Trail To California
Trail To California
58-09739
58-09739
KANSAS
LIBRARY
DATL DUE
XX
Published under the Direction of The Department of History
From
the
Income of
NEW HAVEN
YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS
LONDON
-
HUMPHREY MILFORD
1945
Copyright, 1945,
~by
PREFACE
THE
is
diary of Vincent E. Geiger and Dr. "Wakeman Bryarly one of some fifty manuscript overland journals which form a part of the "William Robertson Coe Collection of "Western Americana. The manuscript portion of this collection, touching almost every aspect of the history of the West, was pre sented to the Tale University Library by Mr. Coe in 1943. In view of the variety and richness of the Coe Collection, no single manuscript can effectively represent the whole. The Geiger-Bryarly diary, however, may be at least suggestive of the quality of these manuscripts, and it is for that reason, in part, that it is here pub
lished.
Altogether, multitudes of Gold Rush emigrants planned to keep and a surprising number adhered to their purpose. Con sequently, scores of such day-by-day accounts have turned up, re cording, journeys, throughout the forties and fifties, by way of Cape Horn, Panama, Mexico, the Gila River route across the southern United States and northern Mexico, and the Oregon and California Trail over the South Pass and down the Humboldt. So many of these
journals,
diaries have
found their way into print that it is possible to list more than twenty of them for the single season of 1849 by way of the South Pass route alone. Their very abundance might seem to render the publication of still another superfluous. However, the diary be gun by Vincent Geiger at St. Joseph, Missouri, and continued by
by
the North Platte until the arrival in Calcertain features which lend to it a very
many
In order to appreciate that value, it should be recognized that of the extant journals, although important for research pur poses, make dull reading because they are mere notations of route
and mileage; while others, which display more literary ambition, sometimes become effusive and sententious. By contrast, the GeigerBryarly record is remarkably straightforward and articulate, de tailed and explicit, and its occasional amateurish qualities compen sate for themselves by revealing the personalities of the writers.
Although the journal frequently
fails of literary correctness, it is
viii
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
never perfunctory, but always maintains spontaneity and enthu siasm which make it consistently readable.
Wholly apart from the literary consideration, however, it is im portant that Geiger and Bryarly were travelling with a particularly well-organized party one of the few which did not disintegrate to
some degree during the journey. The methods and the success of this
party, by comparison with others, tend to illuminate certain prob lems of the overland journey, and I have attempted to develop some
of these aspects of their experience in editing of the text. This of significance in the record, together with that of vitality quality
in the narrative, seems
my
amply
to justify publication.
In dealing with the Gold Eush, one certainly does not find a neglected subject. In fact, its human and picturesque elements have so universally appealed to the imagination that the " Forty-niner" has taken a prominent place in the gallery of American historical types, and certain features of the Eush have almost become folk
knowledge. The excitement of free gold, lying loose in the stream beds; the exuberance of "Oh Susannah"; the recklessness of gun
play, gambling,
epic length of the journey to the diggings; the hardships and dangers of mountain, desert, and plain these ingredients form a pageant familiar to most Americans.
However, the very vividness of the pageant, the adaptability to technicolor, have sometimes prevented students from appreciating
that the odyssey of the gold-seekers was more than a spectacle. The fascination of dramatic episode has overshadowed some of the aspects that are broader in their meaning. Without attempting to
develop fully these broader aspects, it may be pertinent, here, to mention two of the elements in the story of the Gold Eush which seem to me to warrant attention and to invite a more analytical treatment of this movement, which is so often exploited for its
theatrical values alone.
mass movement to California represented the climactic manifestation of an American pioneer impulse to overrun the con tinent and to subdue it. In response to this impulse, the continuous
First, the
westward surge had gathered momentum for two centuries, but in 1849 it reached a culmination as emigrants moved in unprece dented swarms. The discovery of gold was the superficial cause for their restlessness, but whatever may explain it fundamentally, the
money value
Economic
PREFACE
determinism
is
ix
is
an
overpowering compulsion enlisted men in this hazardous journey, drove them to the limits of human capacity in its prosecution, and enabled them to achieve the symbolical mastery of the American West. Americans had always harbored a desire to see what lay "on the other side of the hump," and they had always been willing to move beyond the rim of settlement to satisfy that desire, but now they
were avid to view every landmark described by Bryant and Fremont from the "coast of Nebraska" to the Golden Gate, and they un hesitatingly left the outposts of settlement two thousand miles be hind. They had traditionally relished their enterprise spiced with adventure, and even with danger, but now they were bent upon "seeing the elephant" himself, that is, of surmounting every hazard which lurked in the wilderness of the Rocky Mountains and the
Humboldt Desert. Since their exploit, elemental nature has never been quite so awesome, and the calling of the pioneer has lacked
its
epic flavor.
Second, not only was the Gold Rush the climactic event in the advance of the pioneers, it was also one of the last, and in some respects one of the greatest achievements of pre-Industrial America. Even as the Gold Rush took place, the machine was rapidly subduing
the settled portions of the country. Most of the gold-seekers were carried to their starting place in Missouri by the power of steam
both. These
applied to iron locomotive or to river boat. Geiger and Bryarly used new forces were even then marching with seven-league boots, and just twenty years later, they spanned the nation with its
first
transcontinental railway. Both Geiger and Bryarly, by a coin cidence, died in that year of the triumph of the machine. But in 1849, the only significant products of the machine age beyond the
fell
Missouri were firearms. Except for these, the land west of the river many centuries, technologically, behind the region to the east.
therefore, was a reflex of animistic rather than mechanistic factors. The prime movers which
propelled the emigration were not engines, but mules and oxen. The fuel which they required was no product of mine or refinery, but
the native vegetation. These facts are, no doubt, obvious, but note how they shaped the emigration. The time of departure was not the
time when the emigrants were ready to leave and the weather would
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
be pleasant, but when the spring grass became sufficient for the animals and the migration of '49 was delayed more than two weeks
because of the lateness of the season. The route followed was neither that of the shortest distance nor of the easiest grades, which the
maximum forage and maximum proximity to no accident that most of the California Trail has now been abandoned, and that the South Pass is traversed only by en thusiastic antiquarians. The rate of travel was not the one most acceptable either to man or beast, but the one which would get them into California before snow closed the mountain passes. Thus the Argonauts ended their journey, as they had begun it, in response to the rhythm of the seasons. And if most of them were really not Argonauts at bottom, but farmers' boys out on an adventure, the routine of the camp, with cattle grazing, cowbells sounding, and, on occasion, scythes swinging to provide hay for the barren stretches, was no great divorcement from the experience of an agrarian age. My conviction of the importance of aspects like these has governed
my treatment of the Geiger-Bryarly journal. Regarding it as more than the record of a colorful episode, I have tried, with some probing
upon some of the more neglected aspects of enough is already known of the hard ships of the journey, and the routes have been most exhaustively worked out. But there is surprisingly little information about the structural organization and the formal constitutions of the overland companies the rules drawn up by the emigrants were spontaneous applications of self-government, demonstrating American resource fulness in that field, but they have not been publicized, as have min
and
analysis, to focus
For
instance,
ing codes, cattlemen's associations, or other instances of self-govern ment. Similarly, it is generally known that the large companies
broke up, that they overloaded their wagons and later had to throw goods away, and that many of them ran out of food but very little has been said about the economy of overland travel about the ac
;
which could be carried," about the type of draught animal which was most efficient, about the proper ratio of men to animals and to wagons, about the reasons for success or failure. Or again,
tual load
Rush as a pageant usually show that the was dangerous, and they dramatize the skulking redskin; in fact, the mortalities were highest at the outset of the journey, and the Indian menace, from an actuarial standpoint, was
the accounts of the Gold
trek westward
negligible.
PREPAOE
The
fact that these points,
xi
like them,
and others
have been de
veloped, does not mean that I have attempted an exhaustive study, but only that I have consistently sought to present the specific ex
to
perience of other emigrant groups. To that end, I have undertaken compare the Geiger-Bryarly journal with a large series of other
same season and the same general route. Altogether, 21 such diaries in printed form have been utilized, and 12 more in manuscript in the Coe Collection have also been included in the study. From these 33 diaries, comparisons have been drawn to apply
diaries for the
to
many aspects of overland travel. These comparisons occur throughout the introduction and the footnotes to the text, and they are basic to the study. If, in places, they detract from the 77 " glamour of the Gold Rush, it is hoped that they compensate for
by recognizing
this
it as a phenomenon of genuine historical im and not merely as a colorful episode, useful principally portance, for dramatic relief in the more serious historical record. In editing the manuscript, my purpose has been to preserve the original text intact, and, at the same time, to present it in the clearest possible form. In the interest of clarity I have made all date lines, and the daily statements of distance traversed, uniform throughout. I have also cast the text into paragraphs and spelled out certain abbreviations. "Where the original capitalization and punc tuation were conducive to easy reading, I have avoided tampering with them, but where clarity was gained by altering them, I have done so. In view of the conditions under which the diary was written, it would seem pedantic to preserve every lapse in punctuation and
like,
every contraction used in writing. "Where a word, a letter, or the was inadvertently omitted, or is needed to clarify the meaning,
I
have inserted it, using brackets as a means of informing the reader what has been done. But false spellings, grammatical errors, and capitalizations which imply emphasis are not corrected, and the text here printed attempts to provide a verbatim reproduction of
as to
Wakeman Bryarly and Vincent E. Geiger, I have been fortunate in receiving hearty co operation from widely scattered sources. In this respect, no one has offered assistance more generously or provided the" information I needed more effectively than William B. Marye, Corresponding
riage of
Secretary of the Maryland Historical Society, and nephew by mar Wakeman Bryarly. In addition to the many .items of fact
xii
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
also made arrangements with D. Baltimore County, for the repro "Roslyn,"
Marye
duction of Dr. Bryarly 's portrait, which is the frontispiece of this book, and with Miss Victoria Gittings for the abstracting of impor tant documents relating to Bryarly. These two members of the Git
tings family are nephew and niece, respectively, of Dr. Bryarly, and Miss Victoria Gittings deserves especial thanks for having preserved
materials that might otherwise have been lost, relating to her uncle. I am also indebted to the late "Wakeman Munnikhuysen of Bel Air,
Maryland.
W.
fessor
Pro Harrisonburg, Virginia. searched the Augusta County records thoroughly. Wayland I can hardly state my thanks in adequate form. On the Mexican War
As an
phase of Geiger 's life, Philip M. Hamer, Director of Eeference Service at the National Archives, consulted the records there and wrote
fully of the findings. Miss Mabel Gillis, State Librarian, similarly, made available to me transcripts of a number of valuable source items in the California State Library. Charles H. Ambler of
me
me
in
my research
Library,
members at the Library of Congress, at the New York Public and at the Yale University Library, have all been con
sistently helpful.
least that I
At
is
the
can
encouragement and co
operation of James T. Babb, and of the aid, at difficult points in the manuscript, of Zara Jones Powers.
Turning from the research to the actual preparation of the book, thank Edward Eberstadt, Adviser to the Coe Collection, for generous criticism and suggestions, as well as for making the unique Isham journal available. I am obligated to Mrs. Kidgely Hunt for the care with which she has twice typed part of the manu script and once typed all of it. And finally, I offer my thanks to Leonard W. Labaree, editor of this series, for his many thoughtful
I wish to
suggestions as to the treatment of the material and for his vast patience in scrutinizing every detail of the manuscript.
Timothy Dwigkt
Tale University.
College,
CONTENTS
Preface
Introduction
J.
vii
St.
Joseph
to
Fort Kearney
to
to
75 89
77.
777.
Fort Laramie
South Pass
108
129
Fort Hall
to the
154
187
Appendices
A. Constitution of the Charlestown, Virginia Mining Company
B. "Roster of
213
Members
of the Charlestown
Company
to St.
223
C. Vincent E. Geiger's
Joseph, Missouri
225
D. Tables Showing Travel Schedule of Various Emigrants of 1849 by Way of the South Pass
230
Bibliography
233 247
Index
Map
INTRODUCTION
the three centuries of westward expansion across
the United States, probably no single episode involving large of people stands in such dramatic relief as the
to California in 1849. This great mass-migration burst
last and most formidable barriers of the North American continent, and made the Pacific Coast an American
through the
shore in the national as well as the geographical sense. It is true of course, that intrepid individuals had already traversed the
Oregon and California Trails, but it was the season of '49 which showed America in motion and the western movement at its climax. The only perfectly contemporaneous and authentic records of this epic migration are the journals which a few of the Forty-niners kept while they were in transit. Many, to be sure, intended to keep diaries, but the rigors of the trip left most of them without energy for any non-essential pursuit. A few, however, persevered, and, no matter how gruelling the experience, wrote their account of it at the end of every day. Such journals as these are all-important. They are to the Gold Rush what the sagas were to the Vikings, or the Chansons to the Age of Chivalry. This book is principally the text of one of these Gold Rush journals, kept by two men, Dr. Wakeman Bryarly and Vincent B. Geiger. Neither Bryarly nor Geiger was born in the American West, nor did either of them die there. Bryarly, a native of Maryland, died, prosperous and respected, near his birthplace Geiger, by contrast, became a fugitive with a charge of murder on his head, and died in a country remote from his native Virginia. Yet despite the diver sities of their lives and despite their limited residence in the "West, both men illustrated and, in a measure, embodied the history of that region. In both there appeared that quality of restlessness always identified with the American frontier. Bryarly and Geiger alike volunteered in the Mexican War, and after that, their zest for adventure was not appeased by their participation in the Gold Rush. After the journey overland and the excitement of life in early California, neither of them could resume the quiet, prosaic ways of the society from which he had come. Physically, theirs was a
;
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
relatively transient presence in the
Western
was, nevertheless, to absorb, transform, and shape the lives of this Marylander and this Virginian far more than either of them realized
when, as companions in travel, they wrote of their daily experiences on the journey across the Plains and over the Western mountains.
The elder of the two, by three years, was Wakeman Bryarly. He was born in October, 1820, in Harford County, Maryland, 1 the son of Dr. Wakeman Bryarly, Sr., and his wife Priscilla, daughter of Parker Hall Lee and Elizabeth (Dallam) Lee, also of Harford 2 County. The senior Bryarly was a prominent physician who had taken his M.D. degree at the University of Pennsylvania in 1805, and had subsequently practiced at Bel Air and Ensor in Maryland. 3 He died prior to August, 1821, 4 when his infant son was less than ten months old, but apparently the medical tradition in the family was strong, and the Lees were in position to help maintain it, for young Wakeman, in due time, enrolled in the Washington Medical University in Baltimore, from which he was graduated as a Doctor of Medicine in 1840. 5 For the next seven years apparently, he re1. Date of birth, Oct. 13 [?], 1820, is a part of the inscription on Bryarly 's tombstone in Greenmount Cemetery, Baltimore. This inscription was very Idndly copied, and other information provided by William B. Marye, Corre sponding Secretary of the Maryland Historical Society. Place of birth given in Eugene F. Cordell, The Medical Annals of Maryland, 1799-1899 (Baltimore,
1903), p. 337. 2. For the parentage of Bryarly, I am indebted to his late great-nephew, Wakeman Munnikhuysen of Bel Air, Md., and to William B. Marye. Mr. Marye also provides the information on the maternal grandparents, and informs me that the license for the marriage of Wakeman Bryarly, Sr., and Priseilla Lee was dated Jan. 30, 1816. 3. Cordell, Medical Annals of Md., p. 337. Also see, in the Library of Con " An gress, inaugural essay on the Lupulus Communis of Gaerther; or the com mon hop. By Wakeman Bryarly . . . Philadelphia: Printed for the author by John BL Oswald. 1805." This essay is further described as "an inaugural dis sertation for the degree of doctor of medicine . . . University of Pennsylvania, on the 5th day of June, 1805."
a will on Nov. 17, 1820 (one month after the birth was proved Aug. 7, 1821. In it he named two children, Elizabeth and Eobert. This Eobert was probably Bobert Wakeman, who, being called after his father, became the Wakeman Bryarly of this diary. 5. Cordell, Medical Annals of Md., p. 337; John B. Quinan, Medical Annals of Baltimore from 1608 to 1880 (Baltimore, 1884), p. 68. Bryarly wrote a
4.
paper on aeupuneturation, presumably as a dissertation for his degree, in the year 1840. The Washington Medical College or "University, as it was hopefully called, in the expectation of developing a liberal arts faculty, was an important Maryland institution in the first half of the 19th century. Organized in 1827 in Baltimore as the medical department of Washington College, Pennsylvania, it
INTRODUCTION
mained in Baltimore as a practicing physician. Certainly that was his status in 1842, for when the boiler of the steam packet Medora exploded in April of that year, Bryarly was listed as one of the numerous physicians who went to the aid of the injured. 6 In 1846, he received an appointment as one of the city's first vaccine physicians. In 1847, he became a Demonstrator in Anatomy at the medical school from which he had taken his degree seven years before. 7 Apparently he was advancing in his profession, but before he had completed his first year as an instructor of medical students, the Mexican War intervened to offer him more adventurous pursuits. The summer of 1847 found the war in its second year and the offensive well advanced. After landing at Yera Cruz, General Scott had pushed inland, won an engagement at Cerro Gordo, and oc cupied the town of Puebla, just outside the Yalley of Mexico. Despite these successes, however, the Army had to reckon with the expiration of service of troops who had enlisted for only one year. To offset
such
of
losses, the
new volunteer
Administration continued to encourage recruiting units. One such contingent, the District of Colum
bia and Maryland Regiment of Volunteers, was being recruited in Baltimore and Washington. Bryarly volunteered for service in this
8 regiment, and was accepted with rank as Assistant-Surgeon. The embarked from Fort McHenry in July, and reached Vera regiment
Cruz in August. By that time, Scott had advanced to the environs of Mexico City, and he occupied that capital on September 14, at which time Bryarly s regiment was just beginning an advance into the interior. Thus the District of Columbia and Maryland Regiment
7
received an independent charter from the Maryland Legislature in 1833, and it was subsequently granted the formal name Washington University. In 1838, probably while Bryarly was a student, the college moved from its original location on Holliday St., near the Old City Hall, to a new "building on North Broadway. See Thomas A. Ashby, "The Progress of Medicine in Maryland," in Clayton C. Hall, ed., Baltimore, Its History and Its People (New York,
1912),
6. J.
I,
595.
'Baltimore, etc. (Baltimore, 1874), p.
506.
7. For these two appointments see Cordell, Medical Annals of Md. p. 337, and Quinan, Medical Annals of Baltimore, p. 68. In 1846 each ward of the city of Baltimore had a vaccine physician who received a stipend of $50 per annum and was required to report the number of persons vaccinated, refusing vac cination, or having small pox. 8. See List of Officers of the District of Columbia and Maryland Eegiment of Volunteers, in John B. Kenley, Memoirs of a Maryland Volunteer. War with Mexico the Years 1846-7-8 (Philadelphia, 1873), pp. 481-484.
}
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
arrived too late for the main action, but it did experience sharp fighting at the strategic National Bridge crossing of the Antigua Kiver. After holding this position against guerrillas for two months, the regiment was moved to Jalapa for garrison duty, and there it re
began the journey back to the way of New Orleans, the Mis Eiver, and Pittsburgh, the regiment received an honorable sissippi 9 discharge for all its members on July 24, 1848. The war which carried Bryarly into the heart of Mexico had also
it
given Vincent Eply Geiger his first major adventure. Geiger was a native of Virginia, 10 probably of Augusta County in the Shenandoah Valley, for his family had lived there as early as 1797. He was born between November, 1823, and January, 1824, 11 one of at least
three sons of George Geiger and his wife Susan, daughter of Vincent 12 Tapp, also of Augusta County. Both parents died, apparently, be
fore he
ness affairs.
no
when
His family connections were good, but he had acquired and had given no hostages to fortune, felt the call of the Mexican War. He enlisted at Staun
Company
of the
9. Kenley, Memoirs of a Maryland Volunteer, pp. 279, 286, 300-308, 318-332, 362-398, 481. 10. Geiger 's nativity specified in the Register of Officers and Agents, Civil, Military, and Naval in the Service of the United States on the Thirtieth
September, 1859 (Washington, 1859), p. 95. 11. Geiger stated on Nov. 30, 1854, that he was thirty years old (statement in an application for bounty land for service in the Mexican War. Application in National Archives was found for me by Philip M. Hamer, Director of Eef erence Service). This indicates that he was born between Nov. 30, 1823 and Nov. 30, 1824. On Jan. 13, 1845, Geiger had attained the age of 21 (shown by the fact that on that date he was a grantor and therefore legally of age in an
indenture. Augusta County Eecords, examined for %
me by John W. Wayland
of
Madison
Jan. 22, 1844, he was described as the orphan of George Geiger. On Susan (Tapp) Geiger was listed as deceased. Augusta County Eecords: WiU Book 26, p. 171 j Deed Book 65, p. 370.
13.
On
June
13, 1845,
14. On June 13, 1845, he assigned his share of Vincent Tapp's estate to a third party. In March and Sep. 1848, he purchased certain lands which were being sold for delinquent taxes. Deed Book, Vol. 65, p. 370; Vol. 68, pp. 78-86.
INTRODUCTION
First Regiment of Virginia Volunteers, a Second Lieutenant. 15
Perhaps, at the time of receiving his commission, Geiger dreamed of winning further advancement by valor in the field, but the Vir ginia Volunteers were destined to see more service than glory. They
were assigned to Zachary Taylor's Army, which had shown a most aggressive unit, invading Northern Mexico, winning a
of engagements,
itself
series
and capturing Monterrey and Victoria before the Virginia Volunteers had marched to Old Point Comfort to embark. Meanwhile, however, President Polk had concluded that the Whigs
were more dangerous than the Mexicans, and he had effectively reduced Taylor's force to an "Army of Observation. ".As a conse quence, Taylor fought but one more important action, the Battle of Buena Vista, and it came in February, 1847, nearly a month before the Virginia recruits were unloaded from their transports on the Texas coast. 16 Consequently, Geiger s experience was essen tially that of a member of an army of occupation. In March, soon after his arrival, he was left sick in Monterrey, but he had rejoined his company and was on active' duty during June and July. Again, in August and September, he was ill sick in quarters but during November and the first five months of 1848 he commanded his com
7
17 pany, probably while the other officers took their turns being ill. In August, 1848, after nearly two years of service without a single engagement, the regiment returned to Virginia. On August 11, 18 Staunton gave a banquet in honor of her martial sons. Less than a month apart, Geiger and Bryarly had returned to
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
heroes and leaving them, thereafter, to shift for themselves. The world after the Mexican War was not recognized as being a post war world. Yet that war, like the greater ones, entailed problems
of adjustment,
and
left
thousands of
men who must have found humdrum and confined by contrast with
two recently discharged veterans now cast about for some anatomy class of Baltimore or the rustic life of Augusta County, the answer for them, and for others like them, had already been provided, while they were still in Mexico learning that the duration is always longer than the war. In January, 1848, two months before the United States acquired formal title to California, Jim Marshall had discovered yellow
If the
means
He had
gravity, touched
them with nitric acid, and checked their qualities an account in the American Encyclopaedia. When, at the against end of this analysis, he pronounced them gold, 19 it was a crucial
event in the personal lives of Geiger, Bryarly, and a hundred
thousand other oblivious Americans. News of the discovery was for a time suppressed, and it spread only slowly. Even after all California learned the secret and rushed " States " remained in to the diggings, the ignorance. It was not until August, 1848, that any Eastern paper carried news of the discovery. One of the very early reports appeared in the Baltimore Sun on September 20, and Bryarly may have read this historic piece of journalism. 20 Other reports followed fast, and the season of 1848, which yielded $10,000,000 worth of nuggets, lost nothing in the recounting. In December, President Polk told Congress of ac counts "of such an extraordinary character as would scarcely com mand belief were they not corroborated by authentic reports." By the end of the year, the gold fever was raising more of a furor than the Mexican War had caused. Every part of the country was pre19.
32-39.
Southern Trails to California in 1849 (Glendale, 1937), pp. 19-26, 65-90; Bancroft, Sist. of Gal., VI, 114. Bancroft declares the Baltimore Sun article to have been the first widely copied report, but Bieber shows that this report had appeared previously in the Washington Union.
20. Italph P. Bieber, ed.,
Gal.,
INTRODUCTION
paring to contribute its quota to the- new volunteer army of Fortyniners. Even on the island of Nantucket, one-fourth of the voting 21 population was drained away by the gold fever. Few communities
were swept so clean as this, but wherever men congregated, Cali fornia dominated their discussions. This was true, no doubt, in Balti more and around Staunton, but the impetus which swept Geiger and Bryarly into the Gold Eush originated in the little community
of Charlestown, in
what
is
now West
Virginia.
EARLY
the law
in January, 1849, a small group of men held- a meeting in office of Benjamin F. Washington, in Charlestown, Virginia.
These men, like similar groups throughout the country, had been caught up in the excitement of the Gold Rush, and they now met for
the purpose of organizing a company of gold-seekers from the region around Charlestown. The affiliation of B. F. Washington with them
indicated that their project carried weight, for the young lawyer belonged to a family of importance in that part of Virginia, and he had already risen to a place of leadership in the Democratic
party in the state. It was perhaps suggestive of their readiness to assume leadership, that these men planned an unusually close-knit organization in which the officers would have large responsibilities. Instead of form ing a mere aggregation of travelling companions, each with his own
supplies, weapons,
and means
of transportation, they
had deter
mined
which each member would pay for the purchase of mules, wagons, foodstuffs, weapons, and $300 even a large stock of additional supplies to be shipped around Cape
to create a co-partnership in
to await the company in California. Moreover, the members would not separately seek gold, each one for himself, but would pool the proceeds of their mining and divide the accumulated wealth equally at the end of their period of association.
Horn
This plan to adopt a thoroughly colleetivist organization for such a supremely individualistic type of activity as the Gold Rush is one of the notable features of the Charlestown Company's history, and will require further examination later on. However, that organi
zation
had not been developed at the time of the meeting in Wash ington's office, and the work of that meeting dealt primarily with
78321. Samuel Eliot Morison, The Maritime History of Massachusetts, 1860 (Boston, 1921), p. 333. Also see Bancroft, Hist, of Cal, VI, 110-125, on the effect of the gold news in the States.
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
questions as to the supplies which might be needed, the actual cost per member for the journey, the number of members who should be admitted to the co-partnership, and the procedure of organiza tion. Some of the organizers had already secured detailed informa
tion as to the costs of various items of food or equipment,
as to distances.
and
also
With
this information,
they had computed the prob and were confident of the soundness of their
it
number
of
members whom
They also had distinct ideas as to the would be advantageous to include, and The principal task, however, was to con
vert these plans into reality. Accordingly, they voted to hold a general meeting for purposes of organization on January 22, and to require a preliminary payment of $110 from each member by
10. The funds thus accumulated would pay, they antici for such supplies as were to be sent in advance by sea. Clearly, pated, the inner circle of organizers knew what they wanted, and intended
February
to
effect.
22
at the
success of the preliminary arrangements. Men crowded into the room of meeting until it was densely packed, and before this audi
ence, the committee on membership reported that the quota of sixty members had been filled and that fifty other applicants, "worthy in every way," had of necessity been rejected. Another committee re ported on a constitution for the company, but no action was taken on the document, presumably because the final list of members
eligible to act
first
payments had been made. However, plans for the journey were discussed it was agreed that the company should furnish each man with a knapsack for his clothes, and should limit him to a maximum of fifty pounds of such apparel. It was also estimated that the com pany would collect about $18,000 from its sixty members and would spend some $7,000 in the East and some $10,000 in the West,
;
Odd
The quota
of
to seventy (it
was
finally
22. Account of first meeting on Jan. 9, from Jan. 16th issue of The Spirit of Jefferson, a weekly newspaper published at Charlestown. Ibid., Feb. 13, spoke of the prominence of Benjamin F. Washington.
INTRODUCTION
meeting on March. 3), and the Company Benjamin F. Washington was chosen President of the Company; Eobert H. Keeling, Smith Crane, and Joseph B. N. Lewis were elected first, second, and third Commanders respec 24 while tively; the Treasurer's post was assigned to E. M. Aisquith, the offices of Quartermaster and of Secretary went to Nat Seevers and J. Harrison Kelly. Having thus formally organized, the Com pany proceeded to adopt various motions on matters of business. For instance, it created a committee to consult with a certain metal lurgist of Frederick County on the techniques of mining; it au thorized the purchase of thirty rifles and forty double-barrelled
fixed at seventy-five at a
shot guns it named a committee to procure supplies (but did not create committees for the purchase of mules and of wagons until
;
the motion of the President it elected Dr. "Wake25 Surgeon of the Company. Bryarly, The most important business of this meeting, however, was the final adoption of a constitution. This document, containing twenty 26 and articles, was published in the columns of the county weekly,
later)
;
and,
upon
man
has therefore survived. It invites analysis, partly because only a very few of the written agreements governing the gold-rush com panies have come to light and partly because of the unusual char
acter of the organization created. Most of the companies which travelled overland drew up certain rules to apply during the jour ney, a,nd sometimes these rules were printed ; in a majority of cases,
however, the companies did not formally organize until a day or 27 two after they had set out on their journey. Where this was the
24.
of
Charlestown, Spirit
of
June 10; electing officers after leaving the States are Backus, May 28; Brown, Caldwell, May 27; Delano, p. 21; Johnston, May 5; MeCall, May 12; Pleasants, 21. p. 21; Swain, May 22; Tiffany, May 10, 11; Wistar, May
manuscript
10
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
practice, their agreements were either unwritten, or were recorded in manuscript form. The survival of such manuscripts was, of
course, precarious, and even where they have been preserved they have seldom received attention in historical accounts of the Gold
Bush. 28 Consequently,
of the groups which themselves.
much
less is
known about
the organization
went
to California
Enough data are available, however, to suggest that the organi zation adopted by the Charlestown Company was a distinctive one, in which precedents from diverse sources were united. In essence, the constitution established two organizations, a business co-part
nership and a military company; and to the economic and military functions which were indicated, it added a governmental function
as well.
in this Constitution
were
adopted some form of military organization. The Charlestown Company did this by pro viding that there should be a first, a second, and a third Comman der. These officers, who were alternatively known as the Captain and the first and second Lieutenants were to have "entire and com
plete control" of the company in any emergency of defense or at tack in which military action seemed indicated, and the two Lieu tenants were to "assist the Captain according to their ranks."
.
Apart from emergencies, the first Commander was also to arrange for the posting of the guard "when invested with command on the route," as he was likely to be in regions where Indians were a po tential danger, and where no law was operative. Furthermore, a Quartermaster was designated to "superintend the Commissary, provide ... the necessary food for the Company, and dis
.
charge
For these military arrangements, the organizers of the Charlestown Company had ample precedent in the previous of
experience
For companies which travelled by the South Pass route in 1849, I know of but two constitutions which have found their way into print. These are the constitution and by-laws of the California Association (ten men of Monroe County, Mich.) in Owen C. Coy, The Great Trek (Los Angeles, 1931), pp. 98103; and the constitution and by-laws of the Green and Jersey County Company
28.
in Page,
his
found time to act." Bruff, May 12, belonged to a company which certainly had a constitution, for all members were sworn to it.
uphold
Wagons West, pp. 336-341. Johnston, May 5, mentions that, when company organized formally, officers were elected, and a committee was appointed to draw up "articles for our government. They, however never
INTRODUCTION
stances.
11
overland travellers, and ample reason in the logic of the circum From the earliest days of organized travel on the Plains, that is from the opening of trade over the Santa Pe Trail in the 1820 's, it had been the custom of the participants in that trade to
gather at the Council Grove, soon after leaving Missouri, to elect a 29 The authority of these officers was captain and lieutenants. wholly without basis in law, and was imperfect enough in fact, but the Captain was usually recognized as the person to select the camp
site, to
and
arrangement was so natural, and perhaps even inevitable, for travel on the plains, that when migrants began to move toward Oregon, and later toward California, they borrowed the practice. They did
more readily because of the fact that Independence, Mis was the rendezvous for their journey, and there they received souri, advice from the Santa Pe traders who had always swarmed in the town and used it as their headquarters.30 Consequently, when John Bidwell went with the first overland wagon train to California in 31 and 1841, his company, as a matter of course, selected a captain, it appears that every company for more than twenty years there after must have followed this example. The danger of Indians or of lawless whites, the necessity of maintaining some formation in travelling and of regularizing the guard duty, all combined to make
this the
the military arrangement universal. 32 Moreover, in the case of the Charlestown Company, the logic of the situation was supplemented
by the personal experience of the members, for at least six are known to have been officers in the Mexican War, 33 and
of
them
not
it is
29. Josiah Gregg, Commerce of the Prairies, or the Journal of a Santa Fe Trader (New York, 1845), pp. 38-39, 44^46. " 30. "This town is full of men who have been to Santa Fe repeatedly. John A. Johnson, Independence, Mo., Apl. 1, 1849, to Ms wife, in [John McCoy], Pioneering on the Plains (Kaukauna, Wis., 1924). 31. Eockwell D. Hunt, John Bidwell, Prvnce of California Pioneers (CaldweH, Idaho, 1942), pp. 40-41.
. .
abound in
references to
company
organization.
The
of these companies is shown in Brown, June 10 ; May 10; Delano, May 15, June 29; De Wolf, May 20; Foster, May 16; Hackney, May 29; Johnston, May 5; Kelly, p. 34; Long, Apr. 4, June 1; Lyne, May 4, 22; MeCall, May 12; Page, letter, May 13; Pleasants, p. 21; Sedgley, May 14; Swain, letter, May 6; Tiffany, May 11, 30; Wistar, May 18, 21. 33. In addition to the service of Geiger and Bryarly, discussed above, the lieu following members of the Charlestown Company had served as second tenants in the Virginia Volunteer Eegiment: Eobert H. Keeling, John W. H. Eobarts, Gallaher, Thomas Moore, and Lawrence B. Washington. William
12
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
unlikely that twice as many more had been soldiers in the ranks. In these circumstances the military element was almost strong enough to make the Gold Bush appear as a final campaign in the
war
to appropriate the Far West, and the maintenance of the mili tary organization takes on an added fitness. In adopting the mili tary pattern, therefore, the Charlestown promoters were simply
The military arrangement, then, was commonplace. But in a separate sphere, the Constitution set up a business organization a co-partnership, of a much more unusual character. This part of
the Constitution provided for other officers, namely a President, a Secretary, and a Treasurer, and it specified that these officers, to
officers,
This Board was to exercise "supreme regulation and gov ernment of the Company. It was to determine when the President
' '
officer,
first
Com
mander should
with military as the circumstances seemed to require. Moreover, it was to control, decide virtually all disputed questions. The fact that each member had paid $300 into the company
act
that
is, it
was
to alternate civil
treasury indicated, of course, a business organization, and it was natural that such an organization should have a Board of Direc
joint co-partnership." But the astonish of the Constitution lay in its provisions for the associa ing aspect tion to continue for the duration of the stay in California, for it to
tors
return to the States in a body, and for the wealth taken at the diggings to be pooled and subsequently divided on a share basis.
War Veterans, a complete Eoster of the Regular and Volunteer Troops War between the "United States and Mexico (Washington, 1887), p.
.
.
an opportunity for very interesting research on the question of the extent to which the Gold Rush was a movement of demobilized war veterans. Johnston, May 5, observed that two veterans of the Doniphan regiment joined his company, and commented: "By these accretions ... we have been grad ually forming a reunion of many who belonged to an arm of the service which acquired unusual distinction during the late war.
There
is
7 '
INTRODUCTION
13
"all the minerals, gold, silver, piatina, or other valuable [s] of into the hands of whatever character which may be gathered
.
.
.
the Treasurer, to go into the joint funds of the Company." Further, it was also provided that the Company might reorganize and con tinue after April 1, 1850, and plainly this was the expectation, for
another article provided that, "should the company return in a made body, as is contemplated/' the division of funds should be article provided for the after the return. To this end, still another
the Directors possibility of having their gold carried by urer to the mint at Philadelphia to be coined. Finally,
eral
all
and Treas
may fund of the Company, embracing divided among quired by the entire membership, shall be equally 34 the members." In other words, the Charlestown Company planned to set up a at thoroughly colleetivist organization which was almost wholly
that
odds with the individualist tradition of the West. Individual initia tive alone could stimulate men to undertake the journey, but col
lective security
loomed large in their preparations. The desire to fortune impelled all of the gold-seekers, but here
his
The chance to acquire wealth for himself alone by his own endeavor. itself indicated an independence of decision to make the journey, men that was restive under ordinary controls, and yet the
spirit
who made
bound themselves voluntarily to obey the and to labor for the association after they orders of the Directors This meant, in effect, that the individual had reached the
this decision
diggings.
it except renounced his freedom of action, and could not recover in the company. Plainly, individualism and by sacrificing his equity and upon this collectivism here met in paradoxical combination in due time, was broken. paradox, the Charlestown Company, Gold Rush as a whole is studied more carefully, with
^
Until the
less of
the emigration
to an eye to the merely picturesque, it will be impossible of colleetivist ideas modified the individualism say to what extent in Certainly it is known that, in thousands
general. four to six men equipped of cases, little individualistic groups of their own provisions, and proceeded themselves personally, bought to the Missouri river with their own teams and their own wagons
bound by
I,
ties
which were
Art.
YHI;
XIV;
Art.
XT.
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
the associa casually made and as casually broken. For such men, tion with messmates in their own wagon, or with other wagons in a was purely a temporary expedient, "based upon the neces
company,
ideas.
sities of
But
overland travel, and not upon any acceptance of collectivist at the same time, there were a number of factors which
prompted some individuals to seek more binding and more lasting association. Most emigrants were oppressed at times by a sense of
the fearful remoteness of the gold regions.
loneliness
At such a
distance,
seemed doubly terrible, and men welcomed a plan to maintain a kind of brotherhood with old neighbors. It was very much the same basis on which volunteer military companies were as organized. Moreover, it seemed likely that, in a land as lawless California was reputed to be, group protection would be neces
sary; or that, in the techniques of mining, group labor would be required. These factors undoubtedly caused many Forty-niners,
like the
Charlestown group, to form associations which they imag their return from California. The actual of course, operated to shatter, rather than to perpetuate, conditions,
these associations, but they seem to have played a far portant part in the dynamics of the Gold Rush than is
more im
commonly
recognized.
The prevalence of the* collectivist form of organization is strik ingly illustrated in Octavius T. Howe's searching study of one hundred and twenty-four companies which went from Massachu 35 Of setts to California in 1849. these, one hundred and two went to have adopted the co-partnership by sea, and they seem uniformly or the joint-stock form, with provision for a common treasury and an equal sharing of profits, and with requirements that the mem bers work exclusively for the company. Some of these companies 36 purchased their own ships and planned to engage in trade. action were less strong. In land travel, compulsions toward group Emigrants by land did not need heavy capitalization for the pur chase of a ship, nor did they find the coherence of the group rein forced by the confines of a vessel. Instead, the more efficient travel lers chafed at the delays of the laggards and were constantly
tempted to break away from the group. Moreover, large parties often
35. Octavius
the Emigrant Companies pp. 171, 187-213. 36. Ibid., pp. 4-7.
INTRODUCTION
15
found that forage was too thinly distributed to support their con centrated numbers, and they were therefore forced to scatter. 37 Consequently, the co-partnership type of organization seems to have succeeded far better at sea than by land. In this connection, it is pertinent to note that the Charlestown Company was not exclusively an overland company, for it sent large stores of supplies to Cali
fornia
ness
by
officers, on a co-partnership basis similar to that of the Charlestown Company,38 though the available information does not show whether others went as far as the Charlestown Company in plan ning to require all members to work for the association while in
California.
Although the Charlestown group was more highly organized than most companies in its military and business structure, it lacked complete development in a third field in which organization might have been expected that is in the field of government, or, more simply, the enforcement of law and order. Since very early times,
37. Ibid., pp. 175-176. For Illustrations of companies which dissolved because of these motives, see below pp. 38-39. 38. Other diarists of the '49 season on the South Pass route, who describe such arrangements include : Brown, pp. 133-137, who combined with five other men, each paying $186.66 and assenting to a written constitution ; Bruff, p. xlvii, who was Captain of the Washington City and California Mining Association, a who forfeited joint-stock company with a capital of $11,000; S. B. F. Clark, p. 7, a $95 fee by resigning from the Pittsburgh Company; Dundass, May 8, whose company, the Steubenville Company, was a joint-stock organization; Long, Apr. of civil officers including a President, 4, June 5-8, who speaks of the election
and who Vice-President, Secretary, Book-keeper, and Committee on Finance, later describes a financial dissolution of the company; Johnson, May 10, who with 51 com speaks of the treasury funds of his company; Sedgley, who, and Trading Company, panions, formed the Sagamore and California Mining
of Lynn, Mass., whose members wore uniform dress; Swain, letter May 6, the Wolverine Company of diary, Aug. 24, Sept. 7, 16, who paid $125 to join the report of Michigan, and subsequently served on a committee to scrutinize the company's Board of Directors; and Webster, pp. 19-21, who paid $300 to at Boston, join the Granite State and California Mining Company, organized with constitution, by-laws, joint stock organization, and arrangements to travel with the similarly organized Mount Washington Company. The Constitution of the California Association given in Coy, The Great Trek, pp. 98-100, resembled the Charlestown Company's Constitution in requiring that each member of the association should work tinder the direction of the majority, pay his acquisitions and participate, on a share basis, in the total earnings. to the financial
officer,
their funds, and assigned a onefourth interest in the enterprise to their creditor, who did not go with them
to California.
16
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
travellers who had passed the limits of any existing jurisdiction, which usually meant those on the high seas, had followed the prac tice of forming an association for order and self-government during their voyage. 39 Their .rule was known as the "sea-law" and it per
haps formed a precedent for early American acts of self-govern ment, such as the Mayflower Compact. In the later course of Ameri can history, the constant recurrence of situations where authority
was lacking stimulated the Americans to develop great facility in improvising government. This was true from the earliest frontier settlements of the Old West to the mid-nineteenth century mining
camps of California, where, as Bayard Taylor observed, "When a placer or gulch was discovered, the first thing done was to 40 elect officers." The practice, so clearly embodying the democratic principle, later seemed to Frederick J. Turner one of the most significant aspects of the frontier experience, and much attention
new
has been given by historians to various manifestations of pioneer 41 Little of this attention has been directed upon self-government.
the overland companies, yet they were faced with the problem of spending an entire season in a region which knew no law, and they were prolific of constitutions, elections, laws for the regulation of
the group, and procedures for enforcement. West of Missouri and Iowa lay a region unorganized and unpatrolled. Basically, travel
land expanse, like the sea- voyagers of an earlier time, were beyond any existing jurisdiction; there was even less law upon the trackless prairie than upon the trackless ocean; and a
lers over this
39. "It was apparently the custom, I know not how widely practiced, for passengers, not the seamen, to form among themselves and for themselves an association for order and self-government during the duration of their voyage.
This, seemingly, was an old and established method whereby those not immediately subject to the skipper's discipline looked after their own affairs/' This was the old ' sea law.' ' Andrew 0. McLaughlin, Foundations of American Constitutionalism (New York, 1932), pp. 21-25.
'
40.
Bayard Taylor,
"The
Dorado (New York, 1850), p. 101. Taylor continued, capacity of a people for self-government was never so triumphantly
.
illustrated."
41. "This power of the . . pioneers to join together for a common end with out the intervention of governmental institutions was one of their marked characteristics.' 7 Turner, The Frontier in American Sistory (New York, 1920), pp. 343-344. Turner cites as examples the squatters' associations, the mining camp codes, the vigilantes, the cattle raisers' associations. He goes on to speak of this pioneer "power of spontaneous association," and to say, "They yielded to the principle of government by agreement." He does not mention the over
land companies.
INTRODUCTION
17
42 "plains-law" was as badly needed as a "sea-law" liad ever been. To care for this need, many of the Gold Rush companies drew up appropriate regulations and even miniature governments. Alonzo
Delano describes one extreme example of this: a company which set out equipped with "a constitution and by-laws, a president and
vice-president, a legislature, three judges and court of appeals, nine sergeants as well as other officers"; but this "travelling re
public" broke down because the members of the "legislature," who were exempt from onerous camp duties, refused to entertain a con 43 stitutional amendment which would have abolished their privilege.
Simpler arrangements, however, were more characteristic. For in stance, the Green and Jersey County Company had only a few offi cers, but its by-laws provided for jury trial for those who were ac
cused of violating either the specific regulations or "the laws of 44 order, right, and justice, which are evident to all men.
'
'
may be pertinent to compare the earlier seaman 's phrase, that there "no Sundays off soundings/' with the later plainsman's statement that there was "no Sunday west of Junction City and no God west of Salina." 43. Delano, June 17. Two written company constitutions are cited in note 28,
42. It
were
Brown,
above. Specific mention of sets of regulations, presumably written, appears in p. 133; Delano, p. 21, June 29; Hackney, May 9; Kelly, p. 34; MeCall, May 12; Pleasants, p. 21; Tiffany, May 10; Webster, p. 17; Wistar, May 21. mentioned in Also, it seems valid to assume that the joint-stock organizations note 38 must necessarily have had written constitutions. 44. Text of these by-laws in Page, Wagons West, pp. 338-339. Edwin Bryant, the journeying to California in 1846, wrote on May 26, "a public meeting [of and company] is being held in the area of the corral. There is much speaking and regula voting upon questions appertaining to the enforcement of by-laws, are a pure democracy. All tions heretofore adopted, but rarely enforced. laws are proposed directly to a general assembly, and are enacted or rejected by a majority. The court or arbitrators, appointed to decide disputes between the peace and order of the company, parties, and to punish offenders against to have much authority. The party condemned is certain to does not
We
appear
is
' '
nearly certain of an ac
his transgressions. Bryant, What I Saw in California (New York, 1848), pp. 60-62, 68. It is probably true that in most companies, the enforcement of rules was las. in his company, a guard sergeant Bruff, July 9, however, relates that when, to struck a man, the company was convened as a court martial, and proceeded the offender by depriving him of his office, and imposing extra guard
whatever
punish
duty. Jesse Applegate, on the Oregon Trail his company by a council. "The council
was a high court in the most exalted a senate composed of the ablest and most respected fathers of the sense. It was and judicial powers. ... It first took emigration. It exercised both legislative rules the state of the little commonwealth into consideration; revised or repealed
18
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
The Constitution of the Charlestown Company lacked full de for the punishment velopment in this sphere. It made no provision acts of violence, and it did not of serious offenses such as theft or
as trial by jury, even in provide for a method or procedure, such the case of offenses which it sought to penalize. But in spite of these for the maintenance of deficiencies, it contained definite provisions
order. Certain practices, including Sabbath-breaking, gambling, in the Com toxication, or failure to perform the duties required by
pany, were made the subject of penalty. These penalties, varying with the offense and with the number of times it had been repeated, to ranged from a fine in the amount of the value of a day's labor from the Company. The Constitution did not specify expulsion
whether
fines
it clearly embodied the principle that the group might enforce these regulations upon the members. Insofar as it did this, it imparted a governmental capacity to the Charlestown organization, quite distinct from its military and eco
only
Company by vote
should be levied by the Board of Directors or by the as a whole, but it did require that expulsion should be
45 Company members. Imperfect
most overland
parties.
WITH
funds subscribed,
officers elected,
the Charlestown
in position to turn to the actual preparations for their long journey. This necessitated much planning, and also much learning, for California had burst upon the consciousness of most Americans as a new planet, and every preparation for the journey, from the overall selection of a route to the smallest detail of equipment, bristled with questions to which answers must be attempted. In general, information for these an-
and enacted such others as the exigencies seemed to re The commonwealth being cared for, it next resolved itself into a court, to hear and settle private disputes and grievances. The offender and aggrieved heard by appeared before it, witnesses were examined, and the parties were themselves and sometimes by counsel. The judges thus being made fully ac techni quainted with the case, and being in no way influenced or cramped by
defeetiv,e or obsolete,
quire.
calities,
decided
all
A Day
with the
Cow
Column, edited by Joseph Sehafer (Chicago, 1934), p. 14r-15. 45. See Constitution of the Charlestown Company, articles XVI and XVII.
INTRODUCTION
swers was scant, and
benefited
its
some monumental mistakes. Even so, however, the gold-seekers by the fact that an overland trail to California had been worked out, and information relating to this trail and to methods of travel had reached many of the Forty-niners in published form. As late as twenty-two years before, no white man, so far as the record shows, had ever travelled overland to California, and when Jedediah Smith did it in 1826-27, he went by a route so difficult as 46 For more than to prevent its ever becoming an artery of travel. a decade thereafter, Americans scarcely conceived of California as being contiguous by land, but regarded it as a remote region beyond the seas eight thousand miles the other side of Cape Horn. In 1841, however, the barrier of isolation was broken by the develop ment of a deviation from the Oregon Trail. This most famous of transcontinental routes had first been discovered by Robert Stuart 4T and after being on a trip eastward from Astoria in 1812-13,
known
nition
it began to secure a wider recog Samuel Parker, Marcus "Whitman, and other missionaries traversed it in the late 1830s. John Bidwell, an Ohioan route living in Missouri, was one of the many who knew of this and he joined a group who were determined to attempt a divergent trail which would lead into California. Accordingly, Bidwell's party left the Missouri in 1841, travelling in the company of Father de Smet and the great scout, "Broken Hand," or .Thomas Fitzpatrick. At Soda Springs, in what is now southeastern Idaho, the main his group party continued on the path to Oregon, while Bidwell and Without quite knowing how they veered off into unknown country. did it, or by what route, these trail-blazers at last struggled into the San Joaquin Valley, and thus became the first American settlers to
when Jason
The 46. For Smith's trips to California, see Harrison Clifford Dale, ed., a Central Route to the Pacific, Ashley-Smith Explorations and the Discovery of 18%2-1829 (Cleveland, 1918), and Maurice S. Sullivan, ed., The Travels of Jedediah Smith (Santa Ana, 1934). in the Coe Collee47. Stuart's manuscript account of this important journey is under the title tion.'lt has been edited by Philip Ashton Eollins, and published the Oregon Trail. Sotert Stuart's Narrative of his Overland The Discovery of For the general Trip Eastward from Astoria in 1812-13 (New York, 1935). to the of the Oregon Trail, see James Christy Bell, Opening a Highway history and 18S8-1846 in Columbia University Studies in History, Economics, Pacific, XCVI (New York, 1921), and W. J. Ghent, The Eoad to Oregon, Public
Law,
20
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
go overland to California. Every year thereafter parties bound for California were to be found in the stream of travel that flowed to
ward Oregon. 48 Though the trail had been broken, knowledge of it was largely confined to the inarticulate scouts of the West, and it remained for information of the new route to reach the public. Bidwell himself
had prepared in 1842 a condensation of his journal of the first pas sage into California, but this account manifested extreme vagueness for that part of the journey where precision was most needed that is, after leaving the Oregon Trail Other guides for the Oregon
Trail left the potential migrant to California to shift for himself over the most difficult part of his journey. The first useful and widely circulated account of the journey to California was John C. Fremont 's account of his explorations
thither in 1843-44. This report, published in 1845, was full, ac curate, and vividly written. It enjoyed a heavy circulation, and was widely used by emigrants. However, it had certain defects as a
guide: Fremont's wanderings far and wide befitted an explorer, but were no pattern for an ordinary traveller he had not traversed
;
the Humboldt, which was a vital segment in the California Trail ; and his narrative of such dramatic adventure as the crossing of the Sierra in mid-winter was better adapted to provide thrills for the
upon Mm as a guide. Geiger and Bryarly were among the who referred to his writings. 49 In the same year in which Fremont was published, there
48. Bidwell's journal of this trip
reader than to avoid them for the traveller. Despite these deficien cies, however, Fremont did as much as any writer to make Ameri cans conscious of the Far "West, and many of the Forty-niners relied
diarists
also ap-
was published in Liberty or Weston, Mo., in copy, in the Bancroft Library, has no title page. This pamphlet, with an introduction by Herbert I. Priestley, was reprinted as Journey to California, with observations about the Country, Climate, and route to this Country (San Francisco, 1937). later narrative, "The First Emigrant Train to California/' was first published in the Century Magazine (1890) and later as part of Eehoes of the Past (Chico/Cal., 1906). 49. Fremont's narrative was entitled Report of the Exploring Expedition to the Rocky Mountains in the Year 1842, and to Oregon and North California in the Years 184S-'44 (Washington, 1845). Geiger and Bryarly >s familiarity with Fremont is shown by the entry on August 11. Other diarists of '49 who refer to his book are: Delano, June 29, July 6, 13, 30; Doyle, June 4; Hale, Aug. 10; Johnston, p. 13; Kelly, p. 295; MeCall, Aug. 10, 16; Sedgley, June 12, 31; Swain, June 28, 29, 30; Webster, Aug. 1, 16.
1842, but the only
known
INTRODUCTION
21
peared The Emigrants' Guide to Oregon and California, by Lansford W. Hastings, an Oregon pioneer. Hastings had not personally
traversed the California Trail, however, and his account suffered accordingly. detailed, accurate itinerary of the road to California
was still lacking, therefore, until 1848. In that year, the need was met by Edwin Bryant's What I Saw in California. 50 This compendi ous account gave more than two hundred pages to a day-by-day record of a journey which Bryant had made over the Oregon and California Trails in 1846. This was explicit, complete, and reliable its only appreciable defect was that Bryant travelled with pack ani mals after leaving Port Laramie, and his experience was, therefore,
;
not always pertinent for wagon trains. However, his book probably played a greater part than any other single work in guiding the
and Bryarly, who allude to four more frequently than to any other. 51 Bryant Two more guides were to appear in time to serve the Forty-niners. One of these, the so-called Mormon Guidebook of "William Clayton, carried the traveller only as far as Great Salt Lake but was, never 52 The other was The Emigrants 9 Guide to Calitheless, widely used. 53 "Ware's was the first guide-book proper fornia, by Joseph E. Ware. for the California Trail. Where Bryant and Fremont were lengthy and distended by narrative, Ware was concise, beginning with a few paragraphs of pointed general instructions, and continuing with a succinct and specific itinerary of the journey. An appendix on methods of detecting gold, and on other routes concluded this
epic emigration of 1849. Geiger
different books, refer to
50.
New
York, 1848.
51. Geiger and Bryarly refer to Bryant on 31, June 7, July 11, Aug. 11, 21. Other Forty-niners whose diaries show that they had used Bryant are: Badman, June 20 ; S. B. IP. Clark, June 6 , Delano, June 29, Aug. 3 ; Johnston,
May
May
18; Searls, 9; McCall, Aug. 24; Hackney, Long, 19, 26; Tiffany, June 1; Webster, Aug. 16. It is notable that, of the thirty diaries analyzed, eleven contain references to Bryant, nine to Fre*mont, five to
May
May
the Mormon Guide, three to "Ware, and one to Samuel Parker's Journal of an Exploring Tour Beyond the Rocky Mountains (Ithaca, 1838). There are also several allusions to "guide-books," not further identified. 52. W[illiam] Clayton, The Latter-Day Saints' Emigrants' Guide (St. Louis, 1848). Geiger and Bryarly refer to this on June 30. Other diarists who allude to it are: Badman, July 7; B. C. Clark, July 27, "the Mormon guide by which we travel"; Long, June 19; McCall, June 20; and Orvis (see Introduction to
Manuscript, by Edward Eberstadt) 53. St. Louis, 1849. For the present study I have used the reprint (Prince John Caughey. ton, 1932) edited with excellent notes and introduction by
.
22
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
volume, which, next to Fremont and Bryant, provided the march 54 ing orders for the army of Forty-niners. Of course no company was content to rely upon the printed page; wherever possible, some man familiar with the route was employed
The Charlestown Company, in due time, secured such and profited greatly thereby, but it is suggestive of the in telligence with which the Charlestown project was managed that the writings of Fremont, Bryant, Clayton, and Ware were all uti lized, and were familiar to the diarists of the expedition. To what extent these writings influenced the Charlestown group in the selection of their route of travel, it would be impossible to say. A number of routes were available, as Ware remarked in Ms guide, and each of the ones he mentioned attracted a large number of emigrants. Oldest of all was the all-sea journey around Cape Horn. This voyage took as long as the trip overland and was more
as a guide.
a guide,
expensive; it appealed chiefly to the New Englanders with, their 55 variant of this was the so-called strong sea-going tradition. Panama route, which, as the name implies, involved water transit
and from Panama, and a land passage across the Isthmus. This than any other, but in the ab sence of a railroad, the journey across Panama was difficult, and the traveller was sometimes forced to wait for accommodations both in crossing the Isthmus and in departing from the Pacific shore. Such delay was rendered ominous by the heavy incidence of diseases, and the Panama route in time acquired a reputation as the most 56 dangerous way to California. A third route was suggested by the
to
54. Geiger and Bryarly refer to Ware on July 19. Other diarists do so as follows: Brown, July 18; B. 0. Clark, June 23, July 18, 20, 23; and Hale,
July
55.
