Hindu Temple" (attended mostly by Sindhīs) on Mahatma Gandhi Street and a "Khalsa
Diwan Indian Sikh Temple" (attended mostly by Sikhs) on United Nations Avenue. Both are in Manila
city's Paco-Pandacan area, the traditional Indian enclave, and are about 15 minutes walk away from each
other. As per estimate there are 22 gurudwāras all over the Philippines today, although most of the
adherents are Indians, Sri Lankans and Nepalese. There are various Hare Krishna groups in the country
that are gaining in popularity.

Shiva in Vedas: -The Rig Veda is the oldest of the Vedas and all the other Vedas are based upon it .It
consists of a thousand hymns of different seers, each hymn averaging around ten verses. Vedas declares
that "ekam satah vipra bahuda vadanti" which means God is one but his names are several qualities
wise, hence Vedas worshiped many super natural Powers like Agni,Vayu surya chandrama, indra,
aadityas, Ashwins and Maruts etc. Then there is Rudra who with these supernatural powers create storm
or havoc whenever there is disorder in these supernatural powers since he is beyond these supernatural
powers and emerges to destroy the darkness and disorder. Hence Rudra is seen as the Ruler of the world
in Vedas. In Rig Veda there is in praise of the Rudra as the Supreme power which protect them from evil
as depicted in the following Rudram:

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Namasthe Rudhra manyava Uthotha Ishave Nama

Namsthosthu Dhanvane Bahubyam Uthathe Nama. 1.1

(Ishave: Ruler of the World)

Meaning: Salutations to your Ire, Rudra and also salutations to your arrow..
Salutations to your bow and also to your both arms.

Yatha ishu siva thamaa shivam babuva the dhanu,

Shivaa sharavyaa yaa thava thaya no rudhra mrudaya. 1.2

Meaning: Bless us with happiness our Lord,

with that arrow of thine, which is holy,
with that bow of thine, which is begetter of good,
with that quiver of thine, which is sweet

(Begetter of good: Auspicious)

Pramuncha dhanvana sthava mubhayo rarthaniyorjyam,

Yascha the hastha ishawa paraa thaa bhagavo vapa. 1.10

Meaning: Please untie the string connecting the ends of your bow, Oh God
Please put away arrows in your hand in thine quiver.

Namasthe asthvayudhaa yanaathathathaya dhrushnave,

Ubhabhyamutha the namo bahubhyam thava dhanvane. 1.14

Meaning: My salutations to thine strong weapons which are about to strike,

My salutations to your both hands and bow,

In the same hymen than RUDRA is seen as calm and peaceful ever in his basic form (swaroop).

Yaa the shivaa thanu raghoraa papakasini,

Thaya nasthanuva shantha maya gireesam thaabhi chakashihi.

Meaning: Oh Rudra, who showers happiness on us from the Mount,

with your aspect which is peaceful,

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which is giver of good always,
and that, which is bereft of sin,
And which is the road to salvation,
And which takes us to taller heights,
Reveal to us the principle of the soul.

(Gireesam: He resides in mountain or on the higher level.)

(shantha : Peaceful which is obviously not his Rodra swaroop )

A verse from the Rig Veda (RV2.33.9) calls Rudra"The Lord or Sovereign of the Universe"(īśānādasya
bhuvanasya):

Sthirebhiraṅghaiḥ pururūpa ughro babhruḥ śukrebhiḥ pipiśehiraṇyaiḥ

īśānādasya bhuvanasya bhūrerna vā u yoṣad rudrādasuryam (RV 2.33.9)

Another verse (Yajurveda 16.46) locates Rudra in the heart of the gods, showing that he is the inner Self of all,
even the gods.

devănăm hridayebhyo namo ( देवानां हृदयभ्यो नमो ।)

Meaning: Salutations to him who is in heart of the gods.

(That is the verse where Rudra is described as the inner self of all the gods, the
soul………………………………………………………………………………. That soul is Shiva)

Adhyavoo chadhadhi vakthaa pradhamo daiwyo bhishak,

Ahimscha sarvaan jambayanth sarvaschaa yathu dhaanya. 1.6

Meaning: He who is first among everything,

He who is Godliness in Gods,
He who is the doctor curing the sins,
He who praises good deeds of devotees,
Asou yo avasarpathi neela greevo vilohitha,
Uthainam gopaa adrusannath drushan udhaharya,
Uthainam viswaa bhoothani sa drushto mrudayathi na. 1,8

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( first among everything : source of all)

Meaning: He who has the blue neck,

Is the one who rises as the copper colured sun.
Even lowly cowherds see this Rudhra who comes as sun,
Even the maids who carry water from rivers see him thus,
And even all the animals of the world see him thus.
Let this Rudra who is seen in the form of sun,
Grant us all happiness.
(Blue neck : Neelkantha, Thousands of eyes : Veerupaksha )

Vedas tells that Rudra dwells in every devas inner self of all.

Yaa the hethir meedushtama hasthe bhabhoova the dhanu,

Thayaa asman viswathasthava mayakshamya paribbuja. 1.13

Meaning: He who is greatest among those who fulfill wishes of devotees,

with those weapons that you have and the bow in your hand.
Which do not cause infirmity to any one.

The Maha mrityunjaya Mantra "Great death-conquering mantra"), also called the Tryambakam Mantra, is a verse
of the Rigveda (RV7.59.12). It is addressed to Tryambaka "the three-eyed one", Lord with three eyes and three
worlds.

Two of the Great mantras of Rig Vedas are Gayatri mantra and Maha Mrintunjaya mantra.

Therefore Rudra is Shiva who has many names like (begetter of good- Auspicious), (Gireesam: He resides in
mountain or on the higher level Kailash pati.)(shantha : Peaceful which is obviously not his Rodra
swaroop ;Shankar ), ( first among everything : source of all Adi Dev),( Salutations to him who is in heart of the
gods: Sarvaatma the soul of everyone), (Blue neck : Neelkantha, Thousands of eyes : Veerupaksha ) ( fulfill
wishes of devotees ,Ashutosh ) all these names depicts the all auspicious supreme personality the source of all and
resides on higher level or mountain who is therefore Shiva basically and also furious Rudra for Sinners.

Tantra is the mathematics of the cosmos. It is almost as old as the Vedas. Since beginning of most of things like
Art, Language, Sound, light,Power are associated with lord Shiva because he is the source of everything as he is Adi
dev , Tantra is also said to have come from Lord Shiva.

Tantra is as old as Vedas and first word found in the Atherveda in section 10.7.42 . the Smritis and epics of
Hinduism (and Jainism), the term means "doctrine, rule, theory, method, technique or chapter. Nature represents
everything to be in order that made human to think about the mathematics of the nature and universe or celestial
world.Tantra is followed in Buddhism ,Bonn and Jainism too with root of Shaivism or basic of Tantra.

But later many version of tantra came followed their personnel deities and interest and got contaminated.

History of Lord Shiva is no time bond. We have till now found his seal as pasupathi nath but the philosophy of
Shiva can be very very old.

Shivlingam too is time less it may have started from the first time Human when thought of supreme power and just
started worshiping a formless image God.

Pashupatinath seal, Mohenjodaro C- 2900BC-1900BC

A seal discovered during excavation of the Mohenjodaro archaeological site in the Indus Valley (2900BC-1900BC)
has drawn attention as a possible representation of a "yogi" or "Shiva" figure. This "Pashupati" (Lord of Animals,

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Sanskrit paśupati) seal shows a seated figure, possibly ithyphallic, surrounded by animals. Some observers describe
the figure as sitting in a traditional cross-legged yoga pose with its hands resting on its knees.

Hindu sees Shiva as timeless above than everything his stories are from Vedas to puran to other holi books .Many
scholars have written so much about him and still have to find more about him.

Kailash Temple left and to right Meenakshi Temple

There are many temples which are among the oldest structures in the world they stood at that times when many
civilizations were still learning to live a civilized life.The inspirations they may have originated from thousand more
years or decades.

ईशान सर्वविद्यानामीश्वरः सर्वभूतानां ब्रह्मादिपति ब्रह्मणोऽधिपतिर्।

ब्रह्मा शिवो मे अस्तु स एव सदाशिव ओम्॥

Ruler of all knowledge, Master of all beings,

Commander of all study and devotion,
That God Auspicious to me, Be He just so, the Ever-Auspicious Om.

Shiva himself is the Knowledge……you cant bound him to time space history or scripts. He is beyond every thing
what we see only what he wants to show to jeevatmas which have limitations.

0000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000000

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 CHAPTER IX

Did the Architects of Angkor apply the Hindu Perspective- What makes
a Good City:
Wat (វត្ត) is the Khmer word for "temple grounds", also derived from Sanskrit/Pali vāṭa
(Devanāgarī: वाट), meaning "enclosure". The original name of the temple was Vrah Viṣṇuloka
or Parama Viṣṇuloka meaning "the sacred dwelling of Vishnu." In everyday language in
Thailand, a "wat" is any place of worship except a mosque surao; or Thai or matsayit or a
synagogue - surao yio).

There are rich Hindu textual resources that one can draw upon to create an environmentally
friendly city. Ideas about cities in pre-colonial India were closely linked with the concept of
kingship and polity. Classical Sanskrit texts on polity and kingly duties (dharma) not only speak
of a king’s moral duty to protect his kingdom and his people but also require him to care for the
environment.

This is clearly articulated in the coronation oaths in texts such as the Yajurveda Samhita (9.22)
and the Mahabharata (Santi Parva 59. 106.107) which stipulate that the king should act as a
trustee of natural resources and protect his subjects: ‘To you [state is given.] for agriculture, for
well-being for prosperity, for development’ (Yajurveda Samhita). A king who does not protect
his subjects gets severe treatment (Mahahbarata (Santi Parva 61.32.5) and in Manusmriti (8.307).
Even if a king was driven by economic motives, it was his dharma to protect his people and the
environment. There are numerous other texts, which call for veneration of all aspects of creation.
There are hymns to the Earth in the Atharava Veda– hymns asking the Earth to give us
wealth(12:44) but at the same time respect for and protection of the Earth is expressed. That we
should not cause injury to the Earth is made clear: Whatever I dig up of you, O Earth, may you
of that have quick replenishment! O purifying one, may my thrust never reach into your vital
points, your heart! (12:35).

The word for city in Sanskrit is nagara. A nagarika was a city person – a person of refined taste
and culture and one who enjoyed the good things of life.

While the term nagara was used for the town, mahanagara was used for a considerably larger
well- established wealthy, politically significant city, and grama for village, the smallest
settlement. A market town situated along a coast was referred to as pattana or pattinam. The
evolution and growth of towns did not follow a uniform pattern. Their development was
influenced by a variety of factors. Some towns began as commercial, educational, administrative,
or pilgrim centres. In some cases, the name of the town indicated the main occupation of its
inhabitants. Each city had distinctive features and differed from the characteristics of another
city.

Nagara and grama are not to be seen as mutually exclusive locations – the relation between the
two has been rather fluid. It was mainly during the colonial period that the distinction between

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nagara and village became marked, and with the rapid industrialization that occurred soon after
Indian Independence, the polarity between the two was all the more visible.

City and its Functions

Cities in pre-colonial India were not only centres of trade and commerce but also of learning,
religion, art and culture. The city/village is seen as the locale for the encounter between gods and
humans. In other words, a traditional nagara or city is one where the sacred and the secular
mingle. Temples have been an essential part of city/village life, and the link between the cosmic
and the human is made visible through art, worship, poetry, music, dance and so forth. Temples
were not simply places of worship, but also centres of cultural, educational and social life. The
Hindu god Shiva, the Lord of the Dance, is the patron of arts, and even to this day classical
dancers invoke his blessings. In this connection mention needs to be made of Bharata’s Natya
Shastra (about second century BCE), a comprehensive and foundational work on dance, music,
drama, poetry and other subjects. Debates and discourses among scholars, music and dance
performances, as well as the meeting of the local assembly to discuss civic matters including
elections to local bodies took place, within the temple premises. The temple also played a
significant part in the economy of the village. Generous donations to the temple made it possible
for temples to advance money to needy farmers and others as well as give employment not only
to ritual specialists but also to teachers, musicians, dancers, tailors, accountants, florists and
many others.

With the emergence of various religious movements in the seventh and eighth centuries,
educational activity pervaded the urban ethos and culture. The Buddhist university at Nalanda
which attracted scholars from China and other places was in existence even before the
universities of Oxford and Cambridge were founded (Sen 2005: 354). Schools or
pathashalas were attached to temples where pupils were taught subjects such as literature,
philosophy and ethics. Jain centres for advanced religious education, Hindu Sanskrit colleges of
brahmanical learning (ghatikas) and Hindu monastic institutions (mathas) were in vogue.
The mathas functioned not simply as monastic centres of education but also as feeding centres
and rest houses for pilgrims. Chatrams, traditional centres of hospitality in pre-colonial India,
which were established by kings, were open to common people – pilgrims, the sick and the
needy were taken care of – but with the advent of colonial rule these institutions of hospitality

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were deprived of their traditional role. What was seen as an act of religious duty (dharma) came
to be seen as a waste of resources by colonial administrators and kings were discouraged from
using the revenue to maintain hospitality centres.

Vatsyayana, the author of the Kamasutra (composed between first and fourth centuries BCE)
saw urban living as the epitome of civilization and civilized life. The Kamasutra, which deals
with the art of love making, courtship, marriage and family life, offers some valuable insights
into the daily life of a well-do-to and refined city person (nagarika). In Vatsyayana’s city, as
Thapar puts it ‘comfortable if not luxurious surroundings were provided to harmonize with
moods conducive to poetry, painting and recitals of music, in all of which the young city
dilettante was expected to excel. The young man had also to be trained in the art of love. The
courtesan was a normal feature of urban life, neither romanticized nor treated with contempt.
Judging by the training given to a courtesan, it was among the more demanding professions, for,
unlike the prostitute, she was a cultured and sociable companion similar to the geisha of Japan or
the hetaera of Greece’. Courtesans attached to royal courts were highly accomplished in art,
music, poetry, dance and literature. In fact, courtesans enjoyed certain privileges which were not
within the reach of ordinary women. Some eminent courtesans were patrons of the arts and were
actively engaged in literary pursuits and were held in high esteem.

City in literary and epic narratives

The city finds a prominent place in various sacred and literary texts – in Sanskrit epics such as
the Ramayana and the Mahabharata, and Tamil epic poems such as
Silappadigaram and Manimegalai, as well as in Kalidasa’s play Shakuntala and Vatsyayana’s
Kamasutra, the last two the most well-known in Europe. For example, in the Tamil epic
Silappadikaram, Kaveripattinam (also known as Pukar or Puhar) figures as a city of technical
order – vibrant, wealthy and a heterogeneous city which is hospitable to strangers and
immigrants in search of fortune.

In Kautliya’s Arthashastra, a treatise on statecraft and polity, one finds the image of a well-
planned city where people of diverse occupations interact, although within the given framework.
Both the Ramayana and the Mahabharata show an advanced stage of city-life, although we find
some poetic or mythical descriptions of the city. Valmiki’s Ramayana abounds in descriptions of
the physical features of the city of Ayodhya and Sri Lanka, such as the existence of city-gates,
moats, streets of different sizes, street-lights, recreational places (parks and forest groves), and
the modes of transport within the cities (by elephant, horse and the chariot). One also finds
shops, markets and storehouses, and even eating-houses. Being active centres of trade and
commerce, the cities were prosperous. One gets the impression that the cities were repositories of
wealth. Besides a couple of descriptions of the city as a desolate place, the image is one of
prosperity. The author of the epic paints an idealized picture of the city. The city of Ayodhya
(now the scene of conflict) is seen as a symbol of the ideal moral or cosmic order and the king as
the ideal monarch whose rule is just and fair.

A perfect kingdom is where all live in peace and prosperity. It is worth recalling Gandhi’s
constant reference to the ideal kingdom of Rama (rama rajya) in his efforts to establish a society
where there would be equality, justice and peace.

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City as a site of liberation and alienation
The city plays a significant role in providing the locale for the pursuit and fulfilment of the four
aims of life (purusharthas) enumerated in Hindu texts: dharma (duty, righteousness, morality)
kama (pleasure), artha (wealth) and moksha (liberation).

In some brahmanical texts, the city is also seen as a place to be avoided (Apastamba)
Dharmasutra (I, 32,21). Some see the quest for liberation as impossible in a city. The
Bauddhayana declares that: “It is impossible for one to obtain salvation, who lives in a town
covered with dust” (II, 3, 6, 33). Although there are negative images of the city as a dreadful
place, the contrast between the city and forest/country is not as stark in early Sanskrit or Tamil
literature as it is in later epic and courtly narratives. In Kalidasa’s play Shakuntala, a person
from the country is referred to as gramya, a person who is not acquainted with the courtly
language (Sanskrit), norms and way of life of a city person. While the epics celebrate city life,
one can see the contrast between the city and forest in the Forest sections of the Ramayana and
the Mahabharata, and the fourth stage in the life of a householder (the other three being student,
forest dweller and renunciate). The contrast between the city and forest do not necessarily imply
discontinuity between the two.

The idea of a sacred city or temple as the centre is not simply confined to one geographical
location, although some sacred locations such as Benares are seen as exemplifying in a more
powerful manner the connection between the human and the cosmic order. Since most Hindus
believe that this universe is a manifestation of an eternal order, Truth or Divine, they perceive a
link between the human and the cosmic order. Although the infinite is seen as formless, beyond
all forms, it is seen as manifesting itself through forms, thus providing a link between the
formless and form, the divine and the human. Sacred cosmologies have been recreated in various
places outside India. One of most significant forms of expression of the inter-connectedness is
exemplified in the construction of traditional/classic style Hindu temples in Sydney, Pittsburgh,
and in Birmingham where stands the newly constructed Balaji Venkateswara temple.

City and Environment

Despite its Machiavellian traits, the Arthashastra offers sound ideas on environmental
management which was necessary to protect natural resources and promote the well being
people, especially when empires were involved in warfare. The concerns included maintaining a
proper irrigation system, construction of dams and bridges, as well as planting trees and plants,
and taking care of infirm animals. Kautliya’s text also provides valuable information about
farming and crop rotation and also about botanical matters ranging from seed collection to
plant/tree classification, from diagnosis and treatment to landscaping. Superintendents appointed
to oversee different departments of the state were required to have not only management skills
but also expert knowledge in these matters. The Arthashastra takes a cautionary step not only
with regard to the protection of natural resources from excessive use but also with protecting
humans from natural calamities such as floods, fires disease, famine and by making the
necessary provisions at such times. As a text that is concerned with the economic and political
order of the society, the Arthashastra has a contemporary ring. It offers a blueprint for how the
state and private ventures could conserve, cultivate and safeguard the earth and its natural
resources. Although the text is concerned with political and economic gain, it gives serious
attention to the welfare of the less fortunate or disadvantaged who are part of society.

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Trees and gardens were an important aspect of town planning in pre-colonial India.
Archeologically speaking, the genesis of Indian gardening and landscape tradition can be traced
back to the Indus valley civilization where there is some evidence that some specific trees held in
reverence were protected. References to and descriptions of gardens are found in various Hindu
texts. The Mahabharata gives a graphic account of pleasure gardens. In a Hindu text
on astronomy, Brihatsamhita, gardens are seen as the dwelling places of gods. We have a vivid
description of the private garden of wealthy people in the Kamasutra. A good wife is expected to
take delight in gardening. She should surround the house with not only vegetable, fruit and
herbal garden but also with beautiful flower garden as well as make it recreational by having a
tank or pond and seats (Kamasutra 5. 1). Recreational gardens and parks were an integral part of
city life. There were trained experts who maintained the garden, and in Kautilya’s period an
efficient system of managing public parks and gardens was in place. Some remarkable gardens
were maintained by Indian princes in the late nineteenth century, one of them being Sajjan Niwas
Bagh, created under the royal patronage of a the Hindu prince of Udaipur in Rajasthan and later
maintained by his successors. They were keen that the garden should have economic,
educational, recreational and botanical value to the state.

The Purnanas and other texts speak about the

value and significance of tree planting. The tree planting ceremony (Vanamahotsa) has a long
history in the Hindu tradition. It is being revived now by certain temple organizations such as the
Sri Venkateswara temple in Tirupathi in southern India, which offer tree saplings as
prasada (blessed food) and invite donations to conserve the environment by the planting of trees.
Such steps are being taken by the temples in diaspora such as the Balaji Venkateswara temple in
Birmingham. The Hindu reverence’ for trees and plants has been based partly on utility, but
mostly on religious duty and mythology. Hindu ancestors considered it their duty to save trees;
and in order to do that they attached to every tree a religious sanctity’ (Dwivedi 1990:206).
Textual sources are clear that one should not exploit natural resources without any consideration
for the environment. If one does, one is going against the ethical injunctions prescribed in the
texts. Ahimsa (non-injury) is seen as the highest and the noblest form of dharma. It is one’s duty
to abstain from violence, and, where inevitable, violence should be minimal. The Puranas
draw attention to the dire consequences (going to hell) for those who fail to plant trees. The
Arthashastra, although motivated by economic rather than religious interests does not undermine
the value of sacred trees, and in fact imposes fines on those who cause injury to plant and
trees: ‘For cutting off the tender sprouts of fruit trees, flower plants or shady trees in the parks
near a city, a fine of 6 panas shall be imposed; for cutting off the minor branches of the same

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trees, 12 panas, and for the cutting of the big branches of the same tree, 24 panas shall be
levied…’

The emperors of old such as Ashoka (who embraced Buddhism), known for their love of nature
and concern for the environment, planted banyan trees along the roads to give shade to people
and animals as well as provided rest houses and watering facilities. The king’s dharma came to
be undermined during the colonial period. With the loss of political authority under the colonial
rule, and with the introduction of new land reforms and the emergence of a market-oriented
economy, the traditional role of the king/state as the protector of resources and his people had
little value. However, we have some contemporary examples of model environmentalists such as
Vansh Pradip Singh, a twentieth century ruler of Sawar in North India who is known for his
kingly duty (rajadharma) of caring for the environment.

There are also clear injunctions against polluting land, air and water, but whether they are put
into practice is another matter. However, texts clearly warn against disposal of waste into sacred
rivers such as the Ganges: ‘One should not perform these 14 acts near the holy waters of the river
Ganga: i.e., remove excrement, brushing and gargling, removing cerumen from body, throwing
hairs, dry garlands,… washing clothes, throwing dirty clothes, thumping water and swimming
(Parvacitta Tatva 1.535). The point is that one is not supposed to wash oneself in sacred rivers
but to have a holy dip. It is ironic that those who profess faith in the cleansing power of the
sacred rivers tend to pollute it.

To sum up, the Hindu tradition has a rich treasure of textual sources which are relevant to
contemporary concerns and could be used in constructive ways. A good city is one that embodies
the concept of the welfare of all humans as well as the created order (sarva-bhuta-hita). A good
city is one that is dharmic – where (truth, righteousness, morality, duty) prevails; where all
activities benefit both the individual and the community; where there is concern for the
environment; where there is room for trust and hope; and where people from diverse
1
backgrounds and cultural traditions can live in peace and harmony.

Sacredness is many times a dynamic, emerging and largely a cultural and social process. It is
inseparably embedded in peoples' life. If we approach the sacred heritage from the perspective
of its people, it is a living thing which is constantly created, maintained and modified by
associated people and their belief systems

A wat is a type of Buddhist temple and Brahminical temple in Cambodia, Laos, East Shan
State, Yunnan and Thailand. The word wat is a thai word that was borrowed
from Sanskrit vāṭa (Devanāgarī: वाट), meaning 'enclosure'. The term has varying meanings in
each region, sometimes referring to a specific type of government-recognised or large temple,
other times referring to any Buddhist or Brahminical temple.

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Wat Mahathat, Luang Prabang
Strictly speaking, a wat is a Buddhist sacred precinct with vihara (quarters for bhikkhus), a
temple, an edifice housing a large image of Buddha and a facility for lessons. A site without a
minimum of three resident bhikkhus cannot correctly be described as a wat although the term is
frequently used more loosely, even for ruins of ancient temples. As a transitive or intransitive
verb, wat means to measure, to take measurements; compare templum, from
which temple derives, having the same root as template.
In Cambodia, a wat is any place of worship. "Wat" generally refers to a Buddhist place of
worship, but the precise term is wat putthasasana. Angkor Wat means 'city of temples'.
In everyday language in Thailand, a "wat" is any place of worship except
a mosque (Thai: สุ เ ห ร่ า ; RTGS: surao; or Thai: RTGS: matsayit) or a synagogue . Thus,
a wat chin or san chao ) is a Chinese temple (either Buddhist or Taoist), wat
khaek or thewasathan (เทวสถาน) is a Hindu temple and bot khrit or wat farang (วัดฝรั่ง)
is a Christian church, though Thai bot may be used descriptively as with mosques.

The facade of Phra Wihan Luang (meeting hall), Wat Suthat, Bangkok
According to Thai law, there are two types of Thai Buddhist temples:

 Wats are temples which have been endorsed by the state and have been
granted wisungkhammasima (วิสุงคามสีมา), or the land for establishing central hall, by
the king. These temples are divided into
o Royal Temples-: phra aram luang ): established or patronised by the king or his
family members.
o Public temples- wat rat established by private citizens. Despite the term
"private", private temples are open to the public and are sites of public religious
activities.
 Samnak song : are temples without state endorsement and wisungkhamasima.

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Thai temple art and architecture

Royal stupa (preăh chêdei) of Kuntha Bopha was built by using Khmer architectural style during
the Angkor period in the form of temple shrine, Silver Pagoda, Phnom Penh

The main chedi in Wat Phra Mahathat, Nakhon Si Thammarat/Pha That

Luang, Vientiane, Laos/Wat Chaiyamangkalaram, George Town, Malaysia
A typical Buddhist wat consists of the following buildings:

 Bell tower
 Bot uposatha or sim the holiest prayer room, also called the "ordination hall" as it is
where new monks take their vows. Architecturally it is similar to the vihara. The main
difference is the eight cornerstones placed around the bot to ward off evil. The bot is usually
more decorated than the wihan. In Cambodia nowadays, this type of building is considered to
be Vihear. It was previously called Ubaosathakea or Rorng
Ubaosoth Chedei or Chedi from Sanskrit: chaitya, temple or that (It is also known as a stupa.
Usually conical or bell-shaped buildings, but many Cambodian stupas are constructed in the
style of temple shrine. They often contain relics of Buddha. The urns containing the ashes of
the cremated dead are kept here and serve as memorials for those ancestors.
 Chantakhara a room in which fire and water are kept.
 Drum tower Thai:
 Hong Song Nam toilet.
 Ho trai library where Buddhist texts are kept.
 Kappapiya Kudi utility and storage room.

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 KodKut, Kutti, Kuti or Kati the living quarters of monks separated from the sacred
buildings.
 Mondop or Sanskrit Mandapa: usually an open, square building with four arches and a
pyramidal roof, used to worship religious texts or objects.
 Pond Sa Nam: is rectangular in shape and sometimes decorated with lotus flowers, the
emblematic flower of Buddhism. In addition, some wats illustrate the figure of Buddha being
sheltered by a seven headed naga, named Mucalinda (Khmer: មុជ្ជលិន្ទ), in the middle
of the pond. The pond itself is called Mucalinda Pond.
 Sala from the Sanskrit word शाला, cognate of Hindi शाल, meaning hall, large room or
shed. A pavilion for relaxation and miscellaneous activities. In Cambodia, the sala also
serves as the Buddhist educational center in a wat, but not every wat has one. It can be found
outside the wat proper.
o Oupadthan Sala or Sala Bonn or Sala Wat - a hall for people gathering together to
make a donation or for ceremonies.
o Sala Baley or Sala Putthikakseksa (Khmer: សាលាបាលី ឬ សាលាពុទ្ធិក
សិក្សា): literally means 'Pali school' or 'Buddhist educational school', is the place to
teach Buddhist Dharma and other subjects in both Pali and Khmer languages. Sala Baley
is divided into three levels. They are: Buddhist elementary school (Khmer: ពុទ្ធិក
បឋមសិក្សា Putthikakpathamaseksa); Buddhist high school (Khmer:
ពុទ្ធិកវិទ្យាល័យ - Putthikakvityealay); and Buddhist university (Khmer:
ពុទ្ធិកសកលវិទ្យាល័យ Putthikaksakalvityealay). Beside Buddhist Dharma,
Buddhist university includes subjects such as philosophy, science, information
technology, Sanskrit, and other foreign languages. These schools may be constructed
outside the wat and laypersons are also permitted to study there.
o Sala Chhann (Khmer: សាលាឆាន់), Sala Bat (Thai: ศ า ล า บ า ต ร ), or Ho Chan
(Thai: หอฉัน): cafeteria for monks.

o Sala Chhatean (Khmer: សាលាឆទាន), Sala Klang Yan (Thai: ศาลากลางย่าน)

or Sala Rong Tham (Lao: ສາລາໂຮງທໍາ; Thai: ศาลาโรงธรรม): is usually smaller than
other halls and can be built outside the wat, especially along the roads or even in the
center of villages. It is used to celebrate Buddhist events as well as for dining and
relaxation.
o Sala Kan Parian (Thai: ศาลาการเปรียญ) or Ho Chaek (Lao: ຫໍແຈກ; Thai: หอ
แจก): study hall, In the past this hall was restricted to monks.[

o Sala Song (Thai: ศ า ล า ส ร ง ): the room where monks receive holy water
blessings.
o Sala Thormmasaphear or Thormmasala (Khmer: សាលាធម្មសភា ឬ ធម្មសាលា),
Sala Fang Tham (Thai: ศ า ล า ฟั ง ธ ร ร ม ): Dharma assembly pavilion, however some
assume this hall to be Sala Bonn.

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 o Sala Tha Nam (Thai: ศาลาท่าน้ำ): pier pavilion.

 Vihear (Khmer: វិហារ) or wihan (Lao: ວິຫານ; Thai: วิหาร) from Sanskrit: vihara: a
meeting and prayer room.
 Wachak Kod toilet.

Almost all Buddhist temples in Cambodia were built in Khmer architectural style. Most temples
were finely decorated with a spiked tower (bosbok) some temples have three or five spiked
towers; some have none) on the rooftop along with pediments, naga heads, and chovear(a
decorative ridge-piece that is placed at each topmost edge of the roof, just above the tip of each
pediment). Below the edge of the roof and at the top of external
columns, garuda or kinnari figures are depicted supporting the roof. There are a pair of guardian
lions and one head or several (three, five, seven, or nine). naga sculptures are beside each
entrance of the temple. Inside the main temple (vihara) and the multipurpose hall (lunch hall),
mural paintings depict the life of Gautama Buddha and his previous life.
The roofs of Thai temples are often adorned with chofas.
Some well-known wats include:
Cambodia
At the end of 2017, there were 4,872 wats with 69,199 Buddhist monks supporting Buddhism in
Cambodia.[5] By 2019, it was illustrated that 97.1 percent of the Cambodian population was
Buddhist,[6] making Cambodia to be one of the most predominant Buddhist nations in the world.

 Angkor Wat, Siem Reap

 Wat Preah Keo, Phnom Penh
 Wat Botum Vattey, Phnom Penh
 Wat Moha Montrey, Phnom Penh
 Wat Ounalaom, Phnom Penh
 Wat Phnom, Phnom Penh
 Wat Bakan, Pursat

Laos
Pha That Luang, Vientiane, Laos

 Wat Xieng Thong, Luang Prabang

Malaysia
Wat Buppharam, Penang

 Wat Chayamangkalaram, Penang

 Wat Chetawan, Selangor

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 Wat Phothivihan, Kelantan

Despite having only 3.8 percent Buddhists in Kelantan, the northern Malaysian state
of Kelantan has numerous Thai wats.[7]
Singapore[edit]

 Wat Ananda
 Wat Palelai

Thailand
As of 2016 Thailand had 39,883 wats. Three hundred-ten were royal wats, the remainder were
private (public). There were 298,580 Thai Buddhist monks, 264,442 of the Maha Nikaya order
and 34,138 of the Dhammayuttika Nikaya order. There were 59,587 Buddhist novice monks.[8]

 Wat Suthat, Bangkok, Thailand

 Wat Benchamabophit (The Marble Temple)
 Wat Ratchanatdaram
 Wat Phra Kaew
 Wat Arun
 Wat Bowonniwet Vihara
 Wat Pho
 Wat Saket
 Wat Phra That Doi Suthep, Chiang Mai
 Wat Chiang Man, Chiang Mai
 Wat Chedi Luang, Chiang Mai
 Wat Phra Singh, Chiang Mai
 Wat Phra That Lampang Luang, Lampang
 Wat Phumin, Nan, Thailand
 Phra Pathommachedi, Nakhon Pathom

Wat Pah Nanachat (Bung Wai International Forest Monastery), established in 1975 by Ajahn
Chah as a training community for non-Thais and foreigners, the primary language of instruction
is English.

Nagar can refer to:

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 Nagar, Rajshahi Division, a village
 Nagar, Barisal Division, a settlement

India
Nagar taluka, Ahmednagar, Maharashtra State

 Nagar, Murshidabad, a village in West Bengal

 Nagar, Rajasthan, a town in Rajasthan
 Nagar, Uttar Pradesh, a pargana in Basti district

Dr. Sharada Sugirtharajahttps://www.sanskritimagazine.com/indian-religions/hinduism/makes-good-

city-hindu-perspective/

Aruna Rajapakse , RECONCEPTUALIZING SACRED CITY MEANING: THE SACRED CITY OF

ANURADHAPURA 2019.Conference: PGIHS Research Congress,: University of Peradeniya, Kandy, Sri
Lanka.
Iran

 Nagar, Iran, a village in East Azerbaijan Province

Pakistan

 The Nagar Valley in northern Pakistan

o Nagar, Pakistan, a town

o Nagar District, an administrative unit

o Nagar (princely state), a former autonomous princely state

Syria

 Nagar, Syria, an ancient city

Varanasi (Benares), known as the microcosm of India and the most sacred city of Hindu religion,
has maintained its cosmic layout which developed in the historical past. The passage from
macrocosmos (heaven) into mesocosmos (earth) and further down into microcosmos (the temple,
or body) is made spatially visible and is regulated by the network of pilgrimage routes - this is
what we call pilgrimage mandala. In Varanasi five of the various pilgrimage circuits are well
developed; taken as a sequence leading from outer to inner space, they reveal parallels between
macro-, meso- and microcosmos and the related transcendental powers. Moreover, the spatial
arrangement of the 56 shrines of Ganesha ("Elephant-headed God") and the routes following
Vinayaka's pilgrimage journey, also form a mandala representing the product of 8 directions and

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7 layers of atmosphere, thus the number 56. These aspects are described and the notion of
cosmogonic integrity is discussed.
Nagara also known as Dionysopolis was an ancient city in the northwest part of Indian
subcontinent, distinguished in Ptolemy. It also appears in sources as Nagarahara, and was
situated between the Kabul River and the Indus, in present-day Afghanistan.
From the second name which Ptolemy has preserved, we are led to believe that this is the same
place as Nysa (Νύσα) or Nyssa (Νύσσα), which was spared from plunder and destruction
by Alexander the Great because the inhabitants asserted that it had been founded by Dionysus,
when he conquered the area and he named the city Nysa and the land Nysaea (Νυσαία) after his
nurse and also he named the mountain near the city, Meron (Μηρὸν) (i.e. thigh), because he
grew in the thigh of Zeus.
______________________________________________________________________
A Cosmic Layout of the Hindu Sacred City, Varanasi (Benares) ,Rana P.B. Singh, rch. 8
Comport. /Arch. 8 Behav., Vol. 9, no. 2, p. 239-250 (1993)

When Alexander arrived at the city, together with his Companion cavalry went to the mountain
and they made ivy garlands and crowned themselves with them, as they were, singing hymns in
honor of Dionysus. Alexander also offered sacrifices to Dionysus, and feasted in company with
his companions.[4] On the other hand, according to Philostratus although Alexander wanted to go
up the mountain he decided not to do it because he was afraid that when his men will see
the vines which were on the mountain they would feel home sick or they will recover their taste
for wine after they had become accustomed to water only, so he decided to make his vow and
sacrifice to Dionysus at the foot of the mountain.
The site of Nagara is usually associated with a site now called Nagara Ghundi, about 4
kilometres (2.5 mi) west of Jalalabad, south of the junction of the Surkhäb and Kabul rivers,
where ancient ruins have been found.
Archaeologist Zemaryalai Tarzi has suggested that, following the fall of the Greco-
Bactrian cities of Ai-Khanoum and Takht-i Sangin, Greek populations were established in the
plains of Jalalabad, which included Hadda, around the Hellenistic city of Dionysopolis, and that
they were responsible for the Buddhist creations of Tapa Shotor in the 2nd century C
Angkor, which is a Khmer version of the Sanskrit term nagara ("city"), was in fact a succession
of sacred cities that served as the capital of the rulers of an empire from the ninth to the fifteenth
centuries. Each pyramidal-shaped structure or temple that we so associate with Angkor was a re-
creation in stone of the cosmology by which the Khmer rulers ordered their lives and that of their
subjects. Through such buildings, the rulers of Angkor sought to bring the world of strife and
struggle into harmony with ultimate order. The identification of the kind with a Hindu (or
Buddhist) deity become complete at the time of the King's death. The shrine he had built during
his lifetime become, after his death, his immortal body. Members of the royal family and the
aristocracy emulated the ruler by erecting many more shrines in the capital and provincial
centers. The cult of Visnu did not survive for very long as the exclusive religion but the change
to Buddhism did not lead Jayavarman VII to make a radical break with the architectural and
inconographic traditions that had preceded his reign. His city, Angkor Thom, still centered on a

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representation of the sacred Mt. Meru, but he added new Buddhist elements to his shrine-
basreliefs

The culmination of the pyramid-temple form, which represents in stone and space he sacred
center of the universe, Mt. Meru, was realized in the twelfth century with the construction of
unquestionably the most well-known monument at Angkor, Angkor Wat. Although the name
Angkor Wat means "pagoda of the capital," it was not, in its original conception, a Buddhist
temple (wat), but was, rather, dedicated to to god Visnu.

The cult of Visnu did not survive for very long as the exclusive religion of Angkor. King
Jayavarman VII (1181 to the early thirteenth century), the best remembered king of the
Angkorean period, sought (apparently form his wife's influence) religious inspiration from
Mahayana Buddhism rather than from Hinduism. This inspiration. These are not, however,
scenes from the lives of Visnu or Rama; rather they are scenes from the world of humans, the
most important of the worlds in the Buddhist realm of feeling and desire, Aside from their
religious meaning, these murals tell us much about life in Angkor at the time. The higher
elevations of the shrine represent the realm of the gods, a realm dominated by the Bodhisattva,
Lokesvara, whose compassion for all humans can assist them in achieving ultimate salvation.

The images of Lokesvara that dominate the Bayon have long captured the attention of visitors.
Pierre Loti, in his Pélerin d'Angkor, wrote: "I looked up at the tree-covered towers which
dwarfed me, when all of a sudden mu blood curdled as I saw an enormous smile looking down
on me, and then another smile on another wall, then three, then five, then ten appearing in every
direction." The faces represent not only the Bodhisattva alone; they are also of Jayavarman VII,
who has become the Buddharaja, the king who is also a Buddha. The images looking in many
directions were indicative of Jayavarman VII's control over a vast domain. While Jayavarman's
authority may have been extended over a larger territory than his predecessors, the Angkorean
world had long included much of what today is not only Cambodia, but also most of northeastern
and much of central Thailand, central and southern Laos, and southern Vietnam.

The account of Chou Ta-kuan, a Chinese envoy to Angkor at the end of the thirteenth century,
reveals that much of the populace as well as many in the elite adhered to that form of Buddhism
known as the "Way of Elders," Theravada, although the Chinese themselves termed it Hinayana
(the "lesser vehicle") in contrast to their own from of Buddhism, Mahayana (the "greater
vehicle"). With the adoption of Theravada Buddhism, much of the rational for the monumental
architecture of Angkor disappeared since people found greater appeal in the rituals performed in
small shrines by Buddhist monks than in those performed by kings and priests in large temples.

As the rational for Angkorean civilization was undermined, so too did the military power of
Angkor decline. In the fourteenth century a number of new states were formed by Tai-speaking
peoples in what is today Thailand and Laos. Although the Tai from Ayutthaya attacked and
defeated Angkor in the fifteenth century, it is more appropriated to see Ayutthaya as one of a
number of successor states to Angkor - including also those of Lan Xang (Laos) and Phnom
Penh - rather than as an aggressor intent on destroying Khmer culture. The court of these new
Tai kingdoms, like that of Phnom Penh, derived most of their ideas about statecraft from Angkor.

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ooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooooo

CHAPTER X
Hindu Divinity in Angkor

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 krishn & Balaram his brother in Bantei Serai,Cambodia

What is the exact meaning of divinity?

The word is a noun, plural di·vin·i·ties means the quality of being divine; divine nature. ... a
being having divine attributes, ranking below God but above humans: minor divinities. the study
or science of divine things; theology. godlike character; supreme excellence.
Divinity is defined as a divine being, or the quality of being divine, or a course of religious
study. The behaviors, attitudes and actions of Hindu Gods are an example of divinity.

A Divine Person is the supreme pattern of man's unselfish generosity. See Also: trinity, holy,
articles on; person (in theology); nature; incommunicability; paternity, divine. India is a land of
religions.India’s religioms travelled to Cambodia 1000 years ago or more and took a dominant
shape and hold on all from Royalty to commoners. Some scholars believed that the Dravidian
religion was a belief system unique to the Neolithic people of South Asia before the origin of
Indo-Aryan languages. Dr. Pope believes that in the pre-historic period the Dravidian religion
was a precursor to Shaivism and ShaktismTheravada Buddhism has been the Cambodian state
religion since the 13th century AD (excepting the Khmer Rouge period), and is currently
estimated to be the religion of 97.9% of the total population. The earliest forms of Buddhism,
along with Hindu influences, entered the Funan kingdom with Hindu merchants. Cambodia's
Hinduism can be traced back to the Funan Kingdom which ruled between 100BC and 500AD.
During this period, kings worshiped Vishnu and Shiva. When the Khmer Empire came to power,
Hinduism remained the dominating religion until Jayavarman VII (reigned 1181-1218). A
country that is today covered with different religions, Hinduism was one of the most popular
among them. Modern Cambodia too is made up of about 95 percent Theravada Buddhists, with
Cham Muslims, Christians and tribal animists making up most of the remainder. However, it
hasn’t always been this way, with Cambodia’s roots steeped deep in Hinduism.

The Hindu temples in India have always been special for the belief they have in the followers
of this religion. South India is known for its temples all around the world. The temple cities of
India, as they are fondly called, are known for its marvelous architecture and high religious
beliefs.

On the plans and model of these South Indian Hindu temples and built by buikders and artisans
brough from India itself, these Cambodian temple cities have a mythological significance
reflecting the roles that holy hindu scriptures played especially in Mahabharata and Ramayana.
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1000,s of sculptures and carvings adoen the more than 1000 km of walls ( consolidated) that are
all the Khemer and pre- khemer temples with 1,000 is of Shivalingas and Murtis of idols of Gods
such as Vishnu, Shiva, Krishna, Ram, Hanumana, Garuda and so on an endless list that will
cirv=cumnavigate the entire Hinduism.

After an extraordinary confluence of religion and art, these famous temples in South East Asia
have become a shining example of the cultural heritage and diversity of India. Of all the existing
ones, take a look at some of the finest architectural creations made over a period of thousands of
years by historic dynasties for the creators and preservers of this beautiful planet.
In Cambodia, believe it or not, for hundreds of years, the only form of tourism that existed was purely
religious and devotional.Buddhists and earlier Hindus visited these Hindu and later Buddhist temples
coming from far and wide. Why even to this day, millions of devotees flock to these incredible famous
temples every year in a quest for moksha and inner peace. Many of the famous temples built by the
Khemer have often been considered by historians and architects as the finest devotional constructions
ever to be made. What made these temples not lose their charm with the passage of time; on the contrary
and inspite of their conversion from Hinduism to Buddhism, was the strong and dedicated devotional
purpose for which they were builtThe Angkor Wat Temple is one of the most interesting famous temples
in terms of architectural design. It was built with an intriguing fusion of South Indian style and Khemer
style of architecture. It was built by the Khmer King Suryavarman II in the first half of the 12th century,
around the year 1110-1150, making Angkor Wat almost 900 years old. The temple complex, built in the
capital of the Khmer Empire, took approximately 30 years to build.

However, the temple of Angkor Wat itself was never abandoned. And the landscape surrounding the
temple appears to be reoccupied by the late 14th or early 15th centuries, during the period Angkor was
supposedly sacked and abandoned by Ayutthaya, and used until the 17th or 18th centuries. Angkor, the
great medieval city located near the Tonlé Sap (the “Great Lake”) in northwestern Cambodia, was
abandoned by Khmer rulers in the fifteenth century in an effort to find a capital that could be more easily
defended against the expansionistic Thailand invasions. But that is just one of the theories. My theory
propounded in my paper…. Ks that after conversion from Hinduisn to Buddhism almost in a day as if one
changes 1 shirt with another, the people who were Hindus were reluctant to change to Buddhism. Being
farm labourers, they migrated to other interior locations where their Hindu relatives lived in order to
continue as Hindus.

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It was originally built in the first half of the 12th century as a Hindu temple. Spread across more
than 400 acres, Angkor Wat is said to be the largest religious monument in the world.. Dedicated
to the Hindu god Vishnu, Angkor Wat became a Buddhist temple by the end of the 12th century.
Angkor Wat is a miniature replica of the universe in stone and represents an earthly model of the
cosmic world. The central tower rises from the center of the monument symbolizing the mythical
mountain, Meru, situated at the center of the universe. Its five towers correspond to the peaks of
Meru. Angkor Wat is an architectural masterpiece and the largest religious monument in the
world – covering an area four times the size of Vatican City. It was built by the Khmer King
Suryavarman II in the first half of the 12th century, around the year 1110-1150, making Angkor
Wat almost 900 years old.