6.
Howe, Argonauts of '49, is by far tlie best account of the route around South America, even though it deals only with emigrants from Massachusetts. Howe states (p. 172) that he studied the records of 124 companies, of which 6 went by the South Pass, *9 by Panama, 2 through Mexico by Vera Cruz, 7 through Texas and Northern "Mexico, and 102 around South America. There is a discrepancy of 2 in the total, but Howe's record is very full, and the propor tions are clear. He estimates that not less than 4,567 people went from Massa chusetts to California via Cape Horn. The quickest voyage was 145 days and the longest was 267 days, while the average length was 168 days. The total cost of a trip by this route, Howe estimates, was $500. 56. An excellent treatment of the journey via the Isthmus is to be found
John Haskell Kemble, The Panama Route, in University of California Pub VI, and VII. This treatment shows (p. 254) that some 6,489 passengers went to Cali fornia via the Isthmus in 1849. An uninterrupted journey from New York to San Francisco might be completed in as short a time as 33 days (p. 148), but it
in
lications in History, Yol. 29 (Berkeley, 1943), especially chapters II,
INTRODUCTION
experience of the Mexican
:
23
War this was by water to Vera Cruz and across Mexico to some such Pacific port as Mazatlan; this route was not extensively used, but it appealed to the veterans of Gen
eral Scott's campaign. 57
was the region now known as the South northern Mexico. This section had received attention west, including during the Mexican "War, and many Americans were familiar with
series of routes,
an intricate
opening
trails
from
fornia. 58 Moreover,
and Stephen W. Kearny in New Mexico along the Gila River into Cali the warm weather permitted an earlier start on
the journey than was possible in more northern climes. All these
advantages were eagerly publicized by frontier towns of Texas, Arkansas, .and Missouri, which hoped to prosper as terminals. As a result, a network of trails appeared. The southernmost, starting at the lower tip of Texas, traversed Mexican territory almost all the way, ending at the port of Mazatlan. Variant routes lay across southern Texas and northwestern Mexico, or all the way across Texas and thence via the Gila. Still further north, travellers from
Arkansas might follow the Canadian River, and those from Missouri might take the Santa Fe Trail; in both cases, the route led to Santa Fe, from which point most of the traffic moved to the Gila. 59
frequently developed that passengers during the Gold Bush could not secure passage on the Pacific side, and were stranded indefinitely, often paying high speculative prices for their passage. The advertised prices for this journey were $100 to $150, ]STew York to Chagres; across the Isthmus, $35 or more; and from
Panama
prices
to
to $300 (pp. 37-38, 54-55, 169-173) but Isthmus had additional costs, while speculation drove
up so high that a steerage space, Panama to San Francisco, at times cost $1,000. 57. Little information is available on this Mexican route. good account of two companies which went via Vera Cruz appears in Howe, Argonauts of '49,
pp. 27-31, 37. Hastings, Emigrants' Guide, pp. 138-141, describes this route very unfavorably, and estimates the time at 36 days, the cost at $500. 58. Kearny, in command of the Army of the West, and Cooke, in command of the Mormon Battalion, both traversed the Gila Eiver Boute in 1846-47. The record of their marches was given to the public in detail in a report by Maj.
William H. Emory, called Notes of a Military Reconnaissance from Fort Leavenworth in Missouri to San Diego California, including part of the Arkansas, del Norte, and Gila Rivers made in 1846-7 with the advanced guard of the "Army of the West" (House Executive Doc. 41, 30th Cong., 1st sess., Wash ington, 1848). The similar Senate Executive Doc. 7 is inferior in that it gives only an abridgement of Cooke s report, which is given more fully in the House Document. 59. The definitive treatment of the Southwestern trails is Ealph P. Bieber, ed., Southern Trails to California in 1849, in Southwest Historical Series, Yol. V (Grlendale/ Cal., 1937). Bieber estimates (p. 62) that 9,000 Forty-niners went to the gold mines by way of these trails. Proponents of the southern route claimed
24
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Each
of these four routes
Cape Horn, Panama, Mexico, the had its devotees, and between them, the four probably carried a little more than half of the great migration which flowed toward California in 1849. 60 But far the best known, the least ex pensive, the most fully tested, and the most accessible route was that which utilized the Oregon Trail along the Platte, past Fort Laramie, across the South Pass, and then, going either by way of
Southwest
Fort Hall or of Great Salt Lake, converged again to follow the Humboldt, cross the Humboldt Desert, and then push up the val
ley of the Truckee, or the Carson, over the Sierra Nevada, and into the valley of the Sacramento. This route, which was essentially that of Bidwell, Bryant, and Fremont, was the classic Oregon and Cali
As the main artery of travel it carried about twentythousand people into California in 1849 alone. It appealed to landlubberly and provincial Americans, because it involved no sea journey, and no contact with foreigners, with their unfamiliar language, food, money, and religion. It appealed to a nation of small farmers because it was inexpensive, and they could use their
fornia Trail.
five
own wagons,
their
own draft animals, and their own skill in han Even for those, like the Charlestown group,
their
it
appealed as
it,
things.
the
journey would take but two months during the pleasantest part of the year 61 a kind of protracted excursion during which they could hunt buffalo, meet the Indians of the Plains, view the Independence
Rock, and share in all the other experiences which Fremont and Bryant had described with such infectious enthusiasm. As early as January, the Charlestown gold-seekers were committed to the Cali
fornia Trail. 62
could be traversed in 60 days, and that the distance was only 1,287 miles 137), whereas the northern route was reckoned at 2,291 miles (Bryant, What I Saw, p. 248). 60. In the absence of reliable statistical information, recent scholars have been content to quote, without necessarily endorsing, Bancroft's estimate that about 16,000 emigrants from foreign countries and 23,000 from the United States used the sea routes by Cape Horn or Panama, while 9,000 came by central or northern Mexico, 8,000 by New Mexico, and 25,000 by way of the South Pass. Bancroft, Hist, of Cal., VI, 159. 61. Spirit of Jefferson, Jan. 16, estimated the time at sixty days. This was arrant optimism, perhaps of a promotional nature, for Bryant had taken four months on the journey. 62. Spirit of Jefferson, Jan. 16, indicated the selection of a route via Fort
that
it
(ibid., p.
Laramie.
INTRODUCTION
25
tremely rigid physical necessities. The maximum number of men who could travel together was limited by the insufficiency at many
places of forage for large numbers of animals the minimum number was governed by the necessity for division of labor in certain func tions such as standing guard over the animals at night. The possi
;
bility of early departure was reduced by the fact that forage did not appear on the prairies in sufficient quantity to feed the animals until May; the necessity of a prompt arrival was increased by the fact that snows blocked the passes in the Sierras as early as October.
The route of travel was determined by the inexorable fact that the animals must find forage and water daily that is, at intervals of
twenty miles or less or they would quickly lose vitality and leave the emigrants without motive power. Only on the Humboldt Desert did the emigrants attempt to move more than forty miles without forage and water, and where they did this, the animals were driven to the utmost limits of their endurance. Had the Humboldt Desert been ten miles broader, probably only a small fraction of the emi grants would have lived to reach its western side. As for the volume of supplies to be carried, if it sank below a sufficient minimum, the traveller might be faced with starvation before he reached Cali fornia; if it rose above a frugal maximum, it constituted a danger ous burden upon the animals, for every pound of baggage had to be hauled thousands of miles through mud holes and heavy sand, across rivers, and up steep declivities. Since overloading penalized
by retarding the rate of speed, and light loading made a rapid journey imperative, the margin of safety between the volume of goods carried and the volume needed was always narrow.
itself
As
ful planning. Baggage must be reduced to essential items perish able goods must be excluded; and articles admitted only if they
Animals must be selected for their stamina, and for their capacity to convert a minimum of forage into a maximum of horsepower. All this must be done with an eye to economy, for most emigrants ex 63 pected the journey to cost less than $100.
laid
The problem of costs was vital to most emigrants, and great stress "was upon the inexpensiveness of the South Pass route. Hastings, Emigrants' the expense is much less, by this route. ... As nothing is Guide, p. 142, said, required upon this route but such teams and provisions as the farmer must necessarily have at home, it may be truly said that it costs him nothing but Ms
63.
e '
26
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
The organizers of the Charlestown Company showed a sound ap preciation of some of these factors, from the beginning. In their first plan, they limited the size of the company to sixty men, though
they later permitted increases,
five.
first to
Moreover, they sought to assure themselves of the physical fitness of this personnel by requiring each man to submit to a physi
cal examination. 65
64
adoption of a fifty-pound limit upon the personal belongings of each member. This limitation was, in fact, even more rigorous than it appears, for the company also decided to specify the clothing which
each member must carry, and to include these required articles within the fifty pounds. The items of clothing, wisely chosen, in cluded eight shirts, one pair of drawers, four undershirts, two pairs
shoes, eight pairs of
of trousers, one vest, one coat, one overcoat, two pairs of boots or wool socks, and four coarse towels. 66 In addition
gloves, blankets,
combs, and soap for the members. For the protection of the and their clothing in wet weather or at stream crossings, the
men
com
pany
also planned,
sack, a
"gum
very appropriately, to provide a rubber knap overcoat," and an oilcloth cap, "with cape," for each
. .
. time; for he can expend no money, as he travels entirely among Indians, who know nothing of money or its value. " Ware, Emigrants' Guide, p. 1, de scribed the overland route as "the cheapest and best," estimated that the expenses by all routes except the overland would exceed $300, and proceeded (p. 7) to estimate costs per person, overland, as low as $55.19. For costs to emigrants who joined joint stock companies, see note 38, above. For costs via other routes see notes 55, 56, and 57 above. 64. The decision of the organizers to accept no more than 60 applicants is
reported in the Spirit of Jefferson, Jan. 30. The increases to 70 and 75 are shown in ibid., Feb. 13 and Mar. 6. Ware, Emigrants' Guide, p. 4, said, "Your ' ' travelling parties should not be too large, not more than fifty men.
65. Edward Washington Mcllhany, a member of the Charlestown Company, wrote, nearly fifty years afterwards, his Recollections of a '49er (Kansas City, 1908), in which he devoted about twenty-six pages to the overland journey. On page 10 he speaks of the physical examination of forty of the members, for the
company wanted "strong, able-bodied men who could endure the hardships of such an adventure. " The Mount Washington Mining Company also required a
physical examination. E. C. Shaw, Across the Plains in '49 1896), pp. 18-20.
(Farmland, Ind.,
66. Spirit of Jefferson, Jan. 30. Eandolph B. Marcy later wrote what was perhaps the soundest of all guides, The Prairie Traveler, a Handbook for Over land Expeditions (New York, 1859), and in it he listed what he regarded as essential clothing (p. 39). This list included 2 flannel overshirts, 2 woollen undershirts, 2 pairs thick cotton drawers, 4 pairs woolen socks, 2 pairs cotton socks, 4 colored silk handkerchiefs, 2 pairs stout shoes (one pair boots instead of shoes for horsemen), 3 towels, 1 broad brimmed, soft felt hat.
INTRODUCTION
27
man. 67 Such apparel could be worn against the rain by day, or placed between the blankets and the wet ground at night, and it later did good service. In addition to his clothing, or indeed almost as part of it, each man was expected to bear arms, both for securing game, and for
protection against Indians. This precaution, the Charlestown Com pany certainly did not overlook, for it planned to provide "one pair
" for each member, and it adopted a revolving pistols ($20 pair) 10 to purchase thirty rifles and forty doublemotion on February committee barrelled shot-guns one such weapon for every man. arms in Baltimore, and the Virginia Company be purchased these
came, like most of the overland parties, a kind of roving armory. As a final and quite unnecessary measure of security, a small can
non
a six pounder was also procured, and this weapon was lugged all the way to California, despite the chilling statement in Ware's guide that, "some companies foolishly talk of taking small cannon
along."
68
During February and early March other preparations went for ward. The first installment of membership payments fell due on February 10, and at that time, the President, the Treasurer, and the Quartermaster were appointed a committee for the purchase of was to go to Balti supplies. The first business of this committee of provisions were purchased to be shipped more, where $7000 worth its by sea around Cape Horn for the use of the company after 69 This plan was based, of course, on the mis arrival in California. taken belief that the company would continue to operate as a unit after it reached the diggings, but despite this error, it was a far
better arrangement than attempting to carry a year's provisions overland, as Ware had recommended, and as many emigrants sought
11. 16, 30; Mellhany, Recollections, p. Jan. 16, Feb. 13, speaks of both sliot guns and rifles; no rifles. Marcy, Prairie Mellhany, Recollections, p. 15, speaks of 80 shotguns, " Every man who goes into the Indian Country should "be Traveler, p. 41, said, armed with a rifle and revolver, and he should never, either in camp or out of
67. Spirit of Jefferson, 68. Spirit of Jefferson,
Jan
it,
them." Ware, Emigrants' Guide, p. 6, specified, "For arms you and a pair of long pistols." The history of the Charlestown want a good and in Mellhany, Company >s cannon is shown in the Geiger-Bryarly diary
lose sight of
rifle
Recollections, pp. 23-24, 34. 15. Me 69. Spirit of Jefferson, Jan. 30, Feb. 13 ; Mellhany, Recollections, p. remembered the amount spent in the East as $10,000, but the Com llhany later of $7,000 in the East, $10,000 in the pany's plans called for the spending as a reserve. towns, and the holding of $1,000 outfitting
28
to do. 70 Meanwhile,
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
in
an iron works near Charlestown was engaged two large sheet-iron wagon beds, which could be, and making later were, used as boats for transporting equipment across unford71 able rivers.
Here was another evidence of able planning. For the most important equipment of all, however the wagons, draft animals, and provisions with which they would make the journey it was decided not to make the purchases in the East, where problems and expenses of transportation to the setting-out place would be involved, but to send men ahead to procure these items in Missouri. The river towns such as Independence and St. Joseph were marts for such equipment, and the guide books recom
mended
72 that the outfits be bought there. Accordingly, separate committees on the purchase of mules and of wagons were appointed,
the
and these committees were sent west in advance of the company, mule committee being instructed to leave on March 6, and the wagon committee on March 13, while the company itself did not set out until March 27. 73 "Whether the committee on supplies was also to leave in advance was not specified. At an earlier time, the company had planned to travel with only one wagon for every fifteen men, and to supplement this outfit with a large number of riding animals, 74 so that, essentially, the company would travel in the saddle, while the provisions would be hauled in wagons. The principal defect of such a plan lay in the fact that the food alone for fifteen men, according to Ware's estimate, should weigh 8175 pounds, while the maximum load which a team could effectively haul over a long distance, again according to Ware, was
Ware, Emigrants' Guide, pp. 6-8. Mar. 6, noted a vote of thanks by the Company to John E. Penman of the Taylor Iron Works, no doubt for the construction of these boats. For account of the boats and their use, see Mcllhany, Recollections, p. 16, and below, p. 133. Johnston, Apr. 24, mentioned meeting a company from Cincinnati which had had iron wagon beds made for use in crossing streams,
70.
71. Spirit of Jefferson,
but he subsequently (May 2) observed that these cl boats " did not work. 72. "Westport, Independence, and St. Joseph have facilities peculiar in them every requisite for comfort or luxury selves, for the outfitting of the Emigrant on the road can be obtained at either of these places on nearly as low terms as at St. Louis. y) Ware, Emigrants' Guide, p. 3. Also, see Bryant, What I Saw,
p. 14. 73. Spirit
of Jefferson, Mar. 6, tells of appointment of committees, Mar. 3. The committee to buy mules consisted of Cockrell, Engle, Gallagher, and Moore, who was later made team master. The committee to buy wagons consisted of Keeling (Captain), McCurdy, Seevers (Quartermaster), and Slagle.
74. Spirit
INTRODUCTION
about 2500 pounds. 75
29
When
and other equipment is taken into account, it is clear that one team and wagon would scarcely carry the supplies for five men, much
less for fifteen.
this,
for they altered their original plan drastically, and purchased six teen wagons, or about one for every five members. 76 By the time of
this purchase, the great
volume of
traffic
was be
ginning to cause a rise in prices, and many emigrants regretted that they had not bought their supplies further east. The mule com mittee of the Charlestown Company shared in this experience, for when its members reached St. Louis (Geiger was travelling with
them), prices for mules were "very high. At Lexington, five days 77 $70 to $100 apiece. Despite later, they were "most exorbitant" these difficulties, however, one member of the committee bought 30
7 '
mules at Lexington and another bought 60 nearby. Other purchases included a number of horses and enough additional mules to raise the total mule herd to over 100. 78 Thus, there were approximately six mules available as a team for each wagon, with a small surplus
of riding animals.
*
The only remaining preparation was the securing of foodstuffs and equipment for the journey. Exactly what rations were pur chased, and in what amounts, it is not recorded, but various diary entries show that the Quartermaster's office carried large quantities of flour and bacon, and also a supply of coffee, rice, beans, peaches, on sugar, salt, and molasses. In addition, some pickles included account of their value as an anti-scorbutic and a barrel of
75. Ware, Emigrants' Guide, p. 6, listed pounds which were recommended for each 2500 pounds is proposed on p. 5. Marey, recommended a smaller quantity of food,
Prairie Traveler, pp. 27, 36, later but also a lower limit on weight
carried.
76.
Badman shows that, by May 4, mule prices had risen to $110. Soon the outfitting towns acquired an unsavory of 1850, Eleazer Ingalls, wrote reputation for their high prices. An emigrant from St. Joseph " every little thing costs three or four times as much here as for the at home. The markets are filled with broken down horses jockeyed up " which they assure you are as handy as sheep. occasion, and unbroken mules Edward Eberstadt (New edited by Quoted in Lorenzo Sawyer, Way Sketches,
77.
MeHhany,
Recollections, p. 16
below, p. 76.
York, 1926), p. 17. Recollec 78. Stock acquisitions shown below, pp. 76, 228, and in Mcllhany,
tions, p. 16.
30
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
79 If this list of whiskey found their way into the commissary. foodstuffs be compared with the list recommended by Ware, a high degree of correspondence will be noted, and an approximate idea may be reached as to the quantities of each food carried. Ware suggested that each person would need, on the trip, a barrel of flour, 150 to 180 pounds of bacon, 25 pounds of coffee, 40 pounds of sugar, 25 pounds of rice, 60 pounds of peas or beans, 30 or 40 pounds of dried peaches, molasses, vinegar, and a keg of clear beef suet as a substitute for butter, which could not be carried because it would go
rancid. Captain Marcy was later to offer a far more frugal list 150 pounds of flour, 25 of bacon with fresh beef driven on the hoof,
15 pounds of
ratus as
.this
it
coffee, 25 of sugar, and a little baking powder (salewas then called), and salt and pepper. In 1849, however, wise minimum had not been suggested, and the emigrants cheer
Ware. 80 In addition to
rations, it
an important
minimum of equipment. The Charlestown Company anticipated many needs by providing cooking utensils, sun goggles, casks, can
teens, rope, a fishnet, fishhooks,
when a
grassless stretch
and scythes with which to cut hay was expected. 81 Few com
were so well equipped. everything was assembled, it was found that the loads ranged between 2500 and 3000 pounds per wagon. Ware said that no one should attempt to leave with more than 2500 pounds, but the
panies, apparently,
When
limit. Everyone else was and the members could not anticipate that Captain Marcy, with riper experience, would later set 2000 pounds as a maximum load, nor that they themselves would come to regard 1800 pounds as a proper limit. 82 It seemed to the advance com-
overloading,
79. For specific references to these commodities in the diary, see index. MeIlhany, Recollections, pp. 19, 24, especially mentions the whiskey and the ' ' never pickles. Sunday was our day for cooking beans and eating pickles. ate pickles except on Sunday."
We
letter of
Ware, Emigrants' Guide, p. 6; Marcy, Prairie Traveler, p. 36. Foster, in a May 9 from Council Bluffs, observed that his party had secured 300 pounds of provisions per man, which was as much as was considered advisable. This, it will be noted, was less than Ware suggested, and even at this amount, Foster and his companions were later obliged to throw away part of their load. 81. For specific references, see index, under Equipment. 82. Ware, Emigrants' Guide, p. 5; Marcy, Prairie Traveler, p. 27. A letter on June 11, at Chimney Rock, from one of the company (probably J. Harrison Kelly, since he was the regular correspondent), in the Spirit of Jefferson, Aug.
80.
INTRODUCTION
31
mittee that everything was shipshape, and that all that remained was to proceed to St. Joseph and to await the arrival of the main
had arisen from the fact that it was located at that point on the Missouri which was nearest to Santa Fe, and it was therefore the
the Oregon Trail logical terminus for the Santa Fe trade. came into use, and travel moved by the valley of Platte, Independ
ence, because of its earlier leadership,
When
for this
became a setting-out place travel also, but there were many points, farther up the Missouri, which were nearer to the Platte. These points Westport, soon began to claim a share of St. Joe, Council Bluffs, and others
new
the westbound
traffic. St.
this crude, fully 70 miles farther west, and in the season of '49, to Independence straggling, hectic, river town ranked second only
as a port for the voyagers over the prairie. Company had fixed its rendezvous.
While mules and wagons were being purchased, the main body of the company had gathered at Charlestown for their departure on March 27. Some came from the adjoining counties of Berkeley, this group of about Clarke, Loudoun, and Frederick, but most of men were residents of the home county of Jefferson. In
seventy
general, they
were farmers or mechanics who had grown up there Their number was sufficient to cause abouts, and were widely known.
the entire
83 community to suffer by their absence, and individually, so long many friends and relatives dreaded their departure upon the men themselves, probably and so dangerous a journey. Among in the Mexican War, had ever been few, except those who had been the parting, and far from home before. They too, must have dreaded one. As one youthful the scene of leave-taking was an affecting member later recalled "there were hundreds of our friends to bid " "fathers, mothers, brothers, sisters, wives,
us good-bye,
sweethearts,
including
all
3000 pounds, and should wagon loads had been from 2500 to not have been more than 1800 pounds. so large an inroad upon its little family like ours can scarcely afford 83. members." Spirit of Jefferson, Jan. 30.
"A
32
' '
TEAIL TO CALIFORNIA
This same young
eyes.
man
hymn book
' '
as
parting gifts from his mother and father. "We were sad at the 84 thought that perhaps we might never see our loved ones again.
The bustle of departure, no doubt, prevented any protracted in dulgence in sentiment, and the young Virginians soon set out on the first leg of their long journey. Less than ten miles from Charlestown, the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad ran through Harper's
Ferry, and this railway carried them their first day's travel to Cumberland, Maryland. From this point, the historic Cumberland
rolling
Pike led to the Ohio River, and the second day found the company westward across the Alleghenies in nine chartered stage
coaches. One stage driver, exhilarated by many toddies which he procured for 6 3/4^ each, alarmed them by his furious driving around mountain curves. But no damage was done, and after tra versing one hundred miles, they slept that night by the Ohio. On
another means of transport, the river boat, came boarded the steamship Niagara, bound for Cin cinnati. On deck, they found another emigrant company, and from that time until they reached the diggings they moved in the main stream of the Gold Rush. There was a band on board, and at night, as they floated down the Ohio and the Mississippi, the Negro deck hands "sang old plantation songs." The record does not say so, but 85 probably there was homesickness in the crowd. After a change of boats at Cincinnati, they continued down the Ohio and the Mississippi to St. Louis, where they remained for three days. The enticements of this gaudy river town must have seemed
still
many of the unsophisticated young men from Charlesand it is likely that others did as Geiger had done when he town, went through St. Louis with the mule-purchasing committee "took several cocktails and had some fun." But on April 10, the party
alluring to
On the place of residence and previous pp. 10, 15, and Spirit of Jefferson, Jan. 16. 85. Mellhany, Recollections, pp. 11-15; C. H. Ambler, "West Virginia Fortyniners," in West Virginia History, III (1941), 59-75. Mellhany stated that the party left on Mar. 3, "but this was clearly a mistake of memory, for the Spirit of Jefferson, Mar. 6, showed that the company had not left at that time, but had voted to leave on Mar. 27. Professor Ambler states that the company went to Pittsburgh, rather than over the Cumberland Pike, but Mellhany J s description of this part of the journey is so logical and so circumstantial that it invites credence. One of the advance committees did go by way of Pittsburgh, and it is perhaps to this that Ambler refers. Mellhany says that the company
84.
Mellhany, Recollections,
p. 11.
ibid.,
boarded a steamboat at
Wheeling.
' {
Brownsville,
"
INTRODUCTION
33
were again in motion, this time by river boat up the Missouri, and on this stage of their journey, the festive spirit of the trip was suddenly stilled by the abrupt presence of death. On the second day
out of the St. Louis, one of the members of the company, by name Thomas "Washington, fell victim to the great scourge of the emi
gration of 1849
first
that
is,
having
appeared at the port of New Orleans, had moved by river boat the Mississippi, and was already beginning to make fearful in up roads upon the emigrants in the outfitting towns. Under circum
stances where people were crowded together with inadequate sani tation and impure drinking water, cholera spread furiously, and inflicted heavy mortalities upon travellers who could not receive
suitable treatment,
and whose
vitality had, in
many
cases,
been
lowered by the conditions of travel. Furthermore, very little was understood about either the cause or the prevention of the malady, but its course was fearfully well known. It might appear in the
morning, and kill before noon. The death of Thomas Washington, on board the river boat Embassy was almost this sudden, for he was first taken ill one day, and died at ten o 'clock the next morning. Regardless of ceremony, cholera could not remain aboard over night, and before sundown, the Embassy had drawn up near the
shore at a point where a cluster of trees shaded a grassy slope. Here Washington's sobered companions dug a grave, and the passengers all went ashore, to stand with bared heads, while someone read the
Episcopal burial service. Alonzo Delano was one of the solemn group who stood about the grave, and he wrote what must have passed through the minds of all, How little can we foresee our own destiny Instead of turning up the golden sands of the Sacramento, the spade of the adventurer was first used to bury the remains of a com
' '
!
panion." On April
86. Delano,
86
19,
Across the Plains, p. 15, does not mention Washington's name, but and burial of a " young gentleman belonging to a company from Virginia/' and states that he was on the steamboat Embassy, which reached St. Joseph April 19. Brown also travelled on the Embassy, and obviously for he reached Independence, April 17. He describes the on the same
describes the death
passage,
evidently death on April 10, of "one young man of the Virginia Company the same death described by Delano. The Hoffman diary, in Ambler, "West arrived at St. Virginia Forty-niners," shows that the Charlestown Company Joseph on April 19 (same day as Delano), and Mellhany, Becollections, p. 17, states that Washington died of cholera on the trip up the Missouri. Evidently,
"
identical.
34
of
St.
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
what gold-seeking could sometimes mean, the company reached Joseph, where the advance committees were waiting, and there,
87
all together,
they encamped for the first time. Until the Spring grass should grow up in sufficient abundance to
in St. Joseph
provide forage for their animals, there was nothing to do save loiter and break mules. This activity went far to relieve
the monotony, for a Missouri mule was a formidable adversary, and the business of taming him was a task that evoked complaint from
many
emigrants.
One
"
diarist of another
company described
his
thirty wild, unbroken, two year old mules, the experience with, best to be had, but of whom only five or six had ever felt a collar. We all fell at once to work on these ferae naturae and had a high old time breaking them to harness. They were lassoed, thrown, and dragged into place by sheer and simple force, to harnessed, which only were they in the least amenable. We gradually, and with much tribulation reduced our mules to a condition that might be called hostile subjection, that is to say where the subject, while in the main yielding to force and necessity, maintains a noble and gallant spirit of subdued revolt, always watchful and ready to
.
.
.
every opportunity for liberty, if possible if not, for venge ance/ After three days of this, the same diarist was encouraged
seize
7
"the mules are perceptibly tamer, and it is now go within a stone's throw of them without open war; they even seem to be taking in the notion that it is easier to a good pull all together than to jump over each others backs
to note that
sible to
pos
and
give
and
kick and bite at everything within reach." 88 The record of the Virginia Company is more laconic, but no less telling. Nearly a month was spent in breaking the mules, and almost
daily, a
of the wagons.
Two
of
the
in these contests of will narrowly escaped being crushed beneath the wagon wheels. Others took "flights off ground and lofty tumblings" and even the Captain of the company
was not spared. After the animals were partially subjugated, the decision was made to cross the Missouri, and complete the process of mule-training on the western bank. Accordingly, the company took
"Ware, Emigrants' Grwde, p. 4, Ambler, "West Virginia Forty-niners. time for starting from home should be arranged so as to be on the frontier by the 20th April." 88. Wistar, pp, 44, 51. See also Kelly, p. 45; MeCall, p. 5; and Webster, pp.
87.
said,
"
"Your
35-37.
INTRODUCTION
35
a* ferry at Savanna Landing, and pushing through the bottom 89 lands, pitched camp on bluffs which marked the edge of the prairie.
Before leaving St. Joseph, the Company made one very fortunate arrangement. Some of the members had met a certain Frank Smith, who had been over the Oregon Trail as early as 1845, and who had
thus learned the art of successful travel overland.
He had
never
traversed the California Trail from the point where it left the road to Oregon, but his knowledge of the craft of emigrant travel ap
plied even in unfamiliar country. Also, he seems to have possessed excellent all-round judgment and superior qualities of leadership. The Charlestown Company secured the services of this talented
it
later elected
90
Company. Much
journey resulted from his leadership. In the season of 1849, warm weather came unusually late, and the 91 growth of grass on the prairie was retarded by at least two weeks. awaited the Thousands of emigrants, with outfits ready, impatiently
92 appearance of this forage, but not until the second week in
89.
May
letter,
May
18 ; letter of J. Harrison Kelly, Sep. 29, in Spirit of JefferBenjamin Hoffman, July 19, in Ambler, "West Virginia ' 3 For diary references to Smith, see index. Forty-niners. 91. Johnson, letter, Independence, Apl. 22, "the day of departure has been deferred in consequence of cold weather. ... It was a little hard for me to make up my mind to wait patiently 15 or 20 days longer than we expected." 92. An excellent statement of the problem of fixing the time of departure is given in Johnson, letter, Apl. 22: "But it is not enough to have good mule
Mcllhany,
teams. They must have a sufficiency of grass (new grass) to live on and perform the day's journey, and if, in our anxiety to get under way, we start one week too in four soon, our mules will fall away in the week more than can be regained weeks afterward on good grass, and they very often get so sore as to require rest for a week or two in which time they will be passed by those who start one . Now it is natural and safe to divide these week or even two weeks later. into three classes so far as regards the supply of grass. 1st.
.
emigrating parties
The first, who leave just in time to get enough, none others having gone before, and they not being so numerous as to require large quantities of grass. 2nd, those who rush after ... in greater number, and who being thrown so close and upon the heels of the first will for a time at least see their animals suffering And 3rd, those who do not falling away for the want of sufficient sustenance. start until there is plenty of grass which will probably be in 6 or 8 or 10 days How narrow must appear to any the chance after the second class leave. of hitting the precise point of time when the grass is barely sufficient and before the masses shall begin to crowd in." For cases of parties which set out too soon, incurred losses, and were forced to turn back because of lack of grass, see Johnson, letter, Apr. 29.
.
.
36
did
it
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
93
materialize. As it did so, the emigrant wagons began to roll and on May 12, the Charlestown Company left the encamp ment which they had made on the bluffs about seven miles west of the Missouri. After only eight miles of travel, they went into camp and laid over the rest of that day and the next day which was Sunday. At that time they branded their mules with the initials of the Charlestown, Virginia, Mining Company. Then on May 14, they started the true overland routine, travelling from eight o'clock until sundown, despite a driving rain which lasted for several hours. As they pitched camp that night, almost every wet and weary man in the company must have realized that the great trek had begun in earnest, and that he could not expect to sleep in a bed, eat at a table, or find shelter under a roof again until he reached California,
out,
WHILE
the
company
still
lay in
its
of the Missouri, Vincent Geiger began to keep a daily journal to record the trip. He continued it faithfully for forty-four days, un til the company had left the North Platte. Then, on June 23, ap
it,
he turned
it
it
Wake-
even more fully than Geiger had done, making daily entries for the next sixty-nine days, or until they had reached the diggings near Sacramento. This joint diary
Bryarly.
man
94
Bryarly kept
of the two emigrants is the substance of the present volume. It tells the story of the journey with completeness, authenticity, and vigor,
and
it renders any supplementary narration here superfluous. The only further purpose which an introduction can serve is to suggest
Independence
16, Kelly (p. 50) and on Apr. 23 and Apr. 28, Long and Johnston, re spectively, left from the same place, but both of these had arranged to be
93. Nearly all accounts show that the emigration moved pretty much in unison, but a more precise idea of the time of setting out may be gained by comparing the record of the various diarists of '49. On Apr. left
accompanied for two or three weeks by wagons carrying feed. By the time feed was exhausted, the grass would be up, and in this way they would get in ad vance of the general migration, and thus enjoy, for the rest of the journey, the first use of forage along the way. MeCall, May 1, and Page, letters, Apr. 24,
May
8,
The median date of departure among the diarists included in this study was May 12, and it would appear that those who started early moved slowly, awaiting grass, for Hackney wrote, May 6, "we intend to keep on a few miles each day till the grass is grown enough for the cattle to go ahead on." For a full schedule of departure dates, see the table in Appendix D. 94. The exact point at which the authorship changed is shown by the change
of handwriting in the manuscript.
INTRODUCTION
37
certain conclusions on the experience of the Charlestown organi zation, and to show something of the later lives of the two men whom
emigrants reached the end of their journey at the diggings above Sacramento. Four members of the company had died in transit, but more than seventy of them had successfully met what one called "the perils and hardships of that terrible journey across the con
tinent.
Only five mules and one horse had been left behind, either dead, exhausted, or lost. Most remarkable of all achievements, how held to ever, was the fact that the company's organization had all the stresses and strains of the march, and while gether through other companies were disintegrating, dividing, and reforming, only to divide again, the Virginia Company remained a successful and
' '
95
reasonably co-operative unit. With understandable pride, a member wrote from California, "it is a matter of note that ours was the when largest company that ever crossed the plains, although many, as large, but by reason of the difficulties of they started, were fully
the trip, were induced to separate.' This claim of uniqueness for the Charlestown organization ap overland com pears to be justified, for the records of other large
forces. Alonzo panies invariably show the triumph of disruptive "On leaving the Missouri, nearly every Delano commented that, train was an organized company/' but that, "on reaching the South the great majority had either divided or broken up en Pass
.
796
tirely,
helter-skelter
marches towards
California." At Fort Kearney, Captain Bonneville told J. Goldsof ob borough Bruff that he had had "an excellent opportunity and that he had seen several, which, serving joint stock companies,"
in
spite
of their
damned
Israel everything, & divided their property." Similarly, a day passes Hale, while on the overland journey, wrote, "hardly month later that a train does not split or a division take place." is laying a few rods of a nearby train: "There Hale wrote
again above us a joint stock company from Ohio. They have fell out and divided and fell out again and agreed to leave it to the Yankees.
95.
"West Virginia FortyDiary of Benjamin Hoffman, Sep. 1, in Ambler, in West. Va. Hist., Ill, 75. niners/' Dec 11. 96. Letter of J. Harrison Kelly, Sep. 29, in Spirit of Jefferson,
38
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
.
Who
on
the Yankees are, I do not know, but I have seen enough me that a co-partnership or stock company will
is:
men do
97
In
detail, the
record fully substantiates this generalization. Hale company of twenty wagons, but the
number was reduced by withdrawals to sixteen, then to eleven, later to eight, and finally to six. A smaller company, of which G. Backus was a member, began with seven wagons, was reduced to five, and by July, three of thes.e were abandoned, as their owners decided to shift the provisions to the backs of pack animals and push ahead of their companions. David De Wolf became a member of a company of sixty men, whom he described in June as being "like a band of brothers," but when they reached the Humboldt
Desert, only eight of the original twenty-one wagons still travelled as a unit. William Swain joined a company which enjoyed the co
bond of a $125 membership fee, but despite this equity, nine members abandoned their share in the joint property of the company, in order that they might travel with pack animals, and thus reach California more quickly. Similarly, the companies in which Philip Badman, .T. G. Caldwell, Samuel Dundass, L'Hommedieu Long, James Lyne, Simon Doyle, Alexander Love, John Evans Brown, Ansel J. McCall, W. J. Pleasants, and Joseph
hesive
of the
98 Sedgley travelled, all experienced at least one major split. These divisions did not always result from personal dissension or antagonism. Often they arose from a dispassionate recognition of
the fact that the mobility of a small group is naturally greater than that of a large one, and especially that the difficulty of finding
adequate forage increased directly in proportion to the size of the company. A company with thirty animals might advantageously
97. Delano, June 29; Bruff, in Bead and Gaines, eds., Gold Rush, I, Ixi; Hale, July 9, Aug. 14. In a letter of May 23, Johnson wrote: "The only thing counted foolish here is to be caught in a large train of 50 to 100 men; from 15 to 30 men are counted 'all-sufficient and most companies have split all up into small parties. Some are going with one wagon and 4 and 5 men. There are scores of parties of 8 to 10 men." Of. the lines from the Gold Bush song, ' < " Seeing the Elephant :
up and I made a break mule from Great Salt Lake." 98. Hale, May 23, July 9, Aug. 8; Backus, May 28, June 16, July 6; De Wolf, letter, June 17, diary, Oct. 1; Swain, May 5, Sep. 7; Badman, July 13; Cald well, May 30; Dundass, May 8; Long, June 5-8, 20; Lyne, June 30; Doyle, July 7; Love, Aug. 13, 14; Brown, June 22; McCall, June 2, 9, July 15, 27; Pleasants, p. 57; Sedgley, June 24, July 10.
split
"So we
With one
old
INTRODUCTION
39
camp on a forage ground whose limitations would force a larger company to push on in search of more abundant grass. It was this factor, according to Alonzo Delano, which caused his company of fifty men to divide into two sections, and the same reason was given by Bennett C. Clark for a schism in the company of which he was
captain. Similarly, the company to which W. J. Pleasants belonged travelled in complete harmony, but at the crossing of the North
Platte, he wrote,
"we
conclude to divide our party into three di any ill feeling or mis
understanding among us, but for the simple reason that we have now reached a section of country where stock feed is becoming
scarcer all the time
.
.
.
cattle,
the farther the feed will go." Another Forty-niner, Isaac J. Wistar, travelled for two months with a party of seventy-six men, and ap
and the fact that some had lightened their loads more than and were therefore under the necessity of reaching Cali fornia more quickly, at last compelled them, against their wishes, to separate. Samuel F. McCoy, P. C. Tiffany, Samuel E. Dundass, and John F. Lewis also belonged to parties which separated more promptly and more willingly, because of their belief in the greater efficiency of small units and their resentment of "the bondage which
grass,
others
a large company necessarily inflicted upon us." " In a few cases, there were companies which surmounted the forces of disruption. For instance, William Kelly formed a party of
seventeen
the British Isles, and eight "Yankees," and this group, adopting a uniform dress, made the trip as a unit. Another triumph of cohesion was that of the Green and Jersey
men from
County Company, from Illinois; this party experienced a schism, in which it lost its captain only four days after being organized, but fifty-two members were left, and they remained banded to
third durable organization gether until they reached California. who formed the Granite State and was that of the twenty-nine men
California Trading
this organization
it
it
not
been for the beef cattle. pendence for food, and it was
.
They were their principle [sic] de not practical to divide them among
99. Delano, June 13; B. 0. Clark, June 13; Pleasants, p. 57; Wistar, July 29; McCoy, June 11, 12, July 18; Tiffany, May 30; Dundass, May 8; Lewis, May 28, June 4, July 2. The quotation is from Lewis, July 2.
40
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
small squads." Still another lasting organization was that of the Washington City and California Mining Association, which owed
much
Despite these exceptions, the process of disruption prevailed so generally that the cohesion of the Charlestown Company stands out as a notable exception, and one which cannot be explained
merely in terms of a superior esprit de corps. In fact, the perform ance of the Charlestown Company could not have been achieved without very specific success in dealing with the problems of the
journey and avoiding the pitfalls which wrecked other organiza understanding the Charlestown Com in particular, or the Gold Eush in general, to inquire as to pany
tions. It is essential, then, in
what were the factors in that success. Since draught animals were the motive power of the journey, a proper selection and a proper use of beasts of burden was as im portant to that era as the development of effective truck and tank models is to a modern army. The significance of this factor was universally recognized, and it precipitated a vigorous and unend ing dispute as to the relative merits of oxen and mules. Horses, by
general agreement, could be used as saddle animals, but lacked the stamina for drawing wagons or carrying pack-loads over so long
a distance under such adverse conditions of forage and water. 101 For the heavy work, it was a choice of mules or oxen.
In certain respects, oxen possessed an indisputable advantage. Nowhere was this advantage so clear as in the fact that they were more easily handled, and less subject to loss through straying or being driven off by thieves. The docility of oxen, and their slowness meant that most emigrants could manage them without difficulty, and that a man on horseback could easily overtake them if they wandered away. With mules, it was another story, for they were difficult to break, and often intractable even when broken. If they
got loose at night they might disappear over the horizon before their absence was detected, and even when they were found, it was
For the account of the cohesion of these units, see Kelly, passim; Page, July 2, and Hackney, passim; Webster, Oct. 19; Bruff, passim. 101. Marcy, Prairie Traveler, does not even discuss the possibility of using horses as draught animals ; Hastings, Emigrants ' Guide, p. 145, says, ' Eor the but oxen are considered preferable harness, mules are preferable to horses . . to either. ' 9 Nevertheless, some parties attempted to use horses in this way ; e.g.,
100.
letter,
'
.
see
Brown, Aug.
16.
INTRODUCTION
no easy task
102 to catch them.
41
it
a practice to
loose,
on foot, attempting to catch a loose mule on the open prairie, faced no mean problem, and it was a truism that animals which gained their freedom during the first few days of the journey would go all the way back to the
104 "When this danger had Missouri before they could be recovered. a new one replaced it: that Indians might drive the animals passed, a away by stealth, and in two or three hours' time, escape to such 105 distance that they could not be overtaken.
A man
the Further, some persons claimed that, on a long journey, 106 and that they for their slowness, stamina of the oxen compensated could actually reach a distant destination as promptly as the faster mules. 107 According to this argument, they could endure
and it was an undenied fact that they In a could subsist on vegetation which would not sustain a mule. be slaughtered and case of acute food shortage, also, oxen could 108 whereas mule meat was taboo; a final point, which ren eaten, them dered oxen more attractive, even though it did not prove
less forage,
superior,
102
p.
28*;
was
On
managing oxen, see Marcy, Prairie Traveler, Guide, p. 145; MeCaU, p. 7; Johnson, letter, Hastings, Emigrants'
the relative ease in
Mar. 23.
. 103. Kelly, p. 104. . State and California Mining 104. This happened to the nrales of the Granite 30. Also, see Wistar, p. 52. * AK Co., Webster, May * , .* Guide, p. 145; 105. Marcy, Prairie Traveler, p. 28; Hastings, Emigrants' Mar. 23. Swain, letter, May 6; Johnson, letter, ,,,/** p. Guide, 106 On the greater stamina of oxen, see Hastings, Emigrants' 28. Marcy conceded the superi 145- McCall, p. 7; Marey, Prairie Traveler, p. one respect: they would bear the heat better. Hastings ority of mules in only even that. did not admit ... I believe young 107 < 'When the march is to extend 1,500 or 2,000 miles,
endure better than mules; they will, if properly managed, keep in an equally brief space of time. better condition, and perform the journey 28. For other claims of equal speed over long Marcy, Prairie Traveler, p. ^dis June 8; Swam, letter, May 6; and estances see McCall, pp. 7, 53; Webster, with mules were 16. At that date, Johnston's party mi hundred miles in advance of the bulk of the along the Humboldt, several to overtake an ox-tram which had re therefore, gration. They were astounded,
oxen
wm
SSrSriS^ My
mained ahead of them up to this time. Guide, 108. Marcy, Prairie Traveler, p. 28; Hastings, Emigrants'
15. Paden, Walce of the Prairie Schooner, p.
p. 145,,
42
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
whereas six mules cost approximately $600. 109 The majority of emigrants were responsive to one or another of these considerations, and as a result, the bulk of them travelled by ox-team. To the mule enthusiasts, however, there seemed something wrong
with an argument which claimed an animal's slowness as his principal merit, and which was addressed more to the owner's
fear of his
of
desire for
an animal
travel faster than oxen, and if they could do that, they ought to reach their destination sooner. 110 At least, so reasoned those who
knew they could afford to buy mules, and believed they could con manage them. These partisans of the mule were clearly in the minority, but they maintained a spirited argument, and much of their experience on the journey suggests that, when properly 111 handled, the mule may actually have been more suited to the task.
trive to
109. Marey, Prairie Traveler, p. 28.
p. 7.
On
Mar. 23, Apl. 22. Marey, Prairie Traveler, p. 28, and Hastings, Emigrants' Guide, p. 145, both, stated that oxen were preferable. Swain, letter, May 3, and McCall, July 18, also declared that the best opinion was in favor of oxen. However, Paden, WaTce of Hie Prairie Schooner, p. 15, concludes from the historical viewpoint that mules were more successful. The factors influencing one man's decision are vividly shown in two letters of Johnson. In the first, Mar. 23, he defended his intention to use oxen ' ' they are . for several reasons, the principal of much better liked here than mules which are that there is not so much danger of oxen running away and the Indians will not steal them as they care nothing for an ox but they will steal a mule wherever they can catch him. Oxen will probably require some fifteen days more on the road, but what is that compared with the safety of an ox-team? . . Oxen will perform the journey but nearly all the American mules in Missouri are three years old and under and are not regarded as safe for the journey; and many of the Spanish mules (the only other kind, being such as are got from Mexico in the Santa Fe trade) are broken down with previous hard service, and hence are not fit for such a trip." By Apr. 22, he had changed Ms mind: "Here, as everywhere else, men talk and advise as their interest may happen to lead them and every other man you meet in Independence has either oxen or either mules to sell and they that have neither have the interest of some friend to promote who has them to sell. So you will see that it was no easy matter for us to determine, in less than a week, after the most diligent inquiry, which, all things considered, were the best, oxen or mules. We have decided in favor of mules. After all that can be said in favor of oxen, only one thing can be said in favor of the ox and that it is not so liable to run away or be stolen by the Indians, while the mules will perform the journey a little quicker, will subsist on less, endure warm weather better, and go longer without water, while a little increase of watchfulness will " guard against Indian stampedes.
110. Marcy, Prairie Traveler, p. 27; Johnson, letters,
111.
:
INTRODUCTION
43
The Charlestown Company, of course, had decided in favor of mules, and its subsequent success proved that efficient management was all that was needed in order to utilize mule power with complete effec
tiveness.
Whether oxen or mules were chosen, the handling of the animals was as vital as any part of the craft of overland travel, and neglect or ignorance in this department were far the most productive causes
of disaster. Experienced plainsmen knew that the welfare of the animals was vital to the safety of the emigrants, and therefore more important than their" comfort. As one traveller expressed it, "our lives depend on the lives of our animals"; another remarked that his
company often camped without wood, though this meant an adequate supply of forage and water were available: "our practice is first to look for a good place 112 But for the cattle, and then think of our own convenience." while the soundness of these policies was generally recognized,
there could be little cooking, if
human
stages
nature often shirked applying them. Everyone knew, for the first instance, that animals which were driven too hard during of the journey were likely to suffer total exhaustion later, thus
Never imposing a delay of days for the sake of a gain of a few hours. the temptation was great to push ahead as rapidly as pos theless, 113 Again, it was pretty sible and most emigrants succumbed to it. understood that animals which were in harness most of generally
;
the day, ought to be allowed full opportunities for forage in the stated early morning, and late afternoon, and even at night. Marcy
that "unless allowed to graze at night they will fall
away rapidly."
One of the Forty-niners declared, "the reason we have travelled so fast and so successfully is, that we have rarely tied our cattle down at night, but have guarded them as they were eating or laying down thus they had all the grass and rest they wished & were ready
marked that Ms company's guide, Jim Stewart, "cared more for mules than for men, and considered it his first duty to look out for them; the men, he
always said, could take care of themselves." in 113. Marey, Prairie Traveler, p. 44, warned, ''The great error into which travelers are liable to fall, and which probably occasions more experienced lies in overworking their cattle at the suffering and disaster than anything else, commencement of the journey. To obviate this, short and easy drives should be made until the teams become habituated to their work, and gradually inured and over to this particular method of traveling. If animals are overloaded . they soon f all away, and worked when they first start out into the prairies ' Also, see Johnson, letter, give out before reaching the end of the journey.
.
May
13. Johnston,
Apr. 21, re
Apr. 22.
44
for
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
an early start." But few travellers were so diligent. Some kept the animals on tether the greater part of the time, thus re stricting their forage others left them freer, but without adequate guard, so that they were exposed to theft.
;
loss
them of sufficient forage, was an additional hazard that of permitting them to drink alkali water, which was especially in evidence in the vicinity of the South Pass and in the valley of the Humboldt. 115 This draught was fatal to many of the animals that drank it, and ruinous to the vitality of those that survived. But it could be avoided only by a degree of vigilance which was often lacking. The failure of the emigrants in general to meet these difficulties
by over-driving
or depriving
there
is vividly attested by the heavy animal mortalities which, save for the cholera among the human population, became the most painful
was scarcely a diarist who which the bodies of mules and oxen littered the trail. On the Humboldt Desert, the stench and the spectacle were as hideous as anything that most of the travellers had ever experienced. At the outset, of course, there were few records of such losses, and along the valley of the Platte the number of dead animals remained negligible, but at Fort Laramie the losses became appreciable, and near Independence Kock, they were disastrous.
aspect of the overland journey. There
failed to note the profusion in
Some
others, to the
effects of alkali
rarefied atmosphere
noting,
day
after day,
were responsible. But all agreed in constantly "many dead cattle," "more or less stock
lying dead every day," "large numbers of horses and mules," and the like. ne These notations reached a fearful climax on the Hum114. Marcy, Prairie Traveler, p. 92; Page, letter, June 13. 115. Marcy, Prairie Traveler, pp. 124-125, Also, see below, pp. 113-114, 116. 116. Delano, June 28, suggested the rarefied air as a cause of cattle losses.
He had
cattle
31) noted the prevalence of overdriving: "Many many showed evidence of "being hard driven. In the great desire to get ahead, and the foolish rivalry of passing other teams, no rest was given to the cattle. " Diary entries which note the presence of dead cattle and attribute their death to overdriving or to insufficient forage in clude De Wolf, July 22,- Foster, June 30; Hale, July 7; McCoy, July 17, Aug. 7; Orvis, June 17; Searls, July 10. Those which speak of the bad condition of the animals due to these factors include Doyle, June 25; Tiffany, May 29;
previously
(May
Long, July 20-Aug. 2. Those which note dead animals and attribute death to alkali water include:
Hale, June 25, July 7; Dundass, June 26; Foster, June 30;
INTRODUCTION
45
boldt or Black Eock Deserts, where weakened animals faced a fierce test to which great numbers succumbed. One traveller counted 500 dead animals at the Humboldt, another spoke of hundreds, and
others, doubtless, preferred not to count in the midst of a scene that
reminded one of them of Dante's Inferno. 117 Another source of heavy loss of cattle was the ineffectiveness of safeguards against Indian depredations. Most companies started out with a rigid system of night guards, which were maintained in flexibly in a region where the Indian menace was slight. But, by the time they reached the South Pass, the original companies had
disintegrated into parties so small that there were not enough mem bers to maintain a guard in rotation, and even when the number
sufficed, the
precaution had been relaxed. In these circumstances, the emigrants approached the Humboldt Valley, which was in habited by as diligent and skillful a tribe of cattle thieves as the con
tinent could produce, namely the Utes,
whom the emigrants called without discriminating between these marauders and the Diggers, Shoshokees to whom the term more properly belonged. The Indians
promptly inaugurated the practice of approaching the camps at night by stealth, putting an arrow into the guard if there happened to be one, and driving off the mules or cattle. Early arrivals on the Humboldt at the end of July noted that "there had been much stock stolen by the Indians. Soon, theft became chronic one diarist said, "they are stealing oxen and horses every night"; another wrote,
' '
"cattle are stolen almost every day. Individual losses included five oxen, eight oxen, ten oxen, fifteen oxen, three oxen and four
horses, one horse
77
company relaxed
souri,
itself
its
and three mules, four horses, and so forth. One guard for the second night since leaving Mis
head of
cattle.
and
that
it
Another party, calling and learned enjoyed no more immunity than companies with more genteel
lost thirty-five
"a
lot of cattle,"
No real relief from this thieving occurred until the territory of the marauders had been passed, but, "for five hundred miles they were excessively troublesome." 118
names.
Badman, July
5, 6, 7; Doyle, July 1; Orvis, June 23; Searls, July 10; Sedgley, July 9; Swain, July 17; Webster, July 22; and Hackney, June 23, 24, 26, 27. Other diarists who note presence of dead cattle without indicating cause of death include: Lewis, June 25, 26; Caldwell, July 5; S. B. E. Clark, July 2; Brown, July 10; Bruff, July 23. 117. For animal deaths on the Humholdt Desert, see below, pp. 189, 192. 118. For the distinction between Utes and Diggers, see Paden, Wake of the
46
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
In the light of the varied hazards which were common to
all,
and
the heavy losses which other companies experienced, the success of the Charlestown Company with its animals is remarkable. Near the
beginning of the journey, the boggy condition of the trail necessi tated exertions which almost exhausted the mules, and later there
were stretches where the sparseness of grass or the necessity of a long drive to water placed the teams under a severe strain. But the com pany made it a practice to rest for a day after any -such extraordi
This gave the animals opportunity to recuperate. Moreover, it was a cardinal rule of the company to stop at mid " " day for a period of rest known as a nooning. This spared the mules from labor during the hottest part of the day, and gave them opportunity to graze. If the departure at morning had been early, the nooning might last for as long as six or seven hours it frequently lasted for four hours, and apparently it was very rarely omitted, for
nary
effort.
119
the diary of Geiger and Bryarly specifically relates the circum stances of the nooning for forty-seven days of the journey, and it contains only twice a statement that the nooning was omitted. This practice of halting for a long mid-day rest undoubtedly became a
major factor in maintaining the stamina of the teams. 120 Another practice, perhaps as important as the nooning, was that of herding, rather than picketing the animals at night. That is, a guard stood watch over the beasts to keep them together, but they were not tethered nor confined within a corral of wagons. This
Prairie Schooner, pp. 379-380. The five quoted phrases are, respectively, B. C. Clark, July 30, Hackney, Aug. 9, Hale, Aug. 12, Hale, Aug. 16, and Delano, Aug. 6. Accounts of specific thefts appear in Badman, Aug 17, Sep. 4, 8; Brown,
Aug. 15; Backus, July 28; Delano, Aug. 6, 7; De Wolf, Sep. 17; Doyle, Aug. 20; Foster, Aug. 18; Johnston, July 16; Lewis, Aug. 11; Love, July 28; Hale, Aug. 16; Hackney, Aug. 6, 7, 8, 9; Sedgley, Aug. 10, Sep. 4;, Swain, Aug. 28; Tiffany, Aug. 8-9 (on the Carson Eiver). 119. On May 13, June 2, 17, July 1, 4, 17, 23, 30, Aug. 5, 9, 10, 18, 23, and 27, the company remained in camp all or part of the day. Most of these layovers were for the purpose of resting the animals after a hard drive or in anticipation
of one. 120.
June
3, 7,
The nooning lasted 8 hours on Aug. 2 7 on Aug. 1 ; 6 on July 16 5 on July 6; 4 on June 24, 25, 26, 27, 28, 29, July 7, 24, 29, Aug. 6, 7. Usu
; ;
length of time is not stated. On Aug. 22, it is stated that the company did not rest at mid-day. Marey, Prairie Traveler, p. 45, said: "In traveling with ox teams in the summer season, great benefit will be derived from making early marches; ' starting with the dawn, and making a nooning' during the heat of the day, as oxen suffer much from the heat of the sun in midsummer. These noon halts
ally, the
should, if possible, be so arranged as to be near grass and water, where the animals can improve their time in grazing."