Double Divinity: Angkor Wat was shared by two religions.

In Cambodia today, divinity and modernity co-exixt as denoted by the beer mug, yet the
symbol of the Hindu legacy binds them together.

It was originally built as a Hindu temple dedicated to the god Vishnu, breaking the previous
kings' tradition of worshiping Shaiva. It gradually turned into a Buddhist temple towards the end
of the 12th century and is still used for worship today. Piles of shoes outside front doors is a
common sight across Cambodia because it is considered polite to remove your shoes when
entering someone's house. This rule also applies to temples, where hats and other items that
cover the head are expected to be taken off even today in all Hindu temples no matter which
country.

A temple with a lost name

Essay by Dr. Melody Rod-ari https://www.khanacademy.org/humanities/ap-art-history/south-east-se-
asia/cambodia-art/a/angkor-wat

Angkor Wat in Siem Reap, Cambodia is the largest religious monument in the world. Angkor Wat,
translated from Khmer (the official language of Cambodia) literally means “City Temple.” As far as
names go this is as generic as it gets. Angkor Wat was not the original name given to the temple when it
was built in the 12th century. We have little knowledge of how this temple was referred to during the time
of its use, as there are no extant texts or inscriptions that mention the temple by name—this is quite

131
incredible if we consider the fact that Angkor Wat is the greatest religious construction project in
Southeast Asia.
A possible reason why the temple’s original name may have never been documented is that it was such an
important and famous monument that there was no need to refer to it by its name. We have several
references to the king who built the temple, King Suryavarman II (1113-1145/50 C.E.), and events that
took place at the temple, but no mention of its name.

Historical Context
Angkor Wat is dedicated to the Hindu god Vishnu who is one of the three principal gods in the Hindu
pantheon (Shiva and Brahma are the others). Among them he is known as the “Protector.” The major
patron of Angkor Wat was King Suryavarman II, whose name translates as the “protector of the sun.”
Many scholars believe that Angkor Wat was not only a temple dedicated to Vishnu but that it was also
intended to serve as the king’s mausoleum in death.

Angkor Wat. Siem Reap, Cambodia, 1116-1150 (photo: Benjamin Jakabek, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

The construction of Angkor Wat likely began in the year 1116 C.E.—three years after King Suryavarman
II came to the throne—with construction ending in 1150, shortly after the king’s death. Evidence for these
dates comes in part from inscriptions, which are vague, but also from the architectural design and artistic
style of the temple and its associated sculptures.
The building of temples by Khmer kings was a means of legitimizing their claim to political office and
also to lay claim to the protection and powers of the gods. Hindu temples are not a place for religious
congregation; instead; they are homes of the god. In order for a king to lay claim to his political office he
had prove that the gods did not support his predecessors or his enemies. To this end, the king had to build
the grandest temple/palace for the gods, one that proved to be more lavish than any previous temples. In
doing so, the king could make visible his ability to harness the energy and resources to construct the
temple, and assert that his temple was the only place that a god would consider residing in on earth.
The building of Angkor Wat is likely to have necessitated some 300,000 workers, which included
architects, construction workers, masons, sculptors and the servants to feed these workers. Construction
of the site took over 30 years and was never completely finished. The site is built entirely out of stone,
which is incredible as close examination of the temple demonstrates that almost every surface is treated
and carved with narrative or decorative details.

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Carved Bas Reliefs of Hindu Narratives
There are 1,200 square meters of carved bas reliefs at Angkor Wat, representing eight different Hindu
stories. Perhaps the most important narrative represented at Angkor Wat is the Churning of the Ocean of
Milk(below), which depicts a story about the beginning of time and the creation of the universe. It is also
a story about the victory of good over evil. In the story, devas (gods) are fighting the asuras (demons) in
order reclaim order and power for the gods who have lost it. In order to reclaim peace and order, the elixir
of life (amrita) needs to be released from the earth; however, the only way for the elixir to be released is
for the gods and demons to first work together. To this end, both sides are aware that once the amrita is
released there will be a battle to attain it.

Churning of the Ocean of Milk (detail), Angkor Wat. Siem Reap, Cambodia, 1116-1150

The relief depicts the moment when the two sides are churning the ocean of milk. In the detail above you
can see that the gods and demons are playing a sort of tug-of-war with the Naga or serpent king as their
divine rope. The Naga is being spun on Mt. Mandara represented by Vishnu (in the center). Several things
happen while the churning of milk takes place. One event is that the foam from the churning
produces apsaras or celestial maidens who are carved in relief throughout Angkor Wat (we see them here
on either side of Vishnu, above the gods and demons). Once the elixir is released, Indra (the Vedic god
who is considered the king of all the gods) is seen descending from heaven to catch it and save the world
from the destruction of the demons.

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Angkor Wat as Temple Mountain

Angkor Wat. Siem Reap, Cambodia, 1116-1150//

Gallery, Angkor Wat, Siem Reap, Cambodia, 1116-1150 (photo: fmpgoh, CC BY-NC-ND 2.0)

n aerial view of Angkor Wat demonstrates that the temple is made up of an expansive enclosure wall,
which separates the sacred temple grounds from the protective moat that surrounds the entire complex
(the moat is visible in the photograph at the top of the page). The temple proper is comprised of three
galleries (a passageway running along the length of the temple) with a central sanctuary, marked by five
stone towers.

The five stone towers are intended to mimic the five mountain ranges of Mt. Meru—the mythical home of
the gods, for both Hindus and Buddhists. The temple mountain as an architectural design was invented in
Southeast Asia. Southeast Asian architects quite literally envisioned temples dedicated to Hindu gods on
earth as a representation of Mt. Meru. The galleries and the empty spaces that they created between one
another and the moat are envisioned as the mountain ranges and oceans that surround Mt. Meru. Mt.
Meru is not only home to the gods, it is also considered an axis-mundi. An axis-mundi is a cosmic or
world axis that connects heaven and earth. In designing Angkor Wat in this way, King Suryavarman II
and his architects intended for the temple to serve as the supreme abode for Vishnu. Similarly, the
symbolism of Angkor Wat serving as an axis mundi was intended to demonstrate the Angkor Kingdom’s
and the king’s central place in the universe. In addition to envisioning Angkor Wat as Mt. Meru on earth,
the temple’s architects, of whom we know nothing, also ingeniously designed the temple so that
embedded in the temple’s construction is a map of the cosmos (mandala) as well as a historical record of
the temple’s patron.

Angkor Wat as a Mandala

According to ancient Sanskrit and Khmer texts, religious monuments and specifically temples must be
organized in such a way that they are in harmony with the universe, meaning that the temple should be
planned according to the rising sun and moon, in addition to symbolizing the recurrent time sequences of
the days, months and years. The central axis of these temples should also be aligned with the planets, thus
connecting the structure to the cosmos so that temples become spiritual, political, cosmological,

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astronomical and geo-physical centers. They are, in other words, intended to represent microcosms of the
universe and are organized as mandalas—diagrams of the universe.

Angkor Wat Divinity Today?

Today, the Cambodian flag has emblazoned on it the silhouette of Angkor Wat. The only country in the
world that has a Hindu temple as a national emblem. Angkor Wat continues to play an important role in
Cambodia even though most of the population is now Buddhist. Since the 15th century, Buddhists have
used the temple and visitors today will see, among the thousands of visitors, Buddhist monks and nuns
who worship at the site. Angkor Wat has also become an important symbol for the Cambodian nation.

REPRODUCED here is an excellent easy by Stefan Andrews 2017

Locals believed that the Angkor Wat temple was constructed in a single night by a divine architect
For centuries, travelers and explorers were captivated by the beauty of the Angkor Wat, and they mostly
reported on the mysterious site. One of the most interesting accounts come from the Chinese traveler
Zhou Daguan , who was sent as a diplomat under the Emperor Chengzong of Yuan of China. Zhou had
arrived at the temple complex in August 1296 and remained at the court of King Indravarman III, until
July 1297.
Zhou’s insights on the life and times of the early Angkor Wat are noted in “The Customs of Cambodia” a
book written during his diplomatic visit. He writes about the fascinating customs, religious practices and
the role of women and slaves in this society. According to some of the unusual tales, he had also reported,
it was believed by some, that the temple was constructed in a single night by a divine architect.

Suryavarman II in procession at the Angkor Wat, the Khmer King who had built the Angkor Wat in the early 12th century as
the capital of the Khmer Empire and as his state temple and eventual mausoleum/ RIGHT French postcard about Angkor
Wat in 1911.

Zhou would write on the Royal Palace, “Official buildings and homes of the aristocracy, including the
Royal Palace, face the east. The Royal Palace stands north of the Golden Tower and the Bridge of Gold: it
is one and a half mile in circumference. The titles of the main dwelling are of lead. Other dwellings are
covered with yellow-coloured pottery tiles. Carved or painted Buddhas decorate all the immense columns
and lintels. The roofs are impressive too. Open corridors and long colonnades, arranged in harmonious
patterns, stretch away on all sides.”

He also depicts the royal procession of Indravarman III, descendant of the Angkor Wat creator, “When
the King goes out, troops are at the head of [his] escort; then come flags, banners, and music. Palace
women, numbering from three to five hundred, wearing flowered cloth, with flowers in their hair, hold
candles in their hands, and form a troupe. Even in broad daylight, the candles are lighted.”

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The Chinese diplomat further describes how the King and the women of Angkor looked. Only the ruler
was able to be dressed in clothes that had an all-over floral design. The King also wore about three
pounds of Photo pearls around his neck, and gold bracelets and rings all set with cat’s eyes at his wrists,
ankles, and fingers. At public appearances, he would always hold a sword made of gold.

The Customs of Cambodia, an account by Zhou Daguan of his travel in Cambodia in the late 13th century./ 1870 photograph
by Émile Gsell, a French photographer who worked in Southeast Asia. Photo credit

View of central galleries and towers of Angkor Wat, Siam (now in Cambodia), 1866. Photography work by Émile Gsell.

Zhou continues on the processions, “Ministers and princes are mounted on elephants, and in front of
them one can see, from afar, their innumerable red umbrellas. After them, come the wives and concubines
of the King, in palanquins, carriages, on horseback, and on elephants. They have more than a hundred
parasols, flecked with gold. Behind them comes the sovereign, standing on an elephant, holding his
sacred sword in his hand. The elephant’s tusks are encased in gold.”
Last but not least, according to the diplomat, the trading tasks with foreigners at the Angkor were
performed by women. Zhou would additionally note that women aged very quickly. His remarks on the

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reasons were that, “because they marry and give birth when too young. When they are twenty or thirty
years old, they look like Chinese women who are forty or fifty.”

Zhou’s depictions are considered accurate, although scholars had identified inaccuracies. For instance, he
describes the Hindu religious devotees in Chinese terms as Confucians or Daoists, which would be
wrong. The measurements he also provided about the length of the temples and their distance in the
complex are not accurate either. However, the accounts can help us vividly recreate in our minds what life
at the Angkor Wat was like at the end of the 13th century.
When the first Westerners arrived at the site, they were astonished at the sight of it. A Portuguese monk
António da Madalena, deemed among the first to arrive at Angkor Wat in 1586, would say that the place
“is of such extraordinary construction that it is not possible to describe it with a pen, particularly since it
is like no other building in the world. It has towers and decoration and all the refinements which the
human genius can conceive of.”
However, the Angkor Wat will become more familiar in the West during the mid 19th century when the
site was visited by the French naturalist and explorer Henri Mouhot. In his travel notes, he would glorify
the complex by writing: “One of these temples—a rival to that of Solomon, and erected by some ancient
Michelangelo—might take an honorable place beside our most beautiful buildings. It is grander than
anything left to us by Greece or Rome, and presents a sad contrast to the state of barbarism in which the
nation is now plunged.”

Facade of Angkor Wat, a drawing by Henri Mouhot, c. 1860. RIGHT Group portrait of Doudart de Lagrée and other members of the
“Commission d’ exploration du Mékong,” Angkor Wat, Siam (now in Cambodia), 1866. Photography work by Emile Gsell.

In between the visits of the Portuguese monk and the French naturalist, life at the Angkor Wat had
notably diminished. Reportedly, by the 17th century, the complex was not completely abandoned but had
still functioned as a Buddhist temple. Fourteen inscriptions dated from that period and discovered in the
nearby area, affirm that it was Japanese Buddhist pilgrims who had established small settlements along
the local Khmers. In those days, the Angkor Wat was in fact mistaken by the Japanese to be a famed
Jetavana garden situated in India; a place where the Buddha had given the majority of his teachings.
It was a challenge for researchers to piece together the history of the monumental site accurately.
Eventually, they did so through clearing and restoration work on the whole complex. It was unusual that
there was an absence of ordinary dwellings or signs of other settlements. There were no tools for cooking,
weapons, or clothes whatsoever, typically found at other ancient sites. It was only the monuments. The
restorations took place during the 20th century and focused mostly on the removal of concentrated earth
and vegetation.
Some serious casualties at the Angkor Wat had followed in the late 1980’s and early 1990’s when art
thieves, mostly operating out of Thailand, had claimed almost every head that could be chopped off the
structures, including reconstructions.

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To date, the complex remains a powerful symbol of Cambodia and a reason for great national pride which
had also determined the country’s diplomatic moves towards other countries, such as France or Thailand
in the past. The imposing legacy of the Angkor and other sites of the Khmer empire in the region had
been the reason for France to adopt Cambodia under a protectorate in 1863, thus trespassing territories
controlled by the Siamese (Thai), and taking charge of the ruins. The events then led Cambodia to quickly
reclaim the lands in the northwest of the country which had been under the Siamese for several centuries.

In https://www.iskconcambodia.com/2014/05/23/reconnected-to-the-devine-protector/ it is said:

Angkor is the place where the majestic power of divinity existed, and this existed by the presence
of Devas (Demigods), Brahmins (priest), Rajas (the kings). All those personalities are
considered to be the divine representatives, they possessed great knowledge and power, and
detachment. But it changed over a period of time, according to story there were many kings, and
each of them having faith in different philosophy, two prominent philosophies were followed, by
the Kings i.e Shaivism or Vaisnavaism, and later on Buddhism; Mahayana and Theravada.. We
understand from vedic scriptures that those personalities like Lord Siva, Lord Vishnu and Lord
Bhudha are not ordinary personalities; they are the Supreme authorities of the Absolute truth. So
any king who runs the society based on the teachings of the Lord, can bring the happiness to the
citizens.

Gunaavataradasa from the YasodapuraAsrham, Cambodia further writes and I quote ad betbatim: ( edited and
shortened by me)
During ancient times the King was advised by qualified brahmanas to rule the kingdom.
Let us see what was happening thousands of years ago in the land of Angkor. Back to nine
century, the founder of Kingdom Angkor JayavarmanII (r.802-34) after returning from Java he
engaged his military men to build the temple in Kulen mountain where he installed and
worshiped sacred linga representing Lord Shiva, and he held the ceremony to establish himself
as the Divine King (Devaraja) (Along the royal road to Angkor, pgh. 164). Jayavarman II seems
to have great mission to protect the people and the land, he then took the responsibility to
establish the Kingdom, at the same time he realized that without the help of divine power of the
Lord, nothing could be done, so with full faith he started worshiping the linga of Lord Siva,
submitting to serve as the King and representative of the divine energy of the Lord. The Lord
satisfied with his worship and empowered him to rule the kingdom as His representative,
because the Lord also pleased the entire kingdom flourished with the prosperity.

Later on the king Indravarman I also built several temples around Roluos, dedicated to Lord Siva
and his bull Nandi. Yasovarman I (r. 889-910) built the first Royal Capital near Angkor area,
Yasodharapura, and on the top of Bhakeng Hill he built the temple and worshiped Lord Shiva
Linga. Few other kings followed in establishing temples in different places, expanding the
territory, and maintaining the water system for the agriculture. Kings were also responsible for
the welfare, and the prosperity. Traditionally agriculture was the divine way to prosper in the
kingdom, followed by trade as well. And all agriculture produce first should be offered to the
divine deities in the temple by the priest, for the benefit of every one, by this system every
activity of the citizens was always connected to divine Lord.

Different names of demigods also was well known to the citizens of Angkor, we can see at the
gate of the temple there is churning of the ocean of milk, and very big statue of 45 demigods in

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one side and demons on other side. Many carvings of demigods such as Indra, Varuna, Surya,
Chandra, are seen on the wall of temple. The demigods are also the living beings, who are
residing in heavenly planets to serve the Supreme Lord in assisting different universal affairs,
like Lord Indra in charge of rain, Lord Chandra in charge of the moon light, Lord Varuna in
charge of the ocean and so on. The activities of the citizens also should be connected with the
demigods, because according to scriptures the demigods, kings, priest and the citizen should
corporate with each other to satisfy the Supreme Lord,
devanbhavayatanena
te deva bhavayantuvaù
parasparaàbhavayantaù
çreyaùparamavapsyatha

The demigods, being pleased by sacrifices, will also please you, and thus, by cooperation
between men and demigods, prosperity will reign for all. (Bg 3.11)
Co operation between men and demigods is needed to manage the social and spiritual affairs, so
that Lord will spread his mercy and divine protection to every living entity, and to bring
prosperity in the kingdom.

The peak of the Angkor Kingdom is in twelve-thirteen century. In 1113, Suryavarman II built the
Angkor Wat dedicated to Lord Visnu, Suryavarman II is the Vaisnava King. He built the biggest
Vishnu temple in the world. There are so many carvings of Lord Krishna, who is the supreme
absolute truth, He is the supreme controller, He is the cause of all causes. Krishna is all
attractive. Parasara muni gives definition to Bhagavan as one who posses knowledge, power,
wealth, fame, beauty, renunciation in complete, He is the supreme divine. On the wall galleries
of temple there are many stories of Krishna, Krishna killing Kamsa, Krishna holding the
Govardhana Hill, Krishna lila with the Kaliya Naga,killing of bull Aristha, and in the
Mahabaratha story Krishna becoming the Chariot driver of Arjuna. (Ancient Angkor,
18).Jayavarman II has constructed the temple walls depicting pastimes of the Krishna in Angkor
Wat, since then up until now we cannot count how many visited the temple and heard about
Krishna. All this happened by the divine work of Suryavarman II. Without doubt that
Suryawarman worshiped Lord Vishnu and Supreme Lord Krishna, His kingdom got the special
mercy, Kingdom flourished for quit long time. Even though as the age of kali progressing
Angkor Wat is famous in the entire world.

The general mass of people during Angkor time know to worship the trinity gods, example Lord
Shiva or Lord Vishnu, but later on they started worshiping many demigods, and trinity of god as
Lord Brahma, Lord Shiva and Lord Vishnu. We understand that in the age of Kali, the
knowledge about Supreme personality of Godhead is disappearing, when the parampara is
missing, knowledge about absolute truth is also missing, according to the vedic scriptures like
Srimad Bhagavatham, those trinity of Lords is known as GunaAvatara, the controllers of three
modes of Material nature, i.e. Lord Vishnu is the controller of mode of goodness, Lord Brahma
is the controller of mode of passion and Lord Shiva is controller of the mode of ignorance, that
way people who are in mode of goodness used take shelter of Lord Vishnu, and those who are in
passion and ignorance will take shelter to Lord Brahma and Lord Shiva respectively, Lord
Brahma praises in Brahma samhita that Krishna is the Supreme controller.

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 isvarahparamahkrsnah
sat-cit-anandavigrahah
anadiradirgovindah
sarva-karanakaranam

“There are many personalities possessing the qualities of Bhagavän, but Krishna is the supreme
because none can excel Him. He is the Supreme Person, and His body is eternal, full of
knowledge and bliss. He is the primeval Lord Govinda and the cause of all causes.” (Brahma-
samhita 5.1) and Sri Vishnu is the full expansion of Lord Krishna in this material world, so
Krishna is actually the original Vishnu.

After Suryavarman II passed away, then Jayavarman VII (r. 1181-c.1220) became the king, He
was great follower of Mahayana Buddhism, he was kind and compassion so he built one hundred
hospitals and twenty one resting places. Javavarman VII built the capital of Angkor Thom, with
Bayon temple in the center. Bayon is distinguished by its fifty towers with huge face of
bodhisattva Availokiteshvara. ) (Along the royal road to Angkor, pgh. 166) the King was
worshiper of Mayayana Buddhism,. So Jayavarman VII obtained all his power by practicing
Buddhism. Most of the citizens influenced by king also followed and became Buddhists, but
during the time of Jayavarman VII he never attacked Vaisnavas, or Shaivaites, during that time
also some brahmanas lived peacefully by worshiping Lord Vishnu in Angkor wat, and in some
other temples by worshiping Lord Shiva. Jayavarman VII protected and respected all of them.
Acording to Bhagavad gita, the characteristics which are considered to be the divine
nature Supreme Personality of Godhead said: Fearlessness; purification of one’s existence;
cultivation of spiritual knowledge; charity; self-control; performance of sacrifice; study of the
Vedas; austerity; simplicity; nonviolence; truthfulness; freedom from anger; renunciation;
tranquillity; aversion to faultfinding; compassion for all living entities; freedom from
covetousness; gentleness; modesty; steady determination; vigor; forgiveness; fortitude;
cleanliness; and freedom from envy and from the passion for honor—these transcendental
qualities, O son of Bharata, belong to godly men endowed with divine nature. (Bg16.1-3). And
Srila Prabhupada explains these qualities elaborately in the social institution known as
varnasrama-dharma—the institution dividing society into four divisions of social life and four
spiritual divisions, occupational divisions or castes—is not meant to divide the human society
according to birth. Such divisions are in terms of educational qualifications and also to keep the
society in a state of peace and prosperity. The qualities mentioned herein are explained as
transcendental qualities meant for a person to progress in spiritual understanding so that he can
be liberated from the material world.

After the Jayavarman VII this system slowly disappeared, we found an interesting statement that
later on general population took up the Theravada Buddhism, they rejected all the other religious
principles. For them devaraja is not necessary, even the Lord is also not necessary, In any case
Theravada is considered very unique, their religious activities exists even without the God. Even
Sidharta Gautama Buddha for them is not God, some monk here said Lord Buddha is also not
God, and Buddha never forced anybody to follow him, he teaches what is good what is bad, He
gives full liberation to the people to follow or not, so in Theravada we will not find kingdom as
devaraja to establish dharma by force and army, there is no system of reservoir of water/barays
according to the book (Along the royal road to Angkor) the agriculture also fell apart from that

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time, from fourteenth century onwards the Kingdom of Angkor lost its glory by abandoning the
temples and religious principles, and also series of wars from neighboring countries.

In the great empire of Angkor Suryavarman 2 according to the three modes of material nature
and the work associated with them, the four divisions of human society are created by Me…(Bg
4.13). The devotees at Kingdom of Cambodia taken shelter of sankirtana movement of Lord
Caitanya, by chanting the holly name, Hare Krishna Maha mantra, nicely we will continue to
meditate upon the lotus feet of Sad Gosvami of vrindavan, to get their special mercy so that we
can begin this mission of Lord Gauranga. The great acharya from our parampara has already
planed this to happen to spread all towns, cities and villages, and this varnasrama system will be
the system to carry this lord Caitanya’s mission, and to fulfill the desire Srila Prabhupada, to
establish the healthy society Gita Nagari dharma.It lasts even today.

O0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0o0

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 CHAPTER XI
VASTU-SHASTRA PARAMETERS OF ANGKOR
DR UDAY DOKRAS PHD STOCKHOLM

Khmer religious and architectural practices were profoundly influenced by the

development of Hinduism on the Indian subcontinent during the centuries before and after
its initial contact horizon with Southeast Asia early in the 1st Millennium C.E.
Anthropologists often distinguish two modes of cultural transfer – diffusion and
assimilation. The former is usually associated with conquest or colonization The latter
through non-coercive, selective, adoption of elements of one culture by the elites of
another, as happened between the Hindu natios of what is India and the ancient kingdoms
og South-East Asia.

India has an architectural philosophy called Vastu Shastra. Rather than a rigid design
philosophy telling you to do this and then do that, it's more a set of guidelines to help with
maximizing space, sunlight, and movement within the space, while adding in Hindu and possibly
Buddhist beliefs. This all is characterized by square mandalas, which are very distinctive grid-
like shapes.
back as 8,000 y
ears ago; many ancient Indian archaeological sites conform to its design principals. It’s been in
continual practice ever since, though it was ignored by a lot of architects during the British rule
of India. Part of the reason Vastu Shastra has remained in use for so long is its flexibility. The
design matrix allows for adaptation: with new building materials, in more crowded areas, and in
non-square spaces. Angkor Wat, a Hindu temple Siteis the largest religious monument in
theworld. This Cambodian temple design template deploys the same circles and squares grid
architecture as described inancient Indian Vāstu Śastras. The temple has been a perennial focus of
art-historical research, with scholars typically considering it as an architectural and artistic
archetype and as a manifestation of a belief system. The disciplines of art history and digital
visualisation, when previously brought together in relation to the temple, have presented the
temple as an isolated artefact. Such static interpretations deserve to be discarded, as augmented
digital visualisations that are now available offer scholars the opportunity to situate the temple
within its historical landscape with goal seeking animated inhabitants (termed ‘agents’), displays
of religious practice, ephemeral architecture, and vegetation.

Drawing upon recent archaeological findings, a team of researchers from Monash University has
created a dynamic simulation of twelfth-century Angkor Wat where plural reconstructions can be
explored jointly by digital practitioners and Southeast Asia specialists. In contrast to broad
archaeological studies that plot change over decades or centuries, this simulation re-creates just
24 hours; a day in the life of medieval Angkor Wat. A new model of Angkor Wat: simulated
1
reconstruction as a methodology for analysis and public engagement.

Having said that, there is much hype made about the Khmer architecture-based on the findings of
the remains of the temples found in the Cambodian plains. Really? Don’t they all look like

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Hindu temples? In fact many for few cinturies were in fact Hindu temples. Built along the Hindu
perspective of the Vastu Purusha Mandala. It is another matter that those who so called:
discovered”: them in the Jungles were non- Hindus and had no inkling of the Sanskrit language,
Hindu culture or religion, For personal gain they galloped all over Europe claiming to be experts
on Angkor and holding exhibitions, Talks and writing books.

Many of the greatest architectural achievements in human history were designed according to
Vastu Shastra. Angkor Wat in Cambodia was designed according to that plan.

But what is Vastu Shastra? One theory holds that Vastu Shastra’s development goes as far

Tom Chandler, Brent McKee, Elliott Wilson, Mike Yeates, Martin Polkinghorne, Department of
Human Centred Computing, Research output: Contribution to
journal › Article › Research › peer-reviewhttps://research.monash.edu/en/publications/a-new-
model-of-angkor-wat-simulated-reconstruction-as-a-methodolo
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What is Vastu Purusha Mandala? Where to Place Vastu Purusha in House?

A lot of people consider Vastu Shastra principles during home renovation. But not many people
understand the significance of various aspects of Vastu. If you are keen to know some important
details, read on.

Vastu Purusha: The Origin of Vastu Purusha Mandala

It begins at the time when Brahma – the creator of The Universe – experiments with some
creatures.

It was Brahma’s thought of creating an Ideal ‘man’ and that is how he created Vastu Purusha.
With all the power from the Gods, Vastu Purusha was not at all an ordinary man. He was
powerful, appeared huge, and had immense powers to take over Lord Brahma.
With time, he grew bigger with his powers, and so did his hunger. He ate everything that came
his way which stressed both Shiva and Vishnu.

Soon, after their panic, they reached out to Brahma and asked him to stop the chaos.
But, Vastu Purusha was too powerful for the Three Divine Gods (Shiva, Vishnu, and Brahma) to
tackle. Therefore, The Trinity asked the God of eight directions (Ashta Dikpalakas) to help them.
Soon after this, the Gods trapped the man on the ground in a specific position on which the Vastu
Purusha Mandala now exists – head on the North-East and Legs towards the South-West.

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This is how Vastu Purusha came into existence among the mortals and the ‘Mandala’ or Map
was created. The position in which the Gods defeated Vastu Purusha is what the Vastu Purusha
mandala architecture gets its design.

The Scientific Concept of Vastu Purusha

If we look at Vastu Purusha as two individual words, it will be simple to get the definition straight.
A. ‘Mandala’ is the collective name for a chart or a plan that symbolically represents the
universe.
B. ‘Purusha’ alludes to cosmic man, energy, connection, power, or soul.

The Vastu Purusha Mandala is metaphysical planning of building that subsumes the journey of
supernatural forces and heavenly bodies. The Vastu Purusha Mandala is an imperative part of the
Vastu Shastra. Mathematically speaking, it is the diagrammatic representation of the design of
the architectural design in terms of the star and planet movements.
To get a deeper understanding of the Vastu Purusha Mandala, one must understand the tiny bits
of Hindu Cosmology, too.

According to the Hindu Cosmology, the square represents the surface of the Earth, which is also
the foundation of all Hindu forms. Here, it represents the Earth in four corners explaining a
horizontal relationship with the sunset and sunrise (the South and North direction).
The four corners' diagrammatic representation, or the square representation, is called the
Chaturbhuji. It represents the Prithivi Mandala.

Such a diagram is quite common in astrological or horoscope charts. The square plan tells us the
position of the planets, sun, moon, constellations, and the specific zodiac sign of a person
depending on the time and place of birth.

The Detailing in Vastu Purusha Mandala: Elements, Gods, and Deities

Vastu Purusha was defeated by 45 deities mounted in different positions on Vastu Purusha. Each
part was gold by respective Gods after which the directions and energies get their name.
The outer sector of the Vastu Purusha Mandala has 32 gods, while the inner side has 13 Gods to
suppress the man.
The presence of these Deities adds energies to your life and improves the overall quality of your
living.
That is why people follow the Vastu Purusha Mandala before building their house to not upset
the deities in that area. When you follow the entire 9x9 chart guideline thoroughly, you are
pleasing the deities, in return, they give you wealth, health, and a happy lifestyle forever.

What does the Shastra say?

According to the Vastu Shastra, the entire universe comprises of Panchabhuta or Five Elements:
 The Sky (Akash)
 The Air (Vayu)
 The Fire (Agni)
 Water (Jal)
 Earth (Prithvi).
1
The Vastu Shastra claims that humans are composed of these five elements from the inside.

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_____________________________________________________________________________________

1. https://theramprules.com/the-lasting-architecture-of-vastu-shastra/

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Significance of Vastu Purusha Mandala

It is the complete guide of understanding energy core and distribution in the vastu. It is an
inseparable part of vastu shastra and holds a prime significance while conducting vastu analysis
for residential and commercial properties.
The floor plan of any building, particularly its main gate must be done in accordance with Vastu
Purusha Mandala. If done so, it brings ample prosperity for its occupants.
Usually Vastu Purusha Mandala is often depicted in square charts to represent the usually
shape of the plot. But for better understanding, however, it is drawn in 360 degree chart format,
which is universally more popular.

It comprises of 45 gods, out of which 13 are inner gods and rest 32 are outer gods. They
represent various aspect of life. The placement of rooms and other sections of the home,
channels the attributes of the deity that rules the particular section.

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What comprises in the Vastu Purusha Mandala?
In this section, we will elaborate the Vastu Purusha Mandala chart, in brief. Let us list all these
45 deities, one by one, along with learning its significance at a glance. We will begin with 13
inner gods.
The inner 13 deities of vastu purusha mandala
1. Brahma- It is the central space of the vastu. It is also known as Brahmasthan. Brahma is
the core creator, main manifesto and root of all the energy in the universe. It is highly
recommended not to mess with it. Thus it is best left void in any vastu.
(From 2 to 5)
From Brahma emerge 4 main energy fields in 4 cardinal directions, i.e. in North, East, South and

West. In this sequence this energy fields are-

1. Bhudhar-It offers energy to initiate or begin any work or task.
2. Aryama- It offers the expertise to mingle with people and to establish connections.
 Vivasvan– It offers energy to attain peak of success and fame.
1. Mitra- It offers energy in the form of motivation to take fruitful action.
(From 6 to 13)

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From these 4 energies, along with that of Brahma, emerge 8 more energy fields on diagonal
direction (i.e. on NE, NW, SE, SW). These are called the asthsiddhiyan and are named as
follows-
1. Rudra– it offers energy to carry out tasks, without interruption. It also represent
emotional imbalance.
2. Rajyaksma/Rudrajaya– it offers supportive and supervising energy to carry out the
ideas offered by the mind.
These above 2 energy fields are in the North-West zone of the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
 Apa- it offers energy to attain the right way to accomplish a task, find solution of any
problem and to promote healing.
1. Apavatsa- it offers helping energy for apa and also act as a reservoir of nutrition.
These above 2 energy fields are in the North-east zone of the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
1. Savita- only planning is not adequate in life. This field offers motivational energy to
begin any action.
2. Sosa/savitra- it offer supportive energy for savita, and towards managing funds.
These above 2 energy fields are in the South-East zone of the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
 Indra- it offers energy to expand on property and especially, business. Highly beneficial
for business properties.
 Jaya/Indrajaya- it offers helping energy to carry out the tasks of Indra, in the form of
tools, skills and mediums.
These above 2 energy fields are in the South-West zone of the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
The outer 32 deities of vastu purusha mandala
With this, we have listed out all the 13 inner deities of any vastu. Now, let’s list the rest 32 outer
deities of the vastu.
We will begin with listing the 16 deities in the 4 cardinal directions, at first.
(From 14 to 29)
1. Mikhya- it is the house of Vishwakarma and offers energy for carrying out the intended
tasks.
2. Bhallata-it represents abundance and fulfillments of any work. It helps to bag significant
wealth for its occupants.
 Soma- it lies in the house of Lord Kuber and represents the elixir of life. It offers ample
amount of wealth and is highly beneficial for business owners.
1. Bhujanga- it represents the medicine and treatment. It offers healing and also immunity
to keep illnesses at bay.
These above 4 energy fields are in the North zone of the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
1. Jayanta– it offers determination to carry out the tasks in practical life. It contributes
towards shaping the future.
2. Indra/Mahendra-it offers complete control of all the senses and concentrates them for
fruitful work.
 Ravi/surya– it represents the Sun and offers energy to carry out activity. It gives
foresight to complete analyze any situation or task.
 Satya- it represents righteousness. It generates create good thoughts, and morals.
These above 4 energy fields are in the East zone of the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
1. Vitatha– it represents false illusion, and pretension. This energy field can influence how
a person behave and react. It should be avoided without vastu supervision.

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 2. Grahksta– it represent stability and undivided attention. It gives power to offer best
decision or guidance.
3. Yama- it represents the lord of death and law. It offers principles to lead the perfect life.
 Gandharva- it is associated with lord Narad. It offers energy to bring out the creativity,
art, connectivity, wisdom etc from a person.
These above 4 energy fields are in the South zone of the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
 Sugriva– it represent Swan and its power. It offers power to get the best of everything,
obtain knowledge and urge to do well in life.
 Pushpadanta-it offers assistance to carry our any task. Any flaw in this field can cause
hindrance to complete any work.
1. Varuna- it represent ocean god. It offers bonding to the earthly affairs and helps to have
control on oneself.
 Asura- it represents delusion, chaos, and unsystematic thoughts. If is left weak, it can
lead to confusion. If it is done right, it can help get rid of false temptations.
These above 4 energy fields are in the West zone of the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
At last its time to list the remaining 16 deities. They lie in the diagonal directional orientation.
(From 30 to 45)
1. Sosa- it represents removal and elimination of all the negative aspects of your life.
2. Papayaksma- it brings out some negative aspect of life, such as diseases, alcoholism and
weak mindset. It is best left unutilized without vastu correction.
 Roga- it can drain the energy of goo aspect of vastu, if left weakened. If corrected, it can
offer support and destroy illnesses.
1. Naga- it represents Vasuki, the mighty snake worn by Lord Shiva. If left weakened, it
causes jealousy, desire and temptations.
These above 4 energy fields are in the North-West zone of the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
1. Aditi- this is the house of Aditi, the mother of all devas. It offers safety and confidence.
2. Diti- this is the house of Diti, the mother of all asuras. It offers foresight and wealth, and
clarity of mind.
 Shikhi- it is an attribute to Lord Shiva, represents fire and offers potential to make an
ideal come alive.
 Parjanya– it is associated with blessings of rain and thus offer fertility and offers good
result of any work done.
These above 4 energy fields are in the North-East zone of the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
1. Bhrisa- it offers the triggering energy or force or power that initiates action.
2. Akasha- it represents sky or space element and it creates opportunities to make your
work or activity successful.
3. Anila- it represents the Vayu god and also the fire element in the vastu. It offers support
and energy to uplifts the result of any task.
 Pusa- it represents nourishment and offers strength and energy to carry out any work.
These above 4 energy fields are in the South-East zone of the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
 Bhringraja- it represents a demon of same name. It extracts all the benefits of any
situation for you and eliminates the rest of it.
 Mriga- it evokes the thirst of curiosity and finding the best aspect of it. It represents both
focus and lack of focus for long.
1. Pitra- it represent the ancestral zone. It offers their blessings to the occupants.

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  Dauvrika– it represent the sacred Nandi, the doorkeeper of Lord Shiva. It offers
protection and act as a guardian force against negative forces.
These above 4 energy fields are in the south-West zone of the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
It is important to take note that, even though we refer to them all as deities; they comprises of
both devas and asuras. It means that it includes both positive and negative aspect in a given
space. Thus, it is crucial to know which aspects to adapt and which to avoid, and how to
strengthen them, in the Vastu Purusha Mandala.
Seeking vastu for home and other properties has become more popular than ever before. With
increasing awareness among people related to the vastu shastra; people are realizing the
importance of the same. Its trace can be seen throughout the history of Indian civilization.
In fact, in the most ancient civilization, it was sort of customary to implement the guidelines of
vastu shastra for any building itself. The imprint of the same can still be seen in ruins of Indian
architecture and ancient temples that still stands today.

It is highly recommended to seek vastu

consultant for every property these days, in order to make sure of prosperous living ahead. To
know more about Vastu Purusha Mandala, get in touch with our experts at Vaastu Mangaal.
If you found this blog useful, don’t forget to share it with your family and friends as well, to
spread this knowledge.
Centuries of commercial and cultural interaction between the Indian kingdoms and the Khmer
Empire led to a fascinating cultural exchange and enrichment, which is obvious in the
magnificent motifs and architectural styles of the temples in both countries.

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Both Hinduism and Buddhism carried over from India to various parts of Southeast Asia during
the early Christian era. However, the most influential period of the Indian culture on Cambodian
art was during the rule of Pallavas (3rd to 9th centuries) and Cholas (9th to 13th centuries). The
cultural influence from the various reigns of Indian kings led to a pervasive influence on the art
and architecture of Cambodia. Here, we can see the heavy Indianisation impact on the
architecture and art scene in the Khmer empire.

Indian and Khmer temples are the architectural expressions of a related Hindu cosmogony
accounting for the creation of reality and its different ontological forms or modes of being. In it,
the gods dismember purusha, the Cosmic Man, to create life, the original differentiation of unity.
Ymir plays this role in Norse mythology, while similar sacrificial divinities figure in the fertility
myths of other cultures: Osiris in Egypt, Dumuzid in Sumeria, Adonis and Attis in Asia Minor,
Nanahuatzin in Mesoamerica - perhaps Christ in Christianity. This “primal debt” has been repaid
many times over–first, by human sacrifice, later, animal offerings and, finally, architectural
monuments for the worship of these creator gods, like Angkor Wat.

VASTUSHASHTRA BRIEF SUMMARY

The Sanskrit word vastu means a dwelling or house with a corresponding plot of
land. The vrddhi, vāstu, takes the meaning of “the site or foundation of a house, site, ground,

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building or dwelling-place, habitation, homestead, house”. The underlying root is vas “to dwell,
live, stay, reside”. The term shastra may loosely be translated as “doctrine, teaching”.
Vastu-Sastras (literally, science of dwelling) are ancient Sanskrit manuals of architecture. These
contain Vastu-Vidya (literally, knowledge of dwelling).
Vastu shastra is a traditional Hindu system of architecture which literally translates to “science of
architecture.” These are texts found on the Indian subcontinent that describe principles of design,
layout, measurements, ground preparation, space arrangement and spatial geometry. Vastu
Shastras incorporate traditional Hindu and in some cases Buddhist beliefs. The designs are
intended to integrate architecture with nature, the relative functions of various parts of the
structure, and ancient beliefs utilizing geometric patterns (yantra), symmetry
and directional alignments.

Vastu Shastra are the textual part of Vastu Vidya, the latter being the broader knowledge about
architecture and design theories from ancient India. Vastu Vidya knowledge is a collection of
ideas and concepts, with or without the support of layout diagrams that are not rigid. Rather,
these ideas and concepts are models for the organization of space and form within a building or
collection of buildings, based on their functions in relation to each other, their usage and to the
overall fabric of the Vastu. Ancient Vastu Shastra principles include those for the design
of Mandir (Hindu temples), and the principles for the design and layout of houses, towns, cities,
gardens, roads, water works, shops and other public areas.
Direction In Vastushashtra

Vastushashtra In History
According to Chakrabarti, Vastu Vidya is as old the Vedic period and linked to the ritual
architecture. According to Michael W. Meister, the Atharvaveda contains verses with mystic

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cosmogony which provide a paradigm for cosmic planning, but they did not represent
architecture nor a developed practice. Varahamihira’s Brihat Samhita dated to the sixth century
CE, states Meister, is the first known Indian text that describes “something like
a vastupurusamandala to plan cities and buildings”. The emergence of Vastu vidya as a
specialized field of science is speculated to have occurred significantly before the 1st-century CE
Proposals tracing potential links of the principles of composition in Vastu Shastra and the Indus
Valley Civilization have been made, but Kapila Vatsyayan is reluctant to speculate on such links
given the Indus Valley script remains undeciphered.

There exist many Vastu-Sastras on the art of building houses, temples, towns and cities. One
such Vastu Sastra is by Thakkura Pheru, describing where and how temples should be built. By
6th century AD, Sanskrit manuals for constructing palatial temples were in circulation in India.
Vastu-Sastra manuals included chapters on home construction, town planning, and how efficient
villages, towns and kingdoms integrated temples, water bodies and gardens within them to
achieve harmony with nature. While it is unclear, states Barnett, as to whether these temple and
town planning texts were theoretical studies and if or when they were properly implemented in
practice, the manuals suggest that town planning and Hindu temples were conceived as ideals of
art and integral part of Hindu social and spiritual life.

The Silpa Prakasa of Odisha, authored by Ramacandra Bhattaraka Kaulacara sometime in ninth
or tenth century CE, is another Vastu Sastra. Silpa Prakasa describes the geometric principles in
every aspect of the temple and symbolism such as 16 emotions of human beings carved as 16
types of female figures. These styles were perfected in Hindu temples prevalent in eastern states
of India. Other ancient texts found expand these architectural principles, suggesting that different
parts of India developed, invented and added their own interpretations. For example,
in Saurastra tradition of temple building found in western states of India, the feminine form,
expressions and emotions are depicted in 32 types of Nataka-stri compared to 16 types described
in Silpa Prakasa. Silpa Prakasa provides brief introduction to 12 types of Hindu temples. Other
texts, such as Pancaratra Prasada Prasadhana compiled by Daniel Smith and Silpa Ratnakara
compiled by Narmada Sankara provide a more extensive list of Hindu temple types.
Ancient Sanskrit manuals for temple construction discovered in Rajasthan, in northwestern
region of India, include Sutradhara Mandana’s Prasadamandana (literally, manual for planning
and building a temple) with chapters on town building. Manasara shilpa and Mayamata, texts of
South Indian origin, estimated to be in circulation by 5th to 7th century AD, is a guidebook on
South Indian Vastu design and construction. Isanasivagurudeva paddhati is another Sanskrit text
from the 9th century describing the art of building in India in south and central India. In north
India, Brihat-samhita by Varāhamihira is the widely cited ancient Sanskrit manual from 6th
century describing the design and construction of Nagara style of Hindu temples.
These ancient Vastu Sastras, often discuss and describe the principles of Hindu temple design,
but do not limit themselves to the design of a Hindu temple. They describe the temple as a
holistic part of its community, and lay out various principles and a diversity of alternate designs
for home, village and city layout along with the temple, gardens, water bodies and nature.
Links for more knowledge on Vastushashtra to popular news papers

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Mandala types and properties

The 8×8 (64) grid Manduka Vastu Purusha Mandala layout for Hindu Temples. It is one of 32
Vastu Purusha Mandala grid patterns described in Vastu sastras. In this grid structure of
symmetry, each concentric layer has significance.

The central area in all mandala is the Brahmasthana. Mandala “circle-circumference” or

“completion”, is a concentric diagram having spiritual and ritual significance in both Hinduism
and Buddhism. The space occupied by it varies in different mandala – in Pitha (9)
and Upapitha (25) it occupies one square module, in Mahaapitha (16), Ugrapitha (36)
and Manduka (64), four square modules and in Sthandila (49) and Paramasaayika (81), nine
square modules. The Pitha is an amplified Prithvimandala in which, according to some texts, the
central space is occupied by earth. The Sthandila mandala is used in a concentric manner.

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The most important mandala is the Manduka/ Chandita Mandala of 64 squares and the
Paramasaayika Mandala of 81 squares. The normal position of the Vastu Purusha (head in the
northeast, legs in the southwest) is as depicted in the Paramasaayika Mandala. However, in the
Manduka Mandala the Vastu Purusha is depicted with the head facing east and the feet facing
west.

It is believed that every piece of a land or a building has a soul of its own and that soul is known
as Vastu Purusha.