INTRODUCTION
47
meant that they were not limited to the grass which lay within the radius of a tether rope, and accordingly, they were more free to forage at night. The value of this night feeding was very important for the animals. Captain Marcy was later to note that diverse methods prevailed "some will picket their animals continually in camp, while others will herd them day and night" and while he did not attempt to prescribe any one method as essential, he did insist that if picket ropes were used, they should he long enough "under no circumstances, unless the Indians are known to be near and an attack is to be expected, should they [the animals] be tied up to a picket line where they can get no grass." 121 "Ware and Hastings
:
sufficient length, but in the areas of sparse vegetation the surest way to avoid too short a rope was to use none at all. Another traveler, Henry Page, recog
wrote, "When we stop early enough for the themselves before night, we larriet (tie with long ropes to stakes) them Hill just at daylight when they are turned loose till we are ready to start If we are late in stoping, we herd the cattle
nized this
cattle to
when he
fill
out
all
night."
in unusual circum
stances, the
Charlestown
Company did
regularly. This is
shown by
references in the diary to the fact that, .where forage was sparse, mules scattered during the night, or that one of them, at morning,
was found to have bogged down in a nearby mire, or on an evening before an early start was intended, "we were ordered by our Captain " to piquette our mules . instead of herding them as usual. 122
.
.
Under a regime where the animals remained uneonfined, the dangers of straying, of exposure to alkali water, and of Indian
depredations were greatly enhanced, but these risks were suc cessfully averted. Probably luck favored the Virginians, but much
of their
immunity
to misfortune
tenance of a vigilant night guard. Other companies, of course, had intended to maintain such a guard, but whereas many of them 123 it appears that the failed to adhere to their original resolution,
121. Marcy, Prairie Traveler, pp. 91-92. 122. Ware, Emigrants' Guide, p. 12; Hastings, Emigrants' Guide, p. 148 (However, Hastings, p. 145, also spoke of the advantage of oxen, that they were not ff necessarily tied or otherwise confined, but are permitted to range
-Page,
letter,*
May
13 ; below,
Aug. 7, 19, 24, 27. 123. Long, July 21 (along the Humboldt), wrote: "People in Cincinnati would be astonished at the nonchalance with which we three laid down to sleep at nights in the center of a tribe of hostile Indians without a guard and with
48
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Company
lost
Charlestown
no animals were
by
held to the practice constantly. As a result, theft or straying, even when the journey
lay through the valley of the Humboldt, where companies in the vicinity of the Charlestown Company were losing stock to the
Diggers night after night. In explanation of the immunity of his own group, Bryarly wrote simply: "We were prudent enough to be " cautious and careful, and lost not one [animal]
.
" animals after excessive exertion, the habit of nooning" during the hottest part of the day, the system of herding to permit grazing at night, and the maintenance of an effective guard resulted in a
and a maximum conservation of the animals 7 vitality. Not until the company had reached the Green River, more than a thousand miles from Missouri, did they lose their first mule, by the accident of drowning. After that, one exhausted horse had to be left behind, and it also proved necessary to leave two mules, which became bogged in a mire, and were successfully removed,
minimum
of losses
but in such exhausted condition that they could not travel. Finally, two more mules and a pony were lost by straying when the company
was distant only five days' journey from the diggings. But no animal died of alkali poisoning; not one was stolen by the Diggers; and
when the Company reached the supreme obstacle of the journey, the Humboldt Desert, where beasts of burden died like flies, the crossing
was accomplished without the loss of a single animal. 125 Another factor, as important as the care of the animals, was the reduction of the loads which the animals must draw. At the outno living white man within miles around. What a difference between now and when we first started on the trip. Then the whole company was on guard every night when there was no real danger. ISTow when there is, not one guard is stationed, though we carry our arms close bye." Hale, July 26, said, "Some few days since, our company came to the conclusion that they would dispense with the cattle guard." McCall, Aug 15, asserted, "I find that many emigrants keep no guard at night and turn out their cattle and horses without an at tendant. So far as I have been able to ascertain, it is only such that have met with losses." Despite McCall 's statement, there are instances where marauding Indians killed or wounded the guard. See Wistar, July 30, Aug. 3.
124. Mcllhany, p. 22, speaks of a
Aug.
8,
guard being posted every night; diary, shows that guard was maintained at that time. Quotation is from
diary, Aug. 2. 125. For the losses described, see diary entries, July 3, 27, 29, Aug. 7, 25. For statement by Mellhany, p. 33, crossing of the Desert without loss, Aug 13.
was
lost,
is
clearly
an
INTRODUCTION
fitting towns, as
49
has already been shown, the emigrants of 1849 al most universally made the mistake of over-loading. Most of them were painfully inexperienced, and they not only started out with
greater quantities of foodstuffs than it was practicable to carry, but attempted to transport heavy mining equipment or valued personal effects such as feather beds, stoves, and other articles of furniture. A. J. McCall disgustedly wrote, "they laid in an over-
supply of bacon, flour, and beans, and in addition thereto, every conceivable jimcraek and useless article that the wildest fancy could
devise or human ingenuity invent goldometers, gold washers, pins and needles, brooms and brushes, ox shoes and horse shoes, lasts and leather, glass beads and hawksbells, jumping jacks and jewsharps, rings and bracelets, pocket mirrors and pocket-books,
and boiled shirts. A full inventory would occupy pages and furnish an assortment for a variety store. It was said that they would be handy some time and enable them to drive a profitable
calico vests
trade with the unsophisticated Indians." 12e Ultimately, of course, this vast surplus was thrown overboard, with the result that for hundreds of miles, the trail was littered with
articles of value. Traveller after traveller recorded his astonish
abundance of this jetsam and at the magnitude of the and at the same time, almost every one told of his own com waste, pany s adding to the accretion. Yet, while everyone deplored the loss of goods, few perceived the most tragic aspect of it namely, that most of the excess was hauled for hundreds of miles, constantly retarding the journey and weakening the teams, before the pennywise emigrants could bring themselves to face the inevitable. The waste of energy of mules and oxen, rather than the waste of goods, was the significant loss. 127 A few companies had the foresight to recognize their error and to abandon part of their property promptly. Accordingly, a few goods were to be found even along the Blue River near the outset of
at the
7
ment
At Fort Kearney,
"
Isaac Wistar's
company began a
MeCaU,
p. 5.
June 23, said, Hundreds of teams start with twice as as they can carry and, after wearing out their teams in hauling useless trash, throw it away. We started with a light load and have thrown out some of that." Johnston, May 29, at Fort Laramie, said, "It were wise not to bring
127. Foster, letter,
much
goods this great distance, only to be obliged to part with them." 128. Hale, May 15; Long, May 16; Tiffany, May 11. Johnston, Apr. 29, tells of his party discarding "a fair sized library . two pigs of lead . and ' ' half a keg of nails on the first day after leaving Independence.
.
50
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
reduction of load, and between there and Fort Laramie, the com panies of Bennett Clark and Alonzo Delano also discarded much of 129 But it was not until most emigrants had reached their surplus.
Fort Laramie, 560 miles along the way, that they began to lighten their loads. Here the stockpile of derelict goods assumed spectacular proportions. "Not less than 30,000 Ibs. bacon/' said one emigrant;
"the destruction of property is immense," said another; boxes, trunks, tools, wagons, bacon, dried beef, salt, hard bread, gold washers, spades, shovels, and a scythe and snath were among the items noted by a third. 130 Yet even beyond Laramie, the teams struggled on with far more than they could ever haul to California.
At Independence Rock,
trane has threw
away
therefore, Philip Badman recorded, "our today what cost more than 500 $ at home. I
think this
the gratest cite I ever see clothing of all kinds threw " Six without reserve. days past Laramie, Simon Doyle's away cast an unexplained surplus weight of 300 pounds of lead company
is
attempt to fire a salute with this ordnance failed when the weapon burst, but at least Doyle was enabled to note, "In this manner we lightened up considerable." At about the same point,
into a cannon.
An
George Carlton of the Granite State Company, also "lightened up considerable," but in a less overt matter. His company had placed him in charge of a heavy gold filter, which he packed on muleback
for fifty-four days.
the
20,
but could not secure the consent of the company. On July however, he took matters into his own hands and surreptitiously
filter,
131
But still, men and animals struggled on with outlandish cargo. Geiger and Bryarly noted a turning machine worth over $600, and a steam engine and coining machine worth between $2,000 and $3,000 which some resolute visionary had hauled through as far as
129. Wistar, May 30; B. 0. Clark, June 1, 4; Delano, June 3. 130. The items cited are from Lyne, June 30; Hale, June 15; and Tiffany, June 6, 7. For other comments on the quantities of goods left behind at Fort
June Laramie, see Backus, June 15; Brown, June 29; Bruff, July 12; Doyle, 19 ; Foster, June 16 ; Johnston, May 29 ; Long, June 8 ; Love, June 7, 9 ; Orvis, June 18; Sedgley, July 1; Swain, July 6; Webster, July 9, 11; and Wistar,
June
15, 17.
Badmanj July 9; Doyle, June 25; Webster, June 18, July 20, referring July 17 Dundass, July 3 McCoy, Aug. 7 Pleasants, p. 81; Searls, July 11, 12, 13; Swain, July 16; and De Wolf, Aug. 27, Sep. 14, and Oct. 3. De Wolf's party carried a gold washer, shovels, and picks until Sep. 14, and a cook stove and a number of trunks until Oct. 3.
131.
to Carlton. Also see Bruff ,
;
;
INTRODUCTION
the
51
Humboldt Desert before lie learned that it was hopeless. Even within a few days of Lassen's Eaneh at the end of their journey,
travellers gave up, and left large quantities of goods, "the owner calculating to return for it, which was never done." Several small law libraries, male and female apparel, kitchen utensils, tools, and other lost hopes were among the abandoned goods. "No articles of a full and complete outfit but what could be picked up here, be side many nonsentiel & useless ones that was hawled here to be thrown away, breaking down the teams and causing distress and
many
beyond description. The Charlestown Company, of course, did not escape the error of overloading. In fact, members later expressed keen regret for their mistake. Nor did it immediately recognize the blunder and correct it. But it did rectify the mistake far more promptly than most com panies. Where the majority did not act until they reached Fort Laramie, 560 miles from Missouri, the Charlestown group began to throw away certain articles such as horseshoes, boxes, and lard when they were only eight days out, and at Fort Kearney, 265 miles from
suffering
77
132
the setting out point, they drastically reduced their entire load. supply of picks was abandoned, some goods were sold, and the
supplies of flour and bacon were reduced to one hundred pounds of the former and fifty pounds of the latter per man. This was twentyfive
pounds less weight than Captain Marcy later proposed to allot and bacon, and it indicates that the overloading was largely corrected thus early in the trip. Other goods were thrown away about two weeks later, but from the time the company left Fort Kearney, the wagons ran with relative ease and, consequently with
to flour
133
greater rapidity. This relative advantage in speed shows travel schedule of the Charlestown Company
up
is
clearly
when
the
compared with that of other companies which were travelling along the overland trail during the same season. In the present study, such comparison has
been made with thirty other companies for which detailed records are available. 134 Of these, seventeen set out on the journey at inter vals of from four weeks to two days ahead of the Charlestown Com
pany. That
132.
is,
was eighteenth
in the order
Diary entry for Aug. 12 Doyle, Oct. 5. Diary entries for May 20, 27, 28, 29, June 16. 134. For a detailed tabulation of the travel schedules of in this analysis, see Appendix D.
;
133.
all diarists
included
52
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
of leaving. From St. Joseph, Independence, "Westport, and other points along the Missouri, the roads converged upon Fort Kearney, on the Platte. The Charlestown travellers made this journey in
exactly two weeks, whereas other travellers required an average of nearly twenty days to reach this fort. From Kearney, up the valley of the Platte, the trail led to Fort Laramie. This leg of the journey
was completed by the Charlestown group in seventeen days. The average of others was again between nineteen and twenty days and only three companies out of the thirty covered the span more rapidly
;
than did the Charlestown Company. By this time, the Virginians had advanced from eighteenth to ninth in order of travel. From Laramie the route lay along the North Platte and the Sweetwater until it crossed the Continental Divide at the South Pass. On this span, more than anywhere else, the Overland Trail was a single road rather than a series of roads. Here, the Charlestown Company was in transit for fifteen days. One other company made it in twelve, one in thirteen, and three in fourteen, but twenty-two required more than fifteen days. At this point, seven companies were still ahead one arrived on the same day; but twenty-two were in the wake.
;
the entire group of thirty, only three, the companies of Isaac Foster, William G. Johnston, and Andrew Orvis, had made the trip
Of
from the Missouri to the Continental Divide in a shorter interval of time. The journey of Orvis from Council Bluffs with pack mules had consumed only thirty-two days; that of Foster from Council Bluffs had taken forty-three that of Johnston from Independence had also taken forty-three. The Charlestown Company from St. Joseph had required forty-six all others had lasted more than fifty. After the crossing of the South Pass, the trails diverged, offering alternative routes by way of Great Salt Lake, Fort Hall, and Hudspeth's Cut-off. After merging once more along the upper Humboldt,
;
they again split, affording entry into California by way of the Carson Eiver, the Truckee River, or Lassen's Cut-off, as it was deceptively called. Because of these variations in the route, and be
cause diarists in the Great Basin could not usually state their position as explicitly as they could at Fort Kearney, Fort Laramie,
or the South Pass, a comparison of time tables for the latter part of the journey presents difficulties. Finally, the problem is rendered
no
easier by the fact that travellers differed in what they regarded as the end of their journey. To some, it was Lassen's Eanch, Johnson's Ranch, Weaverville, or Sacramento. To others, it was the first place
INTRODUCTION
53
where they found supplies being sold or the streams being panned for gold. Allowing for these variables, however, the continued superi
num ority of the Charlestown Company in rate of travel is clear. ber of companies which had started earlier reached the diggings during the first half of August, and two, the companies of William Kelly and "William Johnston, arrived before the end of July. But where most of these early arrivals required about 114 days, the
Charlestown Company, starting later, arrived at Johnson's Ranch on September 1, which meant that they had completed the journey in 110 days. Andrew Orvis, travelling alone after reaching Salt Lake City, using a pack animal rather than a wagon, and running California completely out of provisions along the way, had reached in the remarkable time of 77 days; William Kelly's company, and Fort Laramie, Sterling B. F. Clark, both using pack animals, from
entire trip in 101 days and 107 days, respectively. But the only party with wagons which made better time than the Charlestown Company, was that of William Johnston, whose com made the entire trip in ninety-one days. With these exceptions,
pany
none of the companies included in this comparison made the trip across two thousand miles of prairie, desert, and mountains as the rapidly as the Charlestown Company. In the company itself, that they had passed no less than three thousand belief prevailed
wagons of other emigrants along the way. runs Throughout the record of the Charlestown Company, there characteristic superiority of performance, resulting from the same an equally characteristic soundness of policy. This policy is re also flected in the care of the animals, in the reduction of cargo, and
in the choice of route, and it produced significant consequences in the maintenance of the organization and the attainment of a rela with light casualties and a minimum and
tively quick
133
easy journey
of deterioration.
Anyone seeking an explanation of the sound judg ment consistently shown must reckon with the fact that it could not have derived entirely from the original officers, for, no matter how talented they may have, been, they possessed no experience of
them may the technique of overland travel except what a few of Mexican War. The key to the Company's success, have learned in the all probability it is to be found therefore, must lie elsewhere, and in
in the leadership of the guide,
plains-
54:
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
traversed the Oregon Trail at least as early as 1845, and had apparently made other trips into the Far West, though he had never followed the California Trail. His experience, therefore, as well as his personality, must have won the confidence of the Vir ginians when they met him in St. Joe, for they soon arranged for him to travel with them as their guide. After less than two weeks of travel, his leadership had succeeded so well that he was unanimously elected to full membership in the Company and the previously elected Captain, Eobert Keeling, resigned and placed entire control
in Smith's hands. Thereafter, the new captain exercised his leader ship with exemplary skill his early reveille daily held the Company to a schedule of efficient travel ; his choice of river crossings and his advance selections of camp sites greatly facilitated the journey ; his
:
man had
bridging of a slough and his decision to dismantle one wagon in order to mend several others showed experienced craftsmanship and his ready response to an apparent danger from Indians was but one example of his energy and resoluteness. "When the inevitable
;
hardships of the journey brought complaints against his leadership, he promptly met the disaffection by refusing to continue as Captain,
whereupon the
ration of his ascendancy. Probably the success of the Charlestown Company was more the work of Frank Smith than of any other
single person.
136
WHILE
Company was
in
many
re
spects also, in some other ways, characteristic of the usual experience of the Forty-niners. This representative aspect of the company's history is especially evident in its elaborate
distinctive, it
was
preparations for certain hazards which did not materialize, and losses from other hazards which were not foreseen.
its
'49 emigration
For Smith's previous experience in the "West in 1845 and 1846, see diary June 10, 16, July 11 ; for Ms membership in the company, May 26 ; for some of Ms exploits as leader of the Charlestown Company, June 1, 4, 5, 20, 26, July 3, 5, 7, 17, Aug. 1, 15, 17. Also see Mellhany, Recollections, p. 18, and Hoffman diary, July 19, in Ambler, "West Virginia Forty-niners." Hoffman states that Smith had never been over the California Trail. A letter of J.
Harrison Kelly, Sep. 29, in the Spirit of Jefferson, Dec. 11, said, "One great bond of strength consisted in having for our guide and captain (S. F. Smith) a man of the most indomitable energy and perseverance united with a bland and courteous character. " See Johnston, Apr. 21, on the importance of an ex
perienced and able guide.
INTRODUCTION
55
epidemic of that year. "Where the emigrant ordinarily thought of going out to meet the risks of Indian savagery and untamed nature dangers which would increase as he penetrated deeper into the
region of mountain and desert the fact was that the major danger came from the river towns of the South. The heaviest mortalities swept the ranks of the emigrants while they were crowded together
on the river boats of the Missouri, or in the outfitting towns. When the emigrant set out for the wilderness he was both reducing his risk and carrying his principal danger with him.
Altogether, estimates indicate that five thousand Forty-niners died of cholera, either before setting out or somewhere along the
trail.
137
The incidence
of death
from
the emigration pushed west, and after it passed Fort Laramie there were scarcely any victims. But before reaching that point, few com
panies escaped without losing one or more of their members. Four teen of the diarists whose records were used in this study told of
losses in their
own parties which they ascribed specifically to cholera, and several others spoke of deaths which may well have resulted from the same malady. William Swain's party lost four members in two weeks; W. J. Pleasants' company experienced equally heavy mortalities and Niles Searls travelled with a group which suffered
;
were not nearly so some others of which diarists heard, or which were called to heavy their attention by the pitiful and hasty graves which abounded f earsomely along some parts of the trail. Relatively, the Charlestown Company escaped with lighter losses than most, but when Thomas 139 Washington died on board a river boat ascending the Missouri, it was characteristic of the common experience that this, the com pany's first fatality, resulted from cholera. Other forms of illness, of which diarrhea was perhaps most notable, were also prevalent in the emigrant ranks, and amid ciras
7 and Doctors on the Oregon-California Trail in the Gold Bush Tears,
137. Bancroft, Hist, of Cat., YI, 149; Georgia Willis Bead, "Diseases, Drugs, ' in
Missouri Historical Review, XXXVIII (1944), 260-276. 138. Diarists note the death of members of their own party by cholera as follows: Badman, July 21; Brown, May 26; Bruff, July 8; Delano, p. 17; De Wolf, May 2; Hale, May 10; Lewis, May 19; Love, Apr. 17; Lyne, June June 2, 4; Swain, 2; Pleasants, pp. 30-45; Boyce, p. 15; Searls, May 16, 17, 30, May 14, 15, 19, 28; Tiffany, Apr. 22; Webster, June 2, 3. Other mortalities, perhaps ascribable to cholera are noted by B. 0. dark, July 3 ; Hackney, May
11; and Wistar, July 26. 139. See above, p. 33.
56
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
cmnstances where exposure was chronic and care of the sick could not be adequate, they were sometimes fatal. Also, some fatalities resulted from, tuberculosis, but these can hardly be counted as part
of the loss of life caused by the journey, for many persons who were already victims of the disease undertook the journey as a desperate
remedy for a desperate illness, and it is possible that the journey cured more sufferers than it killed. Again the experience of the Charlestown Company is pertinent, for it sustained its fifth and final death when Newton Tavener succumbed to tuberculosis on September 7, one week after the Company arrived at Johnson's Eaneh. An earlier death, also resulting from illness, was that of 140 Joseph C. Young, who perished of typhoid fever on May 22. Losses of this character were to be expected, but another of the unforeseen dangers was that of drowning. To an Easterner, the risk of drowning on the arid plains or amid mountain peaks must indeed
have seemed negligible, but in
fact,
them with swift current and numerous large streams, many bottom created a major hazard. The lack of bridges and quicksand ferries and the necessity of effecting a crossing for wagons or for frightened and unruly animals enhanced the risk, with the result that one of the tragedies most frequently described by the diarists
of
is
was that of the South Platte, a which there seem to have been almost wide no losses. But along the North Platte, one young man was drowned 141 and at the crossing of the North Platte, the near Chimney Eock, On June 20, at this point, Geiger told of, the loss was appalling. drowning of a young man of another party while the Charlestown Company itself was crossing. He added that seven men had been
but shallow crossing at
thus drowned within a week. It is interesting to compare the journal of Joseph Hackney at the same place on the same day, for he wrote that five men had been drowned in a day, four by the up
Only a few days earlier, another diarist had mentioned the drowning of four people, also at the North Platte, 142
setting of a raft.
On the death of Tavener, see letters of B. F. Washington, Sep. 9, and Harrison Kelly, Sep. 29, in Spirit of Jefferson, Nov. 20 and Dec. 11, re 33. On the death of Young, these spectively,- also McHhany, Recollections, p.
140.
J.
same
letters,
and
also a letter of
May
June 19;
May
22.
INTRODUCTION
57
and there were others, some days later, who similarly reported a number of persons perhaps the same ones as having lost their
lives in the river. 143
After the North Platte, there was no other dangerous crossing until the emigrants moved down from the South Pass to the cross ing of Green Eiver. Here, in June, it was said that men drowned at the rate of one a day, and at the same place in August, David
De "Wolf's discovery of a drowned man showed that casualties continued even though a ferry had been put into operation. 144 The Truckee was also a dangerous stream, and both Bryarly and other
travellers
ery.
145
made note
its
treach
By an irony, the Virginians negotiated all these difficult cross ings "successfully, but lost one of their number, a young man named Taliaferro Milton, at a minor, and relatively easy crossing, that of Thomas' Fork of Bear River. The circumstances of his loss, fully
recounted by Bryarly, 146 need no comment here, but it is again significant that one of the hazards which cost the Charlestown Company a life was also outstanding as a general cause for losses
warned of the danger of Indians 147 and even if they had not, any American automatically identified the wilderness with Indians and Indians with danger. Some of the Western tribes were, of course, aggressive and treacherous, and weapons of defense were quite
genuinely essential to the emigrants. But fear of the Indians far
143. Orris, June 21; MeCall, June 25; Dundass, June 25. Foster, June 24, spoke of 24 deaths, mostly from drowning, that had occurred at the North Platte crossing. Kelly, pp. 175-176, also tells of a drowning in the North Platte. Wistar, June 16, Doyle, June 17, and Sedgley, July 1, had told of previous drownings near Fort Laramie, where the confluence of the Laramie Biver and the North Platte necessitated a crossing of the Laramie. 144. Hixson,
7.
in the
Rocky Mountains Year 1842 . p. 15; Ware, Emigrants' Guide, pp. 13, 15, 33; Hastings, Emigrants Gwde, pp. 58-60, 67-68,
.
145. Diary entry, Aug. 17; Backus, Aug. 19. 146. Diary entry, July 9. 147. Fremont, Report of the Exploring Expedition to the
. , '
58
exceeded
tlie
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
actual danger from them,
slaughter outnumbered authentic incidents of Indian violence at least ten to one. 148 As a consequence, most parties of
Indian
was never,
capita
emigrants carried with them an enormous armament. Perhaps there at any other time, so great a number of firearms per
civilian population, as was to be found on the In William Kelly's party, for instance, every man was provided with a revolver, as well as with a bowie knif e and a broadsword. Mounted men carried, in addition, holster pistols and rifles. Other rifles were placed in the wagons, suspended from loops in order to be readily accessible. Finally, the company carried
among a
trail.
overland
and double-barrelled shot guns. 149 Apparently, this repre sented a more varied arsenal than most companies maintained, but the probability is that very few ventured to set out with less than the minimum of one rifle and one pistol per man, which the guide books recommended. As a result, the emigrants, many of whom were inexperienced in the use of firearms, were constantly surrounded with dangerous weapons, which they sometimes used recklessly. Geiger notes, that, on the river boat which took him down the Ohio, he encountered about thirty gold-seekers from Maine, who were "exceedingly
single
William Kelly simi on the boat in which he ascended the Missouri kept up "an unintermitting fusilade" and he regarded it as a miracle that no serious accident resulted. 150
always shooting guns,
pistols, etc."
verdant
148. Johnson, May 10, wrote, cannot rely with any certainty upon the truth of anything we hear as having transpired 5 miles ahead. . hear all kinds of bug-bear stories about Indian depredations but when we come a little closer to the scene of action we can hear nothing of it." McCall, May 21, entered in his diary this statement: ""We constantly hear reports of outrages committed by Indians some little distance ahead, but when we reach the locality, it is news there. day or two ago, we found a note conspicuously posted by the
. .
We
We
wayside, purporting to have been placed there by a Mr. Fowler, stating that twenty miles from this point the evening before his train was attacked by Pawnees and his cattle stampeded and driven off. This created some little alarm among the timid but I am satisfied it is all a hoax. ' ' Johnston, June 3, learned that a notice had been posted, stating that his party had been attacked by Indians, though there had actually been no trouble with them. It is a notable fact that a number of diarists tell of expected Indian attacks or of reported
Indian violence (Badman, May 29, June 16,- Hale, June 2- McCoy, June 6; De Wolf, June 13, 17 j B. C. Clark, July 23) but only one (Wistar, July 30, Aug. 3) relates instances of which he personally was a witness. He tells of three men
killed
by the Diggers along the Humboldt. 149. Kelly, p. 44. 150. Below, p. 226; Kelly, p. 39.
INTRODUCTION
If this
59
it was not a lasting one, for victim to accidental shootings in flicted by their own guns or by those of their companions. Most of the diarists mention at least one such accident of which they learned because it happened in a nearby company, or because they passed the
emigrants
fell
grave of a victim, and no less than nine of them record shootings which befell members of their own company, or even themselves. These gunshot accidents began to occur in the river towns, and one of the Argonauts wrote from Independence that, "a good many accidents have occurred by the careless use of firearms. One man was killed and two or three others have been wounded; two or three others were shot at a purpose in affrays, wounded but not killed." 1J51 In this writer's own company, one of the men, five months later,
dropped
day.
152
his
charged, wounding
gun on a rock while he was standing guard. It was dis him so severely that he died on the following
As
the emigration
ings continued.
On
the third
moved from the rendezvous towns, the shoot day of his journey, Andrew Orvis
its
bullet in his
he had recovered, but noted that others were victim to the same misfortune "a man was shot in the knee by the accidental discharge of a rifle. Thare has been several kiled and wounded on the road in the same way. 153 Near the outset of the journey, William Kelly reported that one John Coulter shot him
later,
:
month
' '
Blue River.
A member
wagon at the crossing of the company was also killed by the gun which he was unloading near this
was the scene of an accident in which
one of William Johnston's company shot himself through the hand. 154 Later emigrants in that region spoke of passing the grave of a victim of accidental gunfire; this was perhaps the grave of one of these, perhaps that of some other victim. 155 Also in the valley
of the Blue, Ansel J. McCall witnessed an episode in which the
151. Johnson, Apr. 29. Doyle, Apr. 18, tells of a
member
of the
of the
29, 30. 153. Orvis, May 29, June 28. 154. Kelly, p. 76; Dundass, May 22; Johnston, May 11. 155. Long, May 9 ; Backus, May 22 ; Lyne, June 5. Johnston, May 8, found a notice telling of the death of a man who, in taking a gun from a wagon, shot
Company shooting himself, and Love, April "Dutch Company " being accidentally shot. 152. McCoy (of Johnson's Company), Sep.
18,
tells
Keokuk member of a
and
may
60
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
company's physician put a bullet through his hand when pulling a rifle out of the guard tent. "I confess/' McCall wrote, "to more fear from careless handling of fire-arms than from any external
foe."
156
that
This fear had ample justification, and others soon came to realize more of the Forty-niners would be killed by their own weapons
than by the enemy against whom these weapons were intended as a protection. John Evans Brown was brought to this realization when a member of his company, pulling a coat from under a gun,
weapon and shot a companion through the knee. He wrote, persuaded that more danger is to be apprehended from the carelessness of arms among fellow emigrants than from the hostile Indian." 157 At Fort Kearney, Joseph Sedgley reported four emigrants under treatment for gunshot wounds. Between Fort Kearney and the South Pass, the toll continued to mount in one
set off the
"I
felt
young boy playfully stalked a guard, in Indian fashion, and the guard, entirely convinced by the deception, inflicted a severe bullet wound in another, a gun exploded in the hands of its owner in a company from Pittsburgh, a grazing horse drew its halter across a gun lying on the ground, discharged the piece, and danger ously wounded a nearby man in another, the moving of a wagon cover caught the cock of a gun within the wagon, shooting and in stantly killing a passer-by; in another, "a man was shot by foolishly At the North holding a trunk cover for another man to shoot at. three deaths resulted when one man was "shot accidentally Platte, and two intentionally." 158 Beyond the Green River, it was Alonzo Delano 's opinion that ac cidental shootings diminished somewhat in number, but the record
company,
'a
; ;
' '
shows that they remained a factor of substantial danger. Along Goose Creek, a blacksmith shot himself in the foot, and died of the lockjaw which ensued; near Fort Hall, a man shot himself while
dismounting from a mule along the Humboldt, a member of Isaac J. Wistar's company seized a gun by its muzzle to draw it from a wagon for use against the Diggers, but it shot him through his
;
Company
157.
May 26. Swain, June 10, tells of a member of the Plymouth shooting himself through the knee. This accident, like McCall *s, oc curred a few days before reaching Ft. Kearney.
156. McCall,
Brown, June
26.
Sedgley, June 13; Delano, June 4; Backus, June 8; Delano, June 28 j Hackney, June 21; Sedgley, July 2; Foster, June 24.
INTRODUCTION
heart. 159
61
The marksmanship of
hostile
deadly.
trail,
the Charlestown
Company
completed four-fifths of
It
accidentally, singeing B. F. Washington's hair and putting a bullet through James " Cunningham's pantaloons, 16 but all gunshot injury had been avoided until the Company reached the Sink of the Humboldt. There, a young member named James Davidson was shot and killed.
' '
journey without any injury from this source. Doctor Bryarly once discharged his pistol
this desert tragedy are fully set forth in the but it is significant to note here that the experience of the Charlestown Company reflected the experience of overland emi grants as a group, in this loss, as well as in others. One death by cholera, one by drowning, one by accidental gunfire, none by the
The circumstances of
161
diary,
these losses were characteristic they were hostility of the Indians indicative of the principal dangers that the journey held for every traveller, and the two deaths resulting from typhoid and tuber
j
culosis
who
out faced fierce demands upon his physical demands than some of the emigrants could meet.
set
heavier
AFTER
their arrival at Johnson's Ranch on September 1, the Charlestown emigrants pitched camp. For the next two weeks they remained there, more or less inactive, for there were a number of
factors
thing, the mules desperately needed a period of rest in which to consume the abundant forage that had so long been denied them ;
for another, Newton Tavener was dying, and there may have been a reluctance to abandon him he died on September 7; most of
all, the members faced the dilemma that they could not separate because they collectively owned $10,000 worth of provisions which they soon learned had arrived safely in San Francisco via Cape
Horn, and they could not remain united because the technique of gold washing did not admit of the employment of so large a number of men on a single claim.
159. Delano, July 22; McCall, Aug. 8; B. C. Clark, July 14; Wistar, Aug. 6. Wistar later (Aug. 25) put a bullet through his own hat, but without injury. 160. Diary entry, June 6; letter of J. Harrison Kelly, June 11, in Spirit of Jefferson, Aug. 21. 161. Diary entry, Aug. 8.
62
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
They found a solution of their dilemma when the Quartermaster, Nat Seevers, whose wealth is unexplained, offered to buy the entire stock of goods which were being held in San Francisco. Even in the presence of this offer, however, many of the members desired to maintain the company organization, and on September 13, a motion to dissolve was defeated by a vote of 41 to 32, and a committee was
appointed to draft a new constitution. On the day following, how ever, the advocates of separation had gained strength, and on a second vote, by a majority of 50 to 19, it was resolved, "that the co
partnership existing between the members of the Charlestown Virginia Mining Company be dissolved." The company had existed
collective organization to a
body
of emigrants for
days. Once the principle of dissolution was accepted, it was accepted completely. As the members left the camp at Johnson's Ranch, they went out in messes of five or, at the most, ten men. Some went alone,
and three
162
with packs on their backs and without even a work animal. Even the groups of eight or nine did not cohere for very long. Scattered
to every point of the compass, they dispersed to meet fates as varied as the directions they took. Five of the party had already died ; at
two survived until half a century after Marshall's discovery of the yellow metal in Sutter's millrace. One of the Charlestown party died the first winter in California ; another, a homesick boy, started
least
on -the return trip overland the following season and died en route. Others ran the gamut of activities, and attained widely varying de
and failure. At first, nearly all went to the dig where the fortunate made as much as $200 in two days, and the others averaged less than one dollar a day for periods of two weeks at a time. Later, they resorted to varied occupations such as
grees of success
gings,
raising melons, operating pack trains, serving in the state legisla ture. Some ended destitute, while one secured the most lucrative
office
cisco.
163
in California, the Collectorship of the Port of San Fran With all the diverse ends which they went to meet, how-
On the Quartermaster buying the provisions, see Mcllhany, Recollections, which gives other details also. For accounts of the dissolution, see letters: unsigned, Sep. 9; from T. 0. M[oore ?], Sep. 16; of John T. Humphries, Sep. 17; and of J. Harrison Kelly, Sep. 29, in Spirit of Jefferson, Nov. 20, Bee. 11,
162.
p. 34,
18.
son,
163. Mcllhany, Recollections, p. 35 et passim; letters in the Spirit of Jeffer Nov. 20, 27, Dec. 11, 18, 25; and the Hoffman Diary, in Ambler, "West
INTRODUCTION
ever,
63
probably none were bound for places more remote or ex periences more unforeseen than those which awaited Bryarly and
Geiger.
in the
fact that, as Southerners, they were associated with an exceedingly active and aggressive faction within the Democratic Party in Cal
ifornia. This faction
was the Southern wing, known somewhat mock " ingly as the "Chivalry," to distinguish it from the Tammany" or Northern element, and it combined the hot temper of the South with
Southern talent in matters political. The result was that it enjoyed during the decade of the fifties, an almost unbroken political ascend
ancy, constantly punctuated by duelling and gunplay. The leader of this faction was William M. Gwin, 'originally of Tennessee and
Mississippi, who represented California in the United States Senate for all but two years from 1850 to 1861, and who stood very close to President Buchanan. Gwin's position assured the Chivalry of access to the Federal patronage, and, at the same time, their power
them
to
your
made plans to go to the diggings in a party formed by one, Long, who had not been a member of the Charlestown Company, but whether they did this is not known (letter of Washington, in Spirit of Jefferson, Nov. 20), James McCurdy died the first winter in California, and young Enos Daugdied in herty died on the trip East the following spring. James Cunningham the fall of 1850. William Eissler and Edward Mcllhany both survived when
Mellhany wrote his Recollections shortly before 1908. Edward Hooper became a melon farmer,- Charles Thomas became a member of the California state became Collector of the Port of San legislature; Benjamin F. Washington Edward Mellhany for a time operated a pack train, but he sold it Francisco; to Noble T. Herbert, Robert Blakemore, and Charles and George Cunningham.
Herbert later operated the pack train alone.
64
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
control. Throughout this time one of Gwin's principal supporters was Benjamin F. Washington, who as former President of the Charlestown Company was a personal friend of Bryarly and Geiger. Fortunately for Bryarly, the political contest only involved him
he seems to have been concerned with a re sumption of the practice of medicine, and, either at this time or later, with the acquisition of mining properties which ultimately
indirectly. Primarily,
But
it is
relations with the Chivalry, for in April, 1851, the state legislature elected him visiting physician to the state hospital at Sacramento.
time, Governor McDougall appointed him Surgeon-General of the militia of California, and in the same year, he was also chosen as a delegate to represent California at the
as to
Crystal Palace Exhibition in London, though there is no evidence whether he actually attended the exhibition. 165 Two years
later,
John Bigler had succeeded to the governorship and the ap pointments of the McDougall administration had expired, but again Bryarly was favored. Bigler appointed him a visiting physi cian to the State Marine Hospital at San Francisco, Surgeon of the
Second Brigade, First Division, California Militia, and, later, Sec ond Inspector of the Seventh Military District with the rank of
Colonel. Bigler also
at the
New York
this time, it
as delegate to represent California Industrial Exhibition in 1853. 166 At about City appears that Bryarly had settled in San Francisco and
named him
become a member of the Society of California Pioneers. 167 Positions of rank in the California militia no doubt looked more military on paper than they did in reality, and they apparently
Bryarly s zest for campaigning. But even before this second group of appointments expired, the opportunity of dis tant adventure again appeared, as the Pacific Mail brought news of
failed to satisfy
164. Letter of William B. Marye to the editor, Jan. 15, 1944. 165. Documents preserved by Bfryarly's niece, Miss Victoria Gittings, at "Boslyn," Baltimore County, Maryland, include communications to Bryarly from: the clerk of the Assembly, Apr. 17, 1851, notice of state hospital ap
7
pointment; Governor John McDougall, Apr. 13, 1851, appointment as Surgeon general; and , 1851, appointment as delegate to London Industrial Exhibi
tion.
now
166. All of these appointments are shown by documents signed by Bigler and in the possession of the Gittings family. Dates of appointments in the 1853. sequence listed in the text, are July 1, Mar. 18, Oct. 7, and June , 167. Prank Soule, John Gibon, James Nisbet, The Annals of San Francisco
. .
(New York,
1855), p. 824.
INTRODUCTION
65
another war. The principal antagonists this time were Great Britain and Russia, and the military arena was the Crimean Peninsula. Neither the parties nor the issues appeared to be such as would
concern a San Francisco physician, but sympathy for Russia ran very strong in America and especially on the West Coast. Senator Gwin and Beverly C. Sanders, a prominent merchant of San Fran cisco, were spokesmen of this sympathy, and Gwin even supported a
plan to authorize privateers to operate from Pacific ports against British shipping. 168 Although nothing came of this astonishing
indicative of the temper of opinion among Bryarly 's Apparently, his feelings became aroused, and the com bined force of his sympathy for the Russian cause and his tempera mental fondness for adventure brought him to the decision to seek service in the Russian Army.
proposal,
it is
associates.
cannot be said, however, that he was precipitate in his haste. remained in San Francisco, apparently as late as June, 1855, at which time Major-General John B. Wool gave him a very warm
It
He
farewell letter of commendation, which was probably intended to be shown to the Russian authorities. 169 Then, instead of going direct to Europe, he returned to Maryland. During his visit in Maryland, Bryarly was married. It must have been soon after his return that he either met for the first time, or
renewed an
earlier acquaintance with, Miss Mary Sterett Gittings, of a Maryland physician and gentleman farmer, David daughter Sterett Gittings, whom he had probably known in his earlier life.
There ensued a courtship necessarily a brief one and on Septem 5, 1855, Bryarly and Miss Gittings were married at Grace Church in Baltimore. After the marriage, it is said that the bridal couple repaired to Barnum's Hotel, in the same city, where their friends honored them with a callithumpian serenade. 170 Weddings are not unusual among warriors on the eve of their
ber
168.
War,"
169.
Frank A. Golder, "Bussian-American Relations During the Crimean in American Historical Review, XXXI (1926), 470. John E. W6ol, Major General, from Headquarters, Pacific Division, San
Francisco, to Bryarly, June 1, 1855. Original in possession of the Gittings family. 170. Information on David Sterett Gittings, 1797-1887, M.D., University of
Maryland, and Edinburgh University, from William B. Marye, his grandson, in letter, Jan. 23, 1944. The issuance of the marriage license, Sep. 5, 1855, is shown in the records of the clerk of the Circuit Court of Baltimore County, at Towson, Md. The marriage itself was recorded in the Baltimore American and Commercial Daily Advertiser, Sep. 14, 1855.
66
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
7
departure for the wars, and apparently, Bryarly s wedding was of this sort, for lie was in England before tlie end of the year, and there Ambassador James Buchanan made him a bearer of dispatches
By that time, the armistice was only two months away, and Bryarly was destined to miss the main action even more com pletely than he had in the Mexican War which was perhaps for tunate for one who had chosen the losing side. However, the needs of the wounded lasted for many months longer than the war itself, and were no doubt as great within the Eussian lines as Florence Nightingale found them among the British. At any event, Bryarly was commissioned at St. Petersburg as a Surgeon with the rank of
to Prussia.
Major. He served at Odessa, Simperopol, Kichenev, and Ismael, and continued in this service until July, 1856, about five months after
the termination of the war. At that time he received his conge and returned to the United States. 171 The veteran of two wars, and an overland journey was, by this time, thirty-six and, one might have supposed, ready to settle at
last
to
Bryarly
to
of country life in Maryland. But adventures were not yet ended. He returned with his bride
and when that Big Bonanza, the Comstock Lode, brought Virginia City into gaudy life,, Bryarly went to live, at least for a time, in that classic mining town. 172 During this phase of his life, the Civil War had begun. For Bryarly, it must have presented something of a dilemma. His ante cedents and his connections identified him with the landowning class in Maryland; his associations had been with the " Chivalry" in California. But, on the other hand, his native state did not secede,
California,
The following documents relating to Bryarly 7 s Eussian experience are possession of the Gittings family: letters to Ms wife,* a letter of Buchanan, Dee. 24, 1855, declaring Bryarly to be the bearer of dispatches to the American legation in Berlin, and bespeaking courtesy for and a
171.
all in
himj
especially,
letter,
original daguerreotype, also in the possession of the G-ittings family, bears on its back, in both French and Eussian, the name of the maker, "C. Dauthenday, Eue
undated, of Bryarly to Baron Edward de Stockel, Eussian Minister to the "United States, giving a resume of his service record in the Eussian Army. See also the frontispiece, showing Bryarly in the Eussian uniform. The
shown by a letter of his wife's, from San Francisco, June 19, 1861, and by a photograph of B,ryarly made by "Hedger and JSToe, photographers, Virginia [City], Nevada, " both in posses sion of the Gittings family. Also by the fact that the obituary notices of Bryarly in the Baltimore papers requested that California and Nevada papers
is
grandes ecuries, Maison Kosehansky, 172. Bryarly >s return to the West
S.
Petersbourg.
> >
INTRODUCTION
67
and as for himself, lie had scarcely more than visited in the South for the fourteen years prior to the outbreak of the war. So far as the record shows, he remained in the West throughout the conflict.
But, at the end, his birthplace claimed him. He returned to Mary land and, while there, was stricken with pneumonia which resulted in his death at his father-in-law's home, "Roslyn," on March 13,
1869. 173 His wife survived him, but he left no children.
In his forty-eight years, Bryarly had accumulated a moderate fortune, enjoyed a successful medical career, and cultivated the 174 bearing of a member of the Maryland gentry. Moreover, he had
lived life to the full.
As a volunteer on the plains of Mexico, as a Forty-niner on the California Trail, as a soldier of fortune in the Crimea, and as a resident of Virginia City at its heyday, he had experienced more than his share of the excitement which the world
of his generation. had dealt more harshly with Vincent Geiger, Meanwhile, because he had been drawn steadily deeper into the bitter primarily
offered to
life
men
factional fight
which was the extension into California of the and military conflict between North and South. As a political Virginian, Geiger had promptly associated himself with the ''Chivalry Democrats, of whom his friend Washington was a leader. Where Bryarly had remained an individualist, enjoying cordial relations with this group, Geiger became a staunch political henchman. For a time he operated as a trader living in Sacramento and as a 175 but his first partisan activity came at the lawyer in Shasta City, time when the state legislature first met at Sacramento in 1852. The new seat of government already had a Democratic newspaper in the Placer Times and Transcript, operated by George K. Fitch, but some " or must either have doubted Fitch's of the
7 '
Chivalry"
in
orthodoxy
Baltimore American and Commercial Advertiser and Baltimore Sun, Mar. 15, 1869; tombstone in Greenmount Cemetery, Baltimore. Mr. Marye lias kindly checked these sources for me. 174. Letter of D. Sterett Gittings to the editor, Feb. 15, 1944. 175. The Sacramento City Directory, 1851, lists Geiger as a trader, with residence at the Missouri Hotel. For this and other reference to California the newspapers and directories I am indebted to Miss Mabel E. GiUis of
173. Obituaries
California State Library. W. P. Dangerneld & V. B. Geiger, attorneys at law, Shasta City, Shasta and Transcript, County, Cal., were advertised in the Sacramento Placer Times Playhouse was a Con Sep. 24, 1851, as quoted in Mae Hel&ne Bacon Boggs, cord Coach (Oakland, 1942), p. 100. Also see account of a trial in which Geiger
My
was
counsel, p. 112.
68
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
coveted his potential monopoly of state printing, for a rival print ing establishment was organized under the name of V. E. Geiger and Company. From this press, a new daily, the Democratic State
Placer Times, of course resented the competition of his new rival, and a bitter contest resulted. Feelings ran high and personalities were exchanged, in the course of which the Times spoke of Geiger as a "spunger." This touched off a scene in which the two editors
House. 177 Here Geiger gave evidence of the quick and violent temper that was later to ruin him, but this particular episode was patched up. Democrats in general were resolved not to lose the support of either of the two papers, and consequently, a settlement was brought about, whereby the State Journal paid the Placer Times the sum of $3,000 to remove to San
came
Francisco. 178
of Fitch
The bargain was apparently sealed by the association and Geiger and the award to them jointly of contracts for
However, Geiger did not long enjoy this lucrative position. In 180 November, 1852, a fire destroyed the offices of the State Journal, and in the following February, Geiger and Fitch assigned their
181 About this time, Washington printing contracts to a third party. left to join the staff of the Placer Times, and a new co-editor re
placed him. In the following summer, the State Journal was sold to the owners of another paper, the Calif ornian, for $15,000, but it is unlikely that this sum was free of debt, or that Geiger received much of it. 182 After scarcely more than a year, his newspaper career
. edited 176. [Edward C. Kemble], A History of California Newspapers with an introduction by Douglas 0. McMurtrie (New York, 1927; originally written in 1858), p. 154; John Denton Carter, "George Kenyon Fiteh, Pioneer California Journalist " in California Historical Society Quarterly, (1941),
. .
XX
334.
177. Carter, in Cal. Hist. Soc. Quart., XX, 334. 178. Ibid. p. 334; [Kemble], Hist, of Cal. Newspapers, p. 154, the amount paid to Mteh.
names $6000 as
H.
180. [Kemble], Hist, of Cal. Newspapers, p. 154. 181. Hittell, Hist, of Cal., IV, 162. 182. [Kemble], Hist, of Cal. Newspapers, p. 155.
INTRODUCTION
was unsuccessfully ended, though he continued
ing
office
69
to operate a print
in Sacramento. 183
Meanwhile, he had participated regularly in party councils. State Democratic Conventions of 1854 and 1855 both placed
The him
latter convention
nominated
another candidate over him for the office of state printer. Again in 1857, he was placed on the State Committee and became its chair
man. 184
" was a propitious time for a member of the Chivalry" group, for, in that year James Buchanan became President, and the Southern faction found the entire Federal patronage opened to
It
them. B. F. Washington received the prize appointment as Collector of the Port of San Francisco, and Geiger, upon the recommendation
of "Washington, was named Indian Agent and assigned to the Nome Lackee Reservation at a salary of $3,000 a year. 185 The Nome Lackee Reservation was situated in Tehama County in northern
town
continued to live there during the next six years, and during Buchanan's Presidency he retained his post at the Reservation 186 and continued active in party affairs.
183. The Sacramento City Directory, 1856, lists Geiger as a printer, un married, with rooms in the Tehama Building, at Front and J. Streets. For 1857-1858, he is listed with address the Orleans Hotel. 184. Winfield J. Davis, History of the Political Conventions in California,
moved
He
1849-1892 (Sacramento, 1893), pp. 31, 42, 77, 79, 88. 185. Eeeords of the office of the Secretary of the Interior and of the office of Indian Affairs, in the National Archives; Register of Officers and Agents, the thirtieth Civil, Military, and Naval in the Service of the United States on
September, 1869, p. 95.
had been employed as Special Indian Agent and as Thomas I. Henley, Superintendent of Indian Affairs for California. At that time, he had served from Sep. 1 to Dec. 31, 1855. During Buchanan's administration, he was commissioned as Indian Agent for California on Apr. for the termination of his 11, 1857, and reappointed Mar. 3, 1858, Instructions
186. Previously, Greiger
sistant to
a letter of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to the Superintending Agent of the Northern Indian District of California, July 30, 1860. This letter explained that the discharge of Geiger and other agents was ordered in pursuance of the repeal of the law under which they had been ap the Interior and of the pointed. (Records of the Office of the Secretary of Office of Indian Affairs, in the National Archives). However, he must not have been removed at all promptly for he was still at the Nome Lackee Reserva tion on June 10, 1861 (Report of fhe Commissioner of Indian Affairs accom 1861 panying the Annual Report of the Secretary of the Interior for the Year see the 1861], p. 147). For Geiger 's reports as Indian Agent, [Washington, 1858 Eeports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1857 (pp. 392-393), further material on Geiger as (pp. 288-290), and 1859 (pp. 438-441). For or on the Nome Lackee Reservation, or both, see San Francisco Alta
service were contained in
agent,
70
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
In 1858, lie was superseded as Democratic State Chairman, but lie remained a State Committeeman for another year. An effort to win the nomination for a seat in Congress failed in 1859, but in 1860 he was named to run as a presidential elector on the Breckinridge
ticket. 187
That was his last success. Breekinridge failed to carry Cali 188 and, worse by far for Geiger, the election of Lincoln de stroyed any prospect of his continuing to hold Federal office. His most hated political adversaries, the "Black" Eepublicans, were now in power, and within a few months, the bitter hostility of the sections had reached its culmination in the Civil War. Following these reverses, Geiger 's ruin began to approach with the inevitability of Greek tragedy. Once before, when he and Fitch came to blows in the State House, a violent streak in his nature had cropped out. It is not likely that this quality had been inhibited subsequently, for Geiger lived in violent times among violent men. The "Chivalry" maintained their hair-trigger honor with hairtrigger arms, and the formal duel flourished. Oftentimes, impulsive spirits waived the formality and resorted to impromptu gunplay. In fact, chronic violence characterized this "dark period" of
fornia,
.
as Bancroft has called it, and night, all factions were quick to resort to weapons. The most famous of these episodes was the duel in which Judge Terry of the California
"moral,
political,
and financial
' '
David Broderick in 1859, but there Broderick himself, although lamented as a many martyr, had previously assaulted a newspaper reporter, fought a duel with Caleb B. Smith, and promoted a duel between City Alder
Supreme Court
killed Senator
were
others.
man John
Cotter of San Francisco and John Nugent, editor of the San Francisco Herald. 18 George Pen Johnston, clerk of the United States Circuit Court, had killed State Senator William Ferguson
;
with a pistol at six paces in 1858 Assemblyman Daniel Showalter had killed the pro tempore speaker of the Assembly, Charles W. Piercy, with a rifle at forty paces in 1861 ; Senator Gwin himself
California, May 28, 1858; Bed Bluff Beacon, Apr. 3 and Oct. 23, 1862 (cita tions furnished by Cal. State Library) ; and Alban Ho opes, Indian Affairs and their Administration with Special Reference to the Far West, 1849-1860
(Philadelphia, 1932), pp. 57-58. The records of the Office of Indian Affairs, in the National Archives, contain seven routine letters by Geiger. 187. Davis, Hist, of Political Conventions, pp. 88, 104, 111, 112, 123. 188. Ibid., p. 127.
189. Bancroft, Hist, of Cal., VI, 661; Hittell, Hist, of Cal, IV, 143, 220-221.
INTRODUCTION
71
had fought a duel with Joseph W. McCorkle. 190 Amid these circum stances, Geiger had certainly not been an aloof or disapproving spectator, for his friend Benjamin F. Washington had wounded Charles A. Washburn of the AUa California in a duel with rifles in 191 and Geiger himself had acted as second to Secretary of 1854, State James W. Denver in a duel in which his principal killed Ed ward Gilbert, ex-Congressman and editor of the Alta. 1 * 2 While the leaders of the State had set the pattern of killing ac
cording to the code, less prominent persons gave themselves to less genteel homicide. The extent of this practice defies enumeration, but Bancroft accepted the estimate that 4,200 murders were committed in California in the years 1849 to 1854 inclusive, and that 1,200 murders in San Francisco were punished by one conviction. 193 Even before war broke out, frontier violence,
superimposed upon
sectional hatred, had produced almost blood lust. With the begin ning of hostilities in 1861, bitterness became even more intense, and
even have reached its apogee in California, because there men could not find, on the battlefield, a catharsis for their hatred, as they could in the East. Great numbers of Confederate sympathizers
may
enrolled as Knights of the Golden Circle, and for a time they waited hopefully for an invasion which Senator Gwin was expected to lead northward from Sonora to unite California with the Con 194 But the invasion did not come, a separate Pacific repub federacy. lic did not materialize, and almost from the beginning, events went
against the Southern faction. In March, 1861, the legislature, by a vote of 40 to 32, passed a resolution declaring secession to be treasonable. In October, Leland Stanford, running on the Repub
was elected Governor of California, and a decade of Democratic control came to an end at the same time, Senator Gwin
lican ticket,
;
190. Bancroft, Hist, of Cal. } VI, 729; Hittell, Hist, of Cat, IV, 221, 246-247, 279; Franklin Tuthill, The History of California (San Francisco, 1866). pp. 569-570. 191. Oscar T. Shuck, History of the Bench and Bar of California (Los Angeles, 1901), p. 412; Hittell, Hist, of Cal.t IV, 221. Washington was also said to have shot and killed John Maloney, leader of riots by the Squatters in Sacramento. Ibid.) Ill, 675.
213
pub., 1880), p.
193. Bancroft, Hist, of Cal., VII, 215, 191-219. 194. Benjamin Franklin Gilbert, f ' The Confederate Minority in. California, ' in California Historical Society Quarterly, (1941), 15^-170.
'
XX
72
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
only consolations for the Chivalry were the periodic reports of Con federate victories on the Virginia battlefront. Stonewall Jackson,
some of his most brilliant operations only a short distance north of Geiger 's boyhood home. Geiger, meanwhile, in Tehama County, California, could find release for his frustration
in 1862, conducted
and
bitterness only
by
He
served
again as a
member
1862, and he addressed the Democrats of Red Bluff in August, 1862. 195 On July 1, 1863, the Red Bluff Beacon reported his activity in another Democratic Convention. But on that very day, Lee's
tion closed in
army faced Meade's south of Gettysburg, while Grant and starva upon Vicksburg. After that, there was no more news
fornia,
of Confederate victories to console Southern sympathizers in Cali and they must have found that the gibes of the Unionists
Red Bluff Beacon re Dreadful Affair/' the denouement for one of the Chivalry. This account, with its circumspect allusion to "two groups of men" and with its anatomical particularity, typifies early Western journalism and therefore partakes of the
corded, under the heading
"A
quality of the violent "Western episode which it describes. The cru cial event in the life of Geiger should stand, therefore, in the lan guage in which a pioneer editor stated it
:
It is our painful duty to record a dreadful affray which occurred in front of the Magnolia Saloon last Wednesday night, a little after ten o'clock, between Vincent E. Geiger and Capt. A. S. Wells, of Shasta county. Both
on the pavement near the entrance of the saloon, talk There were two groups of men seated there, Capt. Wells sitting with one group and Mr. Geiger with the other. The latter made some remark concerning Rosecrans' army, and the former replied to it. The remark was repeated, and Mr. Geiger staggered toward where Capt. Wells was sitting, and either slapped him or hit him with his fist. A scuffle ensued between the parties, and Capt. Wells held Mr. Geiger's head under his arm, hitting repeatedly in the face. It is supposed that it was at this time Mr. G. drew Ms knife and stabbed Capt. Wells in the right breast about one inch below the nipple. They were still scuffling when they were separated. It was not known that the unfortunate man had been cut until he went into the saloon and was leaning upon the counter. Blood was noticed about that time, and he was taken by the arm by Mr. Riley
parties were seated
ing.