A site of any shape can be divided using the Pada Vinyasa. Sites are known by the number of
squares. They range from 1×1 to 32×32 (1024) square sites. Examples of mandalas with the
corresponding names of sites include:

 Sakala(1 square) corresponds to Eka-pada (single divided site)

 Pechaka(4 squares) corresponds to Dwi-pada (two divided site)
 Pitha(9 squares) corresponds to Tri-pada (three divided site)
 Mahaapitha(16 squares) corresponds to Chatush-pada (four divided site)
 Upapitha(25 squares) corresponds to Pancha-pada (five divided site)
 Ugrapitha(36 squares) corresponds to Shashtha-pada (six divided site)
 Sthandila(49 squares) corresponds to sapta-pada (seven divided site)
 Manduka/ Chandita(64 square) corresponds to Ashta-pada (eight divided site))
 Paramasaayika(81 squares)
 Paramasaayika(81 squares) corresponds to Nava-pada (nine divided site)
 Aasana(100 squares) corresponds to Dasa-pada (ten divided site)
 bhadrmahasan (196 squares) corresponds to chodah -pada (14 divided sites)

Modern adaptations and usage

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Vastu sastra represents a body of ancient concepts and knowledge to many modern architects, a
guideline but not a rigid code. The square-grid mandala is viewed as a model of organization, not
as a ground plan. The ancient Vastu sastra texts describe functional relations and adaptable
alternate layouts for various rooms or buildings and utilities, but do not mandate a set
compulsory architecture. Sachdev and Tillotson state that the mandala is a guideline, and
employing the mandala concept of Vastu sastra does not mean every room or building has to be
square. The basic theme is around core elements of central space, peripheral zones, direction
with respect to sunlight, and relative functions of the spaces.

The pink city Jaipur in Rajasthan was master planned by Rajput king Jai Singh and built by 1727
CE, in part around Vastu Shilpa Sastra principles. Similarly, modern era projects such as the
architect Charles Correa’s designed Gandhi Smarak Sangrahalaya in Ahmedabad, Vidhan
Bhavan in Bhopal, and Jawahar Kala Kendra in Jaipur, adapt and apply concepts from the Vastu
Shastra Vidya. In the design of Chandigarh city, Le Corbusier incorporated modern architecture
theories with those of Vastu Shastra.

During the colonial rule period of India, town planning officials of the British Raj did not
consider Vastu Vidya, but largely grafted Islamic Mughal era motifs and designs such as domes
and arches onto Victorian-era style buildings without overall relationship layout. This
movement, later known as the Indo-Saracenic style, is found in chaotically laid out, but
externally grand structures in the form of currently used major railway stations, harbors, tax
collection buildings, and other colonial offices in South Asia.

Vastu sastra vidya was ignored, during colonial era construction, for several reasons. These texts
were viewed by 19th and early 20th century architects as archaic, the literature was inaccessible
being in an ancient language not spoken or read by the architects, and the ancient texts assumed
space to be readily available. In contrast, public projects in the colonial era were forced into
crowded spaces and local layout constraints, and the ancient Vastu sastra were viewed with
prejudice as superstitious and rigid about a square grid or traditional materials of construction.
Sachdev and Tillotson state that these prejudices were flawed, as a scholarly and complete
reading of the Vastu sastra literature amply suggests the architect is free to adapt the ideas to new
materials of construction, local layout constraints and into a non-square space. The design and
completion of a new city of Jaipur in early 1700s based on Vastu sastra texts, well before any
colonial era public projects, was one of many proofs. Other examples include modern public
projects designed by Charles Correa such as Jawahar Kala Kendra in Jaipur, and Gandhi Ashram
in Ahmedabad. Vastu Shastra remedies have also been applied by Khushdeep Bansal in 1997 to
the Parliament complex of India, when he contented that the library being built next to the
building is responsible for political instability in the country.

German architect Klaus-Peter Gast states that the principles of Vastu Shastras is witnessing a
major revival and wide usage in the planning and design of individual homes, residential
complexes, commercial and industrial campuses, and major public projects in India, along with
the use of ancient iconography and mythological art work incorporated into the Vastu vidya
architectures.

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Vastu and superstition

The use of Vastu shastra and Vastu consultants in modern home and public projects is
controversial. Some architects, particularly during India’s colonial era, considered it arcane and
superstitious. Other architects state that critics have not read the texts and that most of the text is
about flexible design guidelines for space, sunlight, flow and function.

Vastu Shastra is considered as pseudoscience by rationalists like Narendra Nayak of Federation

of Indian Rationalist Associations. Scientist and astronomer Jayant Narlikarconsiders Vastu
Shastra as pseudoscience and writes that Vastu does not have any “logical connection” to the
environment. One of the examples cited by Narlikar arguing the absence of logical connection is
the Vastu rule, “sites shaped like a triangle … will lead to government harassment, …
parallelogram can lead to quarrels in the family.” Narlikar notes that sometimes the building
plans are changed and what has already been built is demolished to accommodate for Vastu
rules. Regarding superstitious beliefs in Vastu, Science writer Meera Nanda cites the case
of N.T.Rama Rao, the ex-chief minister of Andhra Pradesh, who sought the help of Vastu
consultants for his political problems. Rama Rao was advised that his problems would be solved
if he entered his office from an east facing gate. Accordingly, a slum on the east facing side of
his office was ordered to be demolished, to make way for his car’s entrance. The knowledge of
Vastu consultants is questioned by Pramod Kumar, “Ask the Vaastu folks if they know civil
engineering or architecture or the local government rules on construction or minimum standards
of construction to advise people on buildings. They will get into a barrage of “ancient” texts and
“science” that smack of the pseudo-science of astrology. Ask them where they were before the
construction boom and if they will go to slum tenements to advise people or advise on low-cost
community-housing—you draw a blank.”

Background: In the Upanishads (TPQ 1000 B.C.E.,) sometimes referred to as "the last
chapters" or "highest purpose" of the Vedas, purusha becomes an abstraction, Brahman, an a-
theistic, dimensionless, formless, absolute, a universal spirit, self or consciousness, unknowable,
but from which all else emanates, literally, ex nihilo. In the dvaita (dualistic) Shakhya
schools, purusha or Brahman animates and differentiates prakriti, amorphous matter or
substance; in advaita (non-dualistic) Vedanta schools, prakriti is equated with maya,
phenomena, ontic or "mind-created being" and, as such, illusion, insofar as it is not seen as the
projections of this non-manifest absolute. These ideas were later assimilated into Saivite and
Vaisnavite Hinduism, as well as, Mahayana and Tantric Buddhism, as practiced in India and
Angkor during the “Classical Period" (600-1200 C.E.)

In the orthodox Shiva Siddhanta tradition, the supreme deity, Parashiva, without skalas (parts,
form, differentiation) skandhas (the attributes or mental categories of "attributed being")
or tattvas, "thisnesses" or qualia, manifests the universe through five aspects or pentads
(analogous to hypostases and personifications:) Brahma, Vishnu, Rudra, Mahasvara and
Sadashiva, oscillating continually between emission and reabsorption, creation and destruction.
This is symbolized in the five-fold articulation of Shiva's originally aniconic linga into a pancha-

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mukha-linga, representing Sadashiva ("completed Shiva,”) and anthropomorphically, with ten
arms and five head or in his twenty-eight avatars. This same ontology of emanation is
represented by the primordial bindu or drop from which the universe ripples out, still
commemorated by the dot many Hindus place on their foreheads every morning, as well as, by
the primordial sound, the tri-syllablic A-U-M or Om, reverberating time and space or space/time
down to this moment.

Hinduism and Buddhism attempt to recapitulate this cosmogenesis in brick and mortar when they
build their temples, one more emanation of the non-manifest “ground - (or groundlessness-) of -
being.” This intimate connection between religion and architecture is inscribed in the Sanskrit
distinction between a sthapaka, an architect/ priest, usually a brahmin, permitted access to the
secretly transmitted Vedic texts, who designates a temple’s form, proportions and siting according
to religious principles, and a sthapati, a general contractor with expertise in building, who is
entrusted with materializing the sthapaka’s abstract concept. The two most widely consulted
Indian architectural texts, the Vastu Shastra and Mahasara, distinguish the sthapaka as responsible
for a building’s jiva, its immortal essence or energy (analogous to Brahman, purusha, the “male
principle,” spirit, form and abstraction.) The sthapati's sphere, in contrast, is a temple’s prakriti
(prakrti,) the physical substrate, malleable, amorphous matter, associated with the female principle
and the receiver of purusha, through which the idea is given substance. This apophatic Indic deity,
ironically, permitted the proliferation of voluble manifestations of this inexpressible, non-manifest
oneness – avatars, gods, bodhisattvas, parallel worlds and universes, easily confused with
polytheism – which could coexist with little doctrinal controversy or competition. The architectural

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counterpart of this multiplicity were temples of overwhelming formal complexity and visual
density, in contrast with the monumentality and unity expressed pre-eminently by the dome in
Mosaic monotheism’s churches and mosques, a form unknown in pre-Islamic (1092) India and to
the Khmer. This in no way contradicted Hindu and Buddhist epistemology, since these
monuments, their shrines and the deities who inhabited them were ultimately illusions or maya,
“dependently originated” from the dimensionless “non-manifest.” Enlightenment, satori, and
salvation, moksha or nirvana, came with the realization of one’s own and the world’s sunyata or
emptiness; in the words of the Heart Sutra, “form is emptiness, emptiness form,” certainly, a
paradoxical foundation on which to build an architecture.

The Vastu Purusha Mandala

One way sthapakas re-enacted creation by emanation was by constructing their temples out
of aedicules – small buildings, shrines, simulacra or replica of the structures of which they
formed a part, in other words, buildings built of buildings. In his path-breaking studies, Indian
Temple Architecture: Form and Transformation (Indira Gandhi Center for the Arts, New Delhi,
1995) andThe Temple Architecture of India (Wiley, Hoboken NJ, 2008,) Adam Hardy describes
this method of generating architectural space as “aedicular expansion,” not just the use of an
Albertian grid or Corbusian modular but the replication of a repertory of shrine types each with
its celestial tenant. The first-time visitor to Khajuraho, Halebidu or Madurai is often struck by a
superabundance, bordering on optical overload, which threatens to vitiate the coherence and
solidity of the structures they comprise. These temples’ matrix of
multiple rathas, latas or pagas (vertical facets, projections, corners or angles) and pidas,
bhumis or talas (horizontal stories, levels or tiers) can result in an initially “jittery” or pulsating
impression, a sense of motion rarely encountered in architecture, a prolixity rarely indulged to
the point where it drowns out its own utterance, because, in the end, all words are echoes of each
other, and of the A-U-M.

The Vastu Shastra, the Indian equivalent of Vitruvius, Serlio and Palladio in the West, except with
divine sanction, provides precise directions for a temple’s spatial projection based on a revised
version of the creation myth of the purusha or Cosmic Man. Brahma (the creator god, not to be
confused with Brahman or brahmins) conceived a primitive giant, the vastu purusha, whose,
unrestrained (“male”) libido wreaked chaos and disorganization over the passive, (“female”) earth.
He therefore ordered the other gods, men and demons to confine this untamed, literally
undomesticated, “wild man” within a domicile, an ordered square, a built space. This is the perfect
or ideal shape in Hinduism because of its orthogonal, four-fold symmetry, in contrast with
biomorphic, formless prakriti which needs to be ruled - both measured and dominated. The vastu
purusha was so powerful he had to be pinned down in a grid of 8 x 8 or sixty-four squares

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or padas. Brahma held him in the middle four, the gods in the surrounding twelve, humans in the
twenty beyond those and the demons in the outer twenty-eight. The myth conflates an unusual
combination of familiar topoi: (a) the purusha’s dismemberment, the primal fall from unity into
multiplicity; (b) Freud’s sublimation of libidinous energy to the “demands of reality” and social
life; (c) patriarchal domination of inchoate, “female” physicality by “male” rationality; (d) the
“civilization” of untamed space or wilderness by an architectural regime. The vastu
purusha or manduka mandala became the prototype for all the other architectural mandalas or
grids regulating the “aedicular expansion” of Hindu and Buddhist temples, private houses and even
cities, all theoretically emanating from a single dimensionless point, where the planar axes cross.
The Vastu Shastra alone lists thirty-one other mandalas, ranging from a single square to a 32 x 32
or 1024-pada (210) grid, including circular mandalas and combinations of the two.

FIGURE 3 A - F: GENERATION OF AN 8 x 8 PADA MANDUKA MANDALA FROM A

POINT

Reckoning with Rathas

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The terminology for Indian temple architecture can often be confusing because of the different
traditions which have developed across the subcontinent; they are, however, essential for
referring to the parts of these highly detailed building.

Ratha, for example, has two distinct meanings in Hindu architecture: 1) the chariot of a god
carried in a procession or a replica as a fixed part of a temple, e.g. the jagamohana of the Surya
(Sun) Temple at Konark, Odisha (Orissa;) 2) a vertical projection, (angle, facet, offset, redent,
ressaut or result) tangent to a notional circle circumscribing a square core, (shrine, prasat,
prasada, cella, garbagriha, shikhara, rekha deul, vimana;) rathas may also be
called pagas or latas in the Nagara tradition. Both vimana and prasada can also have the same
double meaning as rather.

Rathas, in this second sense, may be orthogonal (at right angles to the vertical and horizontal
axes) resulting in cruciform, staggered or stepped outlines, or rotated at an angle to those axes,
producing stellate shapes. The most common plans have 3, 5, 7 and 9 projections referred to by
their Sanskrit names: triratha, pancharatha, saptaratha and navaratha, but some stellate forms
have as many as 24, 32 and 48 rathas, for example the Doddabasappa Temple at Dambal in
Karnataka with 24.

The number of rathas is conventionally counted between the diagonals of the square core from
which the rathas project, (not from between its cardinal axes;) only one diagonal corner per
quadrant is counted, so the number of rathas is always odd. The standard Khmer shrine module,
for example, is pancharatha, with five rathas: a central square with two broad but barely-
emerged (shallow, slightly-projecting) crosses superimposed on it. Portals (jambs, colonettes,
pilasters,) may or may not be included as rathas; the indentations of the varandika (cornice)
or jagati (stylobate, base molding) can provide an indication of their number.

In a pancharatha shrine,the outer, corner or first ratha ( is called the kanika, konaka or karna ratha;
the two intermediate rathas (2 and 5,) the anuraha or anardha rathas, while the two
central rathas (3 and 4,) the raha rathas or bhadra. In saptaratha shrines, the rathas, (2 and 7,)
adjacent to the corner or kanika rathas can be called pratirathas, as the rathas (4 and 5) adjacent
to the the central strip, the bhadra or raha rathas, are sometimes called lata rathas. All these
terms are subject to local usage.

A vastu purusha manduka (8 x 8-pada) or paramasayika (9 x 9-pada) mandala can be generated from a
point, as in figure 3, by projecting a line in one direction from the primal dot or bindu, creating the first
dimension, then three more in the other cardinal directions, creating an x- and y-axis, a plane and a
second dimension. If each of these four lines then projects a line laterally on either side of it, (that is, at
right angles to itself,) at equal distances from the axial crossing, they will form four squares or a single

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larger square whose center is the axial crossing; It appears that the earliest Hindu shrines were square
wattle or mud brick huts with curved thatched or bent bamboo roofs. A model of this type has been
preserved, the Draupadi Ratha, figure 3D above, carved from a solid granite outcrop at Mamallapuram
(formerly Mahabalipuram) on the Coromandel Coast of Tamil Nadu near Chennai (formerly Madras,)
one of five monolithic temple “prototypes” or rathas at this site. These early shrines are also thought to
be recalled in the rounded roofs of the chaitya halls of early Buddhist cave temples, such as those at
Ajanta in Maharashtra near Mumbai (formerly Bombay.) A square shrine or cella with a roof gathered
at the center like a “cap” placed on top of solid walls or pillars constitutes a Dravida or Southern
Indian alpa vimana or kuta, one of the most common shrine “types” in Hindu architecture.

Continuing the dynamic of “aedicular expansion,” each of these four squares projects one additional
square along each axis to form a Greek or equal-armed cross with eight squares. The four
central padas constitute the garbagriha, “womb chamber’, sanctuary or cella, while the added eight
form four, 2-pada porches. Since the square module or aedicule from which they emerge is 2 x
2 padas and since they are only 2 x 1 padas, they have emerged only partially, half-way or 50% of their
width. The sanctuary and its four porches of Thommanon, figure 3E, a small temple built just before
Angkor Wat, approximate a Greek cross. Projecting one more aedicule, not just axially but laterally
results in a central square with four rows of four padas each with a superimposed, equal-armed cross,
two padas wide and six padas long, producing a staggered or redented, triratha outline, with
three rathas or angles in each quadrant. A very large example of a triratha shrine would be Candi Siwa,
figure 3F, a Saivite complex at Prambanan in southern Java (c. 850 C.E.,) a date when it could have
influenced the earliest temples at Angkor. Adding another square to those above, results in two
rectangles, 4 x 6 padas at right angles to each other forming a broad cross on which a narrower, equal-
armed cross, 8 x 2 padas is superimposed, as in figure 3G. This can then be expanded laterally to form
a manduka mandala of 8 x 8 squares or padas, composed of four concentric squares of 4, 12, 20 and
28 padas around their edges, figure 3H.

A paramasayika mandala is employed almost as frequently as a manduka; it begins from a single

square (red in the diagram below, cf. figure 3D) rather than a point, which emanates four squares or
porches (blue) forming an equal-armed Greek cross three padas wide. Following the process of aedicular
expansion, it adds green, yellow and oranges squares resulting in concentric crosses 3, 5, 7, and
9 padas wide, containing 5, 13, 25, and 41 padas respectively. The last consists of one cross 9 x
1 padas long, superimposed on another cross, 3 x 7 padas long, both superimposed on a 5 x 5-
pada square, resulting in a pancharatha shrine, that is, with five rathas (numbered on the diagram,) the
most common Khmer shrine. This cross’ forty-one padas can then be expanded into a 9 x 9-pada square
with 81 padas, a paramasayiika mandala, consisting of five concentric squares of 1, 8, 16, 24, and
32 padas. Indian architects discovered they could increase the number of facets by using overlapping
aedicules, that is, aedicules only partially emerged, ⅛, ¼ and ½ their width (see figure 3E and figure 8.)

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It should be noted here that the Khmer throughout their nearly 500 year floruit employed essentially the
same “aedicule,” actually a L. > “aedes” or building, the ubiquitous pancharatha (with
five rathas) prasat Sans. > castle, palace, temple > Sans. prasada, dwelling, residence (of a god,)
temple. This consisted of a garbagriiha, the shrine, sanctuary or cella, with a shikhara, tower or
superstructure, of four compressed tiers, each repeating the outline of the shrine beneath it; these qualify
as the only strictly defined aedicules used in Khmer architecture. This “aedicule, in the larger sense, was
then cloned and projected at unprecedented dimensions. Viewed strictly from the perspective of
“aedicular expansion,” the pre-eminent Khmer monument, Angkor Wat, might be described as three,
immense, identical tiers or talas, (its terraces,) each with eight identical prasats or “aedicules,” (its
towers,) linked by endless harantaras, (its galleries) with the garbagriha or cella,not underneath
the talas, but at their tip like a giant stupi. This reductio ad absurdum results from reading one
“architectural language” in terms of another, a danger given the lack of a Khmer building lexicon.

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Architecturally, the Angkor Wat shares many common features with both Pallava and Chola temples.
Like the Vaikunta Perumal Temple (Kanchi) and the Sundara Varada Perumal Temple (Uttaramerur) of
the Pallavas, the Angkor Wat consists of three levels or tiers, each of the upper tiers slightly smaller than
the one below it, giving the structure the look of a pyramid.

The Vaikuna Perumal Temple in Kanchi, India

The Sundhara Varada Perumal Temple

Uttaramerur, India

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Similar to the Chola Brhadisvara Temple of Thanjavur, Angkor Wat was also conceived to
represent the Mountain Meruin the Himalayas, which is known to be the home of the Hindu
deities in Hindu mythology. It is believed that the king built this temple as per the guidelines
provided by an Indian priest, Damodara Pandita, who was a Brahmin scholar and the chief priest
of the King. Hence, the temple is based largely on South Indian architectural style, resembling
the Indian temples of the South Indian Kingdoms.

There are also unmistakable parallels between the art of Angkor Wat and Pattadakkal.
Pattadakkal is a village in India, which houses many precious artefacts such as inscriptions and
temples. The bas-reliefs in Angkor Wat and The Virupaksha Temple of Pattadakkal both depict
the scene of Samudramanthan, the Churning of the Cosmic Ocean by the gods and demons. This
scene is portrayed on the face of a column in the temple in Pattadakkal, while it is carved onto
the walls of Angkor Wat. Style-wise, the sculptures in both temples are remarkably similar.

The Churning of the Ocean Bas-relief in Virupaksha Temple, Pattadakal The

These monuments give us a very eye-opening, astounding view of Indianisation, and the Indian
cultural elements that had engulfed the Cambodian architectural and art scene. They show us the
unique blend of both cultures together, resulting in amazing architectural and motif masterpieces
that never fail to awe anyone who may see it.

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In Vastu-Purusha Mandala and Web Page Design: Comparison of Tradition and Modernity-
Anshuman Sharma in Smart Innovation, Systems and Technologies book series (SIST,
volume 66) points out that even in web page design it is an important aspect that web and
graphic designers learn and master Vastu-Shastra- an old Indian concept having similar features
and considerations. Vastu-Purusha Mandala is a pictorial representation of directional principles
for construction of buildings and cities. Ancient cities like Jaipur in India are based on the
concept of Vastu-Purusha Mandala. This paper looks at a similarities and differences between

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elements and principles of web page design and Vastu-Purusha Mandala and identify areas of
similarities and dis-similarities for location and relationship of important elements. Additional
space design principles and focus areas can be deduced from an old concept which may enhance
the perspective of how a web designer looks at design for web.

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In India, you will find one similar to Ankor Wat in Imphal, Manipur. The ISCKON TEMPLE,
IMPHAL is the largest Hindu temple in Imphal city.

Though this temple is not comparable with Ankor wat in size and fame, it's architectural design
is similar to Ankor Wat.

The special feature is that of the three spiny domes, which resembles the three pineapples
installed on the roof of the temple building.

The ISCKON TEMPLE IMPHAL is one of the most visited sacred shrines not only for Manipur,
but for the entire Eastern zone of the country. Numerous but smaller versions of such kinds of
temples exist everywhere in India particularly Himalayas, South India, MP, Gujarat etc.

The Dwarka temple, temples in Odisha have close resemblance to Angkor-vat. Angkor wat is
biggest temple in world. You can’t expect same in India. But You can see similar architecture
related to angkor wat in Tamil Nadu temples like Thanjavur temple, Madurai Meenakshi amman
temple, Sri rangam temple. You will see similar Architectural wonders. Because Angkor wat is
built by a Pallava king from TamilNadu, Dynasty named Pallavas. Same dynasty constructed
Mamallapuram in Mahaballipuram.

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It was built by the Khmer King Suryavarman II in the early 12th century in Yaśodharapura
(Khmer: យសោធរបុរៈ, present-day Angkor), the capital of the Khmer Empire, as his state
temple and eventual mausoleum. Breaking from the Shaiva tradition of previous kings, Angkor
Wat was instead dedicated to Vishnu.

It is a richly decorated, very large temple; the total temple area including the moat measures 1.5
kilometers long by 1.3 kilometers wide, or a total of about 2 square kilometers. Angkor Wat is
the biggest Hindu temple in Cambodia.