Mm
195. Davis, History of Political Conventions, pp. 173, 191 ; Sep. 12, 1861, and Aug. 9, 1862.
Eed
Bluff Beacon,
INTRODUCTION
73
and Mr. in order to be put in bed at the Luna House. After walking , out on the pavement he suddenly fell from loss of blood. He was removed as soon as something could be got to place under him, back into the saloon, and from there into the adjoining building, formerly used by Pierce,
Church & Co. as a store. He is in a very critical condition, with scarcely any probability of recovery. Mr. Geiger disappeared about five minutes after the cutting took place, and has not been heard of since. At the time thp affray took place Mr. Geiger was badly intoxicated. Capt. Wells had also been drinking freely, but was not intoxicated. The wounded man was a peaceable, kind-hearted and law-abiding man, and a good citizen and
neighbor. P.S. Since writing the above we learn that Captain Wells died at half past 2 o'clock yesterday afternoon. His funeral will take place today
at
4 o'clock, under the direction of the Bed Bluff Lodge of Odd Fellows. That body will meet at their hall at 3 o'clock precisely. 196
to
"about
five
ting took place" ? This the record has not disclosed, and probably it never will. But California was a poor locality in which to stand trial
in 1863 for killing a Unionist. Therefore, six years of Geiger s life must be left blank. But in 1869, the year of Bryarly's death and
also the
7
the history of the West, the record was resumed and terminated. On October 15, 1869, the United States Consul at Valparaiso, Chile,
Department from his remote diplomatic he reported, with no word of comment, that Vincent it, 197 E. Geiger had died at Valparaiso on September 6.
sent a dispatch to the State
outpost. In
196.
in the
Bed Bluff Beacon, Oct. 17, 1863. Another account of the killing appeared Bed Bluff Independent, Oct. 16, and was copied by the Sacramento Union,
first,
warrant was issued by Justice Gage that part, is consistent with it. It adds on the night of the attempted homicide, for the arrest of G-eiger, but up to the present time little has been effected toward his arrest." The Sacramento was said to have Union, Oct. 20, reported Wells' death, and noted that G-eiger been praising General Bragg when his quarrel with Wells began. of John C. Caldwell, IT. S. Consul at Valparaiso to the Depart 197.
"a
ment of State, Oct. 15, 1869, in the National Archives. On Dee. 8, following, the Department of State requested the Stockton (Gal.) Independent to publish notice of Geiger 's death letter in National Archives. The Sacramento Union, Geiger, some years ago Dec. 18, 1869, reported the death, and commented that, killed a man at Bed Bluff, and has since been a fugitive from justice."
' '
Beport
JOURNAL
OF THE ROUTE OF THE CHARLESTOWN, VIRGINIA, MINING COMPANY FROM ST. JOSEPH, MISSOURI, TO CALIFORNIAFRANK SMITH AS GUIDE
I
ST.
IN setting out on their overland journey, the Forty-niners did not blaze a new trail, distinctly their own. Instead they followed the
route originally established
earlier,
by the Oregon pioneers of a few years and known to history as the Oregon Trail. Not until they reached what is now the state of Idaho did most of them strike off
on a diverging road to California. To understand the route followed by the Oregon Trail, it is neces sary to understand that the point of departure was determined by an historical development namely the growth of Independence, Missouri, as an outfitting post for the Santa Fe trade, for which it was perfectly located while the roadway itself was determined by a geographical factor namely the manner in which the affluents of
the Platte extended to the very foot of the South Pass. The point of departure, therefore was not located at the mouth of the Platte, as
two adjust ments were made first, outfitting towns, such as Westport and St. Joseph, developed further up the Missouri, and therefore nearer the Platte second, a trail was established which crossed over from the valley of the Kansas, traversed some minor watersheds, and finally
it
logically
this discrepancy,
The Charlestown Company, leaving from St. Joe, followed a route which led due west along the ridges as far as possible, avoiding any important watershed until, after nearly a hundred miles, it struck
the valley of the Big Blue, a tributary of the Kansas, flowing south few miles beyond ward from what is now southeastern Nebraska.
Joe road met and entered the road from In dependence, which was the Oregon Trail proper. After a few miles more, the road reached the Little Blue, a tributary of the Big Blue,
76
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
flowing southeastwardly. This stream offered an ideal transit toward the valley of the Platte, for its headwaters were within an easy day's march of the larger stream, and emigrants could go from one to
the other without suffering from lack of water. Further, the north westwardly direction up the valley was economical of distance.
Therefore, the trail followed the Little Blue across what is now the Kansas-Nebraska line, and then, crossing a ridge, descended to the Platte, whose watercourse it would follow longer than any other
stream. Near the point where they reached the river, emigrants found a military post, Fort Kearney, which afforded protection from the Plains Indians. Their arrival there, after 275 miles of travel, meant that they had completed the "shaking down" process, and were, to some degree, adapted to the regimen of the trail. For the Charlestown Company, this first stage of the journey took
nineteen days
(May 10 May
Thursday,
28).
1 10th, 1849.
May
EFT
our encampment on the west bank of the Missouri Biver opposite St. Joseph's and with seven of our wagons encamped about 7 miles from the river at a
Friday,
May
llth.
The remainder of our wagons & mules got into camp to day, together with a lot brought from below by John Moore,
Jr.
& [Frank]
Smith. 2
Saturday,
May
12th.
Left encampment at the Bluffs with our 16 wagons and travelled over the raising ground of the pararie about 8
1. The diary from this date until June 23, except for part of June 5, was written "by Geiger; thereafter, it was kept by Bryarly. Prior to the departure of the company from St. Joseph, G-eiger had kept a brief daily record of his trip west from Virginia, during which trip he was travelling in advance of the main body of the company. This preliminary diary is given in full in Appendix
C.
2.
The complete roster of members of the Charlestown Company is given in Appendix B. All persons mentioned in the text are also listed in the index, and wherever additional information is available by means of cross reference, it is
indicated there. Footnotes of cross reference are therefore omitted.
TO FORT KEARNEY
77
miles and encamped at a spring called by us "Branding Spring," from the fact that on the next day we branded our mules with the initials V. C. [Virginia Company]. I neg lected to mention that on our way from the last camp several of our men took "flights of [f] ground and lofty tumblings" off mules' backs. Capt. Keeling took a "high fall" from an old white mule, and a man by the name of Miller was thrown 3 "Hell, west & crooked." [Distance, 8 miles.
Sunday,
May
13th.
At camp. Eemained
& branded
our mules.
Monday,
May
14th.
Left camp at about 8 o'clock A.M. The rain fell in torrents several hours. At about 4 o'clock we came to Spider Creek, a very small stream but an excessively bad crossing. In the forks of a tree on the bank of this stream, about 30 feet high, there is a coffin containing the bones, beads &c. of an old Indian Chief who died about 4 years ago. He was of the Iowa tribe. I got a bead from the box. 4 One of the wagons broke down the axle tree. Beached camp at sundown, at a small spring. [Distance from the last camp, about 9 miles.
Tuesday,
May
15th.
wagon
Laid up today until about 11 o'clock A.M. to repair the that was broke [n] on yesterday. The country con tinues to be beautiful. Grass, water, & wood plenty. Passed
3. A number of diarists speak of injuries resulting from men being thrown by mules or horses: Badman, May 9; Hale, June 1; Johnston, Apr. 17, 27; Lewis, May 14; Long, June 11; McCoy, June 22; Searls, May 9; Sedgley, Apr. 24, 25, 26. For discussion and other references, see above, p. 34. 4. The placing of the dead on scaffolds or in trees was a form of "burial" practiced by the Sioux, Chippewa, Arapaho, and other Indians, from Wisconsin westward, and it appears to have been motivated by the desire to protect the dead from the ravages of wild animals. See H. C. Yarrow, Introduction to the Study of Mortuary Customs among the North American Indians (Washington, 1880). Many diarists commented, with amazement, upon this practice. See S. B. P. Clark, May 9; Poster, June 15; Johnston, May 21; Kellyy p. 130; McCall, June 10; Pleasants, p. 62; Searls, June 18, 19; Swain, June 27; Tiffany, May 3, 31; Wistar, June 18.
78
TEAIL TO CALIFORNIA
camps & met a number on their way back. Crossed Wolf Creek5 & had to pull our teams out with ropes. Visited several Indian lodges belonging to the lowas & met a Chief of that tribe who was one of the noblest looking men I ever saw. The Sacs presented a bill for wood which was
several emigrant
paid.
Some were painted greene &c. They presented a wretched appearance. 7 Saw but one good looking squaw. En camped for the night near the Indian Station. farm is here cultivated &c. under charge of Col. Vaguhn, at Government 8 expense. I have been very sick for two days. Diaheria pre
vails alarmingly in
camp.
I learn from B. F. Washington, Esq., who visited the mission, that he witnessed an examination of a school of about 40 young Indians at the station. They sung many very pretty songs & gave indications of great advancement. He was also shown a wolf skin taken near the station, which was as large as that of a common sized buffalo skin. It was used as a cloak. Everything about the farm & house looked well. The schoolhouse is of brick & about 70 feet long, with a stone foundation. Mr. D. Cockrell came across an Indian grave the first day's drive from the Bluffs, in which the Indian
Wolf Creek, a tributary of the Missouri, was crossed by the trail from Joseph in what is now Doniphan County, Kan. 6. Since the emigrants were using wood from land which had been set apart for the Sacs, the Indian agent for this tribe had given them a paper which requested emigrants to make a small present for the use of the wood. Journal of Major Osborne Cross, May 22, 1849, in Raymond W. Settle, ed., The March
5.
St.
Mounted Riflemen (Glendale, CaL, 1940), pp. 40-41. The Sauks or Sacs were a tribe of Algonquian stock, originally living in the Michigan area. Later uniting with the Fox Indians, they were driven westward from successive points by the advancing whites. After their defeat under Black Hawk, they retired to Iowa, and thence into Kansas. The lowas were a tribe of Siouian stock. After being pushed west from the Illinois region, they had, in 1824, ceded all their land in Missouri, and in 1836 they were assigned to the Great Nemaha Agency in northeastern Kansas. 8. Col. Alfred J. Vaughan was Indian sub-agent for the Great Nemaha Eeservation of Iowa, and Sauk and Fox Indians. This reservation was situated on the emigrant road some twenty-six miles northwest of St. Joseph, and had been established in 1837. In connection with the reservation, the Presbyterian Board of Foreign Missions had established a mission and school in 1837, and this was the school which Washington visited. See Vaughan 'a report in the Annual Report of the Commissioner for Indian Affairs for 1849, pp. 10811085. Also see Pryor Plank, "The Iowa, Sac and Fox Mission and its Mission aries ." in Kansas State Historical Society, Transactions, X (1908), 312of the
7.
.
.
325.
TO FORT KEARNEY
was placed
79
in a sitting posture covered with Ms blanket & decked with the fantastic ornaments he wore whilst living. Today we helped to pull ont an ox-team. The emigrants were very gratefnl & treated liber [al]ly with their whiskey. [Distance, about 8 miles.
Passed several detachments of Government troops & wagons on their way to California & Oregon. The guide of the Government train, a Mr. Hendrick, was shot by an Indian the day before severely but not dangerously wounded. Continued to catch up and pass emi grants. Got to camp about 4 o'clock P.M. Scarce of wood &
water.
May 16th. o'clock A.M. & pursued the ridge & rolling
Wednesday,
An Iowa Chief, some squaws & two boys visited our camp. The Chief had seven wifes, much children. The boys shot well with bow & arrow. Our mess fed them, for which they
seemed little thankful. About 9 o'clock at night we were visited by a perfect shower of bugs. The air was filled with them & they fell like hail on our tents. The mules became frightened & the men were compelled to go out & hold them to prevent their escape. It appeared to me that there were millions of them. About 12 o'clock they settled on the ground & tents & everything was black with them. The next morning we had to shake them off our blankets. The bugs were about the size of a June-bug, of a dark brown color & rather redish on the belly. They ap 9 peared to be perfectly harmless.
[Distance, about 15 miles.
Thursday,
May
17th.
Made
Continued to
wind around the ridges. Had some very hard pulls. Passed several graves where emigrants had been buried in the last
"by
Mcllhany, Recollections, p. 22, also speaks of the mules being stampeded ' ' From the thousands and millions of bugs, covering the ground entirely. description it would appear that the insects were some form of May beetles.
9.
' *
Searls,
June
4,
noted, "tormented
by clouds of beetles."
80
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
clothing, boxes &c., lying on the road side. From every camp we hear of sickness. Camped about 5 o'clock P.M. Wood & water scarce. Grass good.
Friday,
May
18th.
Bather
late leaving
the sticking of several of our teams near the camp. Had a very good road. Came to Chickawau Creek about 2 o'clock P.M. beautiful stream of clear water. The crossing is very
difficult.
We
had
contiguous.
soup.
10
We
to let the wagons down by ropes. Large bank of the stream & beautiful flats are caught a fine turtle & had a pot of good
No wood
at our camp.
Saturday,
Left early.
May
19th.
country. Today we saw a grave in which three emigrants are burried who died with cholera in 10 hours after they were taken. Every day we have passed fresh made graves containing the remains of poor emigrants who have died with cholera on their way to the golden land. 11 Today, as well as yesterday, we had to gather wood and water before we reached camp. We got to our camp ground, which is destitute of wood & water, and labored hard until after dark. Today we passed a great many emigrants. [Distance, 27 miles.
10. Kelly, p.
weight,
93,
describes a large turtle, "weighing nearly one hundred his party in the Little Blue River, not more
than two days journey away from the point where Geiger '$ turtle was caught. Searls, May 26, and Sedgley, June 8, mentioned capturing, "a huge turtle" and
"a
Nearly all diarists were impressed and dejected by the hastily prepared graves which, in some -cases, lined the trail. Wistar, May 7, noted, "There is quite a populous graveyard at the crossing of the Blue." On the incidence and principal causes of mortalities, see above, pp. 55-61.
11.
Mcllhany, Recollections,
"Nearly every day we saw graves on the road. At each place there was a path running out diagonally from the trail. It was made by people going out to see who was buried there, and then another diagonal path came out to
p. 21, said,
TO FOET KEARNEY
Sunday,
81
May
20th.
were rather late out of camp today, owing to difficulty in catching the mules. It rained came to the Little today. Blue & crossed above the regular ford. It seems but a branch.
We
We
Little Blue we came to the Big a stream of beautiful, clear water and is very palatable to a thirsty man. .The stream is about 40 yards wide, deep enough to touch the wagon beds, but is neither swift or rough. On either side the banks are rather steep. About an hour before reaching this water one of our wagons upset, smashing the bows but doing no other damage. Two of our men were in it but escaped with little damage. Near this river we found the lava or rocks formed by some vol canic eruption. The ground was covered with the rocks.
to this place the road is good & easily of wood, grass & water. The camps have no plenty names but those given them by each emigrant party. We got into camp 2 miles from the Big Blue 13 about 4 o 'clock P.M. and commenced lightening our loads. threw away a large lot of horse shoes, all the boxes, lard & many other things. are npw fairly on the road. Many are com plaining and if chance offered would like njuch to return. have been vexed & delayed. Our teams are young & unbroke & the men do not feel as much interest as was to be expected. Our company is too large. The country is not so
St.
From
Joseph
found
We
We
We
12. Geiger's nomenclature is confusing, but an analysis based on maps and contemporary journals makes Ms meaning and Ms actual route clear. What lie calls the Little Blue could not have been that stream, for the Little Blue lies to the west of the Big Blue, which the company had not yet crossed. Probably Geiger's "Little Blue" was a minor tributary of the Big Blue. He appears to be correct in calling the next stream the Big Blue. However, when he reached the actual Little Blue, he had wrongly applied its true name to another stream, and he therefore called it the Eepublican Pork. This suggests that he may have used Joel Palmer's Journal of Travels over the Rocky Mountains (Cincinnati, 1847), for Palmer had also called it the Eepublican Fork (Beuben G-. Thwaites, Early Western Travels [Cleveland, 1904-1907], XXX, 45). This does not mean that they mistook the " Eepublican Fork" for the larger Eepubliean Eiver wMch lies farther west, but that both streams ran through the territory of the Eepubliean Pawnees. This tribe had probably taken their name from the larger stream, but gave it, in turn, to the smaller. 13. The Big Blue flows south from southeastern Nebraska, across north eastern Kansas, and into the Kansas Eiver. The St. Joseph road intersected this stream near what it now Marysville, Marshall County, Kansas.
82
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
rolling
much
more
plain.
We
Big Blue.
Monday,
May
21st.
An early start gave us a good march today. Just as we drove out from camp, Comegys broke a fore-wheel to his wagon, but as we had saved one from the destruction of yes terday it delayed us but little. In nine miles from camp we struck the Independence Trail and fell in with a Missouri Company, of 40 wagons & 130 men. Passed them. "Water has been scarce mostly in puddles. Left the Little Sandy to
the right
&
after
of the
1* Republican Fork. All the trees & hollows here indicate the Forks. Tonight we encamp on one of the forks. Water good, & wood & grass plenty. We have been ascending all day. This morning we put our arms in order & made every precaution against the Indians. We are now in the Pawnee 15 country the most hostile of the tribes. There are two other parties encamped in sight. Eumors reached us of a fight be tween the Pawnees & emigrants some distance [in] ad vance. 16 An express has been sent for IT. S. troops. We chased a wolf today but did not catch him. This has been a hard day's drive. Some rain fell. There has been so far a stiff breeze on the plains every day. The stream on which we are encamped is
Timber Creek. From the junction of the Independence & St. Jo roads, water is scarce. A cut-off of two or three miles can be made by keeping every left hand road.
[Distance, 26 miles.
14. Actually, the Little Blue (see note 12, above). This stream rises in south eastern Nebraska and flows in a southeasterly direction emptying into the Big Blue in Marshall County, Kansas. The emigrant trail, having crossed the Big
Blue north of this confluence, moved up the north side of the valley of the Little Blue for about 60 miles into southeastern Nebraska. 15. The Pawnees, a major tribe of plains Indians of Cadoan stock, lived primarily in the valley of the Platte. The emigrants feared them for their war like and "murderous" disposition. See McCoy, June 6; DeWolf, June 13, 17;
Long,
16.
27; Kelly, p. 63; Hackney, May 18. usually baseless rumors of Indian hostility, see
TO FORT KEARNEY
Tuesday,
83
May
22nd.
late in starting tMs morning. About a mile from crossed Timber Creek a deep & bad crossing. "We were fortunate enough in getting in ahead of 50 or 60 oxteams. We were detained this morning by the splintering of Tavener's wagon tongue. passed some ox-teams and fell in with a train of 200 wagons which we attempted to pass, but they drove up and we had to relinquish the attempt. At one time there was in view at least 400 wagons. The wind blew very hard all day and the dust was almost unsuportable. The road was hilly & rough, and our stock much fa tigued. We went into camp about 4 o'clock P.M. after traveling about 18 miles. To-day we gathered wood & water, but as we found later, it was labor lost. few minutes before sundown, Joseph C. Young, of Montgomery County, Maryland, a member of our company, died of typhoid fever. 17 [Distance, 18 miles.
Bather
camp we
We
Wednesday,
May
23rd.
voice of our guide roused us early and At sunrise the remains of our late was interred. He was wrapped in his comrade, Young, blanket. Without shroud, sheet or coffin, he was laid in the silent grave. He was buried on a hill, commanding a beauti
start.
performance of
this
sad duty
we
started on our march. drive of 10 miles brought us to the Big Sandy Eiver. The water is low, dark & of bad taste. The banks are covered with sand. The crossing is good. Here we took in wood & water and after a drive of five miles, halted & put our mules out to feed. This is the Dry Sandy & dry enough it is. No water or wood. Eemained here until about 4 o 'clock P.M. and then started out. In five miles we crossed the Little Sandy, 18 a small & partly dry stream. Passing on five miles we struck
On the death of Young, see above, p. 56. the Little Blue, Big Sandy and Little Sandy Creeks are tributaries of is now Jefferson County, flowing into the northern side of that stream in what Nebraska. The Dry Sandy does not appear on modern maps, but its arid con dition invites a comparison, with Badman's comment, June 23, on Rawhide
17. 18.
84
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
the main Bepublican Fork, and went into camp about 10 o'clock P.M. This is a beautiful stream of pure, good, cool & clear water. The banks are lined with cotton trees & some oak. Yesterday & today the land is more gravelly & sandy. Slight sprinkle of snow. [Distance, 25 miles.
Thursday,
May
Mth.
Just as we started from camp the rain commenced falling, time we had gone a few miles it fell in torrents ac companied by the most crashing thunder & vivid lightning. We are now on the main Eepublican Fork, which we will follow for 53 miles. The land is good & looks fit for cultiva tion. Many knouls [knolls] & ridges line the road. Under standing that an emigrant in the rear was selling his brandy, the Quartermaster sent Bradley, Cunningham, M'Kay, Hayden & myself back to purchase some. We started in the rain & rode back about 10 miles. When we reached the place we found a great number of men around the wagons buying brandy at Fifty cents a drink. We were unable to purchase what we wanted at even double price, but after riding in the rain so far, we bought 1 quart of miserable watered stuff called brandy, for which we paid $3.00. At 12 o'clock M. we set out to overtake the train, but did not catch up until near night & found them in camp. The storm continued all day & until 12 o'clock at night. The road has been heavy. I counted 400 wagons on the road behind us yesterday. man was shot in one of the companies a few days ago by putting a loaded gun in the wagon. 19 Caution & warning. Two gentlemen stayed with us tonight on their way home. I met some Ulinoians on their return. Wrote to Stevenson. Encamped on the Eepublican Fork. [Distance, 25 miles.
& by the
Friday,
May 25fh.
Continued our march along the Eepublican Fork. The road was very bad owing to the rain of yesterday & last
Creek: "it is no creek at all as there is no water in it, but still there is a good place for one." 19. On the frequency with which accidental shootings took place, see above, pp. 59-61.
TO FORT
KEARNEY
85
passed only a few ox-teams. At 12 o'clock we laid night. to graze our mules, and put in a new tongue to Herbert's up
We
wagon. About 3 o'clock we again got in motion and travelled until 6 o'clock P.M. & then halted on the bank of the Fork. The country has been much the same as that passed over on yesterday. The views from some of the hills have been
truly picturesque & magnificent. The Surgeon this morning prescribed Brandy and it was readily accepted & partaken of by all. Owing to the bad road we made slow progress. Our mess had a fine supper to-night made of 7 large curlews
killed
20
by Mr.
Slagle.
We
also put a
tongue to Tavener's
wagon tonight. The wind blew strong & cold from the west. This night was excessively cold, equal to our November
weather.
[Distance, 16 miles.
Saturday,
May
26th.
a late start this morning & slow progress all day. cold but no [t] so cold as yesterday. Eained nearly all Very 21 headed the Eepublican Fork in about miles, day. then crossed the American Fork, where we had much trouble. Had to fill it up with brush &c. Some St. Louis teams stuck
Made
We
& we pulled them out. Here we gathered wood & filled our water casks, as there is neither until we reach the Platte. About 3 o'clock P.M. we came into camp. Our kind & gentle20. The surgeon of the company was, of course, Dr. Bryarly. One of the most pronounced features of emigrant travel was the high proportion of com their personnel. Page, in a letter of panies which included a physician among May 2, declared, "the Doctors are more numerously represented among the
the inhabitants of the country emigrants in proportion to their number among than in any other part of [the] community. Every company will have one or more." Searls, May 12, commenting on the abundance of physicians,J said, "if want of medical advisers. ' Mention any suffer from sickness, it will not be for of by the diarists, seems to validate this statement, for
June 24; Delano, May 26; Dundass, June 4; they are referred to by: Badman, June 30; McOall, May 23, Johnston, May 25; Love, June 17, Aug. 6; Lyne, June 18, 21; McCoy, May 19; Swain, letter, May 6, diary, May 13, 28; Webster, June 30; Wistar, May 18, 21. The company physician received special induce was ments to travel with his party. He usually paid no membership fee, and the camp. Wistar, June 2, speaks of a Dr. exempted from routine duties of Gambel who left his company "and joined a large ox train led by Capt. Bpone for his medical aid." of Kentucky, who will exempt him from all work in return of medical Also McCall, June 18, mentions a physician who, "in consideration and other services, was to be carried through." 21. The manuscript here contains a blank space.
company
physicians,
86
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
invited
me
to
supper
& served up
& greens.
This evening we had a general meeting of the company, and by a unanimous vote, we took our Guide in as a full mem ber of our company. Our Captain & Lieutenants then re signed and placed the entire command & supreme control of our company in the hands of Mr. Smith, and declared him
& Captain. He appeared and, in a suitable man thanked the company for what they had done. ner, Tonight we encamp on a high hill, with good grass. No wood or water. I have heretofore neglected to mention the plan taken by emigrants to give their friends information of their whereabouts. It is done by sticking up notices & 22 cutting names &c. on trees, buffalo skulls, ox-heads, &c. Our travel has been over a heavy road & hilly country today. In dry weather after the passing of the American Fork there is no water for 27 miles. [Distance, 16 miles.
our leader
Sunday,
May 27h.
This morning the sun rose gloriously sheding his warm and genial rays on the earth. It was welcomed by all. The cold, wet weather had been so disagreeable that we all dreaded the oncoming day fearing it would be as bad as the one just passed. Our start was rather late, and the road heavy. The country is hilly. In a few miles we got in sight of the Nebraska Bluffs, raising their naked sandy tops high
great many antelopes made their appear ance about 10 o'clock. Some Indians were in pursuit. number of our men went in chase but were un [successful, the fleet inhabitants of the praries distancing them without an effort. We passed several pools of water occasioned by the late rains. About 12 o'clock M. we stopped to graze our mules.
in the clouds.
many
diarists comment on this practice. Long, May 15, said, pass so notices of companies ahead that I have ceased to take any more notice of them. Not a buffalo's skull or Elk's antler along the road but has a notice of some description on it." Also see McCall, May 19; Delano, June 7; Johnston, May 10, 11, June 3; and $edgley, July 17.
22.
Many
"We
TO FORT KEABNEJ
87
At 3 o'clock P.M, we again got in motion, and passed over the bluffs to the valley of the Platte, 23 which is one extended plain as far as the eye can reach. The soil is black & sandy with little grass it donbtless had been eaten off by the cattle. "We follow the curve of the river but not nearer than three miles to the stream. There is no wood to be had, but for the present we have good running water. Passed a company of U. S. troops and went into camp within six miles of old Fort Childs, now new Fort Kearney. 24
;
Here
flour,
it
was determined
to lighten
up our wagons, by
selling
during the day, but excessively cold at night, with dew like rain. Just as we cross the bluffs & near the river, the old Ft. Kearney road con
&c. at the Fort.
bacon
Very warm
tinues the
main
trail.
[Distance, 21 miles.
Monday,
Drove up
bacon &c.
picks,
to the Fort,
May
28fh.
and succeeded in selling some flour, abandoned a great deal of plunder, such as hobbles & every article calculated to retard our
We
march. 25 The allowance now is about 100 Ibs flour & 50 Ibs bacon to a man. Up to yesterday 2500 wagons had passed 26 The Fort is at this point, and at least 200 passed to-day. the head of Grand Island. All the buildings at the Fort are made of Sods taken from the prarie, and look comfortable,
23. The Platte, so named by the French because of its breadth and shallowness, is the largest tributary of the Missouri. 24. Fort Kearney on the Platte, not to be confused with the earlier fort
of the same name on the Missouri, was established near Grand Island on the south side of the Platte in 1848 by Lt. W. P. Woodbury. It was intended to provide protection for emigrants and to prevent Indian hostilities, and it re mained in use until 1871. Although it was named for Gen. Stephen W. Kearny, the spelling of his name was inadvertently changed. 25. The only other known diary of the Charlestown Company, that of Ben
' ; in West jamin Hoffman (in C. H. Ambler, "West Virginia Forty-Niners, Virginia History, III [1941], 59-75) also speaks of lightening the load at Fort Kearney. For a discussion of overloading, and the consequent abandonment of goods by the emigrants, see above, pp. 30, 49-51. 26. In comparison with this number as of May 28, it is interesting to note that on May 17, Tiffany wrote that about 300 teams had passed Fort Kearney; Henry Page; in a letter of May 24, said that 1980 teams had passed there up to the previous night. On June 14, DeWolf placed the number at 4000, and on June 19, Webster noted that 5400 wagons and 3 pack trains had passed the fort.
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
27 reminding me muck of a Mexican Bancho. We went into camp today about 4 o 'clock, 2 miles west of the Fort. We are now in the Buffalo country and some have been seen. It has been chilly today. I must not neglect to state that the Fort is at the head of Grand Island. After we reached camp a
28 gentleman was offered for membership & rejected. We got 15 gallons of whiskey at the Fort. [Distance, 10 miles.
28. This person was probably someone who had left the company with which he started, and was travelling alone, perhaps falling in with first one company, then another. For the methods of company organization, and the changes in
II
its tributaries, the North Platte and the Sweetwater, all the way to the South Pass. As they started up the Platte, they found the road firm, the ascent gradual, though very steady, and the climate genial save for occasional storms. As yet, the hardships and the monotony were scarcely felt. The Platte proper traverses what is now central Nebraska, but
now
in the western part of that state, the trail reached the forks of the
North and the South Platte. The north branch was the stream to follow, but no crossing was feasible at the junction of the streams.
Platte.
Therefore the trail continued for about sixty miles along the South There were various crossings, but the Lower California
what is now Brule, Nebraska, was the favored one, and was the choice of the Charlestown Company. From there, a twenty-four mile journey led to Ash Hollow, where the trail de scended precipitately from high bluffs to the south bank of the North Platte. Again the route lay along a watercourse it followed the North Platte into what is now Wyoming. At the confluence of Laramie River and the North Platte, the trail reached Fort Laramie. There the emigrants threw away their excess baggage and made preparations for the tough going which lay ahead. The Charlestown Company spent seventeen days (May 29-June 14) on this stage of their journey.
crossing, at
it
;
Tuesday,
May
29th.
early start
& good
today. Our wagons run much, lighter than yesterday. Our course today has been up the Platte Biver, some times just on its banks & then off for several miles. The grass is much better than when we struck the bluffs and [the] land looks much richer. The Platte is about a mile wide, [with]
some cotton trees on its banks. We nooned today & again started & went into camp near the river. Hauled wood &
90
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
is
water. This
we have used
buffalo chips. 1
well. The team to which I was attached ran off today but done no damage. After a beautiful, clear and pleas ant day, at night it clouded up and rain fell in torrents, ac 2 companied by tremendous thunder & forked lightnings. men were soaked and their beds Every person got wet the & blankets completely saturated. [Distance, 27 miles.
They burn
Wednesday,
May
3'OtJi.
This morning everything was wet & cold and the clamor was loud for liquor, from all parts of the camp, but the Guard only was furnished, and as I was on last night, of course I got a "horn" and it done me great good. About 9 o 'clock we got off & followed the bluff for several miles. It was cold & windy & frequent showers kept us very disagreeable. "We passed a number of wagons & emigrants and found among the later Messrs. Hunter & [name illeg ible], two of my old friends. The ground has been rising. The greater part of the day we were in view of the Platte River
sandy bed, which in many places it is two miles wide, interspersed with many islands, ranging in size from 10 yds, square to 2500 acres. Today we crossed Cotton wood Creek, an affluent of the Platte, the water of which is not very good. At 3 o'clock P.M. we went into camp on the banks of the Platte, with good grass but wood very scarce. Carried wood in my shirt 1/2 mile. Our march today has been hard [due]
its
1.
with over
its
turbid
&
West
bois de vache
first
wooded area, dried "buffalo dung, known as buffalo eMps or became tlie standard fuel. Most diarists commented upon their experience with this novelty. See Backus, May 28; Badman, June 5;
of the
S. B. F. Clark, May 24, 29; Delano, May 18; Hale, May 20; Johnston, May 15; Kelly, pp. 104, 187; McCoy, June 11; Morgan, July 30; Orvis, June 15; Page, letter, May 24 ; Sedgley, June 16 ; Swain, June 15 ; Tiffany, May 22 ; Webster, June 23; Wistar, June 4. DeWolf, in a letter of June 17, said, "You would laugh, I know, to see me going along with a bag on my back gathering Buffalo
' ' to cook with, but we have to do it. The darn stuff burns fine in a stove. B. C. Clark, Hale, Hackney, and McCall, who were all within three or four days' distance of the Charlestown Company, all describe this storm in their diaries of May 29, 30, and all describe it as extremely violent. Also, see the diary of Delano, who was less than five days ahead, for May 30, 31. The storms of the Platte valley were more severe than most travellers expected, as witness the statement of Tiffany, May 31: "I thought I had seen windy days in loway, but after travelling on the Platte a week or two I am inclined to the belief that 'she ain't nowhere.' "
dung
2.
TO FORT LAEAMIE
to late rains
91
making the roads wet & heavy, & fatiguing our stock very much. I must [not] neglect to mention that tonight I supped with our captain, Smith, who had provided a large share of lamb
quarters greens, which we eat with an excellent relish. Emigrants should pay attention to this, and [at] all suitable opportunities look for & prepare these delightful greens. Use vinegar & they are [a] sure preventive for scurvy, 3 & strange as it may seem they check the Diahrea. They are to be found in old carrels [ie v corrals] & camps, or where there has been buffalo carrels. The buffalo, as I am informed
by Capt. Smith,
carrel their calves at night & whenever danger threatens, the old ones protect the young & weaker. [Distance, 16 miles.
Thursday,
May
31st.
Early this morning we were aroused and ordered to pre pare for march. It was cold & the wind blew strong from the west with a drizzling rain which continued up to 12 o 'clock M., when we had turned out to noon & graze our cattle. To day we have passed a government train, escorted by one company, Mounted Rifles, who are on their way to Fort Laramie. Since writing, the Government train has passed & we have exchanged some powder for whiskey a canister
powder for a canteen of whiskey. After a rest of a few hours we again "rolled out," but with little progress, and after a drive of a few miles, went into camp near the bank of the river. Our wood consisted of some green bushes cut on the road side. It has been cold &
of
raining.
& Crane, who were herding our mules, that on yesterday they passed through a settle inform [us] ment of prarie dogs, and as we are now in the vicinity of the 4 the "Dog-town" spoken of by Bryant, it is supposed to be
Messrs. Keeling
same.
3.
A prarie wezel
was
killed
p. 33,
against scurvy.
4.
of prairie dogs. Many Bryant, What I Saw, p. 81, described a "village diarists mention these animals. animal would seem to indicate a 5. I.e., Weasel. The description of this Ground Squirrel (Citellus Tridecemlineatus) . Thirteen-striped
92
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
beautiful [ly] striped with black & grey, & on the stripes were white spots of regular distance & uniform size. [It was] about the size of a large ground squirrel. Today we met a party of hunters & trappers on their way to the States, well
laden with skins. 6 This evening about sunset a most brilliant rainbow was seen, with its bases resting on either bank of the river, pre senting a perfect arch just sufficient to span the river. Water is easily obtained in this valley by digging a few feet. In some places it comes up good & clear, but in the holes today the water was rather brakish. The plains are very soft, the ground cutting easily, & our wagons frequently up to the axle. It is said that so much rain, wind & cold has never been before experienced on this route. Neither the "oldest in " habitant," nor oldest hunter" have seen the like. 7 [Distance, 14 miles.
Friday, June
This
is
1st.
more naked & rugged. The Bluffs are said to have increased very much in size in the last few years, and it is supposed they were formed by the wind blowing the sand over the plains, making lodgments. A gang of 15 or 20 antelopes were seen today, but too far off to shoot at. At 12 M., we have halted to noon & graze our cattle. Salt & salt-peter have been
found along the river banks & pools today. We have seen very few buffalo, but their trails are found at every step. The reason given for their non-appearance now is that the pools & drains have been filled with water
6. Backus, who arrived at Fort Laramie on the same day as the Charlestown Company, describes meeting this "fur train " on June 1. On the appearance of these trains and the regularity with which travellers met them every year, see
The sun rose warm & strong bracing wind made travel agreeable. Our march continued along the river. The Bluffs are much higher,
good.
Paden, Wake of the Prairie Schooner, p. 66. 7. In connection with this heavy rain, note the statement of Delano, p. 236: "In 1849, there was more grass than had ever been known before. Traders who had been in the country fifteen or twenty years assured us that they had never known such a plentiful season, and that grass was then growing in abundance where they never saw any before, and they universally said that had not such been the ease, it would have been utterly impossible for such an emigration to "
get through.
TO FORT LARAMIE
by the
late rains, avoiding the necessity of their
93
coming to One of the men has just brought in a Pararie wolf 8 but which looks more like a red fox the same color, but of larger size than those found in our country. A few miles from where we nooned, we came across a spring of pure, good, cold water, which was relished by our boys in fine
the river.
our casks & were loath to leave the spot. procured here, & after a travel of a few miles, we went into camp near the river with good grass for our mules. Dug for & obtained water, but it was rather brakish. About sun down a small party went to the river on a fish ing excursion and, in the course of an hour or two, one of them returned stating that a party of Indians were crossing the river. Immediately all hands were preparing their guns, pistoles &c. to give the red-men a warm reception. Capt. Smith with a small party went to the river expecting to en counter the enemy. Sure enough, some objects could be dis cerned in the river making for the shore. Every man was ex cited. They fell flat to the ground in order to conceal them selves, the better to give a fire. Every gun was charged &
style.
"We here
filled
Wood was
every eye gazed eagerly at the Indians, who in a few mo ments advanced nearer, when, lo, & behold, the Indians proved to be six la^rge elk crossing the river. The men im prudently-left their hiding places & drove the elk back thus losing the chance of a good roast. It may be well enough [here] to give the way in which wood is procured by the lasso. Take a rope with a slip-knot & throw it over the dead limbs of a tree, or if the limbs are
too high, climb up & adjust the rope is easily pulled down.
Today, we lay up for the purpose of resting our stock, which are much fatigued. There is but little rest, however, for the men. Washing & cooking is the order of the day. These are the great works? whilst some are busily engaged
now
The "prairie wolf'/ of early western travellers was the coyote, as it is May 9, spoke of a "coyote or prairie wolf." 9. The importance of washing and cooking came as a revelation to many emigrants, who had thought of the journey in terms of adventure rather than
8.
called. Johnston,
94
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
& one or two singing & fiddling. have shod some mules & horses. This morning early, a tremendous large wolf passed near our camp, but he escaped the rifles of our marksmen. The day has been pleasant & clear & all look happy & joyful. "We have been living high today. Lambs quarter greens, stewed peaches, rice & mo lasses were served up by every mess. Some have had peach
ing at mark, some fishing,
We
pies.
Whilst our stock were grazing, and some few men reposing about camp, the poetic talent of our President, B. F. Wash ington, Esq., was brought into play & produced the follow ing beautiful & feeling lines which I have taken the liberty to copy into my book, feeling assured that they will be read with interest & pleasure
:
TO
MY NATIVE STATE
Virginia, Virginia, still thy valley fair I see, While each hour with "weary step & slow" I'm wandering from
thee ;
As
They bring
me
come swiftly o'er my mind, each hallow d spot which I have left behind.
?
thy
Thy
forests clothed
hills are green, thy valleys fair to see, with varied tints & fill'd with harmony,
Or on thy
thy skies are bright as Italy's in hue, distant mountains rests a veil of shadowy blue,
of domestic chores. Delano, June 3, wrote, "Bather than have dirty clothes ac number of us took our dirty cumulate, I resolved to try my hand at washing. shirts, and going to a pond near by, commenced our laundry manipulations, for the first time in our lives. It was no trouble to throw our clothes into the pond, and rubbing in soap was not much; but when it came to standing bent over half a day, rubbing the clothes in our hands, trying to get out the stains heigho! 'a change came o'er the spirit of our dreams/ and we of our
thought
wives and sweethearts at home, and wondered that we were ever dissatisfied with their impatience on a washing day. y ' James Lyne, in a letter of May 4, wrote, "I have improved in all the arts pertaining to man's vocation, but in sewing, cooking, or washing, must confess myself at fault. I have always been inclined to deride the vocation of ladies until now but must confess it by far the most irksom I have ever tried, and by way of taking lessons in sewing, have often examined stitches in
work bag. And then, the cooking. I wish you could take supper with me that you might judge & patern from the hardness & durability of our biscuit. I must at some time send you a receipt for making a lasting sort."
your
my
TO FOET LARAMIE
Tis not that thou hast ever been
fair
95
Whence warriors brave & statesmen too, a noble lineage trace, Nor is it that the fire first burned, thy sacred hills upon, "Whose light with hallow 'd radience now to all the world hath gone.
Ah
Which throws
'er all
no, not these, nor other charms my muse might well proclaim, while now I think of thee, a magic round thy name ; There's something more enchanting still that bids my Spirit flee,
& thee.
Where met the waters on their way and swept their barriers through, There dwelt a maid whose sunny face, & soul of guileless love, Around my youthful heart a chain of sweetest bondage wove.
1
woo'd her & I won her & it boots not now to tell, The shadow after shadow that upon our pathway
alter
all
fell;
had
the priest pronounced us one, the world in her whom thus I won.
&
thus I thought my cup of bliss was full & I would glide, With sweet contentment, peace & love, upon life's onward tide; But ah! a change came o'er me & I have left my home, A wanderer to a stranger land, mid howling wastes to roam.
And
Upon
Pacific's distant shores is heard a startling cry, sound that wakes the nations up as swift the tidings fly; An El Dorado of untold wealth a land whose soil is gold, Full many a glittering dream of wealth to mortal eyes unfold.
gold how mighty is thy sway, how potent is thy rod Decrepid age & tender youth acknowledge thee a God At thy command the world is sway'd, as on the deep blue
!
sea,
96
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
see,
And
the crowd
is
rushing
now
All urged by different passions on, yet most by thirst of gain And I, my home & native state, have left thy genial shade,
To throw
made.
my
like
dreams,
is
Near the river were picked np a corn mortar, doubtless there by the Indians. It was of the size of those used by country druggists also, a human skull, and many bones. At night we had a difficult job in catching & picketing our mules. For two or three days back the roads have been bad owing to the late rains. The road near tlie Bluffs is much, better, but water is scarce. In fact, from where we strike this valley up, so far wood has been very scarce & the water bad excepting
left
here [and] there is a small well & occasional spring. Wood can be obtained from the islands in the river & along its banks also in the bluffs, but it is difficult to procure at best.
We made
&
desolate plains. 10
At
12
10. Wistar, pp. 66-71, tells an exciting story of riding away from encountering Indians, and being furiously pursued by them.
Ms
party,
TO FORT LARAMIE
o'clock
97
M. we have stopped to noon & graze our cattle. The is very narrow and the grass indifferent. We nooned today & laid up for five hours and then made a start for a long drive. We came across a good spring & filled up our canteens. Our course has been off near the bluffs. At 11 o'clock P.M., we encamped near a pool of bad water, with indifferent grass, about 6 miles from the crossing of the Platte. Our object in driving after night was to pass the trains who had gotten ahead of us on yesterday. Besides, it was a clear moonlight night & travel [was] more agree
valley here
able than during the day.
Dr. Bryarly & myself, being in advance of the train, left the road in search of a Government train to get a ham of bacon. On approaching the river, shouts & huzzas from the emigrants attracted our notice & we dashed to the river, where we found the[m] firing at a large buffalo bull. took a hand in the sport, & the animal soon fell dead, pierced by about 15 balls. He was very large 1000 Ibs. nett and made the eleventh killed that day on the bottom. He was not fat. After taking enough for our messes, we left for camp and overtook the train, which had halted to repair the tongue of Mr. Moore's wagon, which had been broke. The country looks poor sandy & arid hills. [Distance, 32 Miles.
We
Monday, June
4tJi.
Made a late start. After a drive of a few miles we met a large party of Sioux Indians mounted on ponies some very fine. Among them were some fine looking men & a few very beautiful young squaws, who would compare in regularity of features & symetry of form, with the most of our ladies. Many [,however,] were almost naked, rather dirty & dis endeavored to trade for ponies, but they wanted gusting. number of us obtained flour, &c., which we could not spare. mocasins. Some of their garments were most beautiful [ly] & tastefully worked. Many of them had on pants & coats ob tained from traders & emigrants. They all ride well & both men & women set astradle of the horse. 11
We
11.
diarists
Probably no single community of Indians was mentioned by emigrant more frequently than this assemblage of Sioux near the crossing of the
98
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
About 11 o'clock A.M. we reached the river and Capt. Smith halted us about 3 miles from the old ford, which is now washed out and rather dangerous. Capt. Smith & Dr. Bryarly endeavoured to find a safe & suitable ford. They attempted to cross, but when within a hundred yards of the opposite shore, the Captain's horse got into a quicksand by which he was near losing his animal as well as his own life, which de termined him to seek fof another crossing lower down the
stream. 12
About 2 o'clock P.M. we drove down the river a mile, and commenced crossing. The river was about one mile wide, some places deep & a great portion of the bottom sandy. The
large rope was attached to the wagon and the men laid hold and pulled hard. Most of us were stripped off to the shirt & drawers. The water in no place of the ford was above the
Liquor was freely distributed and a few got a little I so" but it was of great advantage. By sun down we had crossed all our wagons & mules, & went into camp. To-day's work has been excessively hard & both men & mules were completely worn down. Emigrants should always -take the precaution, of fording on a horse before driving in their teams. "We had no wood and were compelled to use
crotch.
"how come
buffalo chips.
South Platte. See Johnston,
dass,
[Distance, 11 wiiles.
May 21; Backus, June 3; Doyle, June 5, 6; DunJune 5; Lewis, June 6; Tiffany, May 20; and Wistar, June 7. It is no table that where the emigrants scorned most Indians, they were prone to recog nize the Sioux as a little more trustworthy and notably cleaner and handsomer. The women, especially, won admiration. Most lyric of all accounts is that of Kelly, pp. 127-136. Also see Johnston, May 21, and Delano, June 4. Long, May 26, showed mixed impressions: "The women, some of them, are rather good looking, though the majority were old and ugly with their papooses wrapped in their blankets on their backs. The men were very anxious to trade for any thing, whiskey in particular. One of them had the impudence, after my giving him a piece of tobacco, to ask me to give him my coat for said piece of to bacco." The Sioux were a confederacy of Plains tribes, extending from Minne sota to Powder Biver and from the Canadian border to south of the Platte. 12. The general prevalence of quicksand in the streambeds of the Missouri Valley was one of the major hazards of the trail, and it was never safe to attempt a crossing with animals until the ford had been tested. See Marey, Prairie Traveler, pp. 7475.
TO FORT LARAMIE
Tuesday, June 5fh.
99
a good start and travelled with ease. The roads were large party of Sioux Indians, the same we saw on yesterday. Passed through an encampment belong es ing to them, of 200 lodges made of skins & reeds. timated the number of Indians at 1500. The Chief, Bull 13 made his appearance dressed in a most fantastical Tail, manner, rather on the military order. They had at least 2000 ponies, and we succeeded in trading for six of them we exchanged mules. From Capt. Smith's notes, I extract the
good. Met with a
Made
We
following
"To-day we took a farewell view of the south fork of Platte Eiver, and took a northerly direction across the high range of bluffs to the north fork of Platte. Here we saw a large number of buffalo, most of them, however, on the oppo site side of the river, and the ford was rather deep to ven ture after them. Emigrants crossing the South Fork, should keep the dividing ridge for 10 or 15 miles before descending into the valley of the North Fork distance by this route, about 16 miles. No wood, and water scarce."
This 14 afternoon Doctor Bryarly & our Indefatigable Guide being in advance, were attracted by the sudden ap pearance & swift foot of two animals coming over the bluffs
and descending towards them, which upon approaching was discovered to be a large grey wolf pursuing what they sup posed to be a bear. Chase was instantly given, the wolf tak ing the hint, & prefering the back track while Bruin pursued the even tenor of his way towards the river, it being distant one mile & a half. They gave him chase, not so much to pro tect him from the wolf &s to supply themselves with fresh meat, & soon ascertained it was too fleet of foot & too large for Mr. Bruin.
was principal chief of the Brule* Sioux. He had been present at by Col. W. S. Harney with the Sioux near Fort Laramie in in 1849, mentioned 1845, where he spoke for his people. Maj. Osborne Cross, ' his presence on the Platte, speaking of "him as 'the celebrated Queue de Boeuf .' March of the Mounted Riflemen, p. 83). Doyle, June 5, also speaks (Settle, ed.,
13. Bull Tail
'
of this chief.
14.
son, is in
The remainder of the entry for June the hand of Dr. Bryarly.
5,
100
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
spirited & blooded horse "John" of the gentleman first, and not being
acquainted with the appearance of the different ages of the " Varmints of the Plains" hesitated some moments before charging upon him, supposing it might perhaps be some animal which would turn the attack upon him. He however,
to use his
volver,
own expression, patted his pet, looked at his re & charged resolutely upon the unknown, firing, which
months
Strange to say, although deprived en up his pace nobly for half a mile, which disabled him but slightly.
took effect in his ham. Then the excitement commenced, Mr. Bruin having been discovered to be no other than a buffalo
calf six
old.
The Doctor & his horse, however, seemed to tire of the sport & with mutual feelings dashed upon the tenacious animal &
hurled him to the ground, the Doctor springing from his horse & cutting his throat before he could recover from the
shock.
all the train, who were so excited as to be almost tempted to leave their mules & join in. All that were mounted went pell mell towards the chase, but came up only at the death. It was found to be a very fat one, & served to feed all of the messes, and was en
much
joyed much by everyone. The Doctor & his horse are becom ing quite notorious as hunters, they having helped to kill the first buffalo ever seen by them, & killing, themselves, the second. 15 [Distance, 24 miles.
15. Until they reached the diggings, nothing held such universal interest for the emigrants as the first sight of buffalo and the first opportunity to hunt these animals. Backus, June 3; Badman, June 6; Brown, June 15 (also see 17) ;
Dundass, June 2; Hackney, May 31; Johnston, May 17; Lewis, June 3; Long, May 8; McCoy, June 16; Morgan, Aug. 2; and Sedgley, June 18, all comment on the first observation. Others who mention seeing or hunting the animals include: Bruff, June 23; Caldwell, June 3; Delano, May 31; DeWolf, June 18; Poster, June 3, 8, 13; Hale, May 29; Kelly, pp. 84, 105-119; Love, May 27; Lyne, June 30; Pleasants, p. 30; Searls, June 15; Swain, June 16, 20; Tiffany, May 25; Webster, June 26; and "Wistar, May 27 et seq. Kelly, although an enthusiastic huntsman himself, spoke of other emigrants as 'buffalo maniacs," because of their inordinate fondness for hunting. Lewis was unusual in that he expressed pity for the beasts. Johnston, May 18, and Foster, June 8, 13, commented on the wastefulness of the slaughter. Wistar, June 20, speaks of an area which, at first, appeared to be covered with timber, but upon ap proaching closer, he found a great herd of buffalo "in countless numbers."
'
TO FORT LARAMIE
Wednesday, June
miles
6th.
101
This morning was cloudy and damp. After a drive of a few we struck the bluffs and continued our travel for sev eral miles. The rain commenced falling & continued to pour down in torrents accompanied with crashing thunder. It rained for several hours & everything was completely satu rated. Towards evening it cleared off & the sun came down warm. We encamped this evening on the river bank with good grass, but had to use buffalo chips. This morning Dr. Bryarly's pistel accidental [ly] went off & came near wound 16 ing two men. About daylight yesterday & this morning a lunar rainbow made their appearance. [Distance, 20 miles.
Thursday, June
7th.
It was a clear & pleasant morning. We made an early start. The roads bad, and after a hard drive nooned within 8 miles of Ash Hollow. 17 We laid up about five hours and then rolled out. Passed a large number of teams & found several springs
of good cool water, near which we left the river and ascended the bluffs. The road very bad & bluffs steep. In a short time we struck Ash Hollow, where the main trail from the South
18 (traveled by Bryant) meets us. large number of ash trees grow here, from which it takes its name. The hills are sandy & traveling difficult. Several fine springs of water are here found. procured wood & drove on, passing many & a small party of Sioux Indians. drove on until camps 11 o'clock P.M., & halted on the bluffs with good grass. For three days past the roads have been heavy. The bluffs are
Fork
We
We
naked & sandy & the whole country presents a desolate ap pearance except near the river. We have been much teased & severely bitten by the buffalo gnats which swarm in thou sands around us. 19 [Distance, 25 miles.
"
16.
17.
On tMs
Ash Hollow, on the south side of the North Platte in what is now Garden County, Nebraska, was the accepted point at which the trail reached the North
Platte.
steep descent,
from
many emi
grants to remember and comment upon it. 18. Bryant, What I Saw, p. 97, describes this crossing. 19. The buffalo gnat is a small black fly of the genus Simulium. Bryant,
102
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Friday, June 8th.
and our road was over a sandy & deso The wheels cut in deep & the mules were nearly exhausted. Passed what by some are called Castle Bluffs. They are, however, only bleak sandy hills, but little resem bling castles or houses of any description. The whole country
Bather a
late start
late country.
is sandy & presents a rather desolate appearance. Pools of water are frequent and the trail is oftener near the river. Encamped one mile from Spring Creek, a stream of clear, but rather warm water. [Distance, 17 miles.
The morning
tinued misty
&
The
trail is
then a
little
to improve.
No wood
today, when we got sight of a growth of cedar or pine on a distant hill. Nooned today on Tower Creek, eleven miles from Spring Creek. The water is clear, cool & good. difficulty in relation to a mule took place here. Moore refused to let McKay have a mule for his team. Evident signs of dissatisfaction appeared, & many spoke of a general "bust up." Tower Hill was near but the rain & mist hid it from our view. The road has been good & we passed several small streams doubtless occasioned by the late rains. Two miles from Tower Creek, on the right hand side of the trail, a few hundred yards from the road, is a spring of the best water I have yet tasted on the plains. encamped to-night on the rising ground about a mile from the river & had good grass, with an abundance of wild oats. Strong south wind & some rain. [Distance, 17 miles.
since
we
left
We
What I Saw,
p. 121, declared,
"Our
J '
The Daily Missouri Republican, Aug. 28, buffalo-gnats. " On the 1850, said, Platte, the most detestable thing in creation is the buffalo gnat, a very small, diminutive insect that, before you are aware of its presence has bitten your face, ears, and neck in a thousand places. " Quoted by Settle,
ed.,
p. 97.
TO FORT LARAMIE
Sunday, June 10th.
pleasant
103
morning and fresh bracing wind made us feel after a rainy night. "We had a full view of Court House Bock, 20 which as we approached assumed more the appearance of some rude old structure. It but little re
clear
& good
sembles the dome of the Capitol at Washington. 21 It repre sents somewhat an old fort, but struck me as resembling muchly the Bishop's Palace at Monterey, Mexico. It is not of solid rock it is a sand hill, or rather a sand bank, with an occasional layer of soft rock, rather soft, which has been
;
it. It is a prominent the south side there is easily distinguishable. Upon a stream of clear water which winds around the Castle & then the bluffs & crosses near here. From it we have a view of Chimney Bock22 in the distance. Had yesterday been a clear day we should have seen Chim ney Bock at a distance of thirty miles. It resembles at a dis tance a large hay stack with a pole running thru it, but upon a nearer approach looks more like the huge chimney of some old furnace. Its base occupies nearly half a mile and gradu ally tapers to the end. Some three years ago it was over 400 feet high, but the heavy rains have beaten it down and it is not now so high. The Chimney Bock is composed of the same material as that of the Castle. The Chimney stands solitary & alone upon a small eminence in the centre of a gap formed by two large bluff s. great many names are cut, and at least 1000 more are fainted upon the Chimney, & among the rest was found went into the name of Capt. Smith, cut there in 1845. within four miles of Chimney Bock with good grass camp & pool water. When we drove up & correlled it was clear and pleasant,
&
We
This notable landmark on the trail, located in what is now Morrill County, is a roek and clay formation estimated to be 250 feet high and an acre in area. The fur traders gave it this name probably because of its fancied resemblance to the courthouse in St. Louis. 21. This is an allusion to Bryant, What I Saw, p. 99, which described the
20.
Nebraska,
rock's appearance as
22.
"not unlike that of the capitol at Washington. ' ' in what is now Morrill County, Nebraska, is a limestone Chimney Eock, and sandstone formation, rising in the form of a cone and terminating in a
tower-shaped structure.
104
TEAIL TO CALIFORNIA
but in half an hour it clouded up. By sundown the horizon was darkened with portending clouds. The thunder burst forth in deafening peals & the lightening played & flashed in the heavens, assuming shapes & colors never before wit nessed with a strong S.W. wind, and then poured down the hail in torrents. The ground was covered like snow. The tents were beaten through and the wagon covers almost
riddled.
in a
Our mules being picketed, they began to race & jump, and few minutes we had a perfect stampede. Many of our
&
bluffs.
and obtained, our mules. Smith and a small party went to the bluffs for wood Capt. and were caught out in the storm. They took refuge under their horses, but it was but a poor protection, and after they got into camp, an examination of their backs proved that they had been severly pelted & much bruised. The storm subsided about 8 o'clock P.M. It was the most terrific I ever saw. Although the hail was not larger than hickory nuts, it
in search of,
fell thick
we went
& heavy. 23
Monday, June
llth.
[Distance, 22 miles.
in camp until 12 o'clock M. for the purpose of our goods, &c., &c. We remained in view of the drying Chimney Rock [and] many of our boys visited it. We drove out & kept the road along the bluffs passing Chimney Eock, & we then came in view of a row of naked bluffs, five in num ber, representing castles & old buildings. They presented a
off
Eemained
truly grand & magnificent view, assuming many different shapes as we approached. By general consent the range was
called Castle City. Upon either side of the road, bluffs were in view, presenting a scene of rare beauty, wonder & mag nificence. After a drive of fifteen miles, we encamped on the river bank. Plenty of good grass. Our camp was near a ra-
vine from the bluffs, where we procured good wood, which 23. On this same day, Backus, who was within a day's journey of the
Charleston Company, wrote, "At 6 o'clock P.M. one of the heaviest storms we have seen on the plains commenced and continued for 3 hours hailstones fell as large as wallnuts & the thunder & lightning were constant and terrific." Hale, June 11, also commented on this storm, and Hackney, June 10, told of a yoke of oxen being killed "by lightning.
TO FORT LARAMIE
105
had drifted. A deer was killed by a man named Davidson, and brought into camp. In the partial & prejudiced distribu tion of it, our mess was left without. [Distance, 15 miles.
Tuesday, June 12th.
left the river
early start, and after a drive of about 3 miles & took the bluffs, which we followed. These are 24 In about 8 miles we came to & as called Scott's Bluffs. cended a very high ridge near the top of which we found sev eral small springs of cool water as cold as ice. Here there is a store, blacksmith shop and trading post, kept by a Mr. 25 Eoubadoe, who has been living with the Indians for 13
years. He is married to a Sioux squaw & has several chil dren. For goods of every description he charges the most exorbitant prices, & for work, truly extortionate. For in stance if an emigrant finds the mule shoes, nails &c. & puts the shoes on, he has to pay $1 per pair and everything in
Made an
proportion.
Here we cross a steep dividing ridge, from which far in the distance can be seen something like mountain peaks, and [these] are believed to be a part of the Eocky Mountains, called Laramie's Peake. From here we have a sandy road &
26 barren country to Horse Creek, a stream of good water, but sandy bottom, an affluent of the Platte. Today we had some hail and rain the road heavy. Encamped here.
[Distance, 26 miles.
24. Scott's Bluff,
on the
County,
name from a trapper named Seott, who died here after being abandoned, while ill, by his companions. They reported that they had cared for him until he died, but the later discovery of his bones some miles away from the alleged place of burial led to an exposure of their became a familiar treachery. See Bryant, What I Saw, p. 104. Scott's story
Nebraska, was a formation which took
trail. Washington Irving, Rocky" Mountains (Philadel was perhaps the first printed version of this story. 25. Antoine Robidoux, one of several famous brothers prominent in the early and was mentioned, along West, kept his blacksmith shop from 1848 to 1852, with his squaw wife, by many emigrant diarists. See Brown, June 25; Doyle, June 15; Hackney, June 10; Johnston, May 27; Long, June 2; Searls, June 25; and Tiffany, June 4. See also the editorial note by Georgia Willis Bead and in Gold Rush, The Journals, Drawings, and other papers of J* Ruth
1944), I, 480, n. 139. a tributary of the North Platte, flowing into that stream from the south in Scott's Bluff County, Nebraska.
(New York,
Horse Creek
is
106
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Wednesday, June 13th.
A clear, cool morning. Made a late start. Just before we drove out, a man in a neighboring camp was most cruelly 27 drive beaten for stealing, & turned out of the company. a few miles brought us to the Platte, which we had left of since we took to Scott's Bluffs. It is much narrower here than at any place I have before seen it. The road has been sandy & hilly. Good grass and plenty of wood. "We have trav elled all day along the Platte, & encamped on the river with wood & grass. [Distance? 16 miles.
Comparable instances where men were punished for crime by being turned camp are given by Brown, June 20, and Lyne, June 30. Both of these cases involved men who had shot others, and Lyne regarded the punishment as inadequate, especially since the offender was allowed to take mules and a pack. In 1846, the Donner Party had punished James Frazier Eeed similarly, though lie had killed in self -defense. 28. Laramie J s Pork or Biver, originally the fork of the trapper, La Bame*e (Fourche a la Bame"e), flows northeastwardly into the North Platte. The con fluence is in Goshen County, Wyoming. 29. Fort Laramie, located near the confluence of the Laramie and North Platte Bivers, in what is now G-oshen County, Wyoming, was the successor to a trading post built by William Sublette and Bobert Campbell, and named Fort "William after the former, in 1834. Soon after, 4t was purchased by the American Fur Company and its name was changed to Fort John, after John B. Sarpy, an
27.
out of
company built a new edifice nearer the river Fort John, but "Fort John on the Laramie" became, by popular usage, Fort Laramie. It was only twelve days after the Charlestown Company passed, that the United States government purchased the fort for use as a military post. It was maintained as such until 1890. See Leroy B.
officer of
and
also called it
TO FORT LARAMIE
the
107
high..
The
A Mr. Husband
made on
is now head man, as agent of the American Fur Company. Several Indian squaws with half breed chil dren were found there, and a number of Mexicans. There is nothing enticing or pleasing about the place. They were
We found here
Crows.
a young emigrant who had been accidentally shot in the thigh he was not danger ous[ly wounded.] There were no Indians about, they having gone to war with the
at this place, but come together in a few Take the lower or right hand road. A gentleman from Louis was injured so much today by the running off of
mules that it is thought he will die. Encamped on the river about 4 miles from Ft. Larimie. [Distance, 17 miles.
Hafen and F. M. Young, Fort Laramie and
1890
(G-lendale, Gal., 1938).
30. Bruce Husband had been left in charge of the fort for the American Fur Company in the spring of 1849, when the officially appointed manager, Major Andrew Drips returned to Missouri. Hafen and Young, Fort Laramie, pp. 132-
and Kelly,
p. 155, also
mentioned Husband.
Ill
WEST
and as
terrain
and
insufficiency of forage
alkali,
About 110 miles beyond Laramie, how the trail left the river at a great bend in its course. A brief ever, waterless stretch led to a tributary which General Ashley had named Sweetwater, in grateful recognition of its superiority to the alkalized waters of the North Platte. This cool, clear, and sparkling mountain stream flowed down from sources which were within sight of the South Pass, and the emigrants were able to advance up
difficult.
made the
the valley, until they stood on the threshold of the Continental Divide. An imperceptible rise made easy their journey through this historic portal of the West and into Oregon Territory, which lay
beyond. This passage from the Atlantic to the Pacific Basin had an important emotional value to most emigrants.
after leaving
The Charlestown Company crossed the South Pass Fort Laramie (June 14- June 29).
fifteen
days
camp we crossed
ATER
and sandy road and in 4 miles struck the river. Fol lowing it a few miles, we again took to the bluffs, altho 1 there is a road up the river. We are now in the Black Hills deep cuts, short turns & sandy roads, with, a stunted pine
growth. From the point we last left the river it is 12 miles over a dry sandy country without a particle of water, when 2 you come npon what is called Bitter Cottonwood Creek
1. The term, Black Hills, was not confined, in the days of overland travel, to the mountain range of southwestern South Dakota and northwestern Wyoming which now bears the name, but was extended to include the Laramie moun tains. It was in this broader sense that emigrant diarists used the term. See Bead and Gaines, eds., Gold Rush, I, 482, n. 143. 2. Bitter Cottonwood Creek is a tributary of the North Platte, flowing into
that stream
from the
south, in
what
is
now
Platte County,
Wyoming.
TO SOUTH PASS
109
good water. Here yon follow & cross this stream several times & pass by a spring & stream called Timber Greek. We 3 did not pass the Warm Spring, having kept the ridge road, leaving the spring to our right. Encamped on Bitter Cottonwood Creek, near a good spring about 28 miles from Ft.
Laramie. Clear
warm
day.
[Distance, 24 miles.
morning we were aroused, and were soon up and crossed Bitter Cottonwood & this making the third time we have crossed it. The Creek, roads were good for 9 miles, where we came to Willow we halted 1 1/2 Spring, (by some called Heber Spring) Here hours for breakfast. This place is 7 miles from where we last cross Bitter Cottonwood Creek. We again set out, and after a drive of 8 miles over a bad road & through the most hilly, we came to desolate, sandy & barren country I ever saw, Horse Shoe Creek, a stream of pure, clear, cool water, one mile west of which we went into camp near a spring of cold water on the side of the first bluff from the river. It is caUed Smith's Spring, named by our guide some three years ago.
At 4
o 'clock this
This evening we cut off about 2 feet of our wagon bodies & threw away all the coupled up the wagons shorter. We also worthless plunder we had. Clear, warm day. Since we left Peake. Larimie, we have been in sight of L[aramie's] [Distance, 17 miles.
Laid up today to rest our mules & also to shoe some of them. This morning we discovered some buffaloes in the After bluffs near our camp, & several of us went in pursuit.
& bluffs, we got in sight of striking & following the ravines After [a] warm, excited & close several herd & gave chase. continued our race we succeeded in downing a large bull. farther success. Packed & but had to return without
We
A party, however, went for & got more. The buffalo weighed
3. T].\ e
camp
sufficient for
Warm
North
Platte.
110
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
1000 Ibs. We saw immense numbers of antelopes, but they were so timid & fleet that we could not get near enough to kill any of them. One gang of fifty elk, young & old ones, were in view, but effort to obtain one was futile. For several days back we have had good hard roads, but very hilly, with now and then deep sand & some rocks. Since we left Ft. Laramie wood & water have been abundant, with one exception, already noticed. From the deep ravines & cuts in the hills, with the large quantities of trees washed up by
floated to the vallies, it is evident that violent tremendous storms prevail in this country.
the roots
&
&
Monday, June
18th.
Started before day, intending to go to La Bonta Eiver 4 to breakfast, which we supposed 8 miles off, but missing the road, we travelled for 15 miles before striking it. The road has been over high hills & through deep hollows. The hills hard, but very sandy in the bottoms. Nooned on La Bonta Eiver, a stream of clear water, but not very cool about 30 feet wide & shallow. After crossing this stream we continued to ascend .& descend high bluffs & in five miles crossed a small stream, an affluent of the La Bonta, where we got wood & water, and then drove into camp about 2 miles west. Today we have been among red sand or red hills, with very short grass. On the hills we noticed hundreds & thousands of large crickets or grass-hoppers of every color & hue. They were called by some Buffalo Grass-hoppers. 5 Marble Creek 6 is the name of the stream last passed. Here we found a beau tiful speciman of variegated marble, also soda & salaratus. Hearing that liquor was for sale went back. $12 per Gal. [Distance, 20 miles. 4. La Bonte Eiver is a tributary of the North Platte, flowing northeast into
that river in Converse County, Wyoming. Thwaites, in Early Western Travels, XXX, 64, n. 39, declares La Fourche Boisee and La Bonte to have been dif ferent names for the same stream, to which he also attributes Big Timber as a third name, but this would appear to be an error.
' 5. Love, May 27, one day after crossing the South Platte, had written, 'Here the grasshoppers is so thick you can't keep them out of your face." 6. Joel Palmer mentioned Marble Creek in his Table of Distances from
He
Independence, Mo., in his Journal of Travels over the Rocky Mountains, (1847). also mentioned Big Timber Creek, which Geiger calls Timber Creek (p. 109, above) .
TO SOUTH PASS
Tuesday, June 19th.
111
Very early
this
morning we
broke a bolt pin, and was thus detained. Passed a large con ical hill, 200 feet high and of nearly solid rock. We nooned 7 today on A La Prele Eiver, a narrow & swift stream. Grass very short. In 8 miles we came to & crossed Fourche Boise 8 Eiver, banks high, water good & but little or no grass. In 4 miles we reached the Platfe & went into camp Grass toler able. Wood & water plenty today. In nearly every valley we found good water and in one or two places excellent springs, among them one of sulphur. [Distance, 23 miles over the Black Hills.
1
Wednesday, June
20th.
very cold & unpleasant morning. Eoads good & our course was along Platte. In about 5 miles we reached Deer 9 Creek, a small stream of clear, good water. Crossed & went down to the [Platte] Eiver, where we found several hundred wagons, which were to be crossed there. Our Captain deter mined on crossing at this point. lashed our two sheet iron bodies together, & after unloading our wagons, com menced crossing the river with our luggage &c. It took us until after night, several times our boat washing below the
We
landing. young man named Drenner, from St. Clairsville, in attempting to swim a mule over the river, was Ohio, thrown off & drowned. Seven men have been drowned in
attempting to cross the river in the last week. One wagon went on a raft several miles before it could be stopped. Caught some fine fresh fish today. Several hundred wagons 10 here, busy at work crossing day & night.
[Distance, 7 miles.
North Platte, flowing northeast into that stream in what County, Wyoming. 8. Clayton and Ware, in their guides, both mention Fourehe Bois, which was probably the stream now known as Boxelder Creek, Converse County,
1.
A tributary
of the
is
now Converse
Wyoming.
9. Deer Creek is the largest tributary of the North Platte between the Sweetwater and the Laramie. It flows into the North Platte in Converse
County, Wyoming.
10.
this
112
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Thursday, June
21st.
Owing
to the confusion
terday's business,
we
We
fol
lowed the river as near as we could, being sometimes com pelled to leave it for a mile or two. Our road was over high bluffs of sand & sage wood. It was hard on the mules. Every mile we found emigrants rafting the river. Passed several fine grass spots, and drove into camp on the bank of the river after a hard & wearisome march of 10 miles. "Wood & grass good. [Distance, 10 miles.
Friday, June 22nd.
& continued to follow the river for some when we had again to take to the sand hills. Found many persons at different points crossing the river. The river can be easily rafted anywhere above Deer Creek up to the Old Ferry. Passed the lower Mormon Ferry, which had
Left camp early
distance,
crossed over 900 wagons at 3 dollars each. 11 This morning a lady from Missouri was safely delivered of twin children, 12 Eumor says a woman [while] encamped on the riverside.
which the Charlestown Company took, and the Upper or Mormon Ferry crossing, twenty-eight miles beyond. Loss of life at these crossings far exceeded the loss by drowning anywhere else on the trail. On this point, see above, p. 56, and Paden, Wake of the Prairie Schooner, pp. 192-194. The diary of Benjamin Hoffman, June 20, also notes the use of the metal wagon beds, and adds, "We crossed at the mouth of Deer Creek about 30 miles below the regular Mormon Ferry, in order to cut off as many teams as possible. There are 150 ahead of us now. . There have been, several men drowned while crossing at this
. .
place.
Mcllhany, Recollections, p. 18, also describes the experience of the Charlestown Company at this point: "Our head teamster and the guide examined the crossing and they concluded that we could ford the river- without
"
using the boats [an error of memory]. We put ten mules to a wagon. It was quite a tedious and tiresome task." Mcllhany also mentions the drowning of a young man in another company.
11. The Mormon Ferry was first placed in operation in June, 1847, when the Saints arrived at this point ahead of the emigration, with few provisions, but with "a skiff of sole leather that would carry 1500 or 1800 pounds. " The Mor mons set their charges at $1.50 per load, but recognizing the indispensability of their service, insisted upon payment in commodities at a rate which grossly undervalued the goods. See Edward Bberstadt, ed., Way Sketches, containing incidents of Travel across the Plows . . . ly Lorenzo Sawyer York.
(New
1926), p. 39. 12. Childbirth on the overland trail was not an unusual occurrence. DeWolf, Aug. 11, and Bryant, What I Saw, p. 91, both mention instances. Owen C. Coy,
TO SOUTH PASS
113
seven children were drowned today by the sinking of a man was found in the river, with a bullet hole in his " $87 in money, & three pistols with the initials W. C." head,
boat.
&
Passed in view of Heart Island, which is so called from striking resemblance to a heart. After a drive of about 12 miles we took a final leave of Platte Eiver and its beau tifully singular valley, & took to the ridges over a barren & sandy country destitute of timber, & with no water save lakes strongly impregnated with alkali. From where we left the river, it is near 15 miles to good water, over an exceedingly bad road. We watered at the last point on the river, and after a very severe drive encamped on a high bluff with poor grass and no water. Our wood consisted of wild sage, which burns very well. Our mules were much fatigued.
its
[Distance) 23 miles.
13 Saturday, June 23rd.
Started this morning at 5 o 'clock. beautiful morning but promising to be very hot when a little farther advanced. We rolled 11 miles over a very hilly fe barren country and
nooned at 10 1/2 o'clock. Our mules travelled very slow, probably owing to the short feeding they have had for sev eral days, they not having had a good pile of grass since we left the crossing of the North Platte. We nooned in a little valley upon the right of the road. There is here one of those Poisonous Springs which we have heard so much about. This is the second one we have passed, the other being just before we left the Platte. They have a dark black scurf upon the surface & around the edges. They are quite strong with sulphur & their poisonous effect is attributed to the combina tion of sulphur, copper & alkali. The water is not injurious to persons, but they have not much inducement to drink as both the smell & taste is very disagreeable. Some of the ani mals drink it with impunity whilst others are killed in an hour after partaking. We saw several dead oxen in the
in his
13.
is
pioneers
two books, The Great Trek and Gold Days, who had been born on the trail.
this date Geiger ceased to
lists
a number of surviving
On
entirely in the
114
vicinity, was left
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
and one, having drank heartily while we were there, dead upon the. field. 14 We started again at 1 o'clock, the sun being most power ful, which soon began to show effects upon our mules. Two miles from camp we came to a fine alkali spring, on the left,
very cool & pleasant, & quite palatable, 1/4 mile farther to another of very pure clear sweet water. We rolled five miles from our nooning & came to " Willow Springs." 15 This is one of the regular encampments, but there being not a sprig of grass in the vicinity, we watered and rolled 1 1/2 miles & encamped upon the side of a hill, where there was a little grass, but precious little. In the afternoon, a herd of some 40 buffalo was seen de scending a hill immediately to the road. Chase was instantly given by the General (Mr. Smith Crane) & his party. Mr. GL Cunningham (an excellent marksman) taking the lead soon came along side of a fine cow &, with a six shooter, soon brought her to the ground. They gave farther chase but came up only to some very large old bulls, which they cared but little about. The General came up immediately & the excitement depicted upon his countenance is said to have been truly interesting. They cut off as much as they could, & joined us in camp, supplying each mess with a sufficiency. The teams were much fatigued & many mules completely
given out
in camp.
ally in low spirits at the prospect of our mules giving out. It was quite distressing in particular to see our friend Locke, whose mules were among the number that failed. Our friend
has been quite desponding for some time at the prospect of being left in the mountains in the snow. He had one mule, his leader, which he had bragged upon very often, & upon which he seemed to have put his main dependence, his fond " est hopes. Today, melancholy to relate, Poor Kit" gave out & poor Locke raised his hands heavenward, & in a most disJune 26; Foster, June 24, 26, 30; Hale, June 25; Doyle, July 1; June 23; Searls, July 10; Sedgley, July 9; and Hackney, June 24, all mention the presence of dead cattle and all blame the alkali water. All of these observations are made between nine and thirteen days after leaving Port Laramie, which means that all were made at approximately the same place. 15. Willow Springs rise in Natrona County, Wyoming, and flow into the North Platte from the northeast.
14. Dundass,
Orvis,
TO SOUTH PASS
tressed voice
115
exclaimed,
"
gone,
by
God."
16
of the country is still sandy & broken, pre a roughness, from the sage bushes. We used this senting sage for fuel (artimisia). It burns like pine but with a much brighter light. enjoyed a pleasant camp except the
The appearance
" Peace & Plenty" mess which yet thought of [the] lament able state of Poor Kit. [Distance, 17 miles.
Sunday, June 24th.
We
The day was ushered in most beautifully and everyone looked in cheerful spirits. The morning & evening here are strikingly delightful, & instead of the depressing & languid
16. By all odds, the worst sufferers on tlie overland journey were the draught animals, who perished by thonsands. At Ibest they were taxed to the utmost, and in many cases they were mercilessly overdriven, hut there are many other instances in which their owners developed a genuine affection for them, and attempted to mitigate their suffering. Some illustrations follow: Foster, June
letters,
Old Buck. Page, tl tractable being & easily caught & handled." Badman, June 21, notes, that "this is the 1st day that Ether of our mules has fag'd but this day Joseph has fagM so we had to put Jimmy in the place about 2 m[ile]s before we eneampt. The balance of ' * On our mules names are Billy & Coley, & our oxen names are Bum & Brandy. " June 22, he added, t our Billy mule has the distemper verry bad ; on July 8, tf started with our mules looking like the Devil. Jimmy is very sick caused by drinking [alkali] water." Pleasants, p. 81, tells of an emigrant who shared his
24,
Aug.
May
31, speaks sadly of the loss of oxen, Old Jolly and 8, 13, speaks of his two oxen, Jack and Jerry, as
'
last
The rough water with a pet ox dying on the desert. MeCaU, June 24, said, roads and scanty pasturage begin to tell upon our patient cattle. They bend to the yoke with a will when called upon, and most faithfully perform every labor imposed upon them. Dudley has the finest team. His wheel cattle, a pair of the largest size, stoutly built and perfectly white, are a full team of them selves. His leaders are lighter and cherry red, carrying their heads high and . Our wheel oxen with a cheery air, step as lightly as if only out for a lark. . are not so well matched. One is a dark brown, with those concentric wrinkles about his dark eyes, indicating nerve and spirit. He has proved himself the at the head, where the choicest grass master-spirit of the whole herd, and feeds (( Jim." His mate is red, and of less mettle, is found. He bears the name of
c .
'
honest and easy-going, but no match for "Jim." His former owner called him Charley, and the name has been retained although another member of daily asso our personnel family [MeCalFs horse] bore the same title. ... in the ciation for two long months with these uncomplaining, quiet servants, midst of their toils, and in their peaceful hours of rest, has awakened such a strong sympathy among us all, that their brown sides are not marred by Our Wisconsin friends whip or goad. They are as docile and quiet as lambs. drove on the lead of one of their teams a yoke of heifers. They are as trim and of milk for their table." gay as country lassies, and give them a goodly supply
116
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
feeling that
active
you experience at home in rising early in sum mer mornings, you feel liere rather elated than not, strong, &
cheerful spirits.
The mules came up filled well, & after a hasty cup of coffee we started upon our journey. The country still presented the same broken, barren appearance, with an occasional ravine, or, as the mountaineers say, "Kanyon," in which you can generally find a spring of some sort. Four miles from camp I was attracted by a placard, which on reading, described a delightful spring up a very pretty valley to the left. Some of our company went to it and found it what it was repre
sented.
The roads were a little harder than we have had them and we made three miles. Two miles from the spring above men tioned, we came to another on the left, immediately on the
trail.
This was rather alkalic. understood here, that just half a mile farther in the prarie was another of those poison ous and alkali springs, where the night before, 40 head of
cattle
1T
We
lard.
was poisoned, but which were saved by administering They were so much recruited as to be able to proceed
on their route in the afternoon. This is rather novel & I do not yet understand the chemical change. Five miles farther brought us to noon, upon a beautiful, pure & clear little creek running alongside of the road for more than a mile. "We nooned here 4 hours. "We had around
17. Swain,
July 18, says, "This morning we ... found our cattle sick from
' ' any of them. Delano, July 10, speaks of administering a "dose of bacon" to the cattle. Bruff, Aug. 3, also describes this form of treatment. Marcy, Prairie Traveler pp. 124-125, discusses this matter, as follows: "In the vicinity of the South Pass, upon the Humboldt Biver, and in some sections upon other routes to California, alkaline water is found which is very poisonous to animals that drink it, and generates a disease known in California as ' ' alkali. ' ' This disease first makes its appearance by swellings upon the abdomen and between the fore legs, and is attended with a cough, which ultimately destroys the lungs and kills the animal. If taken at an early stage, this disease is curable, and the following treatment is generally considered as the most efficacious. The animal is first raked, after which a large dose of grease is poured down its throat; acids are said to have the same effect, and give immediate relief. When neither of these remedies can be procured, many of the emigrants have been in the habit of miring starch or flour in a bucket of water and allowing the animal to drink it. It is supposed that this forms a coating over the mucous membrane, and thus defeats the action of the poison."
the effect of drinking of the saline springs. doctored them large pieces of fat pork & had the good luck not to loose [sic]
We
by giving them
TO SOUTH PASS
117
our camp many rattlesnakes, rather small, but very viscious looking devils. "We took some fish with our net & had a palat able meal, after which we enjoyed a siesta & rolled again. The roads continued hard & in a few hours, after travelling 8. miles, we encamped upon Sweet Water Eiver about two miles below Independence Rock. We had good grass the best since leaving the Platte a beautiful [ly] situated camp, a good cup of coffee, & after [wards] a delightful snooze. [Distance, 19 miles.
Monday, June
"Was presented to us in
colours.
25fh.
all her most bright & glorious and soon the order was given by breakfasted, " Hook our most indefatigable Guide to 'up." Two miles ls us to the Great renowned Independence Rock. We brought were much disappointed when it was first pointed out to us, for we expected to see (never having had a description of it except as the Great Independence Eock) a spire, pyramid or shot tower looking object, but on the contrary, it was onelarge mass extending over perhaps four or five acres & being 150 to 200 ft. high. The exterior was broken by many deep crevices, extending in some places half through. Between the crevices, on the outside it was smooth. From this reason it has been chosen since the passing of the first white man, as a registering & publishing post. Thousands of names are upon it, some painted well, others tarred, and many cut in the rock. You can here see names from not only the U.S., but from all parts of the world. From the top you have a fine view of the valley of the Sweet Water, both above & be low. The road comes close to the south base of it & here im mediately crosses the river. This crossing is altogether op tional however, as you can cross it at any place the bank is not too bluff for you to get to it. Sweet Water Eiver is some
We
ft.
18. No other landmark of the trail was quite so well known as Independence Here Eoek, a spectacular boulder in what is now Natrona County, Wyoming. countless emigrants inscribed their names, so that the rock became, in Father De Smet's often-quoted phrase, "the Great Register of the Desert." The name if it is sometimes attributed to FrSmont, but John B. Wyeth had used it as were accepted terminology as early as 1833. For discussion, see Edward Eber-
stadt, ed.,
Way
Sketches, p. 42.
118
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
strong current. It is very tortuous in its course, describing horse-shoe bends every two hundred yards.
sandy bottom
&
Four miles from Independence Eock we came to "The Devil's Gate." 19 This is the most remarkable freak of nature I ever saw. It is the passing of the Sweet Water River through a mountain of solid rock. From the water below to the top of the rock is by measurement 400 ft., & being more than a hundred yds. wide. The rock presents the appearance of being split asunder, & this being the only outlet for the river it rushed through and went on its way to its mother home. The breadth across is 50 yds. Four miles from "The Devils Gate" we nooned four hours, and started again and encamped at a bend of the river where the road leaves it for several miles. had grass to the mules knees, and they now seem to be improving
We
'
fast.
the
command
we
had corralled & was delighted to meet some old friends, Lts. 20 May, Addison, Irwin & Mr. Stevenson. We road together
19. A narrow gorge more than three hundred feet deep, "by which the Sweetwater Biver passes through a range of hills which lies across its path in what is now Natrona County, Wyoming. This spectacular physical feature was another of the accepted landmarks of the trail. 20. In 1846, Congress had authorized the raising of a regiment of 10 com panies of Mounted Biflemen for the purpose of garrisoning posts along the Oregon Trail. The regiment was created in accordance with the act, but was sent to serve in the Mexican War, "before it ever saw service on the frontier. Bryarly probably met some of the officers in Mexico. In 1849 the Mounted Binemen marched to their garrison posts in the West under the command of Major Osborne Cross, but an advance party under the command of Brevet Major John Smith Simonson was sent in advance to take up a post on Bear Biver. It was this advance party in which Bryarly met his friends. John Smith Simonson, a native of Pennsylvania, had been appointed Captain, Mounted Biflemen, May 27, 1846; Brevet Major, Sept. 13, 1847, for gallantry at Chapultepee; later, Colonel, May 13, 1861; and Brevet Brig. General, Mar. 13, 1865; died Dee. 5, 1881. Julian May, a native of the District of Columbia, was appointed 2nd Lieutenant, Mounted Biflemen, May 27, 1846; Brevet 1st
Lieutenant, Aug. 20, 1847, for gallantry at Contreras and Churubusco; 1st Lieutenant, Oct. 31, 1848. John MeL. Addison, a native of Virginia, and Caleb E. Irvine, a native of Tennessee, were both 2nd Lieutenants of this regiment. Settle, ed., March of the Mounted Riflemen, pp. 275-277 and passim; Francis
TO SOUTH PASS
119
some 6 miles farther & came to the river again. On rising the we saw for the first time the snow-capped Wind Moun tain. We were attracted by a smoke up the mountain on our right side, and all had very considerable curiosity to know from whence it came. Maj. Simonson being something of a "Tourist" volunteered to go with anyone. Lt. Irwin offered to accompany him, & they started. They returned in the evening reporting the smoke to be from a large quantity of drift wood which was on fire, & which was found to have been set on fire by some of the deserters of the evening be fore. They found a pair of U.S. pantaloons, straps &c. 21 One mile farther the G-overnment train halted & went into camp. I was the guest of Lt. May & [Mr.] Stevenson and was most hospitably received. We were fortunate enough to find some nice sprigs of mint upon the river, & soon were at work with our tools, knocking up one of those nectar
hill,
drinks, a Julep. The invitation being extended to other officers of kindred spirits, after supper they assembled and
with talking of friends at home, of days gone by, of hair breadth escapes, of the journey over the plains, and with an
occasional draw upon the blue pitcher, a bright fire, & that indispensable article, the life of a camp fire, "a Pipe," we whiled away some half dozen hours in almost complete forgetfulness of the many deprivations of the plains, & only broke up our levee when reminded we had but three hours to sleep before reveille. The neighborhood of Independence Eock is the great battle ground of the Indians. This is the favorite spot for
their bloody "set to's," & many terrible battles have taken place here. When the war party of any tribe feel like tigers, or very pugnacious & pugilistic & bloody, their skins trimmed in all their paraphernalia of war, [they] go to the valley of the Sweet Water, near or about the Eock, to look up a fight. Here, if they happen to meet another party upon the same errand, they instantly make battle. The oldest mountaineers confirm this & say many most bloody engage ments have taken place in this way.
B. Heitman, Historical Register and Dictionary of the "United States Army (Washington, 1903). 21. The last two sentences of this paragraph appear on a separate page at the end of the journal, with a note indicating that they pertain to this passage.
120
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Our guide pointed out to me the exact spot at the base of the rock where two emigrants some years since left their guns & ascended for the purpose of scribing their names & were surrounded by Indians & taken. The circumstances as told me by Mr. Smith were these. It was the Oregon emi gration of 1844. Two men with it, by name Hastings & Lovejoy, [went] ahead of the train some distance for the purpose of ascending the rock before it came up. 22 They imprudently left their guns sitting against the rock at its base & went up.
They scarcely got up before the war whoop of 250 Indians was heard & they were described by the men as jumping up from every sage bush & bunch of grass. The men were the more surprised because they had examined, as they thought, well, all around the place for fear of these self-same fellows. They were still more surprised when they saw their own guns pointed towards them and ordered to come down. They came down and were seized by the Indians & treated with the greatest indignity. The young Indians spit in their faces, pulled their ears & nose. They were stript & whipt most un
mercifully & driven thus towards the train which, so soon as they perceived them, corralled. One Indian snapped a pistol three times at Lovejoy 's head, but his time had not yet come. They demanded a most exorbitant ransom, in provisions, for
them, which had to be paid, and they were released. This taught them however, never to stray too far from home. Lovejoy is now Mayor of Oregon City, & Hastings is one of those who with Sutter, just invited the emigration to Cal
ifornia.
[Distance, 15 miles.
Early
22. Hastings and Lovejoy were Lansf ord W. Hastings and Amos L. Lovejoy. Lovejoy was prominent in early Oregon affairs, and later accompanied Marcus Whitman on Ms famous ride. This episode at Independence Rock is fully de scribed in Hastings, Emigrants' Guide, pp. 11-17. 23. While Bryarly had traveled ahead of his company, it had re-erossed the Sweetwater River "to shun the sandy roads and dust and also to get away from the number of wagons. The sand is from 6 to 10 inches deep and almost hot enough to cook eggs." Hoffman diary, June 25.
TO SOUTH PASS
121
at a point where the road leaves for some distance. On one side of us at noon we had the " Sweet "Water" Mountain, the highest point on the left of the valley, & on the opposite side, the Two Dome Mountains, situated near the river &
some 10 miles from each other. They have been thus named from their shape. This chain of the Bocky Mountains seem to take their origin from the Devil's Gate & run west towards the larger range. They are solid rock, having no such thing as herbage of any kind upon them. Occasionally you can see water coming from some of the numerous crevices, 100 ft. from its base & trickling gracefully & gently
down. In advancing close to the base, one's ears is saluted with a terrible & singular sound, which upon closer approximation astonishes you in the shape of thousands & thousands of our common swallows. They build their nests of mud, which sticks very securely to the rocks, always picking out the under part of a projecting one for protection from the weather. One particular rock or mountain, seeming to be a favorite, from the number of nests on it, was named by us the Swallow Rock. After nooning 4 hours we again hooked up and started with renewed vigour. After leaving the river 6 miles, we again crossed it, & found two roads, one, the old trail, which went through the "Narrows" as they are called & requiring
to cross the river twice in two hundred yds. The Narrows is where the river passes between two mountains, the space between entirely taken up by the bed of the river, the dis tance being 100 yds. The other went around some five miles farther, avoiding these two crossings, but having very heavy sand all the way. We chose the old trail on account of our mules. On ap proaching the pass, we met many ox teams returning to the other road, not being able to cross as the river was too high for their wagons. However, we, nothing daunted, & knowing no such thing as fail, 24 pushed on. We came to the cross ing & found it very high, which required our beds to be
' '
' '
24.
In the lexicon of youth, which fate reserves For a bright manhood there is no such word As "fail" Edward Bulwer Lytton, Mchelieu (1839) Act II,
Sc. 2.
122
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
propped up to save them from the water. At the regular crossing you had to travel up the bed of the river some 75 yds. This was very hard for our mules, being up to their backs in water & pulling against the current, & determined our Guide to make another inlet, opposite the old [one] com ing out on the other side. Rocks were rolled down from the mountain over us and filled into the river. Trees were felled & layed along with dirt over them for a road. After a couple [of] hours of hard & active work it was, as we thought, com pleted. The first team was driven on the first step from the edge, & sent mules, men, & wagon into five ft. [of] water with a strong current. After some difficulty, the men all get ting drenched, having been compelled to jump in the river, they were extricated with only a good ducking. This of course determined us to hold to the old crossing, which after considerable noise & confusion was passed. The river was again to be crossed two hundred yds. below. Still keeping the blocks under their wagons, this was also soon done, the men going in the river after having once got out, like muskrats.
By direction of the G-uide, I picked a camp on the side of the river at the crossing, and we corralled. The mules were
turned to good grass
&
my usual prescription
Wednesday, June
27th.
Made rather a late start this morning, having found that some of our wagons beds had leaked, & wet some of our groceries. Seven & a half saw us again upon the road, which here leaves the river, taking to the bluffs & hills for two miles, and striking it again [in] 7 miles, when we again cross it. The other road keeps upon the south side. From our last crossing, the road makes a long stretch of 15 miles before striking it again. If you are late in the day, it would [be] prudent for you to fill your casks, in case of not being able to reach the river to camp. We nooned 3 miles from last crossing 4 hours, and rolled river. Not being able to get any grass nearer than two to^the miles of the crossing, we went thus far on our route & en-
TO SOUTH PASS
camped on a Mil with poor
123
grass. There was very little of interest in today's route. It was the same appearance of country as for some time past. The "Wind Mountain was in
all day, & it, together with the dead oxen on this side of the road, was the only things to relieve the monotony of our march. The weather & hard driving now begin to show but saw twelve dead ones too lamentably upon the ox teams. the day, and many driven along, some with the foot during 25 entirely worn away [?], must soon follow in the same path The south-side road came into the other, 10 miles from our last crossing. The south road was represented as a bad one, it being a road [3 words illegible] up to the hubs.
view
We
[Distance, 24 miles.
Having very short grazing last night, we made an early purpose of making a long noon when we should come to good grass. The road follows up the river, only leaving it in one place from the old road, which went over
start for the
a considerable hill to avoid crossing the river twice. Six miles from camp is a very cool pretty spring on the right, 50 yds, from the road. The spring was surrounded with [a]
great many gooseberry bushes which were full of fruit. They were green, but were eaten with considerable gusto. We met here also a party of trappers, some of whom intended to 26 return to the States. They were carrying a mail back, re ceiving 50 cents a letter. They had then some thousands of letters. I stopped long enough to write two, & committed them to their charge. We rolled 2 miles farther and nooned. We stopped at the branching of two roads one of which,
25. On the prolonged journey, it often happened that the hoofs of the draught animals would "become very badly worn. To avert the danger of their "being worn " " the away altogether, emigrants sometimes made boots or "moccasins" for animals by fastening pieces of hide over their hoofs. See Delano, May 30;
met with a party of 26. Hoffman's diary for this same day noted that, for us ever to reach California as trappers today who say it will be impossible the grass gets shorter and shorter every day and will give out entirely in 500 miles farther. They say also that there are teams 300 miles ahead of us that have not will not get through. This has thrown a gloom over all of us, as we now more provisions than will last us through providing we have nothing to
stop us."
"We
124
to the left, kept
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
on the river and in one place went directly in the bed of it for 4 miles. The other kept over the bluffs & does not strike the river again for 16 miles. We, after nooning 4 hours, took the right hand road, as
cending immediately a very steep & winding hill. The first two miles were very hilly & rocky & rough, being on a very great ascent the whole way. The road then was very hard, good, & descending. On starting we filled our casks with
water, intending to make the 16 miles to the river, but after rolling 8 miles, coming to good grass, wood, & water, we
determined to "lay to" for the night. We had a most de lightful encampment, high grass, good wood, and a spring of water, cool as though it had ice in it.
Four miles from starting this evening, in a kanyon there was a spring to the right, with a little rivulet crossing the road. This water was colder than any ice water I ever drank. Farther down the same kanyon, large quantities of drift snow were found. It was quite a luxury and was used by the company in great quantities. The Wind Mountain is still in sight, 30 miles, & no doubt these very cold springs that we have spoken of, is the welling of the snow from them. Just opposite our encampment was a beautiful grove of green cottonwood. This is the first large trees we have seen since leaving the Platte & was pleasing & cherishing. The ox teams are still leaving their traces behind, making the atmosphere occasionally hideous We came up to the Government train before they had started, & rolled in before them. 27 They pre
!
pared
to
& passed
Not caring
had,
we
hill, & crossing several streams, the first, some 5 miles from our starting and coming direct from the "Wind Mountain" was named by us the Wind River. The second,
27. Backus, who was two days' journey behind the Charlestown Company, wrote on June 30, "passed today a Government Train of 40 mule wagons on their way to Bear River Valley."
& down
TO SOUTH PASS
2 miles
filled
125
from the last, the reason for which it came being ice, was named the Ice River. These streams are not particularly mentioned by any traveller before, & I doubt
with
not [that] in regular seasons [they] have no water but they are now running from the very hard winter & very wet spring, as, in the recollection of the oldest trappers, such wet weather was never seen before. Eight miles brought us again to the river. Here the road that comes up the river comes in
&
also crosses.
The Government train was encamped on the river, having layed up for the purpose of tightening their wagon wheels,
which were about falling to pieces
to shrink
We causing them the crossing. In this vicinity we found on the hill opposite 28 many horned frogs. This & the vicinity of the crossing of the South Platte are the only places we have seen these curi ous little animals. They are smaller than our toads and have from the quite a small delicate head. The horns come out to a quarter of an inch in length. body, being from an eighth
from the
tires.
place for two weeks for the purpose of trading with the 29 emigrants. One among them, was a very intelligent fellow,
by name Bogers. He was a Frenchman, and a most remark able looking man. Tall, fine figure, carrying himself very in curls over his erect, with an immense head of hair hanging shoulders, and as black as the Indian Squaw's whom he had for his wife. Their mode of getting through life is I think rather captivating than not. They seem not to have a care, & are free from the petty annoyances & scandal of civiliza tion. Money is no object, nothing to sell for it & nothing to
buy with it. Game of all sorts in abundance, & when it is driven from one point they follow it, changing at the same time their lodges and consequently their homes. Eogers entertained us with some amusing stories of the out emigrants that he had encountered in his rambles. Being
28. I.e. f
horned toads. The term frogs was not uncommonly used. See Bruff,
"
.
July
15.
a day's journey July 1, Hackney, who was at about this same point, from the South Pass, wrote, "found a company of traders hear done some trad me he had not been in the states for 18 years ing with them one of them told
29.
On
they
all
' '
126
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
lie
hunting
an antelope. He halted until he shot & killed it & then rode up toward him. The emigrant turned & saw him & with one bound he leapt upon his horse & bolted from him like an arrow. He evidently took him for an Indian, which was very natural at a little distance, but if he had allowed him to approach a little nearer he would have found him, although a man dressed in skins yet they were not cut in the rude stile of the Indian, with the buckskin shirt & legins, but he would have seen a
to
tall, fine
same, in the present sack style hallowed several times for the poor frightened fellow to stop but the wind was blowing in an opposite direction, & he could not recognize a white man's voice, & thinking of ten thousand Indians, away he went, never once turning his head. Finding the dead antelope was truly deserted, [Eogers] skinned it & packed it on his horse. In a short time he came up to another emigrant, who had also been out hunting. He [the emigrant] turned & saw him some distance behind, & l^ept walking straight ahead with out turning his head once, having made up his mind, as Eogers expressed it, to meet death with [out] seeing it, if it was to come. He [Eogers] rode up alongside & spoke to him. He was equally as much startled, indeed more, to hear him speak English than if he had spoken Injin. He [Eogers] asked where his train was, but the fellow was so fright ened he could give no satisfactory account of himself. Lead ing a mule, he [Eogers] invited him to mount & ride with
in gaiter stile, of the States.
Mm
him
to his lodge,
&
[where] he could see his train and join it when it passed. The man hemmed & hawed for some time, & at last, rather from the fear of offending than desirous to go with him, he mounted up. In mounting, the mule was rather skittish, & he [Eogers] offered to hold his gun until mounted, but he declined, saying he guessed it would not be much in his way, & he held on to it, although it was with great difficulty that he got on with it in his hand. The truth was, he was not yet sure he had not fallen into the hands of the Philistines. Only a few minutes before, having made up his mind that death
TO SOUTH PASS
was
inevitable,
127
instead, one who seemed to be was completely overpowered & could not understand Ms position. In the course of the ride to the lodge he [Eogers] found out that he belonged to the same company as the one did who[m] he scared from the antelope. He told him the circumstance, gave him half the animal, & dispatched him to his train which was then passing. We bought a very fine mule & some buffalo meat & skins from them [these trappers]. They all have their wives, & some, not satisfied with one, have two. They perchase them from their fathers, a young squaw being valued at a good horse. "We nooned 4 hours & started for the dividing ridge of the South Pass, it being distant from this last crossing of the Sweet Water 10 miles. We here take an affectionate leave of this beautiful river. We have traveled up it 104 miles, & in
& meeting
kindness
itself, lie
its
whole course
it
enjoyed some delightful camps upon its banks endulged in some luxurious soliloquies. I confess I have formed quite an attachment to this captivating little stream & almost think I could pass my days in contentment
or depth.
We
& have
its beautiful banks. evening was hard & firm & we soon rolled these ten miles, which brought us in the middle of the Great
South Pass of the Rocky Moiwtains? Here is the dividing ridge from which flows the waters to the Atlantic & Pacific. There is here a large, fine, clear spring, which is called the Pacific Spring. In fifteen minutes walk you can drink from the flowing waters of both the Atlantic & Pacific
Oceans. With a little imagination, you can extend your arms, one over the vast waters of the Atlantic & the other over those of the Pacific. These waters reach the Atlantic by flowing into Sweet Water, thence into the Platte, thence the Missouri, Mississippi, & Gulf of Mexico & Atlantic. Those of
the
The South Pass through the southern end of the Wind River Range of Eocky Mountains was so-called "because it lay to the south of the passes earlier made known by Lewis and Clark. This easy passage across the con tinental divide had first "been crossed from west to east by the returning Astorians in 1812 (see above, p. 19) and from east to west by Thomas Fitzpatrick (Broken Hand) in 1824. Captain Bonneville took wagons through in 1832. When the Oregon Trail opened, the Pass became the gateway to the Far West.
30.
128
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
the Pacific
commencing at the beautiful spring, runs to Green Eiver, thence Colorado Eiver in California, then Gulf
of California
&
Pacific.
Persons generally have a very erroneous idea of this South Pass. It is generally supposed from its being called [a] Pass, to be a narrow pass, a place with high steep ragged, rugged, ugly, black, sharp, & threatening rocks on each side & above, with the steepest hills to ascend & the most dangerous precipices to descend, and being most dan gerous to man or beast. You never formed an idea so far from the truth. The Pass is 19 miles wide, & through a little
valley.
tible.
The ascent
is
so gradual that
it is
scarcely percep
States,
now
9000
ft.
&
more than 1000 miles would divide into coming a very imperceptible grade. The truth is, if you were not told, you would not know you were either in the Eocky Moun
to this point
South Pass. On the left side of this valley of some high mountains arising immediately from the edge of the valley. They are different, however, from those we have seen for some time back, being covered with some grass, and the little ravines being filled with green cottonwood. On the right we have the Wind Mountain, dis tant from us now about twenty miles. We found the valley filled with wagons & stock, & it was with difficulty we found a place to form our correll & then was obliged to drive our
tains or in the
is
the Pass
[Distance, 25 miles.
IV
WEST of the South Pass, the Rocky Mountains dominated the scene, and the emigrants found themselves passing through a region that was not only extremely difficult for travel, but geographically con
At first they were in the watershed of the Colorado, but they quickly passed from this region to the Bear River valley, which is a part of the Great Basin. But after only a few days there, they crossed over to Fort Hall, on the Snake, and were thus in the drainage basin of the Columbia River. They reached the first affluent of the Colorado River system
fusing.
when they
arrived at Pacific Springs, just beyond the South Pass. had followed this watercourse southwest to
ward Port Bridger, and had again turned north along Bear River. But the haste of the '49 migration had given popularity to a variant route by way of Subletted Cut-off, which moved due west, inter secting two affluents of the Green River, namely the Little Sandy and Dry Sandy. Beyond these, a waterless stretch of about forty
miles brought the emigrants to the Green River itself, which fiows south into the Colorado. After achieving the difficult crossing of this stream in what is now Lincoln county, "Wyoming, the emi
grants continued across country, remaining in the watershed of the Colorado until they had crossed the upper reaches of Ham's
Fork, which flows southeast into the Green. From that crossing (also in Lincoln County), it was less than a day's journey into the
An easy divide carried the emigrants over into the the Bear River, where they again struck the trail from valley of
Great Basin.
Fort Bridger. The journey of the Charlestown Company lay through the Colo rado watershed for an interval of nine days (June 29-July 7).
THIS
We
130
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
& liard & firm, we soon This has no water in it Dry Sandy in the dry seasons, but now it is quite a stream. But you must not, (so the Mormons say) either drink yourself, or allow your animals to drink it, as it is very injurious. 1 [However,] both the guide & myself allowed our horses, which were quite thirsty, to drink freely. We have not yet seen any bad effect from it. We kept on & at 11 o 'clock came
came ten miles
to
river.
to Little Sandy.
We counted 50 wagons in the road before us. The road was most awfully dusty & the stench from the dead oxen ren dered it rather obnoxious. This day has given a panic to the ox drivers. The oxen are strewed along the road, as mile stones. We have rolled today 20 miles & passed 20 dead ox [en]. We much pity those coming a few days behind us
as the horrid smell in this close climate will, I much fear, cause even sickness among them. There is, in many places, no such thing as going around them, but [one] must follow the road, and many of the poor oxen have scarcely hauled themselves out of the track of the wagons. had a pleasant march, however, & I was struck particu with the unusual spirits of everyone. Even our friend larly Locke was once more happy, as "poor old Kit" was once
We
more "himself again" and was again leading with head & tail erect. I passed by our friend on the road, & with laugh ing, shouting, and an occasional taunt at old Kit such as, u& you Kit, what are you about, I'll warm you directly," he
looked the personification of contentment. We nooned 3 hours on Little Sandy & rolled 6 miles to Big Sandy. Five miles before you come to Little Sandy there is a road which takes off to the left, which is the Mormon Road, 2 striking the old trail some distance lower down. At the Little
1. This allusion clearly shows that Bryarly had used Clayton's Latter-Day Saints' Emigrants' Guide (see above, p. 21), usually called the Mormon Guide, for it lists the Dry Sandy (p. 16) with the comment, ' f the water brackish, and not good for cattle. "
2. At this point, the original Oregon Trail swung southwestward (left) toward Port Bridger, on Black's Pork of Green River. There the emigrant might leave the Oregon Trail, continuing southwestward to Salt Lake City (hence the term Mormon Boad), in which case his route did not again meet that of the other California emigrants until he reached the City of Eoeks (see p. 161, below) at the head of the Humboldt Valley. If he continued on the Oregon Trail, how-
TO FORT HALL
Sandy the
131
old trail takes off. But few have travelled it this those going the old trail taking the upper road. spring, Nearly all the emigrants however have gone Subletted cut off, which commences at the Little Sandy. We encamped upon Big Sandy. Here commences the great stretch without grass or water, which is the difficulty of the cut-off. At this Big Sandy you leave water & grass for a 40-mile stretch. For four or five miles the banks of the stream are covered with wagons & stock recruiting for this great march. We in tend laying hy until tomorrow at noon and then taking this 40 mile "bug bear." The sun has been most suffocatingly hot in the middle of the day for some days, & our herdsmen, who are exposed to it the whole time, have all been taken sick, and are now suf fering with a burning fever. They were taken within 24 hours of each other. I have been called to see several emigrants who are suffering from the same fever & cause. [Distance, 26 miles.
Sunday, July
1st.
We are now laying on the Big Sandy River. We remained here until 2 P.M. when we once again " hooked up" and were on this Jornado. 3 We had a very pleasant camp, although much exposed to the sun, which during the middle of the day was very oppressive. Some amused themselves fishing while others were busily employed " Fixing Up" as they say, such as washing, drying, packing, &c. We remained thus
' *
3 '
ever, his route from Port Bridger lay northwestward until lie reached Bear Eiver. Going first southwest then northwest, he would have described a wide are, but would have gained the advantage of following watercourses. Emigrants who desired a quick journey were impatient with this detour. Such impatience led William Sublette, in 1832, to attempt a short cut due west
(right) across the waterless expanse. Captain Bonneville's wagon party fol lowed his route successfully that same year, and Subletted Cut-off became the accepted road, except for those who were going to Salt Lake. Hoffman's diary, this date, said: "We travelled about six miles when the road turns off to Salt Lake. . About one half of the emigrants are taking this route." 3. The Spanish term, Jornada (a day's journey), had come to signify a con siderable distance which must be traversed without water (and, therefore, in one day, if possible). It had been adopted by the American pioneers in this
. .
specialized sense.
132
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
long here for the purpose of recruiting & traveling at night. There was two hundred wagons along the stream in sight & they all seemed to have come to the same determination about starting, as they drove out just as we did. After filling our casks & some of our gum clothes-bags with water, supplying ourselves with sufficient to give them [the animals] a gallon a piece, & having cut a little bundle of grass for each, we started. "We rolled until the moon was nearly down which was I o 'clock & then piquetted out. We then gave our animals some grass & a little water, & then we "turned in" to remain until daylight. The road for three miles was a solid mass of wagons. [We traveled 25 miles.
At daybreak after a hasty bite we rolled again. During the morning I saw a great deal of grass better than any we
have seen since leaving the Platte. These hills, indeed the whole of this 40 miles, are represented as being very barren, but we found it covered with the shrubbery peculiar to the
country & in many of the ravines excellent grass. The morn ing was quite cool, which was most fortunate & favorable for us. The last 20 miles is up & down hill, some of them very steep, it being necessary to let the heavy wagons down with ropes to prevent their utter destruction. Just before you arrive at the river you have the last but not least of the hills to descend. It is nearly three miles from the summit to the 4 bottom, which is at the long looked for Green River. We drove immediately to the river where we encamped for the purpose of crossing as soon as we could get our pontoons
loaded.
owned by a Frenchman who had started for small pontoon beds and
4. Green Biver, a tributary of the Colorado, had been a favorite resort of the fur-traders since the time of Ashley's first expedition. Bancroft later at tributed its name to a member of Ashley's Company, but the existence of a member bearing this name has not been proved, and it appears that the Spanish had already named it Bio Verde beca'ise of its color. The Charlestown Com pany crossed this stream in what is now Lincoln County, Wyoming.
TO FORT HALL
not so
133
came to the conclusion lie would stop here & establish a ferry,
much for the accomodation of the emigrants as for the desire of monopoly. He charges $8 a load, & it takes three loads to one wagon. However, they must go across, & consequently the ferry is engaged for 4 days ahead. All the streams that we have crossed upon this side of the mountain have been muddy, while those on the other side with the ex ception of the Platte were clear. The Green Eiver is about 150 yds. wide, with a strong current, & 10 ft. deep. It is un
usually high at present. Generally it is f ordible. We had much difficulty in getting our mules upon the op posite side. They would strike across but would get fright ened at the strong current & return to shore. After driving them in several times, with howling, whiping &c., we at last succeeded in crossing all but some 20, which had to remain upon this side with nothing but the sage bushes for food. In the afternoon several of the officers of [the] Govern ment train rode up to our train, having left Big Sandy in the morning. Their train was also on the road. I invited them to take a camp-fire supper which they did. Afterwards we discussed the Sublette Cut Off and the difficulties of crossing Green Eiver. At 12 we parted, they to look for their camp, and I for my lonely couch upon mother earth. [Distance, 20 miles.
work early this across the river. morning, getting our wagons, baggage, &c., The day was spent in hard, fatiguing, & laborious work. Once our boats were carried 2 miles down the river by the current & wind. It was found impossible to cordel it up the stream, & it was proposed, as the most expeditious plan, to bring the boats back over land. The wagon was taken out [the one] that was in the boats and put together, & the boats put upon
was
at
& brought up. We finished crossing at sundown. Having met some Missourians, formerly of our county of Virginia, we loaned them our boats, for which they seemed very to gratified, as otherwise they would have been compelled await their turn, which would have detained them several
it,
134
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
were offered $500 for our Pontoons, & two beds in their place. We would not take it as there [wagon-] is yet a possibility that we may again need them. This morn ing in getting over our last mules, we lost one, which, we
days.