Height of architectural skills of the Khmer :

The temple represents the height of architectural skills of the Khmer builders. Its very detailed
carved bas reliefs that cover much of the temple shows impressive craftsmanship. Unlike other
Angkor temples, Angkor Wat is oriented towards the West and dedicated to Vishnu, where
previous temples face East and are dedicated to Shiva.

Angkor Wat was the state temple of King Suryavarman II, who built the temple during the first
half of the 12th century. He was one of Angkor’s greatest Kings who ruled for almost 40 years
and expanded the Khmer empire. Some historians believe that the temple also served as a
funerary temple for the King. This could explain its orientation to the West; the setting sun (in
the West) symbolizes the end of the cycle of life.

Mount Meru, the center of Hindu cosmology :

Angkor Wat is a mountain temple build to represent Mount Meru, the center of the world in
Hindu cosmology. The temple’s five prasats or sanctuary towers represent the peaks of the
sacred mountain, while the moats represent the oceans that surround Mount Meru.

The temple’s three tiers are surrounded by large galleries, that were introduced in earlier temples
like the Ta Keo. One of Angkor Wat’s major attractions are the many intricate and well
preserved bas reliefs with depictions of scenes from the epics Ramayana and Mahabharata, as
well as many hundreds of statues of female devatas(Devis, Female Hindu Deities)

Surrounding the temple complex is a 190 meter wide moat. At the Western end is a 12 meter
wide bridge, in front of which is a terrace where lions and Naga snakes guard the temple.
Crossing the bridge the visitor approaches the impressive Western gate, which was build to
resemble the front view of the temple itself.

The structure consists of long galleries with a three part gopura topped by towers that have partly
collapsed. At both ends of the structure is a pavilion, large enough to enable elephants to go
through. The Western gate contains apsaras and devatas as well as magnificent carvings on its
lintels showing Vishnu, Garuda, warriors and scenes from the epic Ramayana. Only after passing
the Western gate, the Angkor Wat temple comes in sight.

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Behind the Western gate is a 350 meter long processional walkway elevated about 1½ meters
above the ground towards the temple. On either side of the walkway is a library building. Past
the libraries are two lakes, reflecting the silhouette of the of Angkor Wat’s towers. The temple
itself is build on raised platform about 330 meters long and 255 meters wide. The structure
comprises of three rectangular tiers each higher one smaller than the one below it encircled by
long galleries with corner towers and a gopura in the center of its sides.

Bas reliefs galleries of the third tier : The third tier is surrounded by long concentric galleries.
Its walls contain some of the finest and best preserved bas reliefs of Angkor Wat, including:

1. The battle of Lanka, a story from the epic Ramayana, where Rama fights Ravana who
abducted his wife Sita
2. The battle of Kurukshetra from the epic Mahabharata, between the Kauravas and the
Pandavas, depicting soldiers and commanders on elephants or riding chariots
3. A 90 meter panel of the Royal Procession. Two sections depict King Suryavarman II and
a procession of court ladies, another section shows a procession of soldiers on foot or on
horses and elephants and a parade of Brahmin priests
4. The Heavens and Hells and the Judgement of Sinners by Yama, the Hindu God of Death.
Depictions of the 37 heavens with palaces with servants and the 32 hells and the
punishments and tortures received there, each one for a specific sin committed
5. The churning of the ocean of milk, a 50 meter long panel. This story from the
Mahabharata tells how an elixir of immortality over which the Gods and the demons fight
is produced by churning the ocean with Mount Meru used as the churning rod
6. Vishnu and his incarnation Krishna
7. The victory of Vishnu over the asuras
8. The abduction of Sita by Ravana
9. Other scenes from the Ramayana

Within the third enclosure, right after passing the main entrance on the West end are galleries
that delimit four courtyards. Its walls are decorated with devatas, apsaras and rishis, while the
pediments contain carvings of Vishnu and Krishna, one of Vishnu’s incarnations. The galleries
also contain a number of Buddha images, placed there after Angkor Wat was converted into a
Buddhist temple.

The platform with 5 lotus bud shaped towers

The second tier measuring 100 by 115 meters is enclosed by galleries. On each of its four corners
are towers that have partly collapsed. On top of the structure is a square platform about 55 meters
wide that contains five towers shaped like lotus buds. The platform is surrounded by galleries,
with a sanctuary tower on each if its corners.

In the middle stands the 42 meter high central sanctuary on each side opening to a vestibule in
which Buddha statues are found. The walls of the tower are decorated with well preserved
devatas. Inside is the cella, a chamber that enshrined a large statue of Vishnu.

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The classic Seven Wonders of the Ancient World list includes only monuments around the
Mediterranean Sea. There are several other wonders of the world lists, among them wonders of
nature, engineering and the industrial world. Although not on any of these lists, Angkor Wat is
often considered “the 8th Wonder of the World”. Yes, Angkor Wat in Cambodia is the biggest
Hindu temple complex in the world. Originally a Hindu temple dedicated to Lord Vishnu, now
it is open for local Buddhist worshipers.

On the outer walls of Ankor Wat, you can see carvings of Ramayana. Ravana the antagonist
against Lord Ram is always represented with ten heads, a metaphor for his intelligence. In India,
the heads are laid out in a straight line. But the Cambodian representation of Ravana’s head is
3 tiered with 4 + 4 + 2. It is more thoughtful considering center of gravity.

Mountain Temples and Temple Mountains: Architecture, Religion, and Nature in the Central
Himalayas is a 2019 book by art historian Nachiket Chanchani, associate professor at University
of Michigan, Ann Arbor, that provides a complete historical survey of temple architecture in the
Indian state of Uttarakhand (also known as Devabhumi, Sanskrit for "Land of the Gods"), and
explores how the Central Himalaya region, home to many pilgrimage sites, came to acquire
immense religious significance for Hindus. It is the first complete art historical and architectural
survey of the under-studied region.
Between the third century BCE and 13th century CE, the region that is modern-
day Uttarakhand acquired immense religious significance and became home to many pilgrimage
sites, most notably the Char Dham, considered to be among the holiest pilgrimage sites
for Hindus. Chanchani's book studies the many stone edifices and steles that were erected across
the region, many in remote areas, during that period. The book charts the architectural history of
the structures and temples, the sociopolitical context in which they arose, and their effects on the

surrounding landscape, including the natural environment.[1]

The book was well-received and noted for being the first exhaustive survey of an under-studied
region. Tamara Sears, associate professor of art history at Rutgers University, praised the book in
her review in the Journal of the Society of Architectural Historians: "What makes Nachiket
Chanchani's new book Mountain Temples and Temple Mountains such a monumental
achievement, however, is not merely the fact that it brings to light a remarkable range of

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unknown monuments but also that it so convincingly asserts their centrality within the broader
history of temple architecture on the Indian subcontinent." She goes on to acknowledge
Chanchani's "rigorous fieldwork" and "close visual analysis with theoretical sophistication". [2]
In The Journal of Asian Studies, anthropologist Joseph Alter wrote: "Although the region is of
tremendous importance in the landscape of South Asian pilgrimage and ascetic world
renunciation, there has not been a comprehensive study of this sacred geography's cultural
history until the publication of this beautifully written, deeply engrossing and insightfully
interdisciplinary book.

There are depictions of the tale of Mahabharata too on the walls

It’s principal deity is Narayana, i.e., Sri Maha Vishnu. (different names, same guy).It was built
by a Hindu King who was in the lineage of the Khmer empire.Later, when Buddhism swept the
land, they refaced some of the iconography to Buddhist features. However, the core Hindu
features remain intact.

The Indians/Hindus had a very strong influence all through South East Asia Maldives Indonesia
Malaysia Thailand Cambodia Vietnam. They took their customs and religion even the elephant.
Buddhism followed suit then the Muslims slowly entered and started the convrsion process in
Maldives Indonesia and Malaysia all fully Islamic now. As a matter of fact the Malaysians still
have very hindu sanskrit sounding names however they are muslims.

The Angor Wat Temple is a Hindu Lord Vishnu inspired purpose built Complex. In my opinion,
It's soul is Hindu and it's body is Buddhist. Because in ASEAN the major religion was Hindu but

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today they all follows Theravada Buddhism. Their culture look like ancient Hinduism people but
today they reformed in manner adding Buddhist philosophy. Although The Namaste form of
hand is alive in ASEAN people's heart today. Their name also like, I mean some kind of Sanskrit
word for example= Suriyothai( Surya means sun in Sanskrit) , Mahathir( Maha means big or
huge),etc.

The Architecture of Angkor Wat

Never if one looks at it for an hour or for a day or repeatedly for weeks on end,does Angkor Wat
seem real.Angkor Wat, the largest monument of the Angkor group, is located six kilometers
northof the town of Siem Reap and slightly south of the city of Angkor Thom. It is an
architectural masterpiece. The composition, proportions, and reliefs make it one
of the finest monuments in the world. Built by King Suryavarman II in the first half
of the twelfth century (1113-50), Angkor Wat was a Hindu temple dedicated to the
god Visnu. It is generally accepted that it was built during the lifetime of the
king to serve as his tomb after death. Because of its funerary function, the main
entrance of Angkor Wat is at the west to conform with the symbolism between the setting
sun and death. Another theory on the western orientation of Angkor Wat is that it
was intended to be situated on an important road in a north to south direction and
because of problems of space or existing nearby temples, it was built facing west.
Estimates on how long it took to build Angkor Wat vary widely but the methods of
construction, quantity of the materials, and the evolution of the decoration suggest
that it took thirty to fifty years to build the temple.

The plan of Angkor Wat is difficult to grasp when walking through the monument because
of its vastness and the way it is laid out. From a distance Angkor Wat appears to
be a massive stone structure on one level with a long causeway leading to the center,
but close-up it is a series of elevated towers, covered galleries, chambers, porches,
and courtyards on different levels with stairways giving access to the various parts.
The height of Angkor Wat from the ground to the top of the central tower is surprisingly
high-213 meters (699 feet). The height was achieved with three rectangular or square
levels. Each one becomes progressively smaller and higher starting from the outer
limits of the temple. Covered galleries with columns define the boundaries of the
first and second levels.

The third and uppermost level supports five towers-one in each of the corners and
one in the middle-which are the most prominent architectural feature of Angkor Wat.
Graduated tiers, one rising above the other, give the towers a conical shape and,
near the top, rows of lotus flowers taper to a point. The overall profile of each
tower is reminiscent of a lotus bud.

Several lines stand out in the architectural plan of Angkor Wat. The eye is drawn
left and right to the horizontal aspect of the levels and upward to the soaring height
of the towers. The ingenious plan of Angkor Wat only allows a view of all five towers
from certain angles. They are not visible, for example, from the main entrance. Many
of the structures and courtyards are in the shape of a cross. A curved sloping roof

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on galleries, chambers, and aisles is a hallmark of Angkor Wat. From a distance the
roof looks like a series of long narrow ridges but close-up one sees gracefully arched
rectangular stones placed end to end. Each row of tiles is capped with an end tile
at right angles along the ridge of the roof. The scheme culminates in decorated tympanums
with elaborate frames.

Several elements repeated throughout the monument give an architectural rhythm to

the whole. Galleries with columns, towers, curved roofs, tympanums in sects of graduated
sizes, structures such as libraries and entry towers in a cross-shaped plan, and
steps and steps and steps occur again and again. By combining two or more of these
features and superimposing them, height was achieved and one part of the monument
was linked to another. Roofs were frequently layered to add height, length, or dimension.
A smaller replica of the central towers was repeated at the outer limits of two prominent
areas-the galleries and the entry towers.Angkor Wat occupies a rectangular area of about 500
acres defined by a laterite wall.The first evidence of the site from the west is a moat with a long
sandstone causeway stretching for 200 meters across it and serving as the main access to the
monument. At the end of the causeway there is a massive entry tower consisting of three
sections. The upper portions have collapsed and thus do not reveal the full impact of the original
form. A long covered gallery with square columns and a curved roofs extends along
the moat to the left and right of the entry tower. This majestic facade of Angkor
Wat is a model of balance and proportion and is a fine example of classical Khmer
architecture.

Visitors can easily miss the beauty of Angkor Wat at this point as they rush on to
see the more renowned sight of the five towers-visible only beyond the first entry
tower. As one passes through this tower, there is an even longer causeway of 350
meters bordered on each side by a low balustrade resembling the body of a serpent.
Straight ahead is the celebrated view of Angkor Wat-the symbol of unity that appears
on the new Cambodian flag. Standing at this point one feels compelled to 'get to
the wondrous group of the five domes, companions of the sky, sisters of the clouds,
and determine whether or not one lives in a world of reality or in a fantastic dream'.
Walk slowly down the causeway and take in the architecture along the way which gradually
introduces the visitor to the style that culminates on the third level.

Two buildings, so-called libraries, stand in the courtyard on the left and right
of the causeway. These rectangular buildings usually occur in pairs outside the sacred
enclosure. Their function is unknown but they may have served as a store rooms for
offerings and sacred objects. The designation 'library' originated with French archaeologists
who discovered scenes from a Hindu legend of the 'Nine Planets of the Earth' carved
on the libraries. Because of the association with astronomy they interpreted this
to mean that the building served a scholarly function and named it a library.
Turn left at the path between the library and the basin, then walk for about 40 meters
(131 feet) to a large tree for a superb view of the five towers of Angkor Wat. In
certain light situations a mirror image of the towers is reflected in the basin.
Just in front of the principal entry tower is an imposing platform known as the 'Terrace
of Honor.' It is supported by weighty columns and guarded by proud-looking lions

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on pedestals. This terrace was the venue for evening performances of classical dancing
by the Cambodian National Ballet. It is a suitable prelude to the 'Gallery of Bas-Reliefs'
which follows. This gallery will be the subject of a future article in this series.
Leave seeing the bas-reliefs for later and continue towards the summit passing through
the 'Cross-Shaped Galleries' which provide a link between the first and second levels.
This unique architectural design consists of two covered galleries in the shape of
a cross supported by square columns and a courtyard-like area divided into four equal
parts with paved basins and steps.

The 'gallery of 1,000 Buddhas,' on the right, is a misleading name. Since the temple
is Hindu one might wonder why it has a Buddhist gallery. The name derived from the
many Buddhist images the gallery once contained that were acquired after the temple
became a place of Buddhist worship, perhaps in the late fifteenth or sixteenth century.
The gallery on the left is the 'Hall of Echoes,' so-named because of its unusual
acoustics. To hear the resonance in this hall, walk to the end of the gallery, stand
in the left-hand corner, thump your chest, and listen carefully.
A steep set of stairs alerts one to the increasing height of the temple. The third
level consists of the Central Sanctuaries on a high base and surrounded by an airy,
spacious courtyard with two small libraries. The walls of the gallery around the
courtyard of the third level are decorated with over 1,500 celestial dancers, known
as Apsaras. The presence of these female divinities who entertained gods and seduced
ascetics makes the space an endless source of visual and spiritual enchantment.
Twelve sets of stairs with forty steps each ascend at a seventy degree angle to give
access to this level. All the repetitive elements of the architectural composition
of Angkor Wat are manifested on the upper level. The space is divided into a cross-shaped
area defined with covered galleries and four paved courts. An entry tower with a
porch and columns occupies a stately position at the top of each stairway. Passages
supported on both sides by double rows of columns which link the entry tower tower
to the central structure. The corners of the upper level are dominated by the four
towers. Steps both separate and link the different parts. A narrow covered gallery
with a double row of pillars, windows and balustrades surrounds the third level.
The Central Sanctuary rises on a tiered base forty-two meters above the upper level.
The highest of the five towers is equal to the height of the cathedral of Notre Dame
in Paris. Only the king and the high priest were allowed on the upper or third level
of Angkor Wat. Probably for this reason, it lacks the stately covered galleries of
the other two levels. It does, though, support the five central towers and contain
the most sacred image of the temple.
At the summit the layout of Angkor Wat reveals itself at last. The view is a spectacle
of beauty befitting the Khmer's architectural genius for creating harmonious proportions.
Angkor Wat is the 'most remarkable body of ruins in the world, whether one regarded
the prodigious magnitude of the ground plan, the grandiose dimensions of the principal
palaces, and temples, or the artistic beauty and delicacy of the bas-reliefs and
sculpture.'AUTHOR Dawn Rooney 1993

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In The Sacred Geometry of Perfect Forms in East and West Understanding Religious Buildings:
Different Perceptions - Identical forms A CONCEPTUAL and VISUAL COMPARISON OF
RELIGIOUS ARCHITECTURE - EAST AND WEST , Richard Cooler has underlined that the
large model of Angkor Wat and the Royal Buddhist Chapel (Wat Pra Keow built by Thai King
Chulalongkorn built in 1867 are excellent example of the continuing importance of kings
building mandala-shaped temples up until the twentieth century .loorplan The temple of Angkor
Wat was built according to a square mandala plan with a man-made, stairstep world mountain at
its center. (The preference seen here in the floor plan for slightly more rectangular than square
forms has resulted in the speculation that the world mountain and hence the center was placed
farther away from the main entry, the western gate, to make the temple appear more solid and
massive.) Much of the building consists of covered galleries that encircle each level of the
pyramid and allow the devotee to continue on his pilgrimage from chapel to chapel while
protected from the hot sun or rains. Conceptually, Angkor Wat, although Hindu, is like the
Borobudur but with the open pathways roofed over. In Angkor Wat the symbolic center of the
monument is marked externally by the tallest pinnacle of the world mountain and internally by a
relatively small room or inner sanctum that originally is thought to have held an image of the
Hindu god, Vishnu. Figure 19 Angkor Wat, interior corridor The center would have originally
been clearly marked both externally and internally and fully accessible to the devout. Today, this
centermost room has been closed off. In relatively recent time, images of the Buddha were
placed in the four access chambers to the original inner sanctum, thus converting the building for
Buddhist use. Being thus transformed, the present 14 spatial arrangement at the center of Angkor
Wat is quite similar to that of the Ananda temple except for being raised on a terraced pyramid.
Thus we have seen the similarities in the religious buildings used by Hindus and Buddhists is so
great that the same building can be used by both religions with little more than a change in the
most significant images. This is possible because both religions subscribe to the same
cosmological beliefs that assign the same meaning to the center of the sacred geometric forms –
the square, the circle and triangle. https://www.niu.edu/clas/cseas/_pdf/lesson-plans/topical-
overviews/sacred-geometry-ew.pdf

The Khmer temple was designed as a microcosm of the Hindu cosmological universe.
Moving from the temple’s entrance to the sanctuary at its center, the visitor undergoes a symbolic
three-staged journey to salvation through enlightenment.
Each of the steps are laid out in the exhibit at right.
The outermost boundary of a Khmer temple was often surrounded by a moat, a body of water
symbolic of the Cosmic Sea (blue highlights above). For Hindus, the Cosmic Sea is the source of
creative energy and life, the starting point for the journey toward salvation.The temple visitor
begins his journey by crossing the sea on causeways lined with serpents, beasts similarly
intimately associated with both Hindu and Khmer myths of creation (we explore the serpent in
detail in our guidebook to Angkor).

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Stage 2: Enclosure Walls as Sacred Mountain Ranges
Continuing on his way to the center of the temple, the visitor passes through a series of massive
enclosure walls; these walls recreate sacred mountain ranges, symbolic of obstacles that must be
overcome on the path to enlightenment (green highlights in Fig. 1). Monumental tower
gateways, called gopurams, grant the visitor passage through the walls, each successive one
revealing a more sacred area, farther removed from the outside world.
The combination of concentric enclosure walls with large gateways was derived directly from
South Indian Hindu architectural precedent. Enclosure walls make their first appearance very
early in the Khmer building tradition — at the late 9th century pre-Angkor site of Roluos in the
temples of Preah Ko, Bakong and Lolei — and are a constant feature in all subsequent temples.

Stage 3: Five Sanctuary Towers as Mount Meru

At the center of the temple stand sanctuaries with tower superstructures (red highlights
above).
 The mountain residence of the gods. Under Hindu cosmology, the gods have always
been associated with mountains. The sanctuary’s form, dominated by its large tower,
recreates the appearance of the gods’ mountaintop residence, Mount Meru. The mountaintop
residence of the gods carried particular symbolic resonance for the Khmer people.
 God’s cave. The sanctuary proper, located directly under the tower, is where an image of
the deity resides (see exhibit at right). Its dark interior is designed to represent the cave into
which god descends from his mountain home and becomes accessible to human beings.
 The sacred intersection. At the Hindu temple’s sanctuary, the worlds of the divine and
living connect: the god’s vertical axis (mountaintop to cave) intersects with the visitor’s
horizontal axis (temple entrance to cave). The entire universe emanates from this
intersection, as unity with god is the goal of earthly existence. In Hinduism, god is believed
to temporarily physically inhabit his representation in the sanctuary; the Hindu temple is
arranged to enable the direct devotee-to-deity interaction that necessarily follows. Unlike
other faiths, there is no religious intermediary and no abstraction; god is manifest before the
devotee’s eyes, a profound encounter.

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Stage 1: Moat as Cosmic Sea
It is here, among the peaks of Mount Meru, that the visitor’s symbolic journey ends in nirvana:
the pairs of opposites characteristic of worldly existence (e.g., good versus bad, right versus
wrong) fuse into a single infinite everythingness beyond space and time.
https://www.approachguides.com/blog/cosmology-shapes-design-of-angkor-wat-temple/

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 Archaeologists,
especially from France, have studied Angkor Wat since the late 19th century. Much of their
focus has been on its art, architecture, epigraphy, iconography, and ritual functions. One cannot
blame them, faced as they have been with a site of overwhelming magnitude. But, as a new
generation of researchers is demonstrating, the temple simply cannot be understood in isolation:
it needs to be placed in the wider context of the area that lies all around it.
For the past 20 years, a series of remote-sensing projects and extensive field research – started by
Christophe Pottier, and expanded by Roland Fletcher and Damian Evans – have sought to gain
information through wider surveys of the area. This work revealed that, unlike today, Angkor
Wat was not originally in the heavy jungle, but was near the middle of the huge, low-density
urban complex known today as ‘Greater Angkor’, which covered an area of around 1,000km2,
and contained an estimated 750,000 inhabitants. In this sense, Greater Angkor resembled the
Classic Maya centres like Tikal in Guatemala and Caracol in Belize – but was immensely larger.
In the course of their work, the researchers located evidence for canals, roads, ponds,
housemounds, hundreds of small shrines, and many thousands of bunded rice fields (or fields
surrounded by low, narrow banks).

Approaching the Temple of Angkor Wat from the causeway that crosses the huge moat that
surrounds it. We published this photograph in 2004 with the question: how big is Angkor Wat?
This view is taken from the central tower and is the reverse of the picture shown below. The
stone buildings occupy the central part of the vast enclosure. But what, we asked, was in the rest
of the enclosure? The current project has revealed answers. Photos: A Selkirk.