We
concluded, had cooly and deliberately committed suicide. It did not attempt to swim, but allowed its head to go under
its going in the water & neither turned [to] or struggled to save himself, [in] the least. 5 out, In the afternoon Mr. Washington, Keeling & myself visited the Government camp, it being at the lower ferry, some few miles from our crossing. supped with them & after a pleasant "tete-a-tete" drifted towards our camp, having promised to dine with them on the morrow.
immediately on
come
We
Wednesday, July
in
4th.
This is the glorious Fourth. The first dawn was ushered by a noise from our six pounder, which reverberated, echoed & reechoed from hillock to hill, until the very earth itself seemed to tremble in fear at such strange noises. We determined to remain upon the banks of Green Eiver to spend the Fourth. Every one was in excellent spirits & all
that seemed wanting
was a
little
"The day we
modating Quartermaster soon furnished the needful, & a happier set was not collected together in the "[E]stados Unidos" than was ours. The little Big Gun was considerable of a curiosity upon the plains "this far out." The emigrants both at the upper & lower ferry hurrahed whenever it was fired, & many came to look at it. 6 Mr. Washington & Keeling & myself left our
5. According to the Hoffman diary of same date, this was the first mule which the Oharlestown Company lost. 6. Celebration of the Fourth of July was the major festivity of the over
strong. We rested all that day engaged in cooking, sewing, and washing. Tom Moore, from Harper's Ferry, Virginia, was selected as orator of the day. He stood on a large stump and had an Indian pole in his left hand to steady him-
land journey. Fremont's party had observed the day in 1842, and the precedent probably dates back to the earliest trappers. Mellhany, EecollectionSj p. 23, describes the festivities of the Charlestown Company somewhat more fully than Bryarly does, and his account may well be quoted here: "The next day was the Fourth of July, and there were a great many emigrants there [on the Green Eiver] resting. Up and down the stream they were camped about, three thousand
TO FORT HALL
camp about 12
gagement
self with.
135
fulfill
our en
He had his right one free to make gestures with. Being the Fourth of July, our quartermaster issued whisky rations. Some had more or less, and some didn't have any. Those are the ones that didn't drink. We hadn't had our
(p. 142), Bruff, Dundass, Hackney, Johnston, Kelly (p. 254), Long, McCall, McCoy, Eoyce (pp. 22-23), Searls, Sedgley, Tiffany, and Webster (nearly all of whom mention the firing of arms), but perhaps the fullest and most interesting account is that of Swain. He describes ceremonies which began with the playing of the "Star-spangled Banner," and continued with the read
Brown
cannon out of the wagon since we started, and we concluded that we would take it out that day and chain it to the stump. Moore felt pretty good, feeling the effects of Ms whisky, and everytime that he would say anything would touch the little cannon off, and the echo would bellow patriotic up and down the valley. The Indians, when they heard that cannon, would not come anywhere near us." The Hoffman diary, in Ambler, "West Virginia Fortyniners," also describes these festivities and especially the firing of the cannon. Other diarists who mention the commemoration of this day include Backus,
little
ing of the Declaration, the delivery of an oration, and the playing of "Hail Columbia," after which the entire company marched into a "hall" "which was formed by running the waggons in 2 rows far enough apart for the covers to reach from one to the other forming a fine hall covered by the waggon covers, thus forming a comfortable place for the dinner table which was set through
ham & beans, boiled and baked, biscuit, John apple pie, sweet cake, pudding, rice, pickles, vinegar, pepper sauce, mustard, coffee, sugar, and milk. All enjoyed it well & after dining the toasting commenced." Swain remained through five of the toasts and then left before 6 1 reason was out and brandy in. ' ' Also, see the discussion in Bead and Gaines, eds., Gold Rush, I, 479, n. 135.
the center. Dinner eoneisted of
cake,
7. Bryarly, Mcllhany, and Hoffman all omit reference to the fact that, while on the Green Biver, the President of the Company, B. F. Washington, acted as counsel for the defense in an impromptu trial. Delano, July 4, describes the episode: A man named Williams, going in pursuit of a murderer, had killed the offender. This led to a decision to try Williams, who thereupon employed
Washington as
his counsel.
sisted
was organized; General Allen elected chief justice, as by Major Simonton [sic. See p. 118 above] who, with many of his officers, and a large crowd of emigrants, was present. A jury was impaneled, and
court of inquiry
"A
court opened under a fine clump of willows. There, in that primitive court house, on the bank of Green Biver, the first court was held in this God-forsaken land, for the trial of a man accused of the highest crime. At the commencement,
much order reigned as in any lawful tribunal of the States. But it was the 4th of July, and the officers and lawyers had been celebrating it to the full, and a spirit "other than that of '76 was apparent." In the proceedings that fol lowed, Washington became involved in an altercation with the judges ; this altercation degenerated into a fight; and the trial finally broke up without any verdict being reached. Paden, Wake of the Prairie Schooner, p. 260, gives additional details of this trial but errs in saying that it was the original
as
killer
who was
set free.
136
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Thursday, July
5th.
all looked sheepish & This was rather a blue morning. much the need of a little good old Hock & Sherry. After partaking of a hearty breakfast, we bid a last farewell to our friends, with many hopes for each others' success & of see ing each other again. They walked to the ferry with us, & in looking across the river I was delighted to observe my horse upon the other side. For this consideration I was indebted to my friend Smith. We learned our train was then passing on the other side, which we soon joined. It was very hot & the dust flew in clouds. We nooned at 12 and remained until 3 1/2. We nooned upon the 12 mile run [creek] (called so from the distance from the crossing of Green River to the crossing of it.) In the evening, we rolled 6 miles, & encamped with good grass. In a few miles we had to cross a very high & steep hill. We took this road for the purpose of cutting off several miles, but heavily laden wagons would do better to keep the main road. Upon the top of the hill was a grave of a lady, the wife of an Oregon emigrant of '47. 8 At the cross ing of the creek, we filled our casks & rolled 6 miles to camp. We saw some emigrants fishing, who had succeeded in tak 9 [Distance, 18 miles. ing some very fine trout.
We
felt
Daylight saw us again upon our trail. Immediately from camp we descended a very steep hill, which required back locking. We ascended & descended these cliffs as they came
"The Big
We nooned 5 hours on the side of what the trappers called Hill." We had a beautiful brook of water & the
we have had since leaving the States. It was the bunch grass which is considered the best & as being equal to grain. We were again upon the road at 3. The hills still conbest grass
Backus, July 7, also mentions this grave. Few fish, apparently, were caught in the valley of the Missouri (exceptions are shown in Wistar, May 20, Webster, July 19, and Swain, July 26) but many emigrants noted the abundance of fish, and especially of trout in the streams of the Rocky Mountain area. (E.g. see Hackney, July 8; B. C. Clark,
8.
9.
20,*
3, 16,
Aug.
6).
TO FORT HALL
137
tinned, and at the bottom of each were little streams. From the top to top was about 1 mile. On our left during the eve ning, the Eutaw Mountains, covered with snow, were in
view and [on] the right the old & familiar Wind Mountains. Every ravine is still filled with snow, which accounts for the unusual supply of water, & convinces one also of the ter rible winter that has just past. This is now in July when everything is burnt up at home, while here we can indulge in
the innocent amusement of snow-balling, or step over the hill & take a delightful bath with everything green & as cheerful as the beginning of Spring. [Distance, 15 miles.
Owing to the very affectionate endearings, whisperings & communings of the musquitoes we were easily aroused this morning & made a start at daybreak. We descended a very
of which we found steep hill immediately, at the bottom considerable of a creek. This is called Ham's Fork. It emp ties into Bear River, & from this is called one of the feeders
10
of the Colorado. The road after crossing turns to the left & runs down the to the right up the valley 1 1/2 miles, & then turns again hill we have yet ascended. In reaching the top of steepest this we got on the top of a ridge which has been in our sight
kept this ridge for two days. The road was hard & firm. on each side as far as the (the grass being excellently good & then nooned at a slip of woods eye could reach) for 8 miles an excellent spring. This spring has not where we found been mentioned by anyone heretofore, but having found of a Fourth [of] July dinner which had
' '
We
many fragments been held by some emigrants before us, we called it Inde " pendent Spring. Just before we stopped we saw upon the roadside a fresh who died on the 4th of grave, which was of an emigrant some Indians who had as July. We found at the spring sembled for the purpose of trading. They were of the Shouthe shounees Tribe" or vulgarly known as Snakes. They are more friendly to the "White Man" most powerful nation &
'
<
'
Fork enters Black's Fork, which, geography is in error. Ham's the Colorado. Bear Biver flows to Great Salt Lake. enters
10. Bryarly's
138
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
than any other nation known. They are not so good looking as the Sioux nor so cleanly. Some of them speak a little Eng lish, learned I suppose from the trappers, who associate (for their own safety) more with them than any other nation. We traded with them for some ponies, skins, &c. &c., & found them not hard in their bargains. One of us traded two old
saddle blankets for a nice p-ony.
nooned 4 hours and again started, still keeping the then commenced descending a steep for 2 miles. ridge which the dust was at least 1 foot thick. The wind hill, upon was blowing immediately up the valley to which the road ran, & it was almost impossible to open your eyes. Many of us had goggles which succeeded in keeping the dust out of our eyes but did not allow us to see through it. Some quarter of a mile down we found a road branching from the main road to the left. This our guide took, which kept more on the bluff & with a more gradual descent to the valley, although in some places we had to "back lock" & to ease our wagons down with ropes. The main road is a half mile nearer, but about half way, there is a regular break-neck" jumping off place, where it was necessary to unhook the animals, lower the wagons down by hand, & drive the animals around to reach the bottom. All this trouble & detention was saved us by the knowledge of our guide. I doubt not, had we attempted this "Devil Hill" or better known as "The Big Hill" or
We
We
* i
" Subletted Hill" we would have lost some of our wagons, as others had done before us, as we saw many remnants of
such departed spirits at the bottom. In the valley we crossed a little stream of cool, pure water, & then came up a steep winding hill, from the top of which we came in sight of Bear River, distant in a valley below us about 7 miles. We rolled for two miles which brought us to the descent to the Bear River Valley. Having found a good spring, with excellent grass some two hundred yds. from the Valley, we turned out alongside of the road and camped. [Distance, 20 miles.
[At the point where the trail struck Bear Eiver, on what is now the Utah- Wyoming border, the stream flows northwest, soon reach ing what is now Idaho, and pointing toward the watershed of the
TO FORT HALL
139
Columbia. But after about eighty miles, it reverses itself in a great bend, and flows south, to Great Salt Lake. The Oregon Trail followed along the right bank for the northerly part of its course, crossing two
tributaries, Smith's
Fork and Thomas' Fork. At the bend, however, near Soda Springs, in what is now Caribou county, Idaho, the trail left the river, continuing north to Fort Hall, on the Snake. After leaving the Colorado watershed, the Charlestown Company
spent only four days, (July 7-July 11) in the Great Basin (Bear Eiver valley), before crossing to the Columbia watershed.]
Sunday July
y
8th.
[A] pleasant rest last night and [a] spirited start this morning. Boiled 7 miles along the valley, where we found the road turning abruptly to the right about 1 1/2 mile where we crossed Smith's Fork. 11 This is a very deep but narrow stream, & there is four different branches of it. Immediately after, the road is very stony & rough & runs between two cliffs, the sides of which were covered with young hawks & eagles. Some of our men ascended them, & obtained a nice mess of such squabs. 12 We rolled 4 miles farther & encamped upon Bear Eiver u The Narrows. " Here our at what is called guide deter mined to spend the remainder of the day, which was hailed with three cheers by us all, as we stood much in need of soap & water both for our persons & clothes. We took some fish here such as trout, mullets, &c., &c., which were very fine. I amused myself in the morning by shooting prairie squirels (or as some call them prairie rats) of which we had a most delightful soup. They are the fattest small animal that
lives.
13
Being four days from Fort Hall, & having determined to part with some of our wagons there, if possible, we deterSmith's Fork, a tributary of Bear Biver, was named for Jedediah Smith. July 7, speaks of "a kind of large hawk which are fair eating," and Doyle, Sept. 24, mentions soup made from a kind of hawk called a "Pine
11. 12. Wistar,
Turkey."
These are the animals now generally known as ground squirrels. Paden, of the Prairie Schooner, p. 238, quotes an emigrant who wrote, "Learning that the traders called these small animals (which are so plentiful) squirrels I took the revolver and killed a mess, if they had called them rats they ' would hardly have been palateable, as it was we relished them considerably.
13.
Wake
140
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
mined to send two men forward for the purpose of making such arrangements as possible. They were also to see about obtaining some flour, as we fear we will stand in need of more than we have on hand. The musquitoes were larger & more numerous here than any place we have yet passed. Many of our men who are not used to such plagues of life were much troubled by them, their sting proving very poisonous. "We had also the most
delectible felicity of tasting for the first & only time straw M berries. were rather scarce, to be sure, but a couple They of handfulls was quite a GodSend, & looked like a surfeit.
' i
We
miles above Smith's Fork we again struck the old the Fort Bridger road. 14 It has been but little traveled. road, could see but three tracks of wagons along it.
[Distance, 11 miles.
Two
Monday, July
9th.
Our men who were commissioned as our dispatch was ready at dawn this morning & started for Fort Hall. They were Messrs. Geiger, Kelly & Asquith. The train rolled with them a short distance when they left us for a 50 mile stretch. We passed through "The Narrows" which is the road & river running between the mountains. The road is very level & hard & consequently we rolled quite fast. In three miles we came to a large flat, around which the road ran 5 miles. There was a sort of trail across it which induced some 20 of our men to take it, as the nearer. For half way it was hard & firm, then suddenly became very marshy with a deep slough
in the middle.
that were riding took one way through the marsh, while those on foot took another leading to Thomas's Fork, which we had to cross, & which they determined to shorten the distance by swimming. It was with great difficulty that we at last reached the fork with our horses. They would get mired every ten steps, & [we,] not being able to turn them around, were obliged to battle ahead, our horses plunging & jumping sometimes for 50 yds. at a time. We succeeded at last, however, with jaded & worn out horses, in reaching the
14. In other words, this was the end of Sublette 's Cut-off, which the Charlestown Company had taken on July 1. See p. 131, above.
We
TO FORT HALL
crossing in safety, all of to take the cut-offs.
141
It was here, with feelings of astonishment & regret, that we learned [of] the loss of one of onr party who was on foot. It appears that they waded & swam [one word illegible] the slonghs & finally came to the river, Thomas' Fork. It was abont 50 yds. wide & the deepest part was 11 ft. Some half dozen swam over, & a yonng man, bold & brave, but unf ortnnately too rash, named Taliferro Milton, of Virginia, was drowned. They said he was but a poor swimmer & he was
solicited strenuously by his friends not to attempt it, but he was ambitious & daring and went in. He had proceeded but a short distance, when he strangled & seemed to have lost all
& instead of trying to get [back] to the shore from which he started, his whole aim was to reach the opposite [side]. The water was not swift, but very cold, & no doubt this caused him to strangle in catching his breath quick. pole was extended to him by one of his friends who was in the water at the time, which he caught hold of, & giv ing it a quick jerk as soon as he caught it, he pulled him under and nearly strangled him also. This he done twice & was twice pulled under the water by him, & then he ceased to struggle, & sank in 10 ft. [of] water. He was much liked & beloved by every member of the Company. He was ambi tious, energetic & daring. This perhaps was a fault with him,
attribute Ms irreparable loss. He was al the first to volunteer his services for anything ways among called for & the last to give up & cry rest. He was from Jef ferson County, Virginia, and 19 years of age, with father, mother,. & sisters, who, it is said dote upon him as their only son & only brother. "We sympathise from our hearts 15 with them. May "their loss be his gain." He had a brother-in-law in [the] Company, who was deeply affected & was truly distressed, for he said his wife crossed the Fork & passed loved her brother so dearly.
& to
this
must we
We
around near the place of the accident and corralled. By tying upon a cord some large rock-fish hooks with a very heavy a rod, throwing it out & dragging it in, we succeeded after
15.
The drowning of
this-
young Virginian is also described in Mcllhany, and in the diary of Benjamin Hoffman.
142
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
trials, in
few him
closely to find if there was possibly any hope of resusci tation, but alas it was too late. The spark was out & his spirit
place among the numbered. wrapped him carried him to camp. There was no timber anywhere in the neighborhood that we could get to cover over the grave to effectively protect it from the wolves, & we determined to take him with us until we reached the river again, which was distant 7 miles, where we could obtain high ground & plenty of timber. He was accordingly dressed in his best suit & put in the sick wagon. started at 3 P.M. & immediately ascended a very steep & long hill & then descended another equally as long & steep. In the 7 miles, we ascended & descended four of these hills, being three-fourths of a mile in length. The last one brought
had taken
its
We
in a blanket
&
We
us again to Bear River, where we encamped. There was three hundred wagons before & behind us during today's march. It was a beautiful sight to see them climbing up &
down the aclivities & declivities. It seems that laying by on Sunday evening dropt us back in the middle of the emigra tion. They are very much together now, they having started [one word illegible] from Green Eiver.
[Distance, 20 miles.
At
a very pretty
little rivulet.
We
TO FOET HALL
143
crossed several of these little streams this morning, none of which has ever received any name. The largest is considered 12 miles from the bluff, & is sometimes called the 12-mile Creek. Fort Hall is called 110 miles from it. I visited some trappers encamped on the side of the road with their lodges, squaws, &c. There was also some 50 Indians with them. They belonged to the Shoa Shounnies. I found one of these trappers very communicative & in 16 He said he had lived among this tribe for 25 telligent. He was married & had several children. When asked years. if he had no desire to return to the States he almost smiled in contempt. There was one trader among them who had his wife with him from the States. She was associating with the squaws & seemed to have imbibed all their modes & tastes of life. I addressed her with the common civilities of the day,
when she turned away as though the nearer approach of a white man would contaminate her. This tribe is the only one which bury their dead. I saw two
when
graves near their camp & enquired if they were emigrants, I learned they were those of the Indians. One was a very sudden & distressing death & occurred a few days since. An Indian boy traded his pony with an emigrant for a gun. He took it in his lodge, where his mother & sister were, and was examining it with all Indian curiosity, when it went off, shooting his sister through the breast & killing her instantly.
She was tall, graceful, & the most beautiful squaw, it is said, in the whole tribe of her tribe and other tribes. Many trap pers, traders, & white men of all sorts had made advances
but she was true to her first love, which was with the son of the Chief, & who was then absent on a hunt. He was represented as being a bold & noble fellow, the pride & envy
to her,
16. These trappers were almost certainly of the group over which the famous Peg-leg Smith exercised leadership, and indeed it is likely that the trapper mentioned was Smith himself, for he often told emigrants that he had lived with the Indians for 25 years. For other references to Smith, see Bruff, Aug. 15; Hale, July 16; Hixson, June 26; and McCall, July 16. Also Paden, Wake of the Prairie Schooner, pp. 272273, and Bead and Gaines, eds., Gold Rush, I, 524-525. Smith's true name was Thomas L. Smith (1801-1S66), but the necessity of an amputation which he performed himself gave him his familiar name. For a brief summary of the life of this famous mountain man, freebooter, trader, and trapper, see Settle, ed., March op the Mounted Biflemen,
p. 150, n. 165.
144
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
of the tribe. They had taken a wigwam together but a few months previous, & as the trader remarked, he never saw
such affection & respect among the civilized. They expected him in every hour & he [the trader] said he feared much he would mourn & starve himself to death, this being a favor ite & common mode among them of showing their deep grief
&
dispair.
In the afternoon we rolled 12 miles farther & encamped in a pretty little valley 1 mile from the road, upon the river. We followed the same Bear River valley until 1 mile of camp, then we left it [and] passed over to the bluffs. were ordered by 'our Captain to piquette our mules this eve ning instead of herding them as usual, & to prepare for a start at 1 A.M. After a supper upon prairie squirels I cor
We
[Distance, 24 miles.
llth.
Wednesday, July
We were aroused this morning (as we all thought) in midst of a sweet sleep. It was a beautiful moonlight night, & everything was tranquil, in deep repose. By taking a cut, three miles brought us upon the road, which ran in a beauti ful valley, skirted on each side by beautiful rolling moun tains, the verdure extending up to the very tops without a rock or a shrub to break the velvety surface. Twelve miles brought us again to the river, & to the well-renowned Soda Springs," by some called "Beer Springs." We arrived here at day break and coralled. The teams that we had been with for several days, expressed very great surprise, in passing all this morning, to find us before them & snugly &
' i
pleasantly layed up in this delightful spot. The whole surface of the earth for miles around shows the effects of an immense [volcano] or many volcanoes. Along 5 this, as we named it, "Lava Spring Valley,' the earth is covered with charred irruptive stones. In many places the earth is bursted up as with an irruption very lately. In other places the rocks & earth are completely split open, & you can look as deep down as the eye can penetrate. Down many
of them you can distinctly hear running water, all showing that some day [a] "long time ago" there was at least a great commotion in these parts. I cannot attempt to account
TO POET HALL
145
for the many different freaks, irregularities, & the remains of departed times that we saw at this place. I will only tell it yon, & yon can form yonr own opinions. The whole valley, however, is the most interesting spot of earth that I ever beheld. Here is a grand field for the geologist, miner ologist, naturalist, & any other kind of "1st" that you can conceive. The road crosses here a little creek which empties, 200 yds. from the crossing, into Bear Eiver. Immediately at its crossing we found two springs both of which were Soda. 17 They arose at the edge of the water. Upon looking farther, we found a great number of them along the banks, and also, from the bed of the creek & river, you could distinctly see the little springs shooting up. little farther, some 200 yds., you find one covering a quarter of an
acre. This is called "The Boiling Springs." It boils up from crevices in the rocks in a thousand different places, making the surface foam & hiss, as boiling water. At the lower part of the spring, the water descended again in the ground, this
being the only outlet. This was also Soda. In fact the whole earth seemed to be saturated & filled with this water, & it is bursting out from every crevice & hole that you can find. The greatest curiosity of all, however, is what has been named The Steamboat Spring. This is situated upon the edge of the river, half a mile from the first spring. Out of a solid rock, with a hole 1 foot in diameter, gushes forth the
' '
' '
water, foaming, whizzing, sizzling, blowing, splashing & spraying. It throws it up from two to three feet high. There is a little intermission of a few seconds every now & then, which makes it resemble more u The Palaces of the Deep." few feet from this large one are two smaller ones, which are phizzing away all the time and somewhat resemble the scape-pipe of a Steamer. This large one has also a suction power. Some one around reached a cup into it, when it was immediately drawn from his hand into the hole. He, how ever, delved down for it, & found it the length of his arm in, & required a considerable jerk to get it out. This lava water is pleasant to drink, & when mixed with
17. The various hot springs named here, especially Soda Springs and Steam boat Spring, were mentioned by almost all diarists, with varying degrees of amazement. Long, July 7, wrote that the water of Soda Springs ''tastes pre off." cisely like some of Tom Butherford's pop after the effervescence has gone
146
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
acid, effervesces prettily. It
an
but I do not
now remember
all
The
most however, from the deposit around, is Carbonate of Lime. Fifty yds. from the Steamboat Spring, just upon the side of the river, was two springs, one foot and a half apart, one of which was a beautiful clear spring which was very good water; the other was perfectly red & was copperish. There is another spring somewhere in this vicinity, which is told me of by our guide, which is certainly the most remark able one yet. He says that some years since, having lost his cattle, he went out to hunt them, when becoming very thirsty he started to look for water. Having found a little trickling
in a ravine he followed
it up to quite a large spring, which, upon approaching, he was surprised to find himself suddenly almost suffocated. He stopped a moment and then proceeded a few steps farther, when he thought he certainly would fall if he took another. He immediately stepped back some paces, where he could look for the cause of this singular phenome non and, when in looking more closely at the spring, he was astonished to see, around its edge, numbers of dead birds, rabbits, frogs &c. He did not approach nearer, having at tempted it several times & found it would certainly take his
breath.
the right of the road is the remains of what Bryant 18 as "the remains of an old crater. '" But I beg leave to differ with him. So far from being any thing like
To
speaks of
[there] having been a trace of fire about it, it has every ap pearance of being formed by water. It is upon a knoll which covers about one acre. The whole of this knoll, being some 50 ft. high, is of a yellow appearance, resembling at a little distance yellow clay. Upon arriving at it, however, it pre sents a different appearance. It was slimy, shining, & greasy, and when walked over had a hollow sound. We took some of our horses on it, & in some places [it] not being strong enough to bear them, they broke through, showing a scurf or crust of a few inches thick. The whole hill was but a shell, & when broke through, it was a hot whiteish mud, soft &
18. Bryarly appears to be in error here, for Bryant had taken the Mormon Trail to the Great Salt Lake, far to the south of the area through whieh the
TO FORT HALL
tough underneath. Wherever
in a stream.
147
Upon
this hill
it was broken, water came out was a round hole some 6 ft. in
diameter, with a wall, solid & smoth, both inside & outside, coming up above the earth around some 3 ft. The inside was filled up [with] in four ft. of the top with dirt, stones, & rub bish. Twenty feet from this, on the same mound, was a small [k]nob, 4 ft. high & 10 ft. in circumference. On the top of this, from a hole 6 inches in diameter, pushed forth as pretty a little stream as you ever saw. It bubbled up beautifully, and was warm with a sweetish taste. From the top, it flowed in a sheet over this little [k]nob & leaving a deposit of a whitish scum which, on closer examination, proved to be
saleratus.
There is no doubt that the whole of this formed in this way. Everything around proves
hill
it so.
not a volcanic stone in a half mile of it, but the grass is good, being green & thick, up to the very base of the mound. You can trace the deposit of this same substance of which the hill
composed, wherever the water runs. Half a mile from this another hill of the same appearance, but the water has ceased to flow from it, but you can distinctly hear it running underneath. From the opening on top, instead of water, there is a pungent gas escaping, rather sulphurated & amis
is
moniacal. I examined all these different places with considerable in terest, & confess I was fully repaid, & think it would almost repay one the trip across the plains to spend some weeks on this spot. It is a matter of astonishment that no Indians or mountaineers or adventurers have ever settled upon it. It is in [a] beautiful valley, fine water & plenty of large timber. The only drawback whatever is the injurious effects of the Soda water upon stock, which I think might, by a little care,
be easily prevented. Some of our men were so much pleased with it as to determine at some future day, if fortune should fail them, to return to it & be hermits.
[The departure of the Oregon Trail from the Bear Eiver Valley at Soda Springs had always presented a problem for emigrants to California. For the Oregon traveller, the next goal was Fort Hall, " Calif to the north, on the Columbia. But for the ornians," the Fort
148
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Hall road was a wide detour, and they had always felt an impulse to leave the Oregon Trail at the bend of Bear Eiver and strike due west toward the Humboldt. The Bidwell-Bartleson Party had at
more direct route in 1841, but had met with such and difficulties that for the next eight years, California hardships emigrants were content to follow the Oregon Trail to Fort Hall. "When the Charlestown Company passed, therefore, the Fort Hall route was the only route. The Forty-niners, however, were extremely eager for quick transit, and only a few days after the Charlestown Company turned north, a party led by James Hudspeth and J. J. Myers attempted a short cut due west (p. 159, n. 5, below). This at tempt succeeded; the bulk of the migration followed; and Hud speth 's or Myer's Cut-off became the principal route to California. The Charlestown Company were probably among the last of the Forty-niners to go by way of Fort Hall. They reached the Fort three days after leaving Bear Eiver (July 11-July 14) and sixteen days after leaving Fort Laramie (June 29-July 14).]
tempted
this
.
at these springs until 2 P.M. All the different messes cooked & baked bread for several days, having found
We layed
that the water made it rise beautifully without the addition of anything else. Everyone drank very freely of the water, and after filling our casks for the purpose of making bread,
The road was very rough. Ten miles brought us same sort. It was on the right of the road coming from a high bluff. This is some times called Soda Pool. The water from the spring runs into a basin which has formed by the crystilisation of the water at its
rolled.
we
we encamped. We got in camp at 9 o'clock, and it was very cold. It was sufferingly cold during the night and all the water around was frozen. [Distance, S3 miles.
ft. in diameter & the wall around is 2 ft. miles farther brought us to several springs of clear cool water in a very pretty valley. This is a regular encamp ment and many [were] encamped, but we, not having trav eled any in the morning, determined to go farther. rolled on, the road still keeping the valley, to a little brook, where
edges. It is 25
Two
We
TO FORT HALL
Thursday, July 12th.
149
When I awoke this morning my bed clothes were covered with a thick hoary frost, but having taken unusual exercise yesterday I did not feel the cold. We travelled up a little stream during the morning called "Tulocks Fork." It is a clear, pure, little stream & contains fine trout. Two miles after [the] crossing of [this] fork we encamped, or rather nooned, upon a little rivulet. We found here some Indians. They were poor & we done no trading. In the afternoon, 2 miles from noon, we crossed the dividing ridge between the waters of Bear Biver & those of Columbia River. The road
was very
and those [hills] very steep. Four miles far " Lewis ther brought us to Spring/' the headwaters of Columbia Eiver. It is [a] very large spring on the left side of
hilly
the road
& gashes out of the rocks. We followed this spring branch down two miles & encamped upon the side of a hill with plenty of wood, grass & water. [Distance, 17 miles.
Friday, July 13th.
Our road this morning was very dusty & in two hours after starting [we] could scarcely distinguish one another. The country this morning was very barren, not even sage bushes. No grass on either side, but the sand was oppressively hot. We rolled 13 miles to noon. This is the first real hot day that we have had, in fact it is a perfect Mexican day. We met an express this morning from Oregon City "en route" for the 19 troops destined for that place. We had a few minutes con versation with them & we understood that they were de
sirous to obtain the troops as soon as possible to protect the women & children from the Indians, the men all having gone learned also that the cholera & much of to California.
We
other sickness was at the mines, & [that], on this account they were rather deserted for the time. The report was still saw also, toconfirmative of the abundance of the Dust.
We
19. Oregon City was the capital of Oregon Territory, which at that time extended east as far as the Continental Divide. The first territorial legislature
16, 1849.
150
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
mail, which passed us at a good round got no news from them whatever. After two hours rest we again started, the road becoming sandy in a short distance & continuing so for 7 miles. This is decidedly the heaviest piece of road that we have yet had. The dry, black, heavy sand was up to the axles the whole way, making one continuous drag. We got through it after a fash ion safely, & came to a very large bubbling, boiling spring called "The Big Spring." It is distant from Fort Hall 6 miles. We here encamped, it being yet early in the afternoon. few minutes after being in camp, our dispatch met us on its return from Fort Hall. They confirm the news of the sick ness in California & say that many of the emigrants are going to Oregon. They succeeded in getting a sufficiency of 21 flour &c. The road from here is represented as being horrid in the extreme, not saying anything of musquitoes. [Distance, 19 miles.
Mormon
We
There being 150 wagons around us, we moved at daybreak upon the road before them. We soon encountered a marsh & slough which was very trying to our mules, many of them going down in the mud up to their very nose. The road is through a swamp & these sloughs are every 200 yds. Our guide informs me that heretofore this has always been a smooth, hard, excellent road, & the vast amount of water
to get
20. Leroy Hafen, The Overland Mail, 1849-1869 (Cleveland, 1926) ; Oscar 0. Winther, Express and Stagecoach Days in California (Stanford University, 1936) ; and other authorities, make no specific mention of any service known as
the Mormon Mail. At this time,- all United States government contracts for mail to and from California, were for ocean carriers j not until 1850 did the govern ment let a contract for mail service between Independence and Salt Lake City; not until 1851 was this service extended from Salt Lake City to Los Angeles. Butterfield's Overjand Mail first operated in 1858, and the Pony Express in 1860. Long before carriers under Federal contract had entered the field, how
were locally and casually active. In the earliest days of overland travel, eastbound fur traders carried letters, at a fee, for west bound emigrants ; later, a number of private express companies "were locally
ever, private enterprisers
important.
21. Hoffman's diary for this day says that the company's delegates "suc ceeded in purchasing 700 weight of flour at 8 cents a pound. As to the informa tion as to the road on to Fort Sutter, they gained none. ' ?
TO FORT HALL
151
accounted for in the same manner as it has been during the trip. I have "been much in a musquitoe country, but confess I never before saw them in their glory. They were so thick you could reach out & get your handfull. We tried to tie up our heads & faces, but they would creep in wherever an opening was left. Our horses & mules were liter ally covered with them & you could scrape them off by handfulls. After 4 hours of splashing, plunging, & draging we
is
now here
it
start, 6
Half [a] mile before you reach the fort, you touch upon the bend of a river. This is Lewis's Fork or Snake Eiver, 22 one of the tributaries to the Columbia. It is, at this point,
120 yds. wide current.
&
is still in possession of an English fur com It is built of pany, "The Hudson Bay Fur Company. adobes, but has more wood about it than common, & con sequently retains its original shape better than they gen erally do. It is much the same looking ranch as Laramie's but is not as large or as high. It has a fine court in the centre, with a fountain of water in the middle. There is an entrance on the south side & one on the north. Around the inside are little rooms with one small window to each, which are to keep their furs & fur stores, trading shops et cetera. The upper story, with a portico on the north side and steps run
7 '
Fort Hall 23
ning from the court, is the apartment of Capt. Grant, the English Agent. On the west side of the Fort, 150 yds. dis1
22. This principal tributary of the Columbia was first named after Meriwether Lewis, by his associate in the Lewis and Clark expedition, but the name of the Snake Indians of the region was the one finally adopted. 23. Fort Hall, on the Snake Eiver in what is now Bingham County, Idaho, was built in 1834 by Nathaniel J. Wyeth and named in honor of Henry Hall, of Boston. The Hudson's Bay Company purchased the fort in 1837. When the Idaho region passed into control of the United States by the Oregon Treaty of 1846, the rights of the Company at Fort Hall and other posts were guaranteed, and the Company continued to operate the post until 1855. It was a vital waystation on the Oregon Trail. The chief agent at the fort between 1841 and 1852 was Captain Richard Grant, who was vividly described by Bruff, Aug. 24. See C. J. Brosnan, History of the State of Idaho (New York, 1935), pp. 84-86, and
Bead and
Travels,
XXX,
G-aines, eds., Gold Eush, I, 529, n. 298. Thwaites, in Early 86, n. 62, gives the name incorrectly as James Grant.
Western
152
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
tant runs the Snake river, which furnishes water to the Fort. On the opposite side is a slough which extends around the back part of it, making a moat around except in front. Capt. Grant has been at this station for 25 years. He first came in the employ of the Fur Company, & has remained in it ever since. He has become identified with Fort Hall. He
has been married twice, his last wife being a squaw. I met his son, Mr. John Grant, who was about 20 years of age, & a very gentlemanly & intelligent gentleman, although raised in the wild woods & dressed in skins. The Captain himself is a most remarkable looking man. He is 6 ft, 2 or 3 inches, high, & made in proportion, with a handsome figure. His
face hair
is
is
now
perfectly English, fat, round, chubby, & red. His getting in the sere & yellow leaf & his whiskers
There was many Indian lodges around the fort & many They are not good looking or cleanly & are also "We succeeded however in getting a few skins & a poor. couple of ponies. There was here many traders, this being
Indians.
the headquarters for both their startings & returnings. They are generally Frenchmen, & the most of them came out many years ago in [the] employ of the Fur Company, hav ing joined in St. Louis, which was first settled by the French. We succeeded in getting some nice milk & also a fried chicken, which carried us so far back, "to days that's past," that we were quite low spirited.
After getting our flour on board we rolled away, the road being better than this morning. Three miles & a half brought us to Portneuf or Pannack 24 Eiver, which we crossed, it
being up to our axels. The river was 75 yds. wide, pure, clear water, with a gravelly bottom. Half mile, we encamped on
the side of the river. Having mules that required shoeing & wagons to be repaired, we determined to spend the evening
24. Here Bryarly confuses the Port Neuf with, the Pannaek (or Bannock, after the Indian tribe) and assumes that they are alternative names for the same stream. Actually, he was on the Port Neuf, and when next day he came to the Bannock he did not know what to call it. Ware's guide distinguished between the two streams, but Bryarly, who had access to a copy of Ware (see entry for July 19) failed to notice the distinction. Note that on July 15, he repeats the error.
TO FORT HALL
at this place.
153
saw some very large fish25 in the stream and drew a seine, but, owing to the moss covered bottom, took nothing but a bucket of lobsters or craw fish. These we " parboiled, "& those [of us] that had lived in fish country or on water courses enjoyed them very much, while others were standing around with mouths turned up in awe at such wolfishness. The Pannack river runs down the valley for twenty miles & empties into Snake River above the American Falls. In many places where the river makes bends, they come
within a quarter of a mile of each other.
[Distance, 6 miles.
25. Bryarly's
We
comment on the
statement, this day, "I saw fish in this river fully ten feet long. rigged up a small seine but caught only some small trout and fall fish."
man
We
FOR about
"
bank of the Snake, and crossing its tributaries, the Port Neuf, the Bannock, Fall Eiver (Beaver Creek), and others. At Eaft Eiver (not mentioned by Bryarly), however, the road to
the south
California left the Oregon Trail, after utilizing this route for more than two-thirds of the total journey. After the failure of the BidwellJBartleson Party to find a satis factory route west from Bear Eiver in 1841 (see p. 148, above), Cali fornia einigrants had continued on the Oregon Trail to Fort Hall. The party of Joseph B. Chiles and Joseph "Walker in 1843, did so, and thence made their way into California, but they did not open
likewise
a desirable route. In 1844, however, the party of Elisha Stevens went to Fort Hall and was there met by Caleb Greenwood
acted as guide into California. His route was so good that it enabled the party to keep their wagons, and these wagons were the first that went overland into California.
who
Greenwood's route became the basis for subsequent overland In following this basic route, the Charlestown Company was to leave the Snake at Eaft Eiver, move southwest up that river, and up its tributary, Cache Creek. From the headwaters of Cache Creek, the road ran westward, across country, until it struck Goose
travel.
vada, where they crossed over for the second time into the Great Basin, and approached the headwaters of the Humboldt.
THINK
ley,
many places,
& peaceable
on top,
155
sort of entering yon f onnd them dirty, ugly, take horse going the first step over his back & replaces, yonr here qniring the assistance of ropes to drag him ont. came to a stream, larger than either the Snake or Pannack river. crossed this and ascended a steep cliff to the This road is a new one, having been made by the ridge. Emigration this spring. The old road went down the valley, which is 20 miles long, bnt on acconnt of the flood of the early spring was impassable. This ridge was covered with artemisia, & in other respects [was] a sandy, barren place. The road was very dnsty & dry, & run along the edge of the bluff overlooking the valley. TJpon the opposite side you had in view three well marked, very distinct buttes, being distant from one another perhaps 10 miles. In the valley you
& upon
We
We
of Columbia, be nearest the opposite bank, then the Portneth or Pan ing nack, taking this name from the Pannack Tribe of Shoshonees who reside principally upon it, then we have in view
we crossed, which has no name & comes from a large spring half a mile above our crossing. From
the last stream
friends finding this fact out I have rolled 4 miles farther Washington's Spring.
one of
my
named
it
We
& nooned
upon a
we had a difficult & dangerous a floating bridge of willows, similar to crossing. those made by Gen'l Taylor of corn stalks, & passed over in hot. The grass safety. The weather today was suffocatingly commences to look parched & our animals do not eat it with
little
stream, where
We made
the
a beautiful bottom, which is part of Musquitoe valley. Two miles farther brought us to [the] edge of this bottom, where we encamped in the headquarters of the musquitoes. No one can conceive of the annoyance of these devils incarnate until they have experienced what we did at this camp. Our animals were very near stampeding from them & our guards were so busy saving their own eyes, that it was almost impossible 1 [Distance, 17 miles. for them to watch the animals.
Most emigrants eomplaine'd bitterly of the sufferings declared that "they bite as quitoes, and Badman, July 22,
1.
same relish. Four o'clock saw us again in motion, & we rolled upon the same ridge 7 miles, when we descended the bluff, & came to
inflicted if they
156
TEAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Monday, July
16th.
Last night we were regaled with music during [the] night. the cornopeans of the musquitoes, & bass roar of the American Falls, buzzing of the buffalo [g]nats, interspersed with an occasional "solo" from a burro, the night passed off in wakefulness & watchfulness. It required but little time or trouble to arouse the camp, but every one was but too eager for an excuse to leave their ungrateful blankets. We left the Musquitoe Valley & four miles from our start we came to "The American Falls" 2 on Snake Eiver. The distant rumbling of these Falls broke the monotony of our
With
march yesterday evening & last night, & we felt anxious to see them. The fall was about 30 ft., & reminded one of a miniature Niagara. The first fall was on the opposite side,
& it extended half way across the river, it being 200 yds. wide at this place. The half on this side, after tumbling over the rocks, very similar to the rapids of the Niagara, it then fell the same distance as the other side. In one place in the middle of the Fall, was a round hole in the middle of the rock, through which the water rushed with great velocity, & throwing the stream some distance forward of the sheet of water coming over. The road along the river continued dusty, being in many places up to the mules knees, & raising in such clouds that the drivers could not see their leaders on the road. For sev eral miles up the river were [a] succession of falls varying from 1 to 5 ft. The banks of the river here is well marked, being of high rocky bluffs, resembling those of the beautiful Hudson Eiver. Six miles from [the] Falls, the road passes through two "Buttes" of solid rock with just space between
'
seen a human Being before." These complaints became especially vivid when the emigrants reached the Bear Biver valley. E.g., see Backus, July 16 ; Hackney,
July 21; Kelly, p. 244; and Long, July 3. Long tells how Ms party "concluded to Funk" the mosquitoes: "so one of the boys made an amateur chafing dish and lamp out of a little tin bucket, a tea cup of fat, with a taper, and a tin plate for the dish, on which we burnt tobacco, oil peppermint, oil aniseed, camphor, red precipitate, and in fact, some of everything that our medicine chest contained/' 2. The American Falls, in what is now Power County, Idaho, are said to have been so named because a party of American trappers were swept over them to their death, in the early days of the fur trade.
157
for the road. One & [a] half miles farther we nooned upon the river, with good shade of the pines. The sun was most oppressively hot & we nooned 6 hours for the purpose of making [our] march in the cool of the evening. We suc ceeded in taking some fish which were fine the salmon
trout.
rolled in the evening at 4 o 'clock, the road leaving the river at our start, [a] half mile to our right. Five miles
3 brought us to Beaver Creek. From the creek we ascended the steepest hill we have yet encountered. The crossing also was bad. The Creek is a succession of dams distant 50 yds. from each other. They extended as far as the eye could reach. These dams are supposed to have been formed by the beavers, and have become petrified. Five miles farther, the road bids farewell to the Snake Eiver & strikes off to the left. Here also "The Oregon Trail" strikes off to the right & leaves us alone in our glory, with no other goal before us but Death or the Diggins. The road was most unaccountably bad, with chucks just large enough for the wheels to fit tight in, & the dust raising & hanging over in a cloud, with not a breath of air stirring to drive it off. Five miles farther we encamped on Cache Creek, 4 in a narrow, sandy, sagey valley. This [creek] is named for the french word cache to hide, the emigrants & traders both to Oregon & California having hid or buried a large amount of goods upon it. There is supposed to be a vast amount laying here at this time which has been buried for [Distance, 27 miles. years & years.
We
Tuesday y July
17th.
This morning we were astonished at not hearing our usual in the sunshine of a bright, fresh, clear & glorious morning, wonThis tributary of the Snake was named Fall Creek, by Fremont in 1843 j also spoke of it as Fall Creek, and it is known by that name at the
Ware
4.
present.
stituted
then struck through it, and sub first wrote "Cachia Creek,' "Cache Creek." In later entries, he uses the form "CacMa." The stream is now sometimes called Cassia Creek (see Paden, Wake of the Prairie
Bryarly
Schooner, p. 321, and Thwaites, Early Western Travels, term Cache Creek has remained in general use.
XXX,
158
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
dering what could be the cause of such unusual sluggishness. Laying thus, pondering over the many new & delightful scenes that I have so much enjoyed in the last two months,
and coming suddenly to myself & my present position, I arose with excited feelings to be enlightened upon such an unusual thing as being allowed to let the sun catch us in our blankets. I was agreeably surprised, & yet regretted it my this delightful morning self, to understand we were to spend no musquitoes last night, & we in camp. Thank God we had
arose fully refreshed.
com our wagons, or rather to mend the remainder with it. was to be the victim. mittee was appointed to decide which With no little delight did our ambitious teamsters learn that the wagon with the best team was condemned. It was duly unpacked & its load distributed in shares to each of the
the wagon distributed in parcels to repair the damages of others. I also came in for my share of spoils. I succeeded in getting first choice for two mules & of course I chose the best. One of my choice [s] very much annoyed my
others,
&
friend G-eiger, who was most anxious to get it from me, but the sick must be attended to first, & I could not oblige him. I rigged four horses with these two additions to my sickwagon, & promise more comfort to the unfortunate invalids. The men amused themselves in fishing, bathing, & washing friend Washington was applied to to swap their clothes. a very dull, indolent, good for nothing Indian pony that he
My
fine, handsome American horse whose back had been made sore by packing. After some persuasion he done so, the pony being [worth] $10, the Horse $100. At 3 P.M., we again rolled, crossing the creek, which was very much cut up. We found here two graves of emigrants to Oregon several years since. The tomb stones were undef aced & the graves untouched. Four miles we again crossed the creek, & keeping up it two miles farther, left it. We then struck off more nearly to the south, while the creek ran due west. We noticed at this point where some persons, and [we] supposed them to be emigrants, had set fire to the grass either by design or accident, & it burnt for several miles on the side of the road & was still burning. If it was [done] by
159
design it was unpardonable. They should certainly think of those who are coming behind them. Six miles of dust, in clouds, thick & impalpable, brought us again to the same Cachia Creek, running now due south. We encamped in its valley, with good grass, wood & water, & no musquitoes. In fact, this was the prettiest encampment since leaving the Platte. Here goes off the last road to Oregon, taking directly over the bluffs. [Distance, 12 miles.
The morning broke clear, beautiful, & refreshing. After a good cup of coffee we were off again with spirits buoyant as air. Two miles & a half brought us to Cachia Creek again, which we crossed. The crossing was bad. The road then struck off to the south-west, having been running south for some time. We gradually neared the bluffs (on the side of which we found a good spring). Distant from the creek five miles, was a fine spring to the right of [the] road, distant 100 yds. Three miles brought us again to Cachia Creek, or one of its tributaries. Here the road keeps up this branch, in a westerly direction. Three miles we nooned. Many of us took some fine trout, these mountain streams abounding [with] them. At 4 we halted again. The road still continues as dusty as before & runs down between two range of moun
being not more than 100 yds. wide. We rolled when we again crossed this branch of Cachia. 5 During the evening we crossed several little streams of spring water.
tains, the valley
8 miles
We here filled our casks & watered our animals, not knowing
positively that we would have water for camp. Immediately after crossing we crossed a swamp, which required consider able persevering to get through safely. Three miles farther we encamped on the side of a hill, between two range of mountains which are white in their ravines with snow.
5. It was at Cache Creek crossing that Hudspeth's Cut-off formed a juncture with the road from Fort Hall. The fact that Bryarly does not allude to it im indicates plies that it had not yet been opened on July 17. Delano, July 22, the diary plainly that it was not open on that date. Paden, has shown, by using of Henry Mann, that the cut-off was completed on July 24 (Wake of the Prairie Schooner, p. 309). If the Charlestown Company had been a week later, it would probably have followed the cut-off, for yery few emigrants went by way of Fort HaU after it had been opened.
160
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
We came to an ox team this evening which, was loaded with merchandise. Many of our men, who were prepared [for the journey] with nothing but fine shoes, & consequently were nearly barefooted, hailed this with delight & were but too glad to pay even $3 per pair for $1.25 shoes. [Distance, 23 miles.
Thursday, July 19th.
With charming spirits we renewed our journey this morn ing. The road still continued between the two mountains for 4 miles, when we emerged into an open plain which was a marshy valley. Two miles, we crossed a run of water, which I suppose is Ware's "Kattle-Snake" Eiver. 6 The road here
runs west until we reached another little stream distant 2 miles farther. Before reaching this we crossed a very marshy place which extends as far as the eye can reach, & which I " judge is Swamp Creek." The road here runs south. Across the other side of the valley which we passed, we distinctly saw the dust arising as from a road. This excited our curi osity very much to know where this road could come from.
it
From some emigrants recruiting at Swamp Creek we learned was the road from Salt Lake. Three miles we turned again due west, the road passing between two rocky, craggy moun
The road here for 200 yds. was rocky in the extreme and tested fully the strength of our wagons. There was the remnants of many laying along this little piece of road, which had split upon these rocks. After passing them we nooned. A very pretty little mountain stream ran along this kanyon pass. The road here lies between high & immense rocky moun tains, with not a particle of herbage or vegetation upon them, but being white & smooth upon their surface. Just opposite to where we encamped was one which struck us as particu
tains.
was a perfect face upon the highest cliff around. We nooned 4 hours & rolled again. The road con tinued between these & around these rocky piles but the road itself was good. You can imagine among these massive
larly curious. It
6. This reference proves Bryarly's familiarity with Ware's Emigrants' Guide, for page 31 of that treatise describes a certain " Rattlesnake River." The present identity of this stream is not clear.
161
church domes, spires, pyramids, &c., & in fact, with a fancying you can see [anything] from the Capitol at 7 Washington to a lowly thatched cottage. Four miles brought us to the coming in of the Mormon Road. Half [a] mile before striking it we passed through a narrow pass of rock, just wide enough for the wagons, & which evidently has been made by some adventurers before us. Three miles farther we came to another valley. Four miles across this we encamped under a mountain. We found here a pleasant stream of water, & good grass.
[Distance, 22~y% miles.
morning ran, soon after starting, through a 10 miles. During the whole distance it was mountain pass up & down hill. Many of them was very steep, but not enough
this
to require
The road
rough &
little
back lacking. The road also, in many places, was 8 rocky. At the entrance of the pass was a pleasant & fine branch. In the middle was another, equally spring
fine.
emerged from this pass into a pretty valley, which is "Goose Creek Valley/' with Goose Creek running through it. We nooned 1 mile upon this, with good grass & wood. We took some fine trout here, of which we enjoyed our dinner much. Goose Creek is from 10 to 15 yds. wide, & 3 to 4 ft.
half [a] mile wide, but the creek runs frequently close to the bluffs, making the road take for a short distance across the bluff.
deep.
We
The
valley
is
The rock formations were the City of Rocks. The coming in of the Mor that the trails again converged which had separated just after the crossing of the South Pass, taking some emigrants by way of Salt Lake the FortyCity and others by-way of Hudspeth's Cut-off or Port Hall. Among niners whose diaries have been used in this study, twelve (Kelly, MeCall, Lewis, Johnston, Foster, Doyle, Swain, Dundass, DeWolf, S. B. F. Clark, Orvis, Royee) went by Salt Lake, six (Brown, Sedgley, McCoy, Searls, Webster, Pleasants) went by Hudspeth s Cut-off, and eleven beside the Charlestown Company (Long, Love, Delano, Tiffany, Wistar, B. 0. Clark, CaldweU, Hale, Page, Bruff, Backus) went by way of Fort Hall. At this junction point, Lewis, July 19, having trav elled the Salt Lake road, recorded his belief that it was 100 miles farther and
7.
a worse road.
8.
tains. I think
l ' These mountains is rightly named the Rocky Cf . Badman, July 12, " no one will dispute their name & try to find another.
Moun
162
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
In the evening we rolled up this valley, the road being fine & but little dusty. Our guide being unwell, he requested me to choose a camp. I rode ahead accordingly, 10 miles, & chose one with good bunch grass. There is in this creek many fresh-water mussles. We gathered a peck, which, upon opening, we found to be very fat & large. After much preparation & discussion over them, we had a fine bowl of soup, which, upon these plains was rather hard to beat. [Distance, 21 miles.
hard &
The morning broke cloudy & dark, & consequently we did not get off as soon as usual. Last night we had a few drops of rain, which is the first we have had for 6 weeks & which was hailed by us with delight. 9 "We rolled along this valley & creek for 11 miles, which brought us to the turn of the road where it leaves the river. We here filled up our casks & went 1 mile farther to grass, & nooned. At the head of the run were several good springs which were rather sulphurated. It was cloudy & pleasant until 8 o'clock, when the sun shone out with redoubled fury. The men that were walking complained that the sand was so hot it had blistered their feet. Our mess-things were so hot that we could not handle them with any degree of com fort. Having left Goose Creek we struck out due west over hills & down dales, but with smooth & excellent roads. In the evening it clouded up [and] we had a little rain, but not enough to settle the dust. We rolled across these hills 13 miles to Hot Springs in Hot Spring Valley. 10 Here we coralled,
2 miles
to
good grass.
Sunday, July 22nd.
[Distance, 24 miles.
The morning broke again cloudy, with a little rain. The road for several miles showed evident marks of a hard rain a few days since. We rolled down this valley during the morning, it presenting equally as barren a prospect as the
9.
10. Better
Hoffman also mentions this as the first rain fn six weeks. known as Thousand Springs Valley, Elko County, Nevada.
163
Black Hills. Not a sprig of grass or any sign of water for 10 miles. "We here struck out to the middle of the valley, hop ing to find some water, but we found naught but pools (an
travelled on up the valley, elegant name for mud hole). 15 miles, where we obtained water sufficient for cooking by diging in the ravine. This ravine extends the whole distance
We
of the valley,
&
in
is filled
with water.
The sun was most oppressive during the morning & many of our men were suffering much from headache. In the eve ning we rolled to a beautiful part of this valley, where the water was good & the grass fine. Here we coralled about 4 P.M. During the evening our Captain determined, as we had such excellent grass, to remain until the morrow noon.
[Distance, 20 miles.
knapp after
&
cool, fair,
& pleasant,
tent.
enjoy
it
of washing, mending, & bathing, that today no one was busy save the blacksmith, but all were seeking out a little shade 11 to corall himself under & take a growl with his friends. About 10 o 'clock, several teams of oxen drove up close to us & coralled for noon. joyous & happy shout was soon after heard, echoing from place to place around the camp, & upon turning, I observed that a charge was about being made upon these nearby wagons, the cause of which I was yet to learn. Curious for variety, & loving excitement, I soon fol lowed in their wake & was brought up all standing with the rest at the foot of a wagon where I could distinctly hear the clattering of tins, the crack of bottles, & the jingle of money. Murder will out & here was the secret of all " Brandy at $8 a gallon." Upon the wagon was written " Store & Grocer " 12 It was the first we had ies. seen, the first we had even
11. Of. Badman, June 21, "I am now laying tinder the wagon for that is the only thing that makes a shade, for there is not a bush nor has not been for near 200 m[ile]s Large sufieient to shad a Eabit." 12.
Brown, July
7,
Laramie.
164
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
&
then, that
it
should
fall into
7
our
&
we were
Taught '? Well we resting. Is it any wonder we all got done so laughed, talked, chatted, & sang songs, & [with] an occasional "pull at the critter," & time soon slipped to 2 o 'clock, when we [were] ordered to hook up & be off.
"
laying by
The country still presented the same barren appearance for several miles, without grass or water. 8 miles brought us to a large fine spring upon the left of the road. Feeling very
horse & thirsty, I jumped off down to drink. You can imagine
my
the water
yes
& put my mouth my surprise when I tell you really boiling in many places
rushed to
it
& no mistake. It extends over half an acre, arising from many different parts & flowing to one common stream. You could not bear your hand in it. You could see where snakes & frogs had scalded to death in it. A dog of a neighboring train rushed in, thinking to quench his avid thirst & bathe his wearied limbs, but the moment he touched it, it was lu dicrous in the extreme to see his surprise & astonishment, not saying anything of the'many quick & successive move ments he made to escape from it. Even after he got out he turned his head & looked down at the water as though still
doubting his experience of the deception. I had no ther mometer, & consequently can [not] tell its exact degree of heat, but I should think it would thoroughly cook any kind of meat in a short time. 13 [In] two hundred yards we came to another spring, & you may imagine I approached it most cautiously. This however was cool indeed cold. Our Captain, here feeling "a little indisposed," requested me to go ahead and pick a camp, which I did, three miles farther, with excellent grass, fine water, & greasewood. It was astonishing & surprising, but our men were uncom
monly thirsty when they came into camp & the first thing every one asked was, "where's the water?" After a good cup of coffee, we turned ourselves in at dusk to corall for
the night.
[Distance, 11 miles.
13. Many travellers commented with wonder on the hot springs, and at least one became convinced that, "Hell ain't far off." See Paden, Wake of the Prairie Schooner, pp. 385-386.
165
This was rather a bine morning. Water, " sweet water," was in great demand & our cool, refreshing & nectar spring was crowded with the " Mourners" who had given vent to their spirits yesterday. With a cheerful laugh from one to another, & a few headaches, we again resumed our journey, many thinking seriously of the great excellency of that band of brothers, "The Sons of Temperance." 14 But each prom ised himself never to do so more, and with this balm to our 15 souls, "Bichard was himself again." We rolled 6 miles through this "Hot Spring Valley" which brought us to its termination at the bluffs. Here was a little brook of water, cool and pleasant, but no grass. We were now in a mountain pass through which we rolled 9 miles, which brought us to the head of another little creek, which arose & sank as the one in Hot Spring Valley. We here nooned 4 hours. The country around was very barren & sterile; even the sage & greasewood looked stunted. In the evening we rolled 10 miles, which brought us to a narrow pass of the mountains. The valley between being but a few hundred yards, but [with] tolerable grass & sage wood. The
road, until
we struck this, kept to the side of the mountain & the appearance of being made this spring. The presented water was obtained by diging for it in the ravine, which in high water carries it on down the valley. It was a continua
tion of the
[Distance, 25 miles.
25fh.
Wednesday, July
cold, in fact for several nights past it has been quite cold before day, requiring one to pull rolled out this morning at the blankets carefully over.
clear
&
We
day break. The road kept the pass in which we encamped, for two miles, & then emerged into a valley. The willows along the ravine which we have been following for several days
14. The Order of the Sons of Temperance had been organized as a national the society reported society on Sept. 29, 1842, in New York City. In 1850,
5,894 lodges, with 245,233 paying members. 15. "Conscience avaunt, Richard's himself again." Gibber 'a version of Richard III, Act V, scene
3.
166
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
increasing in size, & the pools of water in it are larger & more frequent. Five miles down these pools resulted into a pretty little stream with an evident current in the 16 There direction we are expecting to find Mary's River.
are
now
were excellent camping places all along, & although we had not made our morning drive, we were much tempted to "turn 77 out to graze. Seventeen miles from our camp we nooned upon a pretty, clear, & swift little stream, putting into the one we travelled down. This we supposed to be Martin's Fork of Mary's. We had here the best grass we have ever had. There was much clover in full bloom. We nooned here 3 hours, then crossed the stream & rolled. We travelled down this same stream, [which had] increased much in size since morning,
&
Mary's Eiver.
increasing every mile. I think we may now safely call it rolled 10 miles & encamped in grass up to all enjoyed our horses' bellies. Good water & good wood. a delightful meal upon sage hens. The most of our men have shotguns, & being very good shots, whenever small game of this kind is to be found, they literally slay them. This morn
We
We
ing the firing reminded me of a discharge of musketry. They came into camp loaded. The birds are the size of a chicken & have much the colour & appearance about the head of guinea fowl. They are very fat and tender & certainly are the great
est of delicacies.
[Distance, 27 miles.
was again
cool
they were almost indispensable. We got a usual start. The road still keeping the valley, it was good but dusty, & con sequently we made good time. Eight miles brought us [to] where the road takes to the bluffs for the purpose of cutting off a point of bluff otherwise, we should have to go over.
;
Our overcoats were rather com around our campfire, & in riding moving
clear.
&
originally called Mary's Eiver, perhaps after the wife of Peter Skene Ogden. Fremont, in 1845, ignored the existing name, and called it the Humboldt. B. 0. Clark, July 21, and Hale, Aug. 7, called it the St. Mary's, and Bruff, Sep. 3, surmised that it was "called Mary's ... in honor
16.
of the Blessed Virgin." If French Catholic fur traders were first to name Clark's designation is perhaps the truest rendering of the original name.
it,
167
size & now I think we certainly may call it "Marys." [In] half [a] mile we nooned immediately upon the stream. Our Hunters had success again today, & we again enjoyed a special dinner. Three o'clock saw us upon our road again. Still in another valley, the same as that we have just past, we rolled this evening 15 miles & encamped. During the day we have seen signs ef the Digger Indians, & indeed, we have seen a placard set by an emigrant stating had
One mile & a half brought us to the crossing of another creek, which ran from the northeast, & put into Mary's. This has increased our stream from little pools to a considerable
some of their cattle. We have seen the remnants of fishnets set by them, still remaining in the water. These Dig gers are considered the meanest Indians in existence. We had good grass, wood & water & good spirits, & with all these luxuries, after a pleasant smoke we retired to dream of home
to kill
they
attempted
&
love.
[Distance, 25 miles.
[THE hardships of the journey reached their climax as the trail reentered the Great Basin. The one factor which made transit across
was the presence of the Humboldt River, and the emigrants followed it doggedly across the present state of Nevada from its sources to its terminus, where it "sank" into the parched earth. Near its source, it was fresh, cool, and reasonably full
this desert area possible
But as it flowed through sun-scorched, alkali-impregnated country, it grew progressively warmer to the touch, more offensive to the stomach, and more dreary to the eye. Emigrants detested it,
of water.
demands on their stamina than any other part They knew that the worst hurdle of all, the Hum boldt Desert, awaited them at the end, and the terrors of this bar rier were so great that most of the Forty-niners who reached the Humboldt after the middle of July preferred to risk the alternative of Lassen's Cut-off which struck due west from the Humboldt about fifty miles above the Sink. Distances by this "cut-off" were greater, and sufferings were not less, so it was fortunate for the members of
it
and
made
severer
of the journey.
the Charlestown
Company
Meadow before
its full
three
hundred and
fifty miles.
They arrived
"Slough"
twenty-five
168
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Friday, July 27th.
The mornings continue quite chilly & make our mules look badly, being drawn up into almost a knot although [we have] most excellent grass. Upon driving them in, one was found mired, & upon drawing him out we found he had been in that pleasant situation so long, & with his many, perhaps desperate, exertions to extricate himself, he had become so exhausted & weak he was not able to travel, & consequently was left and abandoned by us, to become the prey of either the wolves or Diggers (who it is said eat them), or the emi
gration behind us.
We rolled down the valley 6 miles, which brought us to a narrowing of the valley & the road crossing the bluffs. The road first rises a steep & long hill 2 miles & then takes to a kanyon, through which we passed 12 miles. This road runs very near north & strikes another little branch putting into Mary's, but which is here only pooly. About two miles be fore coming to it, we passed two springs, the first of which
was scarcely drinkable the other, half a mile farther, was very good. Both of them arose in a marshly alkalic place. In this last marsh was a Warm Spring, or rather, Hot
;
Spring, much hotter than the large one before seen. When we struck the branch, the road turns southwest, which carried us
back almost towards our starting point [of] this morning. We rolled down this, being then in a valley 4 miles, where we again struck the river. The pools had become quite a stream before reaching it. We here encamped. This has been the hardest day's march we have yet had. 17 We did not noon, having neither grass or water for our stock. The dust & heat in the kanyon was almost insupportable. Some idea can be formed of the heat when I tell you that, having a tin canteen of water, it became so hot that I was enabled, with a little "Essence of Coffee" that I had in my
pocket, to make excellent coffee, which my friend Mr. Gittings (who was riding with me) & myself enjoyed much. Our teams straggled into camp, many of them without their com pliment of mules & all nearly given out.
17.
Hoffman, July
travel that
169
This point has been a general camping one, & conse quently the grass was not very good & [was] hard to find. The ox-teams were rolling in during the night & disturbed pur peaceful slumbers not a little. One, in particular, in driv ing Ms Bulls across the river, passed through our encamp ment, & had I not awoke & jumped [I] would certainly have been crushed under his mighty feet. Of course then, some compliments passed between the driver & myself. After arriving at our camp we found we had made a great mistake in coming so far around the bluff. It was one, howevere, that all the emigration had made before us. Some of our men followed the river up & came to our camping place 4 hours before us, it being only 8 miles. They describe it as being as good a road for wagons as any we have seen, re quiring to cross the river twice, but good crossings. [Distance, 24 miles.
&
little
We made
miles we came to what we called the "Sage Spring/ It was a hole dug by some emigrant ahead, & the water of which was quite good. Our guide also found a little patch of grass over the hill & determined to noon, our mules being already, from their bad feeding last night, much exhausted. I, being anxious to get to the river, kept on. Two miles from [where] the train nooned I found several very excellent springs, but neither wood [n]or grass. The road here com mences a gradual descent to the river. In many places the
7
pass between the rocks was very narrow, & it was also rough nearly all the way. Nine miles from [the] spring brought me to the river once again. It was not so hot today as yesterday, but the dust was suffocating. I coralled myself in the shade to await our train. I arrived here at 1 o'clock, & they not
until dark.
The
You may imagine I was tired as well as hungry. train arrived safe although the mules & men both were
170
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
fatigued. There was not a sprig of grass in one mile & a half of the striking of the river. "We drove onr tired animals thus far, & here, even, it was worse than it was last night. Some of our men attempted to make another "cut-off" by coming tip the river, but they were decidedly taken in, for they did not get into camp until dark, & said they were walk ing all the time since 6 o 'clock this morning. They thought it 35 or 40 miles. One can but be struck with sorrow for those coming be hind us. Already the grass is so scarce that we will be en abled to get through, if at all, by merely the skin of our teeth, & what the seven thousand teams behind us are to do God
hill tops today. One of our oxtheir eampfire in the distance for dust in the mistaking road, struck out for it thinking to make a "cut-off." He says
npon arising a hill just by them, he discovered them by their fires, numbering some hundred. He crawled away cautiously and came suddenly upon twenty more sit ting around him, as he said, in a huddle. They asked him for tobacco, which he gave them, & got some water in return. He then left them & had advanced 50 yds. when two came sneak
[that],
sitting
He
instantly stopped,
upon [his] advancing towards the other, he also took flight. The way he [the driver] then broke for camp himself was a
cantion.
The men who came up the river describe a large, hot, boil ing spring upon its banks. It arose some 25 or 30 yds. from the river & ran into the river. It was some 20 ft. in breadth & ran this width into the river direct. It was boiling hot & sent off steam & heat from its surface, which [was] as hot as the scape pipe of an engine. Even after it ran into the river, it foamed & hissed as cold water poured into hot & sent off steam for 80 yds. below, and extending half over the
river.
[Distance, 24 miles.
Sunday, July
29tJi.
The grass being very poor, our mules were scattered in every direction in search of sufficient provender, & conse quently we made a late start. Our animals looked decidedly bad & the spirits of our men were equally so, which gave us
171
an uncommonly gloomy start, with not even the usual com pliment of blessings to the mules upon being grand. We rolled out [at] 6 o 'clock & had gone but a half mile when the road branched, one [branch] going down the river upon the opposite side & the other across the bluffs. Having determined to stop at the first good grass, & some what in the hopes of making a cut-off, our guide took the river road, with the exception of my sick-wagon, which, being in advance, had taken the hill road before the other was de termined upon. We crossed the river & proceeded down it, going around a point of bluff. We rolled 10 miles, when we nooned, the grass being still very poor. Here we distinctly saw the sick-wagon upon the other side of the river & the road coming down from the top of the bluff. The road across was not more than 5 miles, while that which we came was 10,
just opposite. I am happy to say my sick must be convalescent, as they drove 3 or 4 miles farther certainly to cross to get their dinners. This morning one of our herd horses, upon starting, refused to leave his corall for want of sufficient strength to carry him. With many thanks & re membrances for services rendered, poor "Bidge Back" was " "left alone in his
& we were
we again came
"hooked up." In three miles to a branching of the road, one [going] around the river, the other over the bluff. The one over the bluff was found to be half [a] mile while the other was 2%.
glory.
wards our camp with fright, making everyone jump from his campfire in double-quick time. We rallied out & drove them back, when an antelope came bounding from the bushes & running with sudden bounds & stoppages through our camp. Guns were eagerly called for and seized, and at the first crack the gentleman took the hint, and curled Ms tail over his back & streaked it most beautifully. Twenty shots were fired at him, but he kept on his way rejoicing.
[Distance, 15 miles.
172
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Monday, July
30th.
to lay by during the day, we all in ourselves in a late sleep. Finding upon inspection that dulged we were draging one more wagon than necessary, not having sufficient load for it, it was determined to select the worse one of the lot & leave it.
Having determined
clear morning, and we enjoyed "beautiful, cold, It is a fact [though] that, after eating & the rest very much.
It
was a
&
to everyone, however around may be. Our huntsmen beautiful the spot scenery had glorious sport today. In a quarter of a mile of our camp, 18 5 antelope were killed, not saying anything of the numerous
resting, a
&
sage hens & ducks. This furnished us all with fresh meat, which was relished greatly. The day was passed with the " usual monotony of laying by," & the night, after regaling ourselves with the joyous violin & our pipe, was passed in 19 golden dreams.
18.
loose, for Hoffman, July 30, spoke of the killing of "five deer." 19. In almost all diaries, the accounts of hardships are balanced by references
One of the foremost of these was music. Thus Swain, June 24, speaks of a "sing." The effect of many voices raised ' electric on me & I suppose the same in song, on the still plains, was he says, on the wolves [i.e., coyotes], for they set up a most horrid pow-wow just out on the plains around our camp. ' Johnston, May 8, also described group sing ing, and Searls, July 9, wrote, "a number of companies are camped in our vicinity, in one of which are several Ladies. We were treated this evening to a l ' fiddle vocal concert from them. Usually, as in the Charlestown Company, a e The boys are provided the background for vocal music ; Lewis, June 4, wrote, in fine spirit. We have had a serenade tonight, music from fiddle and camp kettle." Sometimes a banjo replaced the violin (Delano, Aug. 14) but either one was likely to include "Oh Susannah" in its repertoire (Kelly, p. 33), and to be accompanied by dancing. In Delano's company a Negro "jumped Jim
to the simple pleasures of the journey.
' '
'
'
' '
'
Crow" to the banjo (Delano, Aug. 14; B. C. Clark, July 27, spoke of the sing ing of a Negro guide in a company from Virginia). Sometimes the men danced together in a "stag dance" (Hackney, May 9). On July 24, Hackney wrote, "Some of the Pike County boys paid us a visit tonight they brout a fiddler J J Bruff , Aug. along with them and we all had a sociable dance among ourself s. "the men sat up some time after supper, spinning yarns, singing, and 2, said, performing on various instruments of music." Badman, on July 9, described an unusual celebration: a neighboring company "threw away about 20 qts the boys thought 1 candles & we being on the hill beyond Prospect hill . they would put on a dance ... so they bilt about 3 fires with wild sage & lit about 30 candles and they commenced dancing they kept it up until about 11
.
o'clock." The presence of young girls was rare along the trail and
when
it
173
of an inch thick upon our buckets this before day, it was chilling cold. An early morning, just start this morning, with fresh mules & drivers, rolled us along at a rapid rate. We are still in the valley, with high, bare mountains upon either side but divested of everything
Ice
was a quarter
&
like vegetation.
We
it. After passing through this Pass, we emerged into a very broad valley which presented itself to us in no favorable light at this time in the evening. It was
whitish as far as the eye could reach, being covered with soda & potassa. Towards the bluffs of the right side were sage bushes, but they were unusually small & the earth around alkalic. The road keeps the same direction we have been traveling during the day, but the river bears far off to the
left.
across this 9 miles. Here we rolled struck the river, but neither grass or wood. again down this, looking for grass & wood [for] several miles but were at last compelled, on account of our found neither. to corall, with grass parched & eaten over a half dozen mules, times. Sorry am I to say that many of our men, either from our night fatigue or ill nature, growled & grunted much at & endeavoured, it seemed, to raise some dissension driving to it; but the prime mover (Mr. Asquith) is no longer a rock
We
We
celebration. Thus, Swain, Oct. 14, occurred, it almost invariably produced a "This evening our boys and those of another train laying here together with the Smith girls had a tall time in the shape of a fandango which lasted till
10 o'clock."
174
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
to
under water. He is known in full, & to prove it, I have only refer you to some of Ms acts, which prove tlie man.
[Distance, 25 miles.
Wednesday, August
1st.
account of our Captain refusing to act as such today, late aroused & had a very late start. Everyone looked gloomy at each other, & such anger in the counte nances of the most was depicted [as] only to be surpassed by their determined & resolute bearing. Everyone seem[ed] to fear a beginning, and dreaded it. For well they knew the con few of us got together & found sequences would be terrible. on enquiry that this ill-feeling & back-biting, & mean, illnatured, contemptable slandering was done by a few sheep in wolves' clothes that had crept into our camp. One of the same has been long since known and for this, as well as all other dissensions that we have ever had, to him must we at
On
we were
Our Captain having again consented to guide us & not mind the barking of these curs, we rolled out at 6 o'clock. The road was down the valley, which presented the same drouthy appearance as yesterday evening. The water in the river is quite muddy, & is warmer & consequently not so good. Our Captain having requested me to be the guide for the day, I rode ahead 10 miles from camp & picked a nooning. I found but a small patch of grass & about this I had quite a conten tion with an ox driver. In riding along this morning I wit nessed a most sudden & singular death. A man driving an ox cart, when in the act of cracking his whip (ruling passion strong in death) fell dead upon the spot. They all, at once, pronounced it sun stroke, but I presume it was a sequel to either a disease of the heart or some disease of the brain. "We passed this morning a grave upon the left of the road of a Mr. Byron, of Bryant's Company from Louisville. 20 He is 11 days ahead of us, & started three weeks [ahead]. We
20. Johnston, p. 17, met Bryant in Louisville, and encountered Ms company several times subsequently (Apr. 4, 15, 26). Tiffany, June 14, spoke of meeting
Bryant's company, with 150 pack mules. Backus, Aug. 3, speaks of "the grave of a member of Bryant's Co. from Ky." Bead and G-atnes, eds., Gold Eush,
I,
175
&
left
it
to the left
around the
bluff,
&
kept [on] over this same bluff. One mile over, & we were again in a similar valley as we had just left. No grass, no wood9 & bad water is now all we look for. It was our intention to travel late tonight, but it became cloudy & the moon was obscured, without the- light of which we made but a poor out in travelling, & consequently we stopped after rolling 7 miles. In a nook of the river we found some little grass & willows, & we were content. So soon as it was dusk this evening a large fire was discovered upon the very highest peak of mountain to our left. "We knew this to be the Diggers & it was a warning to us to look out. It burned for several hours very bright & then gradually disap
peared.
21
passed today'a great novelty as well as a very great upon the plains. Stuck up on the side of the road was a board with Grocery in large letters written upon it, pointing to a sun shade of willows, with a chest, a box with " Tobacco" written upon it, an old pair of wheels with a [wagon] tongue laying here, an axle there, & old iron accord ingly thrown around. This was the grocery. It had a peck of hard bread & a quart of whiskey for sale. For the whiskey, he asked only $4. On enquiry, the proprietor [informed us] he had been there 9 days, buying what he could from all the
curiosity
' ' ? 7
We
trains passing & selling to others as they passed. He told me he cleared in that time $3.40 [sic] [Distance, 17 miles.
.
land journey, which became the basis for Ms widely-read book, What I Saw in California (see above, p. 21). He served as a lieutenant in the California Bat talion, as alcalde of San Francisco, and as a witness at Washington in the court-martial of John 0. Fremont. He repeated the overland journey to Cal
ifornia in 1849.
21.
He
Emigrants in the valley of the Humboldt tended to regard all the Indians of that area as "Diggers" a wretched, degraded, and despicable tribe, who were held guilty of making raids upon the cattle, at night. In fact, there were two distinct Indian groups,- first, the Diggers, whom Captain Bonneville had called Shoshokees, fully as debased, but by no means as dangerous as the emigrants supposed them to be; and second, the TJtes, a warlike group, pro ficient in the art of cattle stealing. Since they usually struck by night, it was natural that their crimes were attributed to the Shoshokees, who were apparent by day. The signal fires mentioned here, and by many other diarists, were prob ably those of the TJtes. See Paden, WaToe of the Prairie Schoonerf pp. 379-380. Bead and Gaines, eds., Gold Bush, I, 546, n. 2, discusses the signal fires.
176
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Thursday, August 2nd.
Tranquility, peace, & good order being once more es tablished among our very courteous company, we were sum moned as usual & got an early start. rolled quite briskly in the cool of the morning, but as soon as the sun was fairly shining, it was most awfully hot. Still keeping the same valley, and with the same sterile appearance of the country around, we rolled 11 miles & nooned just where the river passes through a kanyon & the road takes to the bluffs. The river has much decreased in size since yesterday & is evi dently sinking. The water is still muddy, & neither cool or
We
pleasant to drink, but we have gradually become accustomed to drinking all sort and any sort, & now we scarcely take a second thought whether it is very good or very bad. The grass was very poor, but after considerable time & labour, a ford was made across the river & our animals driven to good
grass.
nooned 8 hours & again rolled. One road went down the river, crossing it twice in a very short distance. The other, which we took, went over the bluffs. This road was
not very steep but was deep sand which consequently made it even worse for our animals. We passed over this 5 miles & again struck the valley & the river. We rolled down this 5 miles more & encamped upo^ the edge of the river. We had but tolerable grass & poor wood, but sleep was sweet. This morning soon after rolling out of camp we came to two wagons coralled upon the side of the road, & on enquir ing found the Diggers had stolen all of their animals during the night. 22 They were in a most lamentable & unfortunate predicament, and we felt much disposed & anxious to help the poor fellows. But charity must begin at home, "this far out," as well as in the States, & we could not do it. Several emigrants offered to go with them to look for their animals, but the chances are many against it. This theft accounted for the fire we saw upon the mountain last night. We were prudent enough to be cautious & careful, & lost not one. [Distance, 21 miles.
22. Hoffman, Aug. 2, mentions this theft and enumerates the losses as five mules and two horses. For a general discussion of cattle-stealing by Indians in
We
177
It was quite warm last night and the sand that we spread our blankets upon kept hot during the night. The sun during the day makes the sand & dirt so parching hot that it would not cool during the night. We rolled out early, the road keeping the valley & winding some distance around slough & marshes. One marsh in particular has extended over miles
& the river itself seemed lost in it. At first we though this must be the Sink (which now is the goal of our fondest hopes), although we ought not to come to it for 100 miles. However, after heading this, we again found the river emerging from it in its same tortuous way. We rolled thus 11 miles & nooned with the expectation of crossing our
animals to grass. Having arrived before the train, & being something of a swimmer, our Captain requested me to make an exploration, upon which, I striped off & done so, & we came to the con clusion we could [cross the teams]. After the mules arrived we tried it, but found they would all mire, & had to give it up. We stayed a couple of hours & rolled on. One mile farther we found an excellent crossing with good grass, & encamped. We have heard of several trains which have lost mules & horses by the Diggers but as yet we have not been molested
Around the head of the great marsh the road turned southwest, having been running for several days northwest. [Distance, 12 miles.
in the least.
peep of the sun this morning gave us the un intimation that when she was a little farther ad pleasant vanced "we would catch hell." immediately struck the which was not steep or high above the bed of the river, bluff, but the sand (which is the detestation and abomination of our teamsters) was nearly up to the axle, & a dead drag all the way. The road continued thus for 10 miles, when we nooned. coralled in the sage bushes & drove our animals were compelled to do this as the willows to pick. among
first
The
We
We
We
our mules had nearly given out, having become "leg wearied" from draging through the deep sand. Having rode
ITS
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
some miles ahead, I found a road crossing the river & going up on the opposite side. The road upon the same side was sandy for 5 miles, as far as I went, & seemed to continue [so]. Our Captain being again indisposed, I was requested
to be again the guide. crossed the river one mile from nooning, & was but too glad to escape from the sand. The road here was splendid & but few teams had passed over it. rolled in the same
We
We
it [the road] turned south. Having found good camping, we coralled for directly the night. On enquiring I found the road crossed the river
when
again one mile from camp, where the road took to the bluffs, which was sandy for fourteen miles, without wood or water or grass: This determined us to "lay by" in the morn ing to recruit for this Jornada. Our mules are generally in tolerable condition but they cannot stand the drives they could a month since. This fail ing is not confined to our mules, but to all animals now in our vicinity. Horses, in particular, have failed most signally since leaving Fort Hall. They are poor & weak & I think it doubtful that they will again recruit. I was informed by one of an ox train, that their cattle, which had never drooped before since leaving the States, were now failing fast & [that] they were not able to go more than 12 or 15 miles. Almost every one came in camp at noon with a "Jack Ass" Babbit 23 These animals are at least four times as large as our own. They have ears in a proportionate size of the Jack Ass. Some idea can be formed of the size when I tell you [that] one of common size will make a full meal for our mess of 6, & who are not bad feeders either, but are generally blessed with good appetites. [Distance, 20 miles.
Sunday, August
5th.
Besting, sleeping, eating, & bathing are certainly very pleasant occupations & a most happy way of spending or killing time, but in spite of all these, this laying by is tire23. The long-eared, long-legged hares of the West were almost invariably known as jackass rabbits; apparently this was not contracted to jack rabbit
American English shows the former usage as show the latter prior to 1870.
179
morning in camp, & before the time hook up, it hung heavy upon our hands. Many of our men went hunting & returned laden with the "Bureau [Burro] Babbits" & consequently we
rolled
to
fared sumptuously. We sometimes, for the want of anything better or worse 24 to growl about complain of having nothing but salt pork. of the Pittsburgh Company came Today part up, & having a friend with it (Mr. Murray), I learned from him that they were out of meat entirely & had not had a taste of it for six weeks. Their sugar, rice, beans, & flour were also out & they had been living on nothing but hard tack & coffee, & coffee & hard tack. They had no shot guns & of course took no game. This reconciled us, I assure you, & we censured ourselves for our past time growling, & [we] find [that], instead of
suffering, we have been feasting. rolled out at 3 o'clock for this
We
"Bug-Bear" Jornado.
Of
late
Our Captain
ger,
still
we have had
considerable sickness (Diarrhea) in our Company, produced either by the water which is bad, or by the game which we have had in much abundance for some time. Soar throats &
bad colds have also been prevalent. Mr. Geiger in particular has suffered much for a few days. They are all, however, now convalescent & look cheerful. During the morning we saw but few teams pass us & these were mostly on the bluff upon the opposite side of the river. The sand there was heavy & deep, & we saw poor fellows trudging along, stopping every hundred yards, some of them to double teams all the
way
through.
We
& took
ourselves to the
Here we were most agreeably disappointed in finding we had no sand but instead a fine road although dusty. We rolled over this barrenness 16 miles from our camp & again struck the river. Having sent ahead to find a camp before night, we encamped upon the best [spot] we could find, which was poor, as this has been a general camping for all that has past. At dusk, it clouded up and the distant rumble
Bluff.
24. On this day, Hoffman noted in his diary that an inventory of the diariestown Company's foodstuffs showed only 30 pounds of flour per man, or enough
180
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
was heard, accompanied with a few
flashes of ourselves that we were once congratulated lightening. more going to have a little rain, but we were too anxious and had congratulated ourselves too soon. It cleared off in the course of an hour and left us with the same old monotonous
of thunder
We
weather.
[Distance, 16 miles.
Monday, August
6th.
clear, pleasant,
my
me
which
taste.
is
with his very peculiar salutation of the morning, certainly original, beautiful, &, this far out, in good
of our Company will remember this for a long time, & no doubt at some future time pleasantry [it] will serve to recall to the mind of some, when their heads have become whitened by time (that slow but sure coach of
The members
deprivations, hardships & pleasures), that [which] , perhaps, may never be experienced by any other emigration across
the globe.
little
the river at a considerable distance to head sloughs & marshes. There was scarcely a sprig of grass, & every part of it was trampled & beaten & cut up by the animals before us, as to almost destroy the remaining roots of what had
rolled 11 miles & nooned, turning our animals been. across the river to pick among and to pluck the green wil lows. Considering the bad provender, our animals came up well filled. again started, after nooning 4 hours. According to re & to some guide books, we expected to cross the river ports in three miles, but the road again left the river & took the bluffs. The country here totally changes in appearance. The
valley in which we encamped, we as rolled cended direct the same old bluff of yesterday. & sand one mile & a half, & came into over this through dust another valley through which the river was still winding its snaky course. The road here was very good &, at times, left
We
We
We
road passes over the most barren & sterile prarie we have yet seen. In riding over any part of it, that looked perfectly smooth & encrusted, you would leave a cloud of dust behind.
181
The river was confined between two immense banks, several hundred feet deep. Between these was the river. As it per formed its customary windings & twistings, it formed a narrow valley which was generally perfectly barren, but [for] sometimes a few willows & the signs of what had been grass, but which at present was bare. "We rolled along the bluff, tho never coming nearer the river than one mile and a half or 2 miles. Having made our customary drive, & having found a larger space between the banks than usual, with some little grass & willows, we turned into the river & coralled upon the bank and drove our ani mals down to the river. Very small sage bushes served for our fuel this evening, but we were tired, & our camp was soon [w]raptd in deep & sweet slumber. Some of our party saw today three Eutaw Indians, on their return from California. They gave a most flattering
account (so far as they could be understood) of both the road before us & the gold valley. They have met many teams of both sorts, oxen & mules, & from what they saw they are evidently under the impression that the drivers are entirely
of different tribes. the Muros
They spoke
of
them as the
Wo
haughs
&
[Distance, 23 miles.
Tuesday, August
7th.
this morning looking remarkably well the poor grass last night. Upon hitching notwithstanding up, thirteen of our animals were missing. Search upon the river bottom was immediately made & twelve of them were found two miles from camp, having strayed, I suppose, in search of grass. The other was found beautifully coralled in a slough. He was cordelled out26 but was too weak to stand, & consequently was left to fatten on willows & enjoy the de lightful miry baths of the delectable Humboldt.
25. Delano, July 29, tells of a group of Indians who had identified the emi grants by the terms which they most freely used ; these Indians assured a party that ''there was plenty of grass for the whoa haws, but no water for the G-d
d~ns."
26. To eordelle meant to tow or work an object (usually a boat) forward by means of a rope or tow line. This term, widely prevalent on frontier waters, was used as early as 1826, by Timothy Flint. See Dictionary of American
English*
182
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Still following the same old bluff or ridge, we rolled to the striking of the river 6 miles. The road down to the river is very rough and [crosses] a winding hill, which in many places is very steep. Here I learned that we did not cross the
river at
strike
it
all,
we would again
&
leave
After having the animals watered, we again rolled, the road again going to the ridge. Our mules soon began to show the bad effects of last night's feeding. Six miles from [the] river we turned to the left, & again struck [it], & nooned. We turned our animals to very nice, tender young willows, & they seem to chop them off with much gusto. We nooned 4 hours & started. Six miles farther brought us to the river. Here we found some hard willows & sage bushes, & nothing else. However, our animals were tired & I coralled them for the night, & drove them to the river to pick what they could. Numerous reports reached us today of
the great suffering upon the stretch before us of 65 miles. Eeport says that 800 to a thousand animals are lying dead upon it, & 100 wagons have been abandoned. However there
is
equal [ly] cheering news upon the other hand, & that is [that], at the slough, distant from ns now 10 miles, there has been discovered, within a few days, grass extending over 5000 acres, & up to the animals' bellies, distant only 7 miles from the slough. If this be true, we are safe, but if not, we can never get one third of our animals through. Indeed, they would not be able to haul sufficient water to last them through in their present condition, not saying anything of their loads. Our Captain is improving & I think is now per
fectly safe.
[Distance, 18 miles.
Wednesday, August
8th.
I sang out heartily this morning for an early start, but as usual on such occasions, something always occurs to re tard you when you are in the greatest hurry. I was anxious to get over this 10 miles to the Slough in the cool of the morning, & to get our mules to the grass as soon as possible.
I started ahead,
183
long wished for goal. Contrary to my ex I found but few wagons here, but upon enquiry, pectations, " [I] found that the grass story" was true & they had rolled over to
it [but] two days before. You may imagine this news was received with joy by me, & my informer smiled to see me smile. This Slough is but a poor landmark to have received
me to tMs
such a prominent place in the description of this road. It is nothing more or less than a little ravine, with a few small springs in its bottomLeaving word for our teams to water, I rode on to this " green spot in the desert." "Old Squaw," with her nation's instinct, & aided by her natural one, discovered its direction sooner than myself. When four miles from it, she would stop suddenly &, raising her head high, would sniff the breeze & seem to drink in with delight the passing fragrance of the atmosphere. In due time I reached the spot on the plain &
found
it surpassing anything that I heard, in respect to the quality & quantity of the grass. I found here some two hundred wagons laying along the edge of the grass & their animals turned to it. Mowed grass also was laying about curing, for the purpose of carrying it with them on the Jornado. After picking out a suitable place for coralling, I went on the road to await the train, which,
in
good time, arrived & coralled. Our animals were turned on a little flat before us & a guard placed around them to prevent their getting in the mire. It was with delight & al most envy that I witnessed the joy of our almost starved animals when turned loose. They fairly layed down & eat it,
or rather
mowed
it.
Among those guarding was Mr. James Davison from Frederick County, Virginia. He had a double barrel gun in his hand, which he had taken out for the purpose of killing for the Captain. He was laying upon the grass some
&,
of his gun caught in a bush & went the contents, which was small shot & a few buck off, sending 27 It glanced shot, into the abdomen (the right Iliac region). to the right, fracturing the hip bone & leaving the load just
27. Mellhany, Recollections, pp. 24-25, gives a detailed account of tMs accidental shooting, but, by an error of memory, calls the victim Joe Davis. Hoffman also notes this loss.
184
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
skin, some few of the shot passing through. I was at the time, & immediately after the report of a
under the
in
camp
gun, was heard the cries of "I'm, I'm shot." Upon [our] looking, he was seen to run a few yards & fall. I ran to him as quick as possible & found several inches of intestine pro truding. I replaced it as soon as possible, & upon examining the wound found it as I described one inch of the parietes of the abdomen was carried away, making it very difficult to keep the intestine in its proper place. He was layed in a blanket & carried into camp, where I made a more thorough examination & dressed the wound accordingly. He has not yet recovered [from] the shock & I much fear will not. While there is life there's hope, but I am sorry to say he must die.
:
He
& many
Thursday, August
9fh.
I was aroused at daybreak, having layed down only two hours during the night, to come to see my patient, as they thought he was sinking. I found it was too true, & [at] 5 1/2 o 'clock he departed this life after suffering the most acute agony for twelve hours. He never reacted or recovered from the shock to the general system, but gradually sank from the time of the injury until death itself came to his relief. Having determined to lay here several days to recruit our animals & to cut & cure some grass for the purpose of taking " Jornado" for it across the them, we moved lower down the marsh, where it was better & the ground drier. "We coralled on a beautiful smooth spot .with grass six or eight inches, &, immediately upon arriving, it occurred to us all, "oh what a nice sleep I'll have tonight !" Two hundred yards in front, the water from the marsh around collected in a stream & running beautifully over the long grass, it made a fall of several feet into a pool. This made a most delightful place to bathe, & the water itself was better than any we have had for several weeks. The grass between our corall & this [pool] was knee high, & the ground dry, & our animals were in view the whole time. Our men were soon fixing their scythes & everybody was busying himself to harvest which, although
185
our deceased member were being made. A near was chosen as a spot suitable, from its elevation & vicinity to what will always hereafter be the road, to receive his remains. At three o'clock the preparations were an nounced ready & we took a solemn movement towards the grave. His blanket served him for his winding sheet & a few
last respects to
hill
[i.e. despite] the sad accident that had. deprived us of one of our number, still brought a smile to the countenances of our practised farmers & sturdy yeoman. In the meantime the necessary preparations to pay the
planks layed over, for his coffin. The funeral service was read & a suitable board [placed] at his head, & thus he was left, each perhaps thinking of the uncertainty of life &
death. 28
This marsh for three miles is certainly the liveliest place that one could witness in a lifetime. There is some two hun dred and fifty wagons here all the time. Trains going out & others coming in & taking their places, is the constant order of the day. Cattle & mules by the hundreds are surrounding us, in grass to their knees, all discoursing sweet music with the grinding of their jaws. Men too are seen hurrying in many different ways, & everybody attending to his own business. Some mowing, some reaping, some carrying, some packing the grass, others spreading it out to dry, [or] col lecting that already dry & fixing it for transportation. In fact the joyous laugh & the familiar sound of the whetted scythe resounds from place to place & gives an air of happiness & content around that must carry the wearied travellers through to the "Promised Land." The scene also reminds one much of a large encampment of the army, divided off into separate & distinct parties, everybody minding his busi ness and letting other people's alone.
Friday, August 10th.
variable thing dur have perhaps remained longer than the the day. ing majority, but our animals & men all required recruiting.
We
12,
28. Backus,
Aug.
mentions the grave: "near us is the grave of a member who aceidently shot himself/'
186
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
As many as five hundred have left since we arrived. It is rather amusing to see the many different manners which necessity has compelled the poor fellows to travel some packing upon their backs, others driving a half -dead mule or pony before them, laden with a few hard crackers & a coffee pot. [There are] carts of all descriptions, wagons [that] have been divided, one party taking the fore wheels & half the bed, another the hind ones with the remaining half. "Necessity is the mother of invention," & if anybody doubts it, I think it will be convincing to them to be upon this road. Oxen are also packed, the load being placed upon their backs & upon the yoke. They move along very well & keep up a
very good
gait.
The men have all been busy fixing their grass & repacking wagons. The day was passed with pleasure & enjoyment to
all,
&
at night the exciting violin & the soft melodious flute different campfires, giving cheerfulness
& serving to make us forget that we are two thousand miles from those we hold most dear. We determined to lay here until tomorrow at 1 o'clock, when we will again take up a line of march, through the Jornado & to California. Discussions of the various routes are heard from every knot of persons that you pass. Reports as various & different as possible is told by everyone, so that it is useless to attempt to make up your mind which is prefer able. Today an old Indian was in our camp, who had been several times to California, & who advised us by all means to take the left hand road. He drew the different roads upon a piece of paper, and with his numerous signs & contortions explained the difficulties of one & the excelling of the other, & finally finished by rubing out all but the left road, [thus] showing us that it was the only one to get to California. little while after, a gentleman came along with a letter from a friend who had gone ahead to explore the different routes, saying take by all means, the old road, the right hand, & that he had ascertained that these Indians had been sent upon the road expressly to turn the emigration to the farthest road to " Pleasant Valley," the left road taking you to Slit ter's, 50 miles from the valley, the right, directly to the
to everything around,
valley.
VI ACROSS
LIKE some
exhausted the reserve strength of men and beasts along the Humboldt, and then subjected them to two supreme tests the Humboldt Desert and the Sierra Nevada. The Desert presented a sixty-five
mile stretch of heat and sand, without wood or water, save for the noxious fluid of a single boiling spring. It required fifty-two hours of almost uninterrupted travel to make this crossing. Alternative
roads led either to the Carson Biver, or to the Truekee, which was also sometimes known as the Salmon Trout River. The Charlestown Company chose the route to the Truekee, where they found the
respite of cool water and green grass. But they could not linger long while the Sierra crossing still remained. This immense granite barrier required travel up grades steeper and along ledges narrower than any Forty-niner would have believed possible when he left
But great as were the difficulties, there was also great stimulus, for the "Diggings/' the deposits of gold which had drawn men from the Old World and from below the Equator, lay just be
Missouri.
yond the ridge. Within a week after reaching the summit, Bryarly and his companions arrived at the "Diggings." Four days later
(twenty-one days after setting out across the desert), they arrived at Johnson's Ranch, at which point the company pitched camp, and where it remained until it dissolved and the members dispersed in
various directions to seek fortune in the stream beds.
We
June 23; DeWolf, June 7; Dundass, May 22; Lewis, Sept. 2; Lyne, Kay 4; Morgan, July 18 ; and Tiffany, Aug. 18, 19, all used this expression. Searls, p. 7, c< 'seeing the elephant' which is but another name for spoke of his desire of
going to California." It is sometimes said that the phrase originated with the victims of P. T. Barnum, who paid admission to see an elephant which proved to be a hoax, but the use of the expression in 1835 virtually disproves this ex
planation.
188
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
INGE
Saturday at 2
2
out
wood or water
with
at 6
o'clock.
The morning was fair, beautiful, & pleasant. Early, every thing & everybody was in active preparation for a start in the evening. Grass was bundled & packed & stowed in the wagons. Loose mules were packed also, & everyone riding an animal had his fodder behind him. Casks & kegs, gum bags & gun covers, coffee pots & tea kettles, canteens, jugs & bottles, everything was filled with water & at 1 o'clock the order to gear up was given & at 2 we bid farewell to the marsh & our numerous friends. 3 The road goes direct across to strike the old road some 5 miles. It was a new one, & made through the sage bushes & of course was not very good, but the old road was as smooth as a table & hard as a rock. It passed over what is in high water part of the sink & conse quently there was no vegetation save a few sage bushes,
The caption indicates that Bryarly wrote the entries for August 11, 12, on August 14, after the desert crossing had been completed. 3. Even the most laconic and perfunctory journals convey a quality of elo quence as they describe the crossing of the Humboldt Desert. For instance, Andrew Orvis had made the journey as far as the desert with no especial dif ficulty. But when he had completed four-fifths of the crossing, trouble began: "In 8 miles of the [Truekee] River my horse bigan to fail and I had to go slow but I drove him until within 3 miles of the river. I could not get him any farther. I was over come and tired out. I would travel a little and I would lay down on the sand and rest and the sun shining on me. There is no timber thare. I thought I would never get through and I laide down to kick the bucket; but I thought of home and it give me a little more grit and I would get up and stager along. I" was so thirsty my tonge and lips cracked and bled but I was able to get to the water and after drinking a little I dare not drink much I felt better. Towards knight, I took some grass and water in my canteen back to the horse. He was in the same place I had left him. I peered water on the grass and he eat and then he went to the river first rate/ Other accounts of
,
2.
and
13,
Hixson, pp. 199-210 (very Johnston, July 16 j Long, Aug. 2, et seq.; B. C. Clark, Aug. 2-5; Tif fany, Aug. 3 et seq.; Wistar, Aug. 10 et seq.; Backus, Aug. 13 et seq.; S. B. F. Clark, Aug. 11-12; Love, Aug. 13 et seq.; Hackney, Aug. 25-26; Lewis, Aug. 22 et seq.; McCall, Aug. 27-29; Kelly, pp. 296 et seq.; Searls, Sept. 3; Dundass, Sept. 6 (a notable account) ; De Wolf, Sept. 29-30 ; Eoyee, pp. 40-57. The last of these is one of the most intensely felt personal records in American history.
the crossing of the
;
Humboldt Desert in
'49 are:
vivid)
189
were upon mounds several feet above the level. Stock of all sorts, horses, mules, oxen & cows were scattered along, having coralled themselves in the arms of fatigue & death.
Here for the second time upon our journey we saw the mi rage upon these immense white basins. It was a poor ex ample, however, but was very deceiving to those who had
never seen anything of the kind before. Twelve miles upon the old road brought us to the Swk, the disideratum of long hoped for weeks. "How far to the Sink!" has been a question often asked, & often answered, & often heard in the last month. This Sink extends over sev eral miles & is generally grown up with rushes & grass. There is immense basins however on all sides, which, in high water, receive the back water. The road keeps in these basins, which extend over miles & miles without a vestige of vegetation, but so white & dazzling in the sun as scarcely to be looked at. We rolled by this, the water of which cannot be used by man or beast, [for] 4 miles, & came to some sulphur
springs or rather wells. Here we encamped for the night. These wells were dug in a slough, & the water was very like many of our sulphur springs at home. The animals drank, it
it seemed to do them no harm. In this slough just below the spring were a great number of cattle & mules, which had become mired & were not able to get out & were left. Some of them were still alive. The most obnoxious, hideous gases perfumed our camp all night, arising from the 4 many dead animals around. In the morning some were found laying immediately by us & in the vicinity 30 [others] were adding their scents to the nauseous atmosphere. Our
freely
&
4. All testimony emphasized that the dead "beasts of burden and the discarded goods on the Humboldt Desert presented as grim a scene as a field of battle. The animals here were driven to the utmost limits of endurance, and hundreds died along the way. De Wolf, Oct. 1, spoke of 500 dead oxen; Backus, Aug. 15,
and Long] Aug. 3, spoke of hundreds; Love, Aug. 15, Hackney, Aug. 25, McCall, Aug. 29, Dundass, Sept. 6, and Boyee, pp. 52-53, were impressed by the heavy animal mortalities; B. C. Clark, Aug. 5, said, "All along the desert road from the very start even the way side was strewed with the dead bodies
of oxen, mules, & horses & the stench was horrible. All our travelling ex 1 ' The general record of horror is perience furnishes no parallel for all this. relieved by the story of emigrants who went to extreme lengths occasionally to save cherished animals or to mitigate their suffering. See MeCall, Aug. 29; Pleasants, p. 81 (on Black Bock Desert) ; and Paden, Wake of the Prairie
190
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
animals were turned to the grass we brought already dried, & they seemed [to] relish it much. We were past the Sink. 5 This is glory enough for one day. I would ask the learned & descriptive Mr. Fremont & the
elegant
&
valley, the surpassing lovely valley of Humbolt? Where was " the country presenting the most splendid agricultural
features f Where the splendid grazing, the cottonwood lin ing the banks of their beautiful meandering stream, & every thing presenting the most interesting & picturesque appear ance of any place they ever saw?
"
Perhaps Mr. Bryant was speaking ironically of all these most captivating things that he saw, or perhaps he thought it was "too far out" for anyone else but himself to see. If 6 not, I have only to say, "Oh shame where is thy blush."
5. The Sink of the Humboldt, sometimes called Humboldt Lake, in what is now Pershing County, Nevada, was a landmark sought by all emigrants. The "Sink" tended to alter its position in response to the volume of water which
" numerous . varieties " of Bryant, What I Saw, p. 198, spoke of " along the Humboldt. seeded and "heavily grasses highly sustaining Fremont had traversed the Humboldt region on his third expedition, and had described the valley as "a rich alluvion beautifully covered with blue grass, herd grass, clover, and other nutritious grasses; and its course is marked " (Geographical through the plain by a line of willow and cotton wood trees
.
.
Memoir upon Upper California [Washington, 1848], p. 10). Ware, in his Emigrants' Guide, p. 32, echoed these descriptions, and stated that the Humboldt valley was "rich and beautifully clothed with blue grass, herds grass, clover, and other nutritious grasses. " These descriptions provoked angry comment from many emigrants. John
Caughey gives specimens of this criticism in his edition of Ware's Emigrants' Guide, p. 32, n. 49. Among the Forty-niners, Kelly, p. 295, censures Fremont for his description, and McCall, Aug. 16, notes that "many are bitter in their
denunciations of Fr&nont."
Tiffany, Aug. 5, quotes as
A particularly biting comment is a verse which coming from the pen of his companion, John Grant-
ham:
We
We 'd
That when the mountains we should pass find on Humboldt fine Blue-grass. Nay that's not all[j] we learned moreover That we d get in the midst of clover.
J
191
pool that you could drink up if very crooked in its whole course that I believe it impossible for one to make a chalk mark as much so. Frequently I have stood & fished on each side of me in two different parts of the river, the distance around being half a mile or more. It is a dirty, muddy, sluggish, indolent stream, with but little grass at the best of times, & as for cottonwood, there is not a switch of it from one end to the other. friend of mine remarked, it was u Lower fit for nothing else but to sink to the Begions," & He much preferred calling the quicker it done it the better. it Hellboldt River. [Distance, 23 miles.
little
&
elled in
comparison to the
right,
& we
took
it.
We
rolled
through the same kind of a basin as yesterday and [at] 10 miles we stopped to breakfast, which was cooked with some pieces of wagons we picked up on the road. We layed by until 2 o'clock having given grass & water to our stock, & again rolled. The road continued the same for several miles, when we left the basin forever, the road then being upon a
Kay, more
Told of
'
But great indeed was our surprise To find it all a pack of lies.
.
But when we
to the
Humboldt came
We
192
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
rolled thus 15 ridge with a few sage bushes & rocks. Hot Springs. 8 miles, which brought us to the Seventy dead animals were counted in the last 25 miles. Pieces of wagons also, the irons in particular the wood
We
yoke, [a] wheel & wheel, dead ox & hundred or two yards. These Hot Springs are one of The things upon this earth. The pool is some 25 or 30 yds. in circumference & around it are a great number of springs, some placid & luke warm, others sending off considerable steam & hot water, & others
were also strewn along. An oxa dead ox; a dead ox, yoke, & wheel; & a a yoke, was the order of the day, every
when
again, bubbling & boiling furiously & scalding. The water cooled was drinkable, but sulphurish & very salt. There was a great number of kegs & casks, boxes & wagonbeds here, which had been used to cool the water by others. These we filled & after some hours our stock drank it. boiled in piece of meat, held in one [of] the boiling springs, done. By putting the water in your 20 minutes, perfectly boil coffee-pot & holding the pot over the bubbling, it would of us cooked our suppers. in a few minutes. In this way many
steam engine & machinery must have cost $6 [00] or $700. for coining that could not have cost less than $2 [000] or this Jor$3000, were also laying here, all sacrificed upon nado. These things they say belonged to the notorious Mr. Finley [1] who also lost 55 cattle out of 80.
[Distance, 25 miles.
8.
Hot Springs
on the desert crossing. When traffic was light across the desert, each traveller in casks, where it would usually found water left by a previous traveller and he in turn filled the casks for the next comer. But when traffic was cool, to cool. The water, how heavy, each party had to wait for its own water when dead animals and other ever, was naturally "bad, and did not improve debris accumlated in the springs. Wistar, Aug. 13, relates that his party used coffee to disguise the taste of the water. "My horse drank a little of the with decision. " See McCalPs description of coffee, though he declined the water
these springs,
Aug.
29.
193
We started this morning [at] 2 1/2 o'clock. The road was again in a basin & was level, hard, & smooth. Soon after day light our animals showed evident signs of fagging. Four
miles
from
[the]
to
some sulphur
springs. They were very salty & not good, but had been used by others. The sun was most powerful, & the reflection from
made it most oppressive. We rolled 12 miles, where we strike the sand which we have been dreading all the time, we stopped to breakfast. Some
the shining dirt
to
of our teams did not get in for some time after the others, they having fagged so much as to fall in the rear. Here we fed the last of our grass & gave the last of our
water. Several wagons were here, the animals having given out & were taken to the river ahead to recruit, which we learned was but 8 miles, but deep sand all the way. Several of us started soon after eating & came on to the river & luxuriated ourselves & horses with delicious water. The
teams started at 1 o'clock but finding they would in all prob ability give out or at least be a dead strain all the way, they determined to double teams & bring half over & recruit the mules & bring the remainder today. This was accordingly done & seven wagons arrived safe & our animals watered & turned to good grass. Some remained behind with the wagons & water was packed back to them. This [is] Salmon Trout [Truckee] Eiver. It is a beautiful, clear, swift stream, & the water is delicious. Large cottonwood trees skirt its banks, which gives everything around an air of comfort once more. In approaching it the trees are seen a mile off, & to the parched, famished, & wearied man & beast they are truly a green spot in the desert. 9 We are 9. Hackney, Aug. 26, wrote, "we came in sight of tmekies river thear was
' ' ' '
seen at that moment then nothing in the whole world that I would have sooner to it its banks wear lined by large eottonwood trees and was quite a contrass the wide desolation behind us when we got to the river we could hardly keep our oxen out of it when we drove them in it done me good to see the poor (t brays of joy" with which the devils drink." Wistar, Aug. 13, mentions the when they smelled the water of the Truckee. Later, "Everyone mules responded hurried bodily into the water and drank all he could, while urging the others to be careful and not drink too much. Fortunately, Spanish mules never founder,
194
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
safely over the desert, however, without losing a single animal, although many are very far gone ; but a day or two will put them recruiting, which we think of giving them here, all right. The water of the Hot Spring which was used again freely by both the men & animals affected them most singu it produced violent larly. Two or three hours after drinking,
strangling to both. The men in particular were very much annoyed also by the most violent pain in the urinary organs. It was truly laughable to see their contortions & twistings after urinating, which they desired to do every hour. The mules also seemed to suffer much, but their symptoms lasted only 10 or 12 hours. Upon examining an old canteen that had had this water in it, with a grass stopper, I discovered the
evident fumes of nitre, & upon examination found it [to] contain much, & no doubt these unpleasant symptoms were caused by it. The dead animals were not so numerous today
sufficient to
the other [Carson] road I am told they are much thicker, more than half of the head emigration [Distance, 20 miles. having taken that road.
On
We
hot
desert.
two roads here, one to the left on the same side of the river with a stretch through the sand of 25 miles to water & grass, the other crosses the river & keeps up the river through a kanyon 16 miles & crossing the river many times. From all we have been able to gather, we have deterThere
and after drinking all they could, they lay down and mixing up teams and harness in joyous confusion."
rolled in the stream
195
to cross the river, taking the had right hand road. a general inspection of our provisions & find we have today only sufficient to last us ten days. This was alarming & our
We
more.
hooked up. We crossed the river & rolled two miles when we came to a sand bluff which was very hard pulling. We passed upon this one mile & a half & nooned, turning our mules across the river to grass, it being the only grass in several miles. Our Quartermaster having made arrange ments to obtain some flour & pork from a train behind, the sick wagon was left to bring it when it should arrive. One mile from noon we got off the sand & crossed the river & was soon in the kanyon proper. We passed along this, crossing
the river four times in 5 miles. Here night overtook us, & not being able [to] proceed farther, & finding Capt. Smith awaiting us, we pulled out on the side of the road & tied our mules to the wheels, feeding them upon willows & cotton
The morning was again very hot & we almost dreaded the idea of exposing ourselves to the hot rays of the sun upon the road. Our mules were brought up at 11 o'clock & we again
bushes.
to
Owing to the scarcity of the grass, the Captain determined keep a camp ahead [of us], & leave [some] one behind at
each place to point out the grazing spots, & I [am] to remain behind to take charge of the train. Our herders have been reduced to the ranks, each teamster taking care of his own extra mules, & the other extra ones rode by the men. 10 fellow statesman & friend, Mr. Long, having overtaken us today, invited Mr. Washington to accompany him through
Maryland or of Virginia.
196
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
[to the diggings], he being upon pack mules & expecting to arrive a week before us. I tendered to [Mr. Washington] " the use of my "Walking Squaw & he determined to accept & started off an hour before us. By the way, the Hot Spring ' water acted very singularly upon the Squaw. Soon after arriving at breakfasting on the morning of the 13th at the beginning of the sand, she was taken with violent pain, as though she had the cholic, & very much to the astonishment of all, she was confined & brought forth. This abortion no know not her history & doubt was caused by the water. cannot tell the pedigree of the little one, or consequently whether she herself had been imprudent & slipt her foot, but who knows but in this, was lost the race of as fine stock " 9 as ever the world saw. Squaw/ with her nation's peculiar ity, was as much herself again in half an hour as though nothing had happened, & was hitched to the sick wagon & dragged it through the sand to the river. (The power of en durance of some of these ponies is most astonishing.) [Distance, 8 miles.
Mm
i l
'
We
last night,
&
at daylight
it clouded with heavy black clouds, with rolling, rumbling thunder, up accompanied with vivid flashes of lightening. In the course of half an hour we were blessed with a hail storm, with a fine shower of rain. This is the first for 7 weeks & we hailed it with delight. Last night it was cloudy & very dark, with dis tant thunder, & being [in] the very narrow place in which we were* with high mountains upon each side, and only able to see the sky looking straight up, gave it a most dismal and sepulchral appearance, & daylight was most welcomed. We rolled 3 miles & coming to some grass upon a flat we stopped to breakfast. Here we remained 2 hours & again rolled 5 miles, when we came to better grass & coralled for the day for the purpose of waiting for our provision train, as well as to feed our mules. We crossed the river today 7 times, making 12 times in all. Some of them were deep & very rocky, with a swift cur-
197
rent, so much so as to take some of our mules off their feet. It was amusing to see many of our men riding their mules
They would do it most cautiously, picking out their in every step, but in spite of all way this, they would fre quently fall, sometimes rolling over [on] their sides & coralling them [the riders] most beautifully in the water. Our 7 friend Locke, in particular, was riding " a very high mule'
across.
whose
beautifully in
& which landed him most Salmon Trout. 11 The current is so strong that a man can but with difficulty walk across, & consequently it is very dangerous to be thrown in. As yet everything has
legs
passed in safety
so.