However, the dense forest hampered their admirable surveys, especially around Angkor Wat
itself, at the heart of the Angkor World Heritage Archaeological Park. So, in 2012, Damian

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Evans and Roland Fletcher launched a new project using airborne LiDAR scanning, a technique
that is able to ‘see’ through the jungle (see box on p.19). In addition, a sterling team of
specialists drawn from many countries, spanning Europe, Australia, the United States, and
Cambodia, has been undertaking walk-over Ground Penetrating Radar (GPR) surveys and
targeted excavations. This current work completely redefines Angkor Wat’s landscape, and is
finally unlocking the secrets of the site. But before we broaden our view to discover the latest
findings, we must return to within the enclosure of Angkor Wat itself.
Heaven on earth
To the Khmer, Angkor Wat was heaven on earth. Every detail of this extraordinary shrine
reproduced their celestial world in a terrestrial mode. King Suryavarman’s people believed that
the world consisted of a central continent known as Jambudvipa, with the cosmic mountain of
Meru rising from its centre. Angkor Wat’s highest tower represents Meru, while its four lesser
towers depict the mountain’s smaller peaks.

The great enclosure wall around the temple represents the mountains at the edge of the world, the
surrounding moat the Sea of Milk around Meru where gods and demons churned ambrosia.
Originally dedicated to the Hindu Protector Vishnu, Suryavarman II used Angkor Wat as the
place where he, as divine ruler, communicated with the gods. When he died, his remains were
placed in the central tower, so that his soul entered his divine image and made contact with the
royal ancestors. Here he became as one with Vishnu, master of the universe.
A carefully organised workforce, brought in from all over the empire, fuelled by enormous food
surpluses, notably rice grown in the surrounding region and fish from the Tonle Sap lake, built
the complex for their divine ruler. Suryavarman and his successors presided over a civilisation
that carried the cult of divine monarchy, luxury, and wealth to staggering heights, with Angkor
Wat as the apogee of Khmer architecture. Metre after metre of exquisite bas-reliefs at Angkor
Wat show Suryavarman on a throne receiving high officials. He progresses on an elephant
accompanied by the high priest and his generals. The court rides with him through a forest with
noble ladies in litters, everyone protected by heavily armed soldiers. Scenes of battles and
celestial maidens naked to the waist adorn entire walls. Slender and sensual, they wear skirts of
sumptuous fabric and rich ornaments, their dances symbolising the delights of paradise promised
to the ruler after his death. Angkor Wat is a monument of architectural genius, its decoration
never fully completed, and like all great shrines it was modified and reused.
An architectural masterpiece: view of the outer colonnade of Angkor Wat. Photo: Dreamstime.

Inscriptions tell us that thousands of people staffed the temples, with many thousands more
growing and delivering food within Greater Angkor to support the temple staff – a huge
maintenance cost. But the religious utopia was not to last. Angkor began to dissolve after the
13th century due to combination of severe climate change, endemic warfare, and the new
maritime trade networks. The Khmer state endured, by shifting its capital to the region around
Phnom Penh. As for the magnificent Angkor Wat, it became a Buddhist temple, as it has been
ever since.

How did the site work?

Clearly the great temple of Angkor Wat was of huge importance to its people, but how exactly
did it work, or fit within the wider landscape? Throughout the 19th and 20th centuries, the
standard view was that Angkor Wat was a ‘temple-city’, and the capital of the Khmer Empire in

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the 12th century. Its large walled and moated enclosure was thought to have housed a densely
populated settlement – the bulk of the Angkor area’s urban population – including the elite
members of the ruler’s palace, with an agricultural hinterland of isolated villages and forest
outside the moat.
Within the great temple of Angkor Wat: here the king’s soul would communicate with the gods.
These steep steps lead up to one of the temple’s lotus-bud towers. Photos: A Selkirk.

One of the divine carvings from within Angkor Wat.

Moreover, according to earlier scholarship, Angkor Wat was just one town in a succession of
small walled and/or moated capitals, each set neatly around great state temples. These Angkorian
state temples with their presumed enclosures, of which a total of seven had been identified, were
thought to culminate with the late 12th-century 9km2 city of Angkor Thom (meaning ‘Great
City’ in Khmer). The almost (but not quite) as famous Angkor Thom lies about a kilometre to the
north of Angkor Wat, and was built by Jayavarman VII (r.1181-1218). Its dark and foreboding
walls hide architectural beauties, such as the Bayon Temple, that almost (but not quite) rival
those of Angkor Wat. https://the-past.com/feature/the-secrets-of-angkor-wat-how-archaeology-
is-rewriting-history/ QUINTESSENCE-Insights into signature aspects of the world’s most
spectacular places- Cosmology Shapes Design of Angkor Wat Temple
By David Raezer

Aedicule" or "edicule".represented is reprrsented in art as a form of ornamentation. The

word aedicula is the diminutive of the Latin aedes, a temple building or dwelling place.
In ancient Roman religion, an aedicula (plural aediculae) is a small shrine, and in classical
architecture refers to a niche covered by a pediment or entablature supported by a pair
of columns and typically framing a statue. Aediculae are Many aediculae were
household shrines (lararia) that held small altars or statues of the Lares and Di Penates. The
Lares were Roman deities protecting the house and the family household gods. The Penates were
originally patron gods (really genii) of the storeroom, later becoming household gods guarding
the entire house. Notation for aedicules and their placement on a temple has been adapted
from the system developed in Prof. Adam Hardy’s pioneering Indian Temple Architecture:
Form and Transformation: The Karnata Dravida Tradition (Abhinav Publications, New
Delhi, 1995.) They have been supplemented and modified to conform more closely with Khmer
practice.

Other aediculae were small shrines within larger temples, usually set on a base, surmounted by a
pediment and surrounded by columns. In ancient Roman architecture the aedicula has this
representative function in the society. They are installed in public buildings like the triumphal
arch, city gate, and thermae. The Library of Celsus in Ephesus (2. c. AD) is a good example.
From the 4th century Christianization of the Roman Empire onwards such shrines, or the
framework enclosing them, are often called by the Biblical term tabernacle, which becomes
extended to any elaborated framework for a niche, window or picture.

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 What is an Aedicule in architecture?
A small shrine intended to frame, shelter and honour a holy object, fulfilling a similar function to a
tabernacle. They consist of two or four columns supporting a domed or flat roof, and are either open on
all sides or set into a wall. A continuous tradition of Drāviḍa (south Indian) temple architecture flourished in
Karnataka, southwest India, between the seventh and thirteenth centuries. This article focuses on the eleventh-
century temples, arguing that the later forms can only be understood in relation to the constantly developing
tradition, looked at as a whole. A formal analysis is put forward, based primarily on the evidence of the monuments
themselves. From the monuments, an appropriate way of seeing can be deduced, allowing an understanding of both
individual temple compositions and of the way in which the forms evolve. A clear evolutionary pattern emerges,
tending toward dynamism and fusion. Seen retrospectively, there is a sense of inevitability, as if the inherent
potential of the architectural language is unfolding. Yet there is great inventiveness. The article illustrates the nature
of this inventiveness and discusses its relationship to the evolutionary pattern. It concludes that it was not fixed
forms that were passed down, but a way of creating, and that the sense of evolutionary direction this produced can
1
be understood in relation to the world view the temples embody.

AEDICULAR PROLIFERATION: of PHNOM BAKHENG- Bakheng Hill

Phnom Bakheng

1.Hardy, A. (2001). Tradition and Transformation: Continuity and Ingenuity in the Temples of Karnataka. Journal of the Society of Architectural
Historians, 60(2), 180–199. https://doi.org/10.2307/991703

Burrell, B. (2006). False Fronts: Separating the Aedicular Facade from the Imperial Cult in Roman Asia Minor. American Journal of
Archaeology, 110(3), 437–469. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40024551

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"Temple of Mount Meru"- Phnom Bakheng is an ancient Hindu temple which is also called
Bakheng Hill for its location on the top of an isolated hill. The temple has been made in
concordance of a Hindu legend of Mount Meru, that talks of a temple on a hill which forms the
center of the universe. The temple is fast depleting now, however, place has gained attention
from tourists for its amazing panorama. You can choose to climb up the rather steep staircase or
take an elephant ride to the temple. The place often gets crowded during sunrise and sunset,
however, it is worth visiting at any time of the day. Do not forget to explore the ruins with their
awe inspiring architecture even as you take in the fascinating views. A must go for everyone
touring the city.

Phnom Bakheng is among the list of best temples in Siem Reap. Phnom Bakheng is a temple
mountain in honor of the Hindu god Shiva and one of the oldest temples in the Angkor
Archaeological Park. Thanks to its location on a 60-meter high hill, Phnom Bakheng became a
very popular tourist spot for its magnificent sunset views over Angkor Wat.
Built at the end of the 9th century, more than 200 years before Angkor Wat, Phnom Bakheng
used to be the principal temple of the area. Due to its location on top of a hill, nowadays it’s the
most popular temple in Siem Reap to catch the sunset at.

Phnom Bakheng is built to honor and represent Mount Meru the home of the Hindu gods
(that’s why it’s on top of a hill). It is structured in a pyramid form of 7 layers,

each symbolizing one of the seven heavens. During his reign, King Jasovarman I (889 – 910 CE)
moved the capital of his empire from Roluos to the location which is now known as Angkor.
Here, he created an enormous city of 16 square kilometers; bigger than Angkor Thom, which

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was built later. In the center of this city, King Jasovarman built his State Temple on top of a
natural hill, known as Phnom Bakheng hill.
From the upper terrace of the temple, you get an incredible panoramic view of the dense
Cambodian jungle and Angkor Wat in the distance.
Location: Angkor Archaeological Park, Krong Siem Reap 17000 cambodia

When Yasovarman I (889-915) succeeded Indravarman I, he erected a temple in honor of his

parents, as his father had for his at Preah Ko (879,) usually regarded as the first temple of the
Angkorian era. This second ancestral temple, Lolei, was built in the middle of his
father’s baray at Hariharayala (Roluos) setting a precedent for other later island temples such as
East Mebon (953) built in Yasovarman’s own Yasoharatataka or East Baray by Rajendravarman,
West Mebon (c.1055) in the West Baray by Udayadityavarman II and Neak Pean (c.1200)
by Jayavarman VII in his own Jayatataka Baray. Then Yasovarman I built a new capital at
Yasodharapura a few miles from the future sites of Angkor Wat and Angkor Thom, centered
around his own state temple mountain located on the crest of an actual mountain, or at least a
hill, rising 78m above the Angkorian plain named Phnom Bakheng (phnom is Khmer for hill.)
Thus, he built not only a temple mountain but a mountain temple including the actual topography
in the temple’s symbolic meaning, setting a precedent for more ambitious syntheses of nature
and architecture such as Preah Vihear (11th Century) and Phnom Rung (1113 -1150.) At the
same time Yashovarman I built Phnom Bakheng, he erected two less ambitious mountain
temples, each composed of three shrines and ancillary buildings, on the summits of the only
other hills in the area, Phnom Krom, 140m above the Tonle Sap lake to the south, and Phnom
Bok, 240m above the future East Baray to the north, projecting vectors of authority from his
temples across the entire Angkorian plain.

Like the Bakong, Yashovarman I’s pyramid had five-levels or terraces with a plinth on the
uppermost one supporting a panchayatana or quincunx of shrines, surrounded on its terraces
by sixty small shrines and forty-four medium-sized ones around its base. Phnom Bakheng thus
turns an actual mountain into the cella or base of a five-tier man-made “temple mountain” which
acts as its shikhara, with 108 shrines, each itself an aedicule of a temple mountain, strung around
these five levels like the talas or haras of a Dravida vimana. Thus the temple itself, the towers of
its panchayatana and those around its terraces and base could all be read as smaller replicas,
“aedicules” and antefixes of the combined hill and pyramid, itself a symbol of the cosmic,
“Platonic Form” of mountains, Mt. Meru, at whose base Phnom Bakheng sat, though at an
incalculable distance from it. This creates an infinite regress of original and simulacrum,
signified and signifier, as characteristic of Indic as postmodern thought.

Of all the temple mountains the Khmer built, Phnom Bakheng seems most cognizant of its
possible Javanese precedent, Borobudur, in the multiple small, identical shrines lining its five
terraces which are, however, too narrow to allow circumambulation, thus precluding the need for
mural bas reliefs and the didactic purpose of its putative original. The forty-four large shrines
surrounding the pyramid’s base also recall the phalanx of 224 pevara or guardian candi or small
shrines standing watch at Candi Siwa at Roro Jonggrang (Prambanan,) Java . Nonetheless, the
Bakheng’s 108 shrines would be an impressive number of aedicules on the shikhara of all but the
most ambitious Indonesian and Indian temples.

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A Khmer Stonehenge?

Phnom Bakheng, like every other Khmer monument, is constructed using precise mathematical
calculations, leading some to the conclusion it must have functioned as some sort of
astronomical or astrological instrument, at a time when there was no distinction between the two.
In the absence of historical evidence, an exegete is free to choose among a plethora of possible
sidereal phenomena and methods of measuring Khmer temples which are necessarily somewhat
arbitrary. These have included: number of footsteps, (but whose foot?) distance from the outer
edges of a structure (generally used in this introduction,) distance from a structure’s center, ratios
of a temple’s length, width or diagonal, its intercolumniation, its inter-fenestration, arc-seconds
of the azimuth or path of the sun or moon, etc. Under these circumstances, most such theories
must be regarded as ingenious or merely ingenuous, creative or simply credulous, suggestive or
just obsessive. Jean Fillozat of the EFEO, École Française d’Extrême Orient, for example,
noticed that from any point around the Bakheng only thirty-three shrines are visible – which
coincides with the number of years it takes a lunar calendar of 354 days and solar calendar of
365 to come into sync, (as well, one might add, as the number of Vedic deities, the levels of
consciousness in Buddhist cosmology, Christ’s age at his death, a third of one hundred and any

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number of other related and unrelated phenomena.) He also noted that each quadrant contained
twenty-eight towers, equal to the days of a four-week lunar month, while six times the sixty
terrace shrines plus the five towers on their summit equals 365, the days in a solar year. With a
little more arithmetic, one could soon discover that a four year lunar cycle has 1416 days and a
solar or Gregorian cycle, 1461 days, the same four digits and hence the same sum, twelve, equal
to the number of months in a year (or hours of sunlight at the equinox, half a 24-hour day or eggs
in a dozen, for that matter.) These two four-year cycles are also forty-five days out of sync, the
number of the 44 shrines around the base plus the central one. Phnom Bakheng, the temple itself,
could even be pressed into service to provide the “intercalation” or “embolism” of 366 shrines
each leap year. Since any of these congruities may have resulted from serendipity or even
wishful-thinking, the only conclusion to be drawn from them is that the temple could have
functioned as an observatory, - not that it did.

Numerology figured as prominently in the Vastu Shastra and Khmer life as astrology with which
it is intertwined; it determined the date to begin a temple’s construction or to start a war; it was
used to calculate the size of a pada for a mandala; the “sum” of the letters of a donor’s name
could decide which god a temple honored and almost every number had numerous
interpretations. Special attention was paid to the ratio between the dimensions of a temple’s
parts, like Pythagoras’ or Palladio’s harmonic fractions or Corbusier’s “golden mean ratio” or
“modulor.” For example, 108, the number of shrines at Phnom Bakheng (less the center one) was
regarded as especially auspicious since 108 has so many “auspicious” factors – 2, 3, 4, 6, 9, 12,
18, 27, 54, (although, as noted, most numbers could be auspicious, ominous or both.) The sum of
the digits in 108 equals nine; a “magic square” can be constructed around that number because as
the initial digits of its multiples increase, their final digits decrease by an equal amount, so all
equal nine – 18, 27, 36, 45, 63, 72, 81, 90, 108, 117, 126, 135, 144, 153, 162, 171, 180, 207, 216,
225, 234, 243, 252, 261, 270, 432. (99 might appear to present an exception but adding 1 to 9
=10 while subtracting 1 from 0 = equals -1, the sum of which is also 9; although the Indians
invented zero they overlooked negative numbers, so this anomaly may have caused needless
perplexity.)

The fact that the total number of shrines is 109 not 108 might also seem to present a problem but,
in fact, it would only have made that number more auspicious from the point of view of
temple’s shthapakas or architects, since 109 is an irrational number and therefore cannot be
factored, endowing it with both mystery, unity and “adamantine” invulnerability. The Vastu
Shastra, attached special significance to a number’s “remainder” after factoring; this might be
related to the consistent asymmetry of Khmer temples, their unfinished state or simply an
irrational fascination with the irrational, closely allied to the numerological, the magical and
hence the sacral. 109’s remainder is one, the uniquely indivisible singularity and origin of all
other numbers, thus associated with the primal bindu, the seed of all, the absolute, Brahman,
atman, the uncreated creator and primum mobile. Buddhism is more rigorous numerologically
than Hinduism: since zero precedes even one, sunyata or nothing is regarded as the ultimate
uncreated or not “dependently originated” reality.

VIEW FROM THE SOUTHEAST EDGE OF THE 1ST ENCLOSURE, PHNOM BAKHENG
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SHIVA, 5TH TERRACE, PHNOM BAKHENG

´The Temple in its Terms: Two Asymmetries; Phnom Bakheng was carved from the rocky summit of its
eponymous hill, paring away the five terraces of its pyramid and then leveling the remainder to make its
1st enclosure. A 2nd enclosure surrounded the hill itself with four gopura and a moat. On its east, a path
for elephants and an unbroken flight of stairs for hardy pedestrians led from the 2nd (outer) enclosure and
present-day highway between Angkor Wat and Angkor Thom up to the 1st (inner) enclosure. Like the
Bakong, Phnom Bakheng displays asymmetry along its east-west axis but it has a second asymmetry as
well, between the center of the central tower and the center of the stepped pyramid it crowns. The
temple’s 1st enclosure is a rectangle, 120m x190m, its length more than 1/3 longer than its width. Within
this rectangle, the central tower and hence the north-south axis of the mandala is set-back to the west by

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the difference between its western and eastern margins (11 and 12, shaded pink) which equals 14.3% of
the 1st enclosure’s length. (The Bakong’s 1st enclosure also had a western and eastern strip separating its
pyramid and peripheral shrines from the profane world of the “charnel grounds” beyond (see figure 13.)
Diagonals drawn through the central shrine to the north and southern enclosure walls (5, blue lines) define
the mandala’s east and west “threshold lines” (3, dotted lavender lines) forming a 120m square which can
be divided into a 64-pada manduka mandala (lavender grid) which contains and organizes the temple’s
109 shrines and its five terraces. The plinth (10) on which the temple’s quincunx or panchayatana of five
towers rests occupies the mandala’s four central Brahma padas, while the twelve devika padas contain
the pyramid’s upper three terraces, on the west, and upper two, on the east. This second asymmetry
results from positioning the quincunx of towers (and hence the mandala's and the temple’s center) 7m to
the west on the pyramid's 5th terrace, equal to 3.6% of the enclosure’s length or, the width of two terraces
(shaded green.) This has a number of consequences: 1) the center of the pyramid (4, orange diagonals)
and the center of the quincunx of towers and north-south axis (5, blue diagonals) are separated by 1.8% of
the enclosure’s length or 3.5 m (the width of 9, the purple bar;) 2) the pyramid or 1st terrace is thus flush
with the eastern row of shrines but separated from the western by the width of two terraces (7, shaded
green;) 3) the diagonals (4, orange lines) drawn through the pyramid’s midpoint intersect the front corners
of the eastern row of shrines but the backs of the western; 4) diagonals drawn through the central tower
(5, blue lines) intersect the four corners of the mandala containing all 109 shrines and cut through the rear
corners of both the eastern and western rows of peripheral shrines.

FIGURE 15: ANALYSIS OF SITE PLAN, PHNOM BAKHENG (907)

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1 Stairway from the foot of the hill to the 1st enclosure

2 Elephant Path from the highway between Angkor Wat and

Angkor Thom to the 1st enclosure

3 East and west “threshold lines” of a manduka mandala

4 Diagonals drawn through the midpoint of the pyramid

5 Diagonals drawn through the central tower (north-south axis)

6 Westward set-back of the central tower and quincunx of

shrines on the 5th terrace (shaded green)

7 Corresponding westward set-back of the western row of

peripheral shrines (shaded green)

8 Line marking the midpoint of the 1st enclosure’s length

9 Difference between the midpoints of the mandala, central

shrine and north-south axis and the pyramid (shaded purple)

10 Plinth with quincunx of 5 tower shrines

11 Western margin between the 109 shrines and the western

enclosure wall (shaded pink)

12 Eastern margin between the 109 shrines and the eastern

enclosure wall (also shaded pink)

The net westward setback of Phnom Bakheng’s 109 shrines by 14.3% might be explained, in
part, because it is the point at which the temple’s broad expanse becomes entirely visible to a visitor
reaching the top of the staircase from the road below. Today a photographer still has trouble framing
the temple’s width from this position – even without showing the entire quincunx of towers, as in
the photograph on the previous page. The westward setback of most Khmer temple mountains
serves to lengthen the “liturgical axis” both to increase the “spiritual distance” between the shrine
and the profane world outside (and here below) and to provide space for rites preparatory to viewing
the “awakened god” within his shrine. The reason for the second asymmetry, between the plinth
with its quincunx of towers and the pyramid is more difficult to rationalize. One could at least note
that the space it opens between the pyramid’s western edge and the eastern-facing steps of the
western row of peripheral shrines is necessary to enter them but this result could probably have been

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attained more directly and without violating the temple’s symmetry. As with the Bakong, another
reason might be adduced from the visual experience of the worshipper approaching the shrine along
its “liturgical axis,” as with the net westward set-back. The additional 7m set-back of the quincunx
of shrines on the 5th terrace increases the distance between the shrines and the eastern, “liturgically
privileged” staircase to them so that, at its top, the quincunx of shrines can be seen as an ensemble,
which would not be the case if the eastern two towers were closer to that terrace’s edge. The 7m
space opened could also provide a prominent space at the culmination of the “processional path”
where public rituals would be performed and notables congregate before receiving the darshan of
the resident deity, Shiva, venerated within the shrine. This same setback would, at the same time,
delay the full view of the shrines to anyone ascending the eastern staircase until they stepped onto
the terrace because the terraces at Phnom Bakheng are so much steeper than at the previous temple
mountain, the Bakong.* As noted in reference to numerology, the pyramid’s slope affects so many
other relationships and is, in turn, determined by so many variable factors, it is impossible to know
what motivated this seemingly insignificant but, nonetheless, deliberate asymmetry. Did the
temple’s designers care if the quincunx of shrines appeared dramatically or gradually? Did it matter
to them if the entire shrine and towers or just a part were visible from the 1st enclosure’s eastern
entrance?

While this slight asymmetry might make the towers appear marginally more abruptly or seem a
little more distant and celestial, it is certain, and surely more significant, that the incline of the
pyramid parallels and hence extends the slope of the hill so that architecture and topography are
rhymed as two tiers of a single temple mountain. The appropriation of landscape to serve a larger
symbolic objective also incorporated the surrounding “city on a plain,” Yasodharapura, in a
cosmological geography, transforming secular terrain into a sacred landscape where hill and temple,
aedicule and ideal, merged. Mt. Meru’s summit and Phnom Bakheng’s upper terrace became the
place where the god, Shiva, entered his two earthly avatars, the devaraja linga and, perhaps, the
Khmer king. Thus, the city received the deity’s darshan whenever it looked up at the temple,
knowing the god was there, though his image might be occluded or mediated by the visage of the
monarch. Two centuries later, traffic passing on the road below Phnom Bakheng, soldiers and
elephants, nobles and peasants, oxcarts and palanquins, on their way to Angkor Thom, would again
become actors in a symbolic, architectural drama. As they crossed the bridge over the moat to the
city’s south gate, between two rows of asuras, demons, and devas, gods, twisting the naga, Vasuki,
its balustrades, they would re-enact the Khmer creation myth, “The Churning of the Ocean of
Milk,” the Samudra Manthan, to extract amrita, the elixir of immortality. Just as the demons had
been promised a drop in return for their participation,but in the end only the gods got to sip, one
might observe – no doubt, tendentiously – that the quotidian business of the Khmer Empire
ultimately served only the monarch’s pretensions of a posthumous divinity, as the monuments of
Angkor testify so eloquently.

*The slope of the pyramid can be calculated by dividing half the difference between the widths of
1st and 5th terraces ( 76 - 47/2 = 14.5m ) by their height (five times the height of a terrace or 2.6m x
5 = 13m, then adding the height of the shrine’s plinth (1.6m) resulting in a height of 14.6m and a
ratio of width to height of 14.5/14.6, roughly a slope of 45°. Since the distance of the central tower
to the edge of the 5th terrace equals half that terrace’s width plus half its eastward offset (9, the
purple bar in figure 15) or 23.5m + 3.5m = 27m, the central tower would need to have been 27m

194
high before its peak became visible from the foot of the eastern steps. At the level of the 4th terrace,
(10.4m off the ground and the last point where the pyramid’s slope would restrict sight lines to 45°)
the top of a tower 16.6m tall (including its plinth) would become visible; (in the absence of the 3.5m
westward offset, a 16.6m tower’s top would become visible from the stairs between the 2nd and 3rd
terraces.) In any event, the central tower of Phnom Bakheng, would have appeared marginally later
as a result of the 7% westward remove.

The Dharmaraja Ratha of the Konark temple as an example of aedicular vertical expansion edited article
byhttps://www.templemountains.org/dharmaraja-ratha-structure-components-terminology-of-southern-indian-karnata-
dravida-vimana.html

The ratha’s name commemorates the eldest of the Pandava brothers, heroes of
the Mahabharata, whose surrogate father, Yama, was the Dharmaraja or judge of the
dead. Ratha, in this case, signifies the vehicle or chariot of a god, cf. the Surya Temple at Konark
and the Kailasa at Ellora. The shrine’s roof or tower, here a Dravida alpa vimana, is based on a 9 x
9-pada paramasayika mandala, arranged in a pyramid of 4 concentric squares, talas or tiers with
32, 24, 16 and 9 padas, each occupied by a single aedicule or shrine, except for the nine central
Brahma padas, which hold a crowning, octagonal kuta aedicule.

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A prototype for “vertical expansion” can once again be found among the rock-cut monoliths of
Mamallapuram, the vimana of the Dharmaraja Yudhishthira Ratha in figure below (Vimana is the
Dravida or Southern Indian term for the Nagara or Northern Indian shikhara.).

The matrix to the photograph’s right shows the repeated pattern in which the three types of
aedicules, described beneath it, are strung; the aedicules circled in purple in the photograph have
been shaded purple in the corresponding diamond.

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 KO S K HP

FIGURE 8: ANALYSIS OF AEDICULES OF THE DHARMARAJA YUDHISHTHIRA

RATHA, MAMALLAPURAM (c.650)

S = shala aedicule

K = kuta aedicule

HP = harantara-panjara aedicule

K-O = octagonal kuta aedicule

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K=a square kuta aedicule or “cap,” a single cella shrine, like the nearby Draupadi Ratha in
figure 3, except sometimes open-sided and surrounded by a vedi/vedika, fence, railing, altar; it
rises above a vyalamala (Nagara prati) representing the joists or rafters of its putative 1st story
(cf., the non-structural triglyphs of a Doric frieze or the dentils of an Ionic architrave.)

S=a rectangular, barrel-vaulted shala aedicule with ogival or “horseshoe-shaped,” open gables at
either end, patterned after the gavaksha windows at the opening of rock-cut Buddhist chaitya/
caitya halls, themselves imitations of earlier, rectangular or apsidalshrines made with bent
bamboo, rush or palm frond roofs.

HP= a harantara-panjara aedicule, a panjara aedicule (i.e., a shala aedicule seen end-on,)
which projects as a dormer or window, (the ubiquitous gavaksha or kudu,) into the harantara, the
barrel-vauled cloister or gallery linking the hara or "necklace" of shrine aedicules around
the prastara or parapet of a tala of a Dravida temple. Although, as here, it appears to rise on
a stambha or column from the cloister's vedi or railing, since the vedi is only a molding and the
pillar only a pilaster, the aedicule ia referred to as arpita or “applied.”

K-O=the octagonal kuta aedicule occupying the nine central or Brahma padas which
crowns the vimana of this Dravida shrine.

Two-Story Aedicules: The 1st tala with its hara of kuta, shala and harantara-
panjara aedicules rests on the eave (kapota) of the ratha’s full-height ground floor. Prof. Hardy
stresses that aedicules have two-stories, a ground floor, solid-walled, pillared or pilastered, with
a shrine and roof above it. The compressed “intermediate floors” of the upper two talas can be
glimpsed, in the photograph above, in the shadows behind the roofs of the aedicules of the lower
two talas, visible only as pilasters and over-size potikas (brackets.) These support the kapotas or
eaves of these stories on top of which rest the hara of shrines of each tala.

This introduction departs from this usage in sometimes referring to a discrete, “standard” Khmer
shrine or prasat as an “aedicule,” including both the ground floor shrine and the four, “aedicular”
layers constituting its tower (prang, vimana, shikhara,) in this case, one aedicule per tala or tier.
These might more accurately be described as compressed replicas emerging from a shrine in a
vertical version of what Hardy refers to as “staggering” or “telescoping.” The Khmer used this
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same type of shrine with remarkably little variation over five centuries where it appears as an
aedicule, in the traditional sense, only as antefixes on the corners of the emergent aedicules
or talas of its tower.They built their temples, not by accreting such miniature aedicules, but by
projecting at a distance, near duplicates of their prasats as corner shrines, gopuras or
quincunxes of towers, accounting for the greater horizontal extension of Khmer temples
compared with their compact Indian counterparts.

Whenever possible on this website, the notation for aedicules and their placement on a temple has been adapted
from the system developed in Prof. Adam Hardy’s pioneering Indian Temple Architecture: Form and
Transformation: The Karnata Dravida Tradition (Abhinav Publications, New Delhi, 1995.) They have been
supplemented and modified to conform more closely with Khmer practice.

AEDICULARREPLICATION & PROJECTION: Ak Yom

The Khmers’ preference for their single-cell prasat or shrine “aedicule” inhibited them from
expanding their temples by “aedicular expansion” – either by lining the tiers of their pyramids
with miniature shrines like Dravida temples, such as the Dharmaraja Ratha in figure 8, or by
having them emerge from the shikhara, like the Kandariya Mahadeva or Rajarani Temples in
figures 6 and 9. This limited them to “vertical expansion” but here too they avoided innovation,
simply stacking four, identical, compressed aedicular tiers of the standard shrine below them.
This restricted Khmer architectural vocabulary was clearly an aesthetic choice of classical
severity and traditional forms but it also presented an artistic challenge: how to build the largest
possible structures from the fewest parts without monotony or repetition, rather like a canon in
music or sestina in poetry? “Linear expansion” was inimical to the goal of erecting a
symmetrical “temple mountain” or pyramid, so subtle asymmetries were employed to inject
tension and dynamism into most of the seven temple mountains examined in the remainder of
this introduction. Khmer architects preferred to replicate and then project, rather than miniaturize
and stylize, their canonical shrine or “aedicule,” (module or prototype might be a more accurate
term.) They would symmetrically array them around a central tower, extending at regular
intervals the temple’s dimensions, until they grew into the largest religious structures ever built.
A precedent for what might be called “aedicular multiplication” is suggested by the Shiva shrine,
Candi Siwa (c.850) at Prambanan in Java which replicated itself: 1) in the Brahma and Vishnu
temples on either side of it; 2) then in the vahana or “vehicle” shrines in front of each, forming
two rows of three, the configuration of the earliest Angkorian temple, Preah Ko (880;) 3) next,
two apit or “flanking,” 4) four kelir or “screening” and 5) four patok or “corner” shrines
“protected” this central core of six and defined the boundaries of the temples’ enclosure within
which 6) no fewer than 224 pervara or “guardian” shrines stood in ranks like a Roman phalanx,
for a numerologically pregnant total of 240 shrines in all.

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CANDI SIWA, PRAMBANAN, JAVA (c.850)

No Khmer temple, with the possible exception of Phnom Bakheng with 109 shrines, even
approached the aedicular prolixity. of Prambanan. The earliest Khmer multi-shrine (or “multi-
aedicular”) temples consisted of rows of nearly identical prasats, six at Preah Ko (880,) three at
Phnom Krom, Phnom Bok and Prasat Bei (all 889-915,) five at Prasat Kravan (921) and nine at
Prasat Thom in Koh Ker (928-944.) Over the centuries, these prasats became spaced further apart
and arranged as crosses or panchayatanas, (quincunxes, five objects in an “x” or chiastic pattern,)
which marked the corners and cardinal gopuras of concentric enclosures, levels or terraces, joined
together first by laterite walls lined by narrow “service” buildings and, ultimately, by long, gabled
galleries defining the outlines of the tiers or terraces of increasingly larger and more complex
pyramids or “temple mountains.” This prasat or shrine type and its replicas do not meet Adam
Hardy’s rigorous definition of an aedicule 1) because they are discrete aedes not components within
the structure of which they are a miniature and 2) because they are often not much more miniature
than the structures they imitate; (this is a characteristic they share with the subsidiary deities of a
mandala, each of whom usually occupies an equal-sized pada.)The Khmer conceived these
derivative structures more as reflections or emanations of the central tower shrine, itself a smaller
version or “aedicule” of the temple mountain which it crowned, in turn an "aedicule" or simulacrum
of Mt. Meru. These projected shrines marked the corners of tiers or terraces like the antefixes on the

200
tiers of the shikharas of their central towers and were then linked together by galleries like
the harantara or “necklaces” of aedicules of a Dravida vimana.

This emphasis on the symmetrical, lateral extension of terraces resulted over-time in de-
emphasizing the central tower in comparison with the nearly equal-sized shrines arrayed around it,
so it became less a climax than the center of a matrix. This relaxation of momentum along the
liturgical axis was off-set by an integration of the temple’s peripheral parts into a coherent ensemble
with a firmly defined structure. This tendency can be noted as early as Koh Ker (928-944) and at
Banteay Srei (968,) Preah Vihear (11th Century,) as well as, Banteay Samre and Beng Mealea, built
at the same time as Angkor Wat (1113-1150,) which epitomizes their opposite, a centrally-focused
massif. This fissiparous clinamen would reappear in the jumbled inner enclosures of Jayavarman
VII’s late monastic foundations, Ta Prohm and Preah Khan (1181-1220,) where it serves a contrary
purpose, disintegrating an ordered hierarchy among the temple’s parts. Finally, this ”spirit
ofconfusion" is transfigured by the “face towers” on the upper terrace of the Bayon into a diffuse,
undifferentiated but pervasive presence. A similar phenomenon can be observed, quite
independently, in the increasing size of the gopuras and the number of enclosures, but not their
central shrines, at the well-known “temple cities” of South India, the Virupaksha Temple at Hampi
(15th Century,) the Ranganathaswamy at Tiruchirappalli (1371, illustrated on page 12,) and the
Meenakshi at Madurai (16th Century.)

The Khmer proclivity for replicating their basic shrine aedicule and then arranging them
orthogonally or diagonally in rows or matrices traces a developmental vector stretching over five
centuries (700-1200) achieving its classic expression at Angkor Wat (1113-1150.) The stages of its
evolution and its distinctive architectural markers or genome will be illustrated in the following
brief analyses of seven Khmer "temple mountains" whose traits can be summarized as 1) aedicular
replication and projection 2) integration of asymmetry into a symmetrical mandala 3) axial and
lateral (cruciform) expansion 4) de-emphasis of axial focus in favor of a balanced array of shrines
and, finally, 5) a shift from orthogonal, not so much to radial symmetry or even asymmetry, as
entropy at the Bayon.

From and with thanks to https://www.templemountains.org/ak-yom-the-

first-khmer-temple-mountai.html

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About the Author--- UDAY DOKRAS
The author has worked for 30 years in the human resources arena in India and abroad. He
was Group Vice -President of MZI Group in New Delhi and has anchored Human
Relations in Go Air and Hotel Holiday Inn;was General Manager-Health Human
Resources at the Lata Mangeshkar Hospital amd Medical college. Is currently Consultant
to Gorewada International Zoo,Nagpur and visiting Faculty at the Central Institute of
Business Management and Research, Nagpur.

In Sweden he anchored HR in Stadbolaget RENIA, SSSB and advisor to a multi

millionaire. He has studied in Nagpur, India where he obtained degrees of Bachelor of
Science, Bachelor of Arts(Managerial Economics) and Bachelor of Laws. He has done
his Graduate Studies in labour laws from Canada at the Queen's University, Kingston; a
MBA from USA, and Doctorate from Stockholm University, Sweden. Apart from that he
has done a Management Training Program in Singapore.
A scholar of the Swedish Institute, he has been an Edvard Cassel Fund and Wineroth
Fund Awardee.A scholar for the Swedish Institute for 5 years.
In 1984 he was involved with the Comparative Labour Law Project of the University of
California, Los Angeles, U.S.A. He was also visiting lecturer there. In 1985 he was
invited by the President of Seychelles to do a study of the efficacy of the labour laws of
Seychelles.
Author of a book on a Swedish human resource law, his brief life sketch is part of the
English study text book of 7 th Class Students in Sweden -“Studying English.
SPOTLIGHT 7”- and 8th Class students in Iceland - “SPOTLIGHT 8- Lausnir.”

RESEARCH PAPERS-320 + in Researchgate and academia.edu & scribd

Followers(readers) 65,000 consolidated as on 26 th September,2020.

Authors-DR Uday DOKRAS

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 Dr. Uday Dokras
B.Sc., B.A. (Managerial Economics), LL.B., Nagpur University, India
Certificat'e en Droit, Queen’s University. Ontario, Canada,
Ph.D. Stockholm University, Sweden,
Management and Efficacy Consultant, India

Reviews of the Book PROJECT HUMAN RESOURCE MANAGEMENT

The authors highlight the benefits of paying attention to human resources and offer success and
failure factors guideline for a variety of potential practitioners and students in global project
marketplace.
Ms.Ylva Arnold, Head HR- Norstedts Publishers, Stockholm SWEDEN

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From the Newspaper Times of India March
24, 2018

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Iceland Sweden both countries use the English Text SPOTLIGHT-one of the lessons
in which is about Dr Uday Dokras

205
Prof. S.Deshpande,President of the Indian Instituye of Architects, New Delhi INDIA
releasing the book of Dr Dokras HINDU TEMPLES on the web in CARONA
gimes( May 2010)

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Some of my books

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 Some of the 200 BOOKS BY DR UDAY DOKRAS
Published by
The Indo Nordic Authors’ Collective Stockholm

Dr. Uday Dokras

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Tamil People as Traders and Voyagers

The Cambodian Trilogy

I.HINDU CAMBODIA

II.HYDROLOGY of ANGKOR
ANGKOR is known as a Hydraulic city- full or canals and river and waterways. It
is this water system they say that brought the downfall of this intrinsic kingdom.
But is that TRUE?

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III.ENTER…… THE KINGDOM THAT
VANISHED- Angkor

Building Materials of the Hindu Temple

Indo Nordic Author's collective, 2021
In depth study of how Building Materials of the Hindu Temple was used in
India,Indonesia and Cambodia and India

The Art & Architecture of THE GOLDEN TEMPLE

COMPLEX, AMRITSAR

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Mathematics in Temple Designs

Jain ART
Book on Jain Art and Iconography

Jain Temples- Part I -Complete Compendium-Book I

A to Z of the architecture, Design,Cosmology,Philosophy of Jain temples in

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Jain Temples II
DEVELOPMENT OF THE ARCHITECTURE OF JAIN TEMPLES AND THE
ACTUAL PHOTOGRAPHS(ORIGINAL) OF 3JAIN TEMPLES of Nagpur

DWARKA- CELESTIAL MYSTERIES of the Lost

CITY of KRISHNA

TIRUPATI TEMPLE Book part I

TIRUPATI TemplePart II
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Vahanas- the vehicles of Hindu Gods
Vahanas- the vehicles of Hindu Gods. Animals in Hinduism. demi Gods

SATYANARAYAN PUJA-The Complete Compendium

Satyanarayan Puja or 9 Graha Puja( a puja of 9 planets) has been performed by
most Hindus not only now but for 1,000’s of years.

MAHALAXMI Puja
Hindu Goddess MAHALAXMI Puja

ARCHITECTURE OF PALESTINE
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Palestine my Love
Palestine my Love is about the culture arts and crafts of palestine so we recognize
it as a entity that is fighting for recognition of not only its legitimacy but also its
cultural heritage

QUINTET (5) BOOKS ON MANDALA

Unravelling the MAZE of the MANDALA BOOK I

First part of a two book treatise on MANDALAS. This introductory phase
introduces mandalas

Maze of MANDALA BOOK II

Advanced Mandala routine for those who want to know more about MANDALAS

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Mandala BOOK III on Nakshatra

BOOK IV MANDALA & ARCHITECTURE

The Use of Mandalas in Building Temples and Modern Buildings

Book V on Mandala of the Oriental Kingdoms

219
Islamic Architectureal Arts of of Imam Ali's 2 Shrines

Hindu Gods in Scandinavia

Did the Hindu Gods originate or live in Scandinavia once? Find out

Book on Divinity and Architecture

What is divinity? How has man tried to harness architecture to create magic in
space

Virat Hridaya Padma-sthalam CHIDAMBARAM

Temple -Celestial Mysteries
This book is about a mysterious and revered tempe built by the Chola Kings of
South India 2000 years ago

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T2- Temple Tech. A Book
How are Hindu temples built and the technology that follows this craft. From A to
Z Complete Guide.

Rendezvous with Sri RAM Portfolio of Temple Art by

Srishti Dokras, Architect Special section on Hindu
Foods by Karan Dokras, Product Guru

Best Foot Forward

The story of Footwear through the ages up to COVID times

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Hindu Temple Panorama-Celestial Mysteries
A to Z of Temples. A total Panoramic View of design and architecture of Hindu
temples in 350 page...

DUOLOGY (2) on JAINISM

Ativir
ATIVIR means Very Brave and is the name given to Lord Mahavir the 24 th
Saint(TIRTHANKAR) Contains rare translations of the Dialogue of the Mahavir
with his disciples called GHANDHARVAVAD

Vardhaman-वर्धमान
IThis book is about Jainism- written by a non-

THE TRILOGY(3) on DEVRAJA The God

kIngs of Khemer
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Book I DEVRAJ- The God Kings of Indo China-
Cambodia.
This is the first Book of a Trilogy that traces the growth of Hinduism in South East
Asia.

BOOK I I DEVRAJA- The Great Civilizations of South

East Asia -HINDU Era
How Hinduism reached Cambodia and how the Hindu Kings called Devraj Built
these magnificent structures

Devraja BOOK II I Devraja and Raj Dharma God King

and Kingly Religion The HINDU Era of Great
Civilizations of Khemer
Book 2 of a Trilogy that traces the advent of Hinduism on South East Asian and
Indo-Chinese

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Vayu- Man's taming of the winds
Man's conquest of nature spans a million years. How was wind tamed by him. Here
is the full story... more

VIMANA Ancient Conquests of Wind

Ancient flying machines of Gods and Men(?) Were they true. Did they really exist.
7000 years ago?

LIGHT HOUSES In words and pictures

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BOOK Architecture of the Lighthouse of Alexandria-
BOOK
Indo Swedish Author's Collective, 2020
The lighthouse was built on an island off the coast of Alexandria called Pharos. Its
name, legend

Cosmology of lotus
Indo Nordic Author's Collective, 2020
The Lotus is the king of the flower world but few know it as a part of creation.
Find out the Cosmology.

Celestial Mysteries of the Borobudur Temple

Borobudur remains a mystery even today. The largest Buddhist Stupa in the world
has many unanswered...
Win with this new DIET

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Hindu tempel of India , Cambodia and Indonesia
Hindu Temples dot India, Cambodia and Indonesia

DISRUPTION-Book

Book Architecture Creativity

Creativity and Architecture are linked and go hand in hand. This Book is a
culmination of 16 publications that have been put together as a book

Project HR Management
Indo Swedish Author's Collective
PROJECT HUMAN RESOURCE MANAGEMENT/'Dr UDAY DOKRAS The
project sphere has not been valued appropriately

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Human Resource Engineering in Theme Parks.
by Dr. Uday Dokras and Mansse Bhandari
As theme parks evolve into facilitating for greater thrill seeking audience,the role
of human res... more

Health Human Resource Management

Management of Health care workers in hospitals and the human resource practices
to be followed in hospitals.

WIN DIET Lose fat-Diet and Exercise Book ONLY

BODY SHAPING GUIDE YOU NEED

The Act on Co-determination at Work – an Efficacy study

Thesis of the Author for the degree of Doctor of Law

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Stockholm University, SWEDEN 1990

Later Bookks by the Authors

Nagpur’s Prolific and Successful Writer

Dr. Uday Vasant Dokras, son of the later Principal of VNIT Dr. Vasant Dokras, has proved his mettle in
writing; making history and India proud. He has written, 80 books since 1990 and 400 Technical and
research papers/ articles. His books adorn many international Libraries such as Royal Swedish Library,
European Union, Harvard University, StanfordUniversity amongst others-as well as the US Library of
Congress, Washington DC.

Recently, he has co-authored a Trilogy on Palestine with Australian Islamic Studies Research author
Muhsin Dadarkar who hails from Konkan but settled in Sydney since past 40 years. Muhsin has sold Dr
Dokras books to 6 arab countries and will be translated in Arabic. Dr Uday’s other books have been
translated into Portugese( Brazil) and French. The French editions will be sold on
Googlebooks(French).

His expertise on Hindu temples in Bharat and Cambodia is unmatched on which he has written 22 books
and 180 papers. His work can be read on academia.edu. Dr Uday together with his daughter Srishti who
lives in Seattle,USA heads and operate the Indo Nordic Author’s Collective- which gives budding
author’s a chance to get published.

He co-authors with professors from Norway, USA, Reunion (France) and Museum Curators from
USA . His brief life sketch is part of the English study text books of 7 th Class Students in Sweden
-“Studying English. SPOTLIGHT 7”- and 8 th Class students in Iceland - “SPOTLIGHT 8- Lausnir.”A
first for an Indian.

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Lord Ram fighting Ranana Fantasy bas relief from Angkor

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Hydrology of Angkor

Dr UDAY DOKRAS Phd Stockholm, SWEDEN

Books on Mandala by the Author

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