& we
it will
We
also fell.
We
22. [24.]
The road between the crossings was sandy in some places, rocky in others, & very steep both going up & coming down
in others. After 7 miles
we emerged
first
velvety valley, which, upon most cheering appearance. crossing of which was fixed & bridged by our Captain & party ahead. Before this was done, it is said it was almost im passible, each having to be cordelled across. We passed over in safety & encamped in this lovely valley, with blue grass to the horses' knees. passed today two graves; one had been drowned several days before, 12 the other had died to
We
We
il. Of. B. C. Clark, Aug. 8, along the Truckee: "Some riding mules would go along picking their way quite cautiously until suddenly the swiftness of the water or some loose rock plonged horse & rider into the torrent. Up they would rise again amid the shouts & geers of the spectators with drooping crests & we
may add
drooping tails."
12. B. C.
"Last evening
dark, Aug. 10, at about this same point along the Truckee, wrote, fc man was drowned here (one of the Iowa Company)."
198
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
day. We came in sight for the first time of the Sierra Ne vada mountains, or rather of the chain. During the day it has been cloudy, with constant rumbling of thunder in the distance. In the morning we had a very nice shower, & sev eral times during the day it gave us a pleasant sprinkle.
[Distance, 15 miles.
the slough
to us.
[Distance, 3 miles.
The provisions did not arrive last night, very much to our disappointment, but today about 9 o'clock it came in sight, when immediately we hooked up & rolled out. We soon left
the valley, the road being very rocky with large round stones. In six miles we struck the river, where we nooned,
giving some of our grass to them [the animals]. Upon a proposition, the flour & bacon was divided between the different messes, on account of the scarcity of the provi sions & thinking that they would be more economical in using them. We rolled out at 2 o'clock. The road was rough in the ex
treme
Before striking it we came to large trees of pine, cypress, & lignum vitae. The banks of the river & the sides of the mountain are also covered with them. The valley where we strike the river is narrow, but had excellent grass upon it, but by some person or persons unknown, [it] was burned off
& part
of
it
was
still
burning.
199
we had provided
ourselves with
[Distance, 16 miles.
Monday, August
20th.
The scenery around us last night would put at defiance the artist's pencil. It was one of the [most] majestic ones that ever falls to the lot of man to witness. Immediately upon the
cent,
opposite side of the river, the mountain commenced its as covered with large timber of fur, pines of all sorts, &
arbor vitae. They were not thick but presented rather, the appearance of a grove with good verdure & no underwood. The valley was narrow but was visible for a mile or more. In a thousand different places, both on the side of the moun tain and along the valley, the trees & grass had been set on fire. It was a dark night, the clouds having gathered over very threateningly at sundown, & the bright blazing fires up the mountain and down the valley, the roaring & splashing of the river over the rocks, accompanied with the occasional fall of a tree that had burned through, with the howling of wolves [one word illegible] in their round, all presented a scejae to the wearied & silent beholder not soon to be for
gotten.
We started at daybreak & crossed the river. The road turned immediately to the right in a north direction & con tinued for one mile, when it went in a northwest direction, ascending a spur of mountain, one of the chain of the Cali fornia mountains. We ascended this, it being in some places very steep, & then again coming upon a little table of land upon which had been good grass, & upon one with a cool but small spring. After rolling there 5 miles, we opened upon a beautiful little valley with a very steep hill to descend to it. We went down in the valley & nooned. This valley is oval in shape & had plenty of good grass & water in it. We rolled again at 2 P.M. The road here took a south direction, having travelled northwest this morning. We passed along through the woods, which was very large tim ber, of the same description as before described. Occasion ally we struck a little valley with good grazing & water. Four
200
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
miles
we encamped in one of these valleys. At our noon to we learned from a gentleman, that the Indians had day killed one of his mules with an arrow last night. They were
about starting in search of them.
[Distance, 9 miles.
Tuesday, August
It
21st.
terday evening, through woods, valleys, & up & down hill, but none very steep. Three miles brought us to a larger val ley than usual, with a little stream of water coming from the mountains on our right. This is one of the tributaries of Truckee or Salmon Trout. We rolled 6 miles over the same sort of country with high mountains upon each side of us & came to another large valley with a larger stream running through it another tributary to Salmon Trout. Here we nooned. Around our camp last night the awful & distressing cries of a panther was heard, first in one place, then soon after in another. The guard came in one after another to double arm themselves for this very formidable enemy, but he did not return too near. Today, one was seen only a short distance from camp, in the road. He stopped & turned to take a survey of those behind, & then trotted slowly away. They had no rifle & consequently did not pursue. We rolled in the evening at 2 P.M. The road still the same, except a little rougher. Four miles, the road turned left. Here, upon our left, distant some hundred yards from the road was Truckee River in all its glory again, splashing & dashing over the rocks. Here we met one of our advance who informed us we were but five miles from the base of the great bugaboo, that which has caused many a sleepless night, with disturbed dreams to the discouraged emigrant, "The Sierra Nevada" Mountains. We were much inspired & equally rejoiced, [as] we had no idea we were so far on our way. We were informed there was no grass at the base, or
cold last night & many of us that had not pre for it suffered much from it. The grass was covered pared with a white hoary frost, which crackled under our feet. The water in our buckets was frozen to considerable thickness. started early & rolled over the same kind of road as yes
was very
We
THE SIERRA
near
it,
201
&
consequently
we
&
en
camped.
We were informed that the cabins of the " Lamentable Donner Party 7313 were also on our road, as well as also [that] the [Pyramid, or Donner] Lake [was] but one mile from the present trail. I immediately started off to look for these mournful monuments of human suffering. One was only^!50 yds. from our camp upon the left of the trail. This [cabin] was still standing. It was two in one, there being a seperation of logs between. The timbers were from 8 inches
to a foot in diameter, about 8 or 9 ft. high & covered over with logs upon which had been placed branches & limbs of
boxes, stockings, & bones in particular, was all that was left to mark that it had once been inhabited. In the centre of each was a hole dug which had either served as a fireplace or to bury their dead. The trees around were cut off 10 ft. from the ground, showing the immense depth the snow must have been. After examining this I
13. The Donner Party was an emigrant group of 1846, whose nucleus was the Donner and Beed families from Illinois. This party was persuaded to follow the unfamiliar Hastings' Cut-off south of the Great Salt Lake, as a result of which much time was lost and winter snows immobilized the party near Pyramid Lake in the Sierras. There they suffered fearful hardships; many died; and the
&c. The logs were fitted trees, very nicely together, there being scarcely a crevice between. There was one door to each, entering from the north and from the road. There were piles of bones around but mostly of cattle, although I did find some half dozen human ones of different parts. Just to the left of these was a few old black burnt logs, which evidently had been one of those [cabins] which had been burnt. Here was nearly the whole of a skeleton. Several small stockings were found which still contained the bones of the leg & foot. Eemnants of old clothes, with pieces of dirt
survivors were reduced to eating the flesh of those who perished. succession of rescue parties attempted to carry relief, and forty-seven were saved, but the death of forty others made this disaster a classic warning to later emigrants against the perils of unfamiliar trails, and against the dangers of delay along the route. Bryant, What I Saw, pp. 249-265, gives an account (to which Bryarly refers) which was widely read among the emigrants. In this, he explains that Gen. Stephen W. Kearny, visiting the scene on June 22, 1847, ordered the human remains to be buried and the cabins to be burned. Bryarly vivid and accurate account of the tragedy appears refers to this fact, below.
ia Bernard
De
202
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
passed on one mile where the road went to the left in a more southerly direction. The old trail went on straight down the valley to the Lake which was distant one mile. I went on to the lake & was fully repaid for my trouble, for it was one of the most beautiful ones on record. It was beautiful, fresh, pure, clear water, with a gravelly bottom, with a sandy beach. It was about 2 miles long, three-quarters wide & con fined between three mountains on three sides, which arose immediately from its edge. On the other [side] was the valley by which I had approached it & through which a little stream was passing off from it. I here took a delightful bath
&
felt
renovated.
In returning I came to another of the cabins, but which had been burned by order of Gen'l Kearney. Here also I found many human bones. The skulls had been sawed open for the purpose, no doubt, of getting out the brains, & the bones had all been sawed open & broken to obtain the last
particle of nutriment.
Bryant has given a most satisfactory account of the suffering of the unfortunate emigrants of Conner's party & the many trials, deprivations & sufferings, with loss of life
knowledge of man. To look upon monuments harrows up every sympathy of the heart & soul, & you almost hold your breath to listen for some mournful sound from these blackened, dismal, funeral piles, telling you of their many sufferings & calling upon you for bread, bread.
[that] runneth not in the
these sad
There seems to be a sad, melancholy stillness hanging around these places, which serves to make a gloom around you, which draws you closer & closer in your sympathies
whom hunger compelled to eat their own children, & finally to be eaten by others themselves, & their bones now kicked perhaps under any one's feet. There was also
with those
another cabin upon the opposite side of the road, but I did not visit it.
Accompanying the Pittsburgh [Company] was a man by name of Graves, who was one of the survivors of this 14 party. 1 conversed with him several times about the road
the
14.
wife, had been rescued together with their sisters. in the mountains.
203
with, him upon [the] trip, but he avoided & alluded [i.e. eluded] any conversation about his misfortune. 1 was told by a member of his Company, that the night before
they came to this place, Graves started off without saying anything to them, & did not [re] join them until after they had passed. He preferred viewing the place of his unprec edented suffering alone, not wishing that the eye of unsympathising man should be a witness to his harrowed feelings. meeting of our company was called today & our QuarterMaster was appointed to select two other gentlemen to go ahead of us, to obtain provisions necessary for us upon our arrival, & also to find out all the important information necessary for us to commence operations in the mines. They
tied
accordingly, this afternoon, left us, having their provender on behind them. [Distance, 14 miles.
was very
a little table upon which was a little grass. "We rolled thus 2 miles when we nooned (or rather rested, not taking our mules out) upon one of these tables. stopped 2 hours, when we ascended a steep & very rocky road with many short turns around the large rocks & trees. One mile brought us to the foot of the "Elephant" itself. Here we "faced the music" & no mistake. The "Wohaughs" could be heard for miles, hollowing & bawling at their poor cattle who could scarcely drag themselves up the steep aclivity. We immediately doubled teams, & after considerable screaming & whipping, thus arrived safe at the top. They then returned & took up the remainder with like success. were but four hours ascending, & we were much disap pointed, but agreably so, in not finding it much worse. Cer tainly this must be a great improvement upon the old road,
We
We
204
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
tlxe
where
We rolled down the mountain 4 miles, the road being rough &
steep half
wagons had
to be taken to pieces
& packed
it
across.
way &
was good.
a
&
encamped.
most joyous & elated spirits this have crossed the only part of road that we evening. feared, & that without any breakage, loss or detention. I had but the one & only bottle of "cognac" that was in our camp, & which I had managed to keep since leaving the Old Dominion. This I invited my mess to join me in, & which invitation was most cordially accepted. When lo & behold,
were
all
We
in the
We
upon bringing it out, it was empty yes positively empty. The cork was bad & with numerous joltings, it had gradually disappeared. This was a disappointment many of us will
not soon forget.
[Distance,
8y2
miles.
We
in
layed in
camp during
good grass, men went hunting, but one buck only was killed. We rolled at 2 P.M, & [in] one mile left the valley, the road taking a more southern direction. 'Here we entered again into a mountain gorge. The road was rougher than we have before seen it, immense large rocks. The road was also up & down hill; one in particular, about 5 miles from start ing, was so rough & steep as to have to let our wagons down by ropes. In getting thus far we passed 6 lakes, some upon each side, & of considerable size, measuring several miles in
of our
length.
hill,
we commenced
ascending a very steep rough mountain, the road making short turns [on] smooth rock. ascended to the top of which was two miles, & encamped at the base of a very this, high, projecting rocky mountain with a very pretty valley surrounding it, with good water. This peak of mountain is very remarkable for its roughness, being of sharp slatestone, [as] also for its peculiar shape & immense heighth. We met today some gentlemen on their return from the "Digging." Their account of the road ahead is discouraging
We
205
' '
is
indeed almost appaling but the news from the Diggins flattering in the extreme. [Distance, 8 miles.
Friday, August 24th.
Our mules were grazing a mile from camp & consequently did not get them up in time to start as early as usual. Half past six, however, we were again in motion. The road was still the same except perhaps more rough than yester day. Up & down hill, over rocks as large as the wagon itself, & tumbling & throwing them about as though they had 15 nothing in them. Four miles we came to a very steep rocky
we
one; this, after a fashion, we descended, & struck a little creek with stony bottom. This was Bear Creek or Eiver. Just where we struck [it] there was a little valley, but no nooned here after grass still nothing but bare rocks. the river & tied up [our animals] to the wheels. crossing
We
again rolled at 2. Everyone is liable to mistakes, & everyone has a right to call a road very "bad until he sees a worse. My mistake was that I said I had seen "The Ele phant" when getting over the first mountain. I had only seen the tail. This evening I think I saw him in toto. I do not know, however, as I have come to the conclusion that no Elephant upon this route can be so large that another cannot be larger. If I had not seen wagon tracks marked upon the rocks I should not have known where the road was, nor could I have imagined that any wagon & team could possibly pass over in safety. An immense hill to ascend & descend, with rocks of every one description, large & small, round & smooth, & sometimes what sort flat one covering the whole road. You may imagine of a country it is when you cannot ride a horse anywhere but immediately in the track. We were unfortunate in getting
We
behind a large ox-train & consequently were much detained, our wagon having to stop for hours upon the side of one of these steep, rough hills. Upon riding forward I ascertained the cause of the^detention to be the unyoking of their cattle & letting the wagons down by ropes. This was truly the
*
15.
Badman, July
26, noted,
"17m [lie] s
see or
Mrd
tell of
for a
wagon
to be drove over."
206
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
jumping off" place. They [the wagons] were let down over a large smooth rock. rope attached to the wagon & then around a tree, commanded it perfectly, paying out passed as much rope as necessary, & checking it instantly if re quired. The bark of some of the largest trees which had heen used in this way was cut entirely through. The trains ahead of us did not get over until after dusk, consequently we had to stop & remain the night just where we were upon the side of the hill among the rocks. There was nothing for our animals to pick & they were again tied up to the wheels. The rocks were so thick & rough that it was with difficulty I could find sufficient space to spread my blanket. McKay, one of our mess (being now, by the absence of Mr. Washington reduced to four) killed two very fine bucks. They were packed in, & each one of the messes were supplied with a piece. very large quarter was reserved for ourselves which, remembering our scarcity of provisions, we salted & packed away. [Distance, 6 miles.
"
The men were early at work letting down the wagons over the precipice. Some mules were missing, having been turned loose contrary to order. Search was made, but two mules &
[a] pony were not found. After a time & after a fashion our wagons were landed safely below, by the means spoken of yesterday. Once, a wagon came faster than it should, & was very near crushing Mr. Moore who slipt down on the rock. After this we again started, the road getting worse & worse. Three miles brought us to an uncommon steep hill & again very rocky. This was ascended with great difficulty. Half [a]
miTe farther we struck the foot of another mountain, very rolled up this one steep, but road comparatively good. there being several little smooth tables. Along & upon mile, two of these were lakes covering one or two acres. then commenced descending, which was very steep, with rocks, but not large, & which was accomplished very easily. Here we struck a wood valley & rolled 2 miles when we struck a meadow or willow valley with grass & here we coralled. passed this morning two old cabins upon our
We
We
We
207
which had been burned. They presented, around, the same appearance as those on Truckee Lake, & no doubt was some of the suffering- party. The mountain sides were covered with cherries which were bitter & growing upon
small bushes [and with] the prickly gooseberry also, which is a beautiful fruit & very good, but rather dangerous & incon venient to eat. Easpberries were in abundance. They grow upon a vine, the leaf of which is very much like the grape. The fruit is large & has the most delicate flavour. For the purpose of lightening our wagons, our loose mules were packed & driven ahead. Both the men & mules are " " green at it, & of course there was much confusion before [Distance, 7 miles. they got off.
The valley we were in last night properly should be called " Yellow Jacket Valley." Such numbers never were seen be fore collected together. After building our mess-fire, a nest [was] found directly by us. "We were anxious to compromise with them, that if they would let us alone, we would not dis turb them. They would not agree, however, & opened hostili ties upon us, when we thought it prudent "to raze our eyes" to withdraw our forces under cover. Here we quietly re mained until nightfall, when the enemy having retired and reposed in their corall with apparent serenity, we blockaded the mouth of their citadel with a chunk of fire & finished by & deep building our mess fire immediately over their strong In the morning our mules were scattered in founded works. every direction having been run off by these Gulliver little
varmints.
"We rolled at 6%. The road was upon the side of a moun we have had for some tain, but good in comparison to what time. Two miles we came to another valley similar to the one we just left. One mile farther the road was as rough as it well could be, down a hill & immediately up another so had to double. [As] steep & rough that some of our teams soon as we arrived at the top of this, which was 200 yds. from the foot, we saw yes, I think I can with safety say,
here
we saw
the
of all." If I
208
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
had not seen a wagon going down before me, I think I would have sworn none could, but they were actually & really going
down.
It was a hill almost perpendicular, so much so that fear was expressed that the wagon would turn head over heels down. This first was about 75 yds. down here was a little table then another hill &c., &c. Four of them brought you at
; ;
a valley with a beautiful spring, a fine stream, & 16 plenty of grass. This is Bear Valley. By taking out the leaders of our teams & back locking & every other kind of locking, & [by] attaching a rope behind & holding it around a tree, our wagons & all, with a great deal of work, trouble, & fatigue, were moored safely in the valley. We rolled up the valley one mile when we encamped, the
last in
last
getting in about sundown. Here we had good & plenty of wood. Two gentlemen came in our camp right from the "Diggins." The road is [as] bad as ever for six miles, when we have it excellently good, but no grass, for 50 miles. On this account, for the purpose of cutting, drying, & packing sufficient grass for this expected
wagon
Jornado,
we determined
flattering accounts
Monday, August
27th.
layed in camp all day .with the usual monotony. Our was pleasantly & beautifully situated upon the side of camp the mountain facing the valley. Men were busily employed cutting & drying grass for the stretch. A great number of both Wohaughs " & Muros rolled into the valley after us & layed here also today. Our scythes were in great demand by them, & had it not been for ours, I scarce know what they would have done, as they were the only ones about. There is again considerable diarrhea in camp produced by the great quantities of fresh meat we have had of late. We have had a deer a day for some time, & caution will not prevent them from indulging too much. In the evening the mules were driven up & piquetted out for the purpose of getting a very
'i
i i
'
We
16. Bear Cieek or River rises in the Sierra Nevada and flows westward into the Feather Eiver, which is in turn a tributary of the Sacramento.
209
early start in the morning to get ahead of the Wohaughs, having been delayed in our route for several days by them.
"We were
after our
Some of our teams left last night at 3 o'clock, & the re mainder at daybreak. The road was still rolling as usual. In 9 miles we came to another " Elephant" (they are very plenty upon this road). There was a hill as steep as any we had yet had to descend, and another equally steep to ascend immediately from its base. Trees were cut & tied behind & allowed to drag, with some men riding upon them. In this way many of [the] teams came down very well. Others again, came down with ropes around trees, & lowered gradually. This however did not answer as well as the trees, as there was great risk of the rope breaking, which would have been attended with very serious consequences. This did happen to us, breaking a rope an inch & a quarter thick. Away went mules, wagon, & driver, with great velocity for a short dis tance, but they succeeded in stopping them. If they had not as soon as they did, there is no knowing what might have
210
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
been the
result. After a time all were safely landed below & Here for the First time we saw the "Gold Diggings." I suppose we must at last consider ourselves in California. Here they were Digging, Digging. There was a little stream running along the deep hollow upon which they were working. There was about 50 men at work, & their average, I understand, was one ounce to one [ounce] & a half a day. They were using what they call the rocker. They are about the size of a common cradle with just such rockers. Half way upon the top is a seive upon
which the stone & dirt is thrown, & a man rocks or jolts it with one hand & with the other pours water upon it. The fine dirt & sand is washed down in the bottom where there is clefts, seperated a foot apart & a few inches high, to catch the heaviest of the sand & with which the gold is mixed. When it gets full up to the clefts, a hole being bored in the bottom of each, the dirt & sand is drawn off in a pan & washed, by shaking, rubbing, & washing the dirt, stone, & gravel out, the gold remaining in the bottom. This is the most tedious part of the operation but yet it is attended with considerable interest. To one of these ordinary washers, four men generally work, one to dig, one to carry the dirt, the other to rock, and the last to wash. Many were using their pans alone, & with equal success. Bread pans, wash bowls, tin pans, & plates of every descrip tion were in use & demand. The most of those that we found here were emigrants whose teams had so far given out as not to be able to ascend the steep hill from the hollow, & they had stopped here & sent their mules to Sacramento valley, distant 40 miles, to recruit & bring provisions back to them. I borrowed a basin from a gentleman who was working, scraped it up full of dirt, & washed it out, getting about one dollar's worth of gold. In the afternoon we rolled up the big hill by doubling teams. Some teams were much stronger
than others
&
came on, the teams behind did not conae up, but coralled where they best could. We fed the last grass today at noon, & this evening we commenced upon oak leaves.
[Distance, 14 miles.
211
miles
mile, all along which they were digging. One large had got out 1 Ib. in two hours this morning.
washer
here ascended another of those hill[s] & passed over where once there had been grass, but alas, alas. Our teams were so far given out now that we determined to hold a talk to determine to do something for them. After considerable discussion, 17 it was thought best to leave half of our wagons & to take half on with all of the mules, & after they recruited to come back after the remainder. Six men were left with the wagons, to watch them. The principle reason for haste is the melancholy fact that we had not pro visions enough to last three days. Our meat has been out for 10 days, bread & coffee without sugar, & coffee & bread with out salt or grease or sugar. This arrangement was finally made. Half of the wagons were taken, hitching 8 mules to them the extra mules were packed, provisions divided, & after so long a time we rolled, each wagoner to make the best time he could under the cir cumstances. We encamped in about 1 mile distance along the road after travelling 5 miles. Oak leaves was our only pro vender for our already broken down antelope mules. 18 [Distance, 10 miles..
in a valley
;
We
17.
18.
"We
Hoffman says, t( After a great deal of wrangling." Hoffman's diary continues for two days longer. Tor Aug. 31, it says, proceeded this morning, leaving several mules through the day that could
For Sept. 1, "Made another effort today after having travelled twelve miles yesterday with practically no food for man or beast, and by bringing all the energy and courage which both men and beasts possessed, and putting same into action, we succeeded in making a march of sixteen miles, reaching the first or Johnston's Settlement in the territory of California, about night, where ' ' both man and beast were well fed and taken care of. much -needed rest we [that is Hoffman and Ms as After a few days of but not the entire company] proceeded to Sacramento and from there
sociates,
.to
San Francisco."
February
I
20, 1849.]
ARTICLE
ship for the purpose of proceeding to the Territory of California to acquire Gold and other valuable minerals by mining, &e., and to
better their pecuniary condition in the most practicable able manner.
and laud
SECT.
2.
"The
ARTICLE
II
Period of Organization.
SECT.
1850.
2. The Company may, after the 1st of April, 1850, reorgan for such period as may be deemed practicable. Nevertheless, nothing in this shall be construed as binding on those to remain and
1.
The company
and
during the time, from 10th of February, 1849 to the 1st of April,
SECT.
ize,
continue in the co-partnership, who may be members at the expira tion of the original co-partnership, April 1st, 1850.
ARTICLE
Officers of the
III
Company.
SECT.
three
1. The Officers of the Company shall be a President, and Commanders known as 1st, 2nd, and 3d, and rank accord-
214
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
who
shall be
ingly a Treasurer, Quarter Master, and a Secretary, chosen by the Board, and serve as one of its members.
SECT.
2.
The
Officers of the
Company
shall constitute a
Board
of Directors, for the general and supreme regulation and govern ment of the Company in all cases unprovided for in this Consti
tution.
AETICLE IV
Duties of the President.
SECT.
1.
of Directors,
all
order.
SECT.
of the
2.
He
Committees
Company
3.
or
Board
shall
of Directors.
all drafts on the Treasurer after the have passed upon and ordered such dis
SECT.
He
shall
draw
Board of Directors
bursement.
SECT.
4.
At
the
"
Diggings," he
shall,
by and with
the advice
and
consent of the Board of Directors, divide and sub-divide the Com pany into such parties as may be deemed practicable, and give such general instruction or direction as may be deemed advisable.
SECT. 5. The President shall be considered as the General Com mander of the Company, except at such times either on the route to California, or after arrival as the Board of Directors may deem it advisable to place the Company under military discipline at
which time his authority shall be temporarily suspended. SECT. 6. In case of a sudden attack, or other emergency, the President shall, immediately, resign, temporarily, into the hands of the Commanders, the control and arrangement of the Company for
attack or defence.
ARTICLE
The 1st Commander or Captain shall be the medium which the military orders of the Board of Directors shall through
SECT.
1.
be carried into
SECT.
trol in
2.
effect.
Commander shall have entire and complete con such emergency as to prepare for an attack or to act on any
The
1st
the defensive.
APPENDIX
SECT.
3.
215
invested with
The
1st
Commander
shall,
when
command
judgment
officered as his
may
dictate.
4.
SECT.
The
1st
Commander
Board
Chair temporarily.
ARTICLE VI
Duties of the 2d and 3d Commanders.
In the absence of the 1st Commander, the 2d Commander assume his functions of Office, and be fully with all the powers delegated to the 1st Commander. invested SECT. 2. The 3d Commander or 2d Lieutenant is vested with au thority to assume command in the absence of the 1st and 2d Com
SECT.
1.
mander
shall be under military discipline. 2d Lieutenants shall assist the Captain ac SECT. 3. The 1st and cording to their several ranks when the Company shall be under
if
the
Company
military duty.
ARTICLE VII
Duty
of the Secretary.
The Secretary shall keep exact and plain minutes of the proceed when in general ings of the Board as well as that of the Company,
meeting assembled.
ARTICLE
'
VIII
SECT.
1.
The Treasurer
and receipt therefor to the President. SECT. 2. He shall keep an exact and true account of all money or mineral substance or other valuable, which shall have been paid into his hands, in a book which shall be provided for that purpose, as also a book in which shall be entered all sums that may have been
disbursed.
SECT.
to
make no disbursements unless authorized so Presi do by the Board of Directors, attested by the order of the
3.
He
shall
dent.
216
SECT.
4. It shall
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
be the duty of the Treasurer to receive from each member and detachment who may have been engaged in min
ing, washing, or otherwise, in acquiring gold, or other valuable
substance, at the close of each day or the earliest practicable period thereafter all, and every valuable mineral, of whatsoever quality,
gold, &c., of
shall
have become
possessed.
SECT.
5.
The Treasurer
funds of the
Com
pany
vided.
in
common,
to be held
and accounted
ARTICLE IX
The Quarter Master.
The Quarter Master
ment.
shall superintend the
He
shall provide
and
furnish,
ARTICLE
The Surgeon.
The Surgeon shall have exclusive jurisdiction over the Sanitary Department, and shall appoint all Committees connected with his
department for the care of the
sick.
ARTICLE XI
Time
of Election, Duration of Office, &c.
SECT. 1. The elective officers of the Company shall be chosen on the 10th of February, 1849, and serve for the entire term of its organ
ization.
SECT.
2.
vacant
office shall
a general
officers shall
all
be chosen by ballot
and
shall require a
majority of
APPENDIX
AETICLE XII
Qualifications for
217
Membership.
person shall be admitted to membership unless Ms have been reported upon favorably by a Committee of Examination.
1.
SECT.
No
application shall
times as
shall pay to the Treasurer, as [sic] such be demanded, by resolution in general meeting, such sums as shall be specified, not to exceed, in the aggregate, $300.
SECT.
2.
Each member
may
ARTICLE XIII
Duties of the Board of Directors.
SECT.
1.
shall
ment and
the
military,
except in such cases as heretofore provided. SECT. 2. All disputes, grievances, or other matters affecting the harmony of the Company, shall be laid before the Board of Directors
Company
and
SECT.
as they
They
Company
may deem
practicable.
4. They shall have power to pass on all claims and de and draw on the Treasurer for all sums of money that may mands, be necessary to defray the Company's expenses, and ensure its welfare and prosperity. SECT. 5. The Board of Directors shall determine upon the civil and military operations of the Company. SECT. 6. The orders and decisions of the Board of Directors shall be announced by the President, if in civil service, and by the 1st Commander if under military duty. SECT. 7. The Board is vested with full power to detail members as teamsters, and make such appointments for other service as may
SECT.
be required.
SECT.
8.
If the
coined, the Board of Directors, together with the Treasurer, or such as shall be appointed a Committee by them, shall proceed with the same to the United States Mint at Philadelphia, and after it shall
have been coined, they shall convey the same to the town of
218
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
day for the due to each
Charlestown, Jefferson County, Virginia, and appoint a distribution of the same, in such proportions as may be
member
of the
Company.
ARTICLE XIV
Of
SECT.
1.
the Funds.
No funds
shall be
mineral or other
state,
drawn from the Treasury, either in its by any member of the Company, without by the
shall
authorization for and an order given on the Treasurer. SECT. 2. It is hereby enacted, that a book shall be kept
name
of each
member
of the
Company
be registered, immediately opposite which shall be placed the name or names of those [who] may have advanced such member money for
the expedition, together with conditions and it shall be the duty of the Board of Directors so to consider the applications of members for funds, as to have a guarantee that such person or persons who may
;
have advanced monies, shall not be defrauded under any pretences. Provided, nevertheless, that this Company do not hold themselves
legally or morally
bound
to supply
any
deficit or
fraud that
may
occur.
the aforesaid enactment, the Board of Directors themselves specially bound, so far as they may have acknowledge the ability and jurisdiction, to see that a fair apportionment shall be made between the contracting parties, and should the Company
SECT.
3.
By
return in a body, as
the
interested.
is
SECT. 4. the minerals, gold, silver, piatina, or ore, or valu able [s] of whatever character, which may be gathered, procured, or
acquired, shall be paid over by each member or detachment, into the hands of the Treasurer, to go into the joint funds of the Company. SECT. 5. The general fund of the Company, embracing all that may have been acquired by the entire membership, shall be equally
AH
divided
among
determined upon
already provided. SECT. 6. Should any member of the Company die, either on the route to California or whilst there, the heirs of the same shall draw
if
APPENDIX
other service for
219
proportion for
time, there shall be awarded the heirs a fnll such time that the member may have been en gaged, together with a half share in all such sums as shall be gath ered after his demise and before the date of dissolution of the Com
any
all
pany; and the Board of Directors are hereby enjoined to this covenant shall be well and truly executed.
see that
ARTICLE
XV
Of the Members.
SECT. 1. Each member of the Company shall be, and he is hereby bound and duly obligated, to engage in mining, washing and cleans ing the ore or such other employment as may be assigned him by the Board of Directors: and no member of the Board shall be ex cused from any branch of service, which may be assigned him, by
;
reason of his
SECT.
2.
office.
service,
plea or excuse the verbal or written certificate of the Surgeon shall be necessary. SECT. 3. Each member of the Company hereby recognizes the
in
power and pledges himself to sustain the authority of the Board of Directors, and 'the commands and orders of the President, Captain,
or
commanding officer. 4. Each member acknowledges himself solemnly bound to hand over to the receiving officer at the earliest practicable time, each and all of each and every valuable, mineral, ore, gold, silver,
SECT.
platina, quicksilver, &e., of which he may have become possessed, whilst engaged in digging, washing, gathering, or which he may
AETICLE XYI
Moral Statutes.
The Christian Sabbath shall be duly recognized and its observance enforced, by refraining from all other than works of far violate its observance necessity; and any member who shall so a profitable character, shall as to engage in mining, or other work of forfeit all and entire that which he may thus have acquired, to income all of which shall gether with the average of a two days' use of the company. ^o into the joint fund for the general
SECT.
1.
220
SECT.
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
2. Gambling of each and every character, whether by cards, or in any other way, shall be, and is hereby distinctly and ex dice, pressly prohibited, between the members of this Company ; and for
each and every violation of this article, the member or members so offending, shall forfeit and cause to have deducted from their share of the joint profits of the Company, the average yield of a member's
gathering in one day, for the first offence for the second offence the proportion that he might be entitled to for one week's partnership with the Company and for the third offence he shall be expelled
;
a majority of the members in general meeting so determining. SECT. 3. The Board of Directors in this, as in all other cases where fines may be affixed, as penalties, [is] to determine upon the
average value of a day's income and the said sum or sums to be charged up on the Treasurer's book, as monies actually drawn from
the Treasury. SECT. 4. Any
guilty of intoxication, shall be fined for the first offence the average yield of a member's gathering in one day; for the second offence the proportion that he might otherwise be
entitled to receive for one week's partnership with the
member
Company;
and for the third offence he shall be expelled a majority of the members in general meeting so determining. SECT. 5. It shall be the duty of the Board of Directors to select a suitable member, who shall read on each Sabbath morning a por tion of the Scriptures, and engage in devotional exercises. SECT. 6. The provisions of the seventeenth article shall be and continue in full force and operation, from and after the Company shall leave St. Louis, Mo. until the 1st day of April, 1850.
ARTICLE XVII
Penalties.
SECT. 1. Any member who shall fail to perform the duty assigned him, or shall refuse or neglect to engage in mining, washing, or other? duty of whatsoever character, shall be fined in such sum as the
to be charged
up against the
from
interests
and deducted and should he continue thus injurious to the of the Company, he shall be expelled a majority of the
in the books of the Treasurer,
:
member
members
so determining.
APPENDIX
221
SECT. 2. In all eases of expulsion, the President shall announce, in general meeting, the name of the person accused, and the cause of complaint, when a vote shall be taken by ballot. majority voting
in favor of such expulsion, the President shall announce that as the decision, and the accused's connection with the Company shall
thereupon
SECT.
3.
cease.
In case of expulsion, the member shall receive such pro of the joint stock fund as the Board of Directors may de portion cide to be his full share for the time in which he shall have been
in
He shall, however, forfeit all right the joint property, except such provision as the Board of Directors may provide, and the funds which may be in the hands
engaged in the co-partnership.
any and
all
ARTICLE XVIII
Miscellaneous.
SECT.
1.
leave the
Company,
California, with the consent of two-thirds of the members, and shall be allowed such proportion of the provisions as the Board of Direc
tors
and
provide forfeiting, however, all right and title to any other joint property, except a rifle, revolver, and blankets. SECT. 2. Any member leaving the Company without the consent
may
all
of two-thirds of
its
members, shall
forfeit, all
and
in the joint stock, property, provisions, or other things belonging to the Company as well as all his interest in whatever funds may be in the hands of the Treasurer.
SECT.
3.
by secreting any portion of his gains, or in and by any means or false pretences, shall be expelled by a vote of the majority of the
members. And on his expulsion, [he] shall forfeit his entire right, title and interest, to each and every article, as well as the general fund which may belong to the Company.
ARTICLE XIX
[no
title]
be invoiced in the provisions, &c., that may be shipped, shall name of the President and Directors of this Company, and shall be
The
222
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
ARTICLE
[no
XX
title]
shall not be altered or amended, unless one week's previous notice shall have been given, and the same be passed by two-thirds of the members, in general meeting.
The Constitution
based upon a
same
periodical,
list in the Spirit of Jefferson, February and corrections derived from later issues and from Edward Mcllhany, Recollections
of a 49er.
OFFICERS
FBANK SMITH, Guide
BENJAMIN F. WASHINGTON,
President.
EGBERT H. KEELING, First Commander. SMITH CRANE, Second Commander. JOSEPH E. N. LEWIS, Third Commander. EDWARD M. AISQUITH, Treasurer. NATHANIEL SEEVERS, Quartermaster. J. HARRISON KELLY, Secretary.
DR.
WAKEMAN
BRYARLY, Surgeon.
MEMBEES
Allen,
John
Barley, Eichard
Cunningham, George Cunningham, James Daugherty, Enos Davidson, James Davidson, Samuel
Davis, Joseph C. Duke, F. W.
Engle, Jacob H.
Milton
Gallaher,
John W.
James
S.
Cunningham, Charles
224
Gittings, Charles
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Moore, Thomas C.
Hardesty, T. P.
Harrison, Hamilton C. Hayden, Charles A.
Herbert, Noble T.
Edwin A.
William
Rissler,
Rohrer, Elisha
Showman, P. B.
Simpson, Francis R. Single, Charles F. Small, James B.
Stonebraker, G. C. Strider, Isaac Keys
Strider, Jesse A.
Lupton, John M.
McCurdy, James
Mcllhany, Edward Mackaran, William H, Marmaduke, A. J.
Marshall, George Miller, Andrew R.
Miller,
Tavener,
Newton
Morgan
Milton, Taliaferro
Moore, Henry H.
Moore, James H.
Thomas, Charles G. Wagner, Andrew Walpert, John C. Washington, Lawrence Washington, Thomas F. Young, Joseph 0.
APPENDIX C
VINCENT E. GEIGER'S DIARY FROM STAUNTON, VA., TO ST. JOSEPH, MO.
Staunton, Va. Thursday night Feby 8th 1849, at about 12 o'clock left Stevenson, McClung, Tanquary, Gushing, &
C~~FT Currie in good spirits after taking a farewell drink. Hired two horses of Mr. Miller & took Kinney's [boy] Anthony along to take the horses back. Anthony got drunk & fell off I went to sleep riding along & woke up, my horse & I standing in a fence corner. Stopped at Mr. Eidsen's & told him a cock & bull story about the grand pe.[?], gambling &c. Got to Gaily 's (Mr. Crawford) about 3 o'clock in the morning & stopped for breakfast. Hired a buggy on Friday, 9 & went to Harrisonburg. Waited there for the stage & was joined by R. H. Keeling. "Went on to "Winchester 12 miles from
there (west). Stage broke down & I rode one of the horses into town. Took the cars there & reached Charlestown at 11 o'clock A.M.,
1 Saturday). Joined the C.V.M.C. & paid in $110, the instalment. Keeling admitted & elected captain. Remained there
& then
& thence on to Pittsburg, Pa., by the 5th, stopped at the St. Charles.
took ears for Cumberland, Md., stage & steamboat. Arrived there on
others
from Rockbridge Co[unty], Va. also C. Gailer of Keokuk. Left Pittsburg on Tuesday morning, on board the steamboat HIBERNIA
Cincinnati, Ohio about daylight on Thursday the took lodgings at the Broadney Hotel. Keeling, Dorman, & others in company. On Saturday, 3rd March, paid in $190 to the
&
company
my
last instalment.
1. i.e.,
rather a poor
226
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Friday, March 9th.
Met with Alex. Fisher & Geo. Ribble of Staunton, Va the lat ter of whom came to this city in September last with me. Friday 9th In City nothing of moment occurred went to
the Theatre
better than
it
was
last night.
good music. The pews have locks of Calif ornians from Shenandoah
splendid edifice large crowd is locked up. party Co [ratty], Va., reached here to
day man.
raj^a
&
M 'Clung & S.
Church
Monday, March
Left Cincinnati in company with
12th.
W. B. Dorman, on board S. B. company on board, most for California, large among them about 30 real live yankees from Maine some of them exceedingly verdant always shooting guns, pistols, &e. Today be fore I started, met with Gallagher, CockreH, & Engle of our mule
CAMBRIA A
up
1. The Cincinnati Engwrer, Feb. 2, 1849, carried an advertisement of a new play, "Buckeye Gold Hunters," or "Dutchley in California" to be presented at BockwelPs new American Theatre, 6th and Vine Streets. The cast included Mr. Gaylor as Harry Harding, Mr. Lewis as Hans Dutehenheimer, Mrs. Kent
as Betsey, and Mrs. Wilkinson as Tarclosa. On March 4, the Engwrer stated that titie play had been mitten for the American Theatre by Mr. Charles Gaylor, and that it had filled the house for twenty successive nights. On March revived for 10, another notice in the Enquirer announced that the play was to be one night, "at the request of several members of different companies bound " te La Tour de for California now in the city en route for the Diggins [sic]
.
Nesle" was offered as part of the same program. If this play was written specifically for the Cincinnati theatre, it would seem to be an entirely different play from "The Gold Seekers," which appeared at the Bowery Theatre in New York, Dee. 28, 1848. t. Allston Brown, A Hivtory of the New York Stage (New York, 1903) I, 124.
APPENDIX
Tuesday, March 13th, Wednesday, March 14th.
227
On
at
ring.
the river.
Some
black-legs fleeced a
young fellow
of $150
Poker
4 eights
&4
Reached
St.
remained on board
Went
city
ashore
& put up
of Fisherville
Main Street. 3 and with him looked about the & had some fun. St. Louis is a place
I like
it
&
is
daily growing
Moore, & the remainder of the committee reached here this morn ing also P. McKay & Mr. Cockrell & a lady from Va. Looked about the city priced mules & horses which were very high.
J. B. Jost & C. Clarke of Buckingham Co[unty], Ya. at 49 Locust Street publishing a family paper & keeping a job office. At night attended the Democratic Mass meeting remained a short
Found
found some fellow making a free-soil speech. 4 Went on board the S. B. KIT CAESON for Lexington Mo., on the Missouri River. full of snags some beautiful country & It is a full bold stream many little turns on the river. Boonville, Jefferson City & other towns on the river were visited.
time
2. The St. Louis Republican, March 17, announced the arrival of the steam boat Cambria, from Pittsburgh; it had left Cincinnati on Monday, March 12. 3. The St. Louis Republican, March 17, listed W. B. Dorman of Illinois and " V. E. Gaiger (sic) of ditto/' as having arrived at the Missouri Hotel on March 16. On March 20, it carried an advertisement of the Missouri Hotel, at Main and Morgan Streets, "opposite the most active part of the steamboat
' '
landing.
4.
The
March
a Democratic
mass meeting at the Botunda on March 17, at which resolutions were adopted advocating exclusion of slavery from the territories. Apparently the Benton faction was in control of this meeting.
228
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Sunday, March 18th, Monday, March 19th, Tuesday, March 20th, Wednesday, March 21st.
Arrived at Lexington Mo. at 2 o'clock P.M., and took up board Met with Wilson & Kise of Augusta. H. Sheets
Fitzpatrick also reside here.
& M.
done.
men
row took place in the bar-room threats of knives &c., but no damage
it is
The town is well laid off & has been built up in the last 10 years. The buildings mostly brick, & good. A Masonic College near the town is a very pretty building. The country surrounding
is
beautiful
in
town
dollars
& the land exceedingly rich. A good many emigrants mules in the hands of speculators & are held at 70 to 100 most exorbitant prices. Weather very pleasant quite like
spring.
In Lexington. Met with Sheets & others & Col. Geshen formerly of Greenbrier. Cockrell bought 30 mules for our company of W. H. Hay, for $2,000.
Saturday, March 24th.
Left the City Hotel and took up lodgings at Mr. Jno. Clawson's formerly of Jefferson Co[unty], Va. Pilot McKay got here about
9 o'clock at night.
In Lexington. Moore
G. Cockrell left.
APPENDIX
Wednesday, March 28th.
229
&
lost,
of course.
In Lexington. Dorman
& Boydkin
left.
A rowdy
Pa.,
In Lexington.
Saturday, March 31st.
Left Clawson's
& went
to
Monroe House.
1st.
Sunday, April
Up
to
Wednesday llth
at
been sick with small pox got out today. I have been very unwell myself for several days. Keeling was here on Thursday last & left
APPENDIX D
TABLES SHOWING TRAVEL SCHEDULE OF VARIOUS EMIGRANTS OF 1849 BY WAY OF THE SOUTH PASS
NEITHER
the diaries nor the routes were at all times precise enough to afford a basis for the exact comparison of time schedules. For instance, all diarists who followed the south
to mention reaching Fort Kearney, but those who followed the north bank might not record their arrival at a point on the river opposite the Fort. Consequently, it is some
times necessary to estimate the date, on the basis of the context. No inferences have been drawn except where they were strongly substantiated, but I have indicated all estimated dates by placing
them
is
in brackets.
travel,
APPENDIX
5*
H
231
IH
00*
-8
OB
ID
co
!!
s
g g g g g g
i
S
i i
M
tf
232
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
b- l>
5"
O 00 N
O>
TH
wcsi^c-we
-^ l>
i*
-N -N
""SSIS
:83S
I
*
,11
1 I
BIBLIOGRAPHY
FOR
ment
many aspects of tMs study, the pertinent sources are in dicated in the footnotes. This is true, for instance in the dis
and Bryarly, and in the treat The purpose of this bibliography, there
used but (I) to indicate the principal sources of information on the Charlestown Company, (II) to list as completely as possible the published journals, and also the
manuscript journals in the Coe Collection, which deal with overland journeys to California by way of the South Pass in 1849 that is, journeys which parallel that of the Charlestown Company, and (III) to offer a selective list of secondary materials which are of outstanding importance in the study of the Gold Rush.
I.
ASIDE from the Geiger and Bryarly journal, there are three sources which give important information on the Charlestown Company. First, the weekly newspaper of Charlestown, the Spirit of Jefferson, published full accounts of the organization of the company; and, after the journey had begun, it printed a number of letters from various members of the company, both while in transit and after
arrival in California. Second, another
member
of the company,
Ben
H. Ambler edited jamin Hoffman, kept a brief journal which Charles " in West as a part of his study of "West Virginia Forty-niners Ed Virginia History, III (1941), 59-75. Third, another member,
ory was at fault, cerned with the overland journey. Nevertheless, his record helps to round out the story at certain points. In addition to these three A History of Jefferson primary sources, Millard Kessler Bushong,
a useful County, West Virginia (Shepherdstown, 1941), contains summary, with references.
Kansas City in 1908. On many details his mem and only a small portion of his narrative was con
234
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
II.
some
reminiscent accounts of their experiences during the Gold Rush. Undeniably, such accounts have a certain value as history, but
they often betray lapses of memory, and they are also unreliable because of the selective tendency of the memory to recall certain as
pects of the experience and to forget others. Therefore, I have at tempted to rely, as far as possible upon accounts which were written
-
were based upon records made at the time. All of the wholly contemporary records were in the form of diaries, or of sets of letters which, in content, were almost like diaries. In addition,
at the time, or
one occasionally meets with a later account such as that of Mrs. Sarah Royce, which is evidently based upon a day-by-day record, and I have included such accounts as these also. Applying these
restrictions to accounts of the journey to California
by way of the and California Trail in 1849, I have found twelve manu Oregon script records which are pertinent, in the William Robertson Coe Collection in the Yale University Library, and some twenty-five
footnotes merely
list
printed accounts. Since all of these items are repeatedly cited in the by the last name of the diarist, it seems desirable to
the manuscript accounts, and after them, the printed accounts, in alphabetical order, as a means of facilitating reference from the
footnotes to the bibliography.
(A) MANUSCRIPT ACCOUNTS. I have not attempted to include manuscript journals which are to be found at various important libraries, but have confined myself, so far as imprinted materials are
concerned, to the Coe Collection in the Tale University Library. All of the manuscripts listed below, therefore, are from that collection. The routes of travel and the travel schedules of the journeys de
scribed in these diaries are
BACKUS. The
manuscript journal of G. Backus of Burlington, Vermont, from departure from Vermont to arrival in California, with notes of life in California, March 14, 1849-October 12, 1850. About &000 to 10,000 words.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
235
BADMAN.
The manuscript journal of Philip Badman of Warren, Pennsylvania, from departure from Pennsylvania to arrival in California, with an itinerary of distances. About 11,000 words. Badman started out with a company known as " Captain Colly er 's Company." His writing is barely more than literate, but the terse saltiness of some of the comments is outstanding.
B. C.
CLARK. The manuscript journal of Bennett C. Clark has been published, and is included in list below of printed journals.
The manuscript journal of Alonzo Delano in its pub form, is one of the classic items of Gold Rush history. See
DELANO.
lished
list
DOYLE.
Manuscript journal and letters of Simon Doyle of Rushville, Illinois, on two trips to California in 1849 and 1854, with a thirty-two page table of distances, and with letters to his parents
in Rushville, April 2,
1849-June
22, 1856.
The journal
of the trip
in '49 extends to about 18,000 words. Doyle, a Mexican War veteran, was a
man of some education and of a thoughtful turn of mind. His comments are consist ently full, and the journal is unusually valuable.
journal of John F. Lewis of Huntsville,
LEWIS. Manuscript
December
31, 1849.
Ran
May 12-
Lewis was relatively unlettered. His journal contains about 9,000 words on the journey, and about 2,000 more on ex
periences in California.
LONG. Manuscript
cinnati,
1,
journal of Charles
L'Hommedieu Long
of
Cin
1849.
About 15,000 words. Long was a superior observer, and his journal is quite literate, with entries that are reasonably full. Long used pack animals from Bear River and made the later portion of the journey on foot. His journal is a striking example of a rapid and effi
cient trip.
236
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
journal of Alexander Love of Leesburg, Penn from Leesburg, with some interrup
LOVE. Manuscript
sylvania, from
tions, until his
his departure
return by
way
of
Panama
in 1852,
March
20,
1849-
of this diary dealing with the overland journey includes about 9,000 words. Love was 39 years old at the time of the Gold Bush. The trip was rather a slow one, but was a
LYNB.
Letters of
family in
James Lyne of Henderson, Kentucky, sent to his Henderson from various points along the way to Cali
1849-January 30, 1850. There are ten letters. They show that Lyne travelled with the
of one, Colonel "Wilson. Two supplementary letters relate to the fact that Lyne was drowned in the Sacramento
company
journal of Andrew Orvis of Lake Marie, Wisconsin, from his departure from his home until his arrival in California and at the Diggings, March 12, 1849-June 8, 1850.
because
This brief record (about 3,000 words) is of especial interest it is the account of a man who was deserted by his
companions, was left without rations, and almost lost his life on the desert. Many suffered similar hardships, but those who
suffered most were too preoccupied with their survival to
write observations. Orvis covered the period July 10-August 12, in one continuous account, but even so, this is almost an
unique record of his type of experience. Orvis was born in 1819 in Arcade, Wyoming County, N.Y., and died in China,
N.Y., in 1895.
SWAIN. The
manuscript journals and letters of William Swain of Youngstown, New York, from his departure from his home until the arrival in California, and while he was at the Diggings, April 11, 1849-August 10, 1851. Swain made the journey as a member of the " Wolverine Rangers." He was a man of superior education and superior perception, and with a gift for writing. As a consequence, his 30,000 word diary is one of the best as well as one of the full est of overland records. In addition to the diary, there are 14
BIBLIOGRAPHY
237
letters to his wife, Sabrina, and to other members of the family; another diary, with another set of letters, covers the
C. Tiffany of Pleasant, of his journey from his home, to California, and during, the Iowa, period spent in California, with a log of the return by way of Panama in 1851, April 7, 1849-March 13, 1851.
Ml
This is an unusually full account, with about 30,000 words on the overland journey alone.
(B) PRINTED ACCOUNTS. In the section below, the purpose is not to list books, but to list diaries. Thus, if one book contains more than one diary, as does, for instance, Gold Bush, edited by Read and
Gaines, I have listed the two diaries separately, in their normal alphabetical order, with the appropriate bibliographical information
BROWN.
" Memoirs of an American Gold Seeker," by Honorable in Journal of American History, II (1908), John Evans Brown, 129-154 Brown was born in Lewiston, Pennsylvania, in 1827, but moved with his family to North Carolina, and set out on the overland journey in 1849 from Asheville, in that state. He later made a second trip to California by sea, and later still moved to New Zealand, where he became a member of Parlia
ment and Minister of Education. He returned to America, and died at his home "Zealandia," in Asheville, in 1895.
BRUFF.
Georgia Willis Read and Ruth Gaines, editors, Gold Rush, The Journals, Drawings, and Other Papers of J. Goldslorough Associa Bruff, Captain, Washington City and California Mining vols. New York, 1944) 1851 (2 tion, April 2, 1849-July 20,
.
This is by far the most extensively and thoroughly edited of D. C., in all overland journals. Bruff, born in Washington, at West Point, 1804, graduated from the Military Academy and was assigned to the Department of Topographical Engi was neers. In 1849, having resigned his commission, he and California elected Captain of the Washington City
Mining Company.
He
led this
company
of 66
men
slowly, but
238
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
successfully, to California, maintaining strict discipline
and
preventing the usual disintegration. He made many sketches, and wrote a diary from which a more lengthy and more finished record was prepared soon afterward. The editors
4, 5, 6,
publish both versions, labelling the earlier record as P 2, 3, and the final one as P 1 and 1. All of my citations are to the latter version.
CALDWELL. A
diary kept by Dr. T. G.[ ] Caldwell, is published in Gold Rush, II, 1247-1268. See Bruff, im
CLARK. Ralph P. Bieber, editor, "Diary of a Journey from Missouri to California in 1849," in Missouri Historical Review, XXIII (1928-29), 3-43.
The
diarist,
County, Missouri, in 1819. He later became Clerk of the Circuit Court of that county. In 1849, he was elected captain of a party of twenty-three gold-seekers from the region near
his
home, and
it
was
as leader of this
him
after crossing the Humboldt Desert. Ably edited, with foot notes of especial value. The original manuscript is in the
Coe Collection.
S. B. F.
CLARK. How many miles from St. Jo? The Log of Sterling B. F. Clark, a Forty-niner, with Comments ly Ella Sterling Mighels (San Francisco, Privately printed, 1929). Clark was born in Rutland, Vermont, in 1825. He travelled
with a wagon train to Fort Laramie, and with pack animals
from that
point.
A brief journal.
DELANO.
AJonzo Delano, Life on the Plains and Among the Diggings; Being Scenes and Adventures of an Overland Journey to California (Auburn, N. T., 1854). Delano, son of Dr. Frederick Delano of Aurora, New York,
was a resident of Ottawa, Illinois, when his physician advised a change of climate for his health. This advice led him to join the migration of '49, to work for a short while in the
BIBLIOGRAPHY
239
diggings, and later to become a prosperous merchant in San Francisco. During the journey to California, he kept a
journal which described the overland journey fully and vividly. This diary, the original manuscript of which is now
was published in 1854, and has be come, without doubt, the best known participant's account of the Gold Rush.
in the Coe Collection,
De "WOLF. "Diary
of the Overland Trail, 1849, and Letters, 1849of Captain David De Wolf, with an introduction and notes 50, by Edwin E. Cox," in Illinois State Historical Society, Trans
actions for the
Scotia.
He
Panama
in the
in 1851.
During the
killed at the Battle of Corinth, in 1862. At the time of his Ohio. The jour trip, De Wolf's family lived in Springfield,
full,
and
distinctly useful.
DTJNDASS. Journal
California
of Samuel Rutherford Dundass, formerly au ditor of Jefferson County, Ohio, including his entire route to as a member of the Steubenville Company "bound for
San Francisco in
the Jear 1849 (Steubenville, 1857). Almost all companies resolved not to travel on Sunday, but Dundass was with one of the few groups which held to the
resolution.
to be sententious. Dundass,
who
FOSTER. Lucy
Pioneers of 1849 (San Jose[], 1889). Contains the overland journal, with
of Rev. Isaac
Foster. Foster, a native of Connecticut, was born in 1790, and was a resident of Illinois at the time of the Gold Rush.
and died judge of the mayor's court in San Jose of 78. He started on the overland trip as a there at the age member of the Iowa Company of California Emigrants, but of this association was soon dissolved. Foster was a man and his comments on the and practicality,
He became
many
240
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Elizabeth Page, editor,
HACKNEY.
Wagons West,
a Story of the
Oregon Trail
(New York,
1930).
Although this volume consists primarily of the story of Henry Page (q.v.), with his letters, it also contains the com plete text of the diary, by Joseph Hackney, of his overland journey as a member of the Green and Jersey County Com pany. Although Hackney was scarcely literate, his journal forms a superior record of the trip.
HALE. "Diary
of a Trip to California in 1849, written by Israel in Quarterly of the Society of California Pioneers, Foote Hale/' II (1925), 59-130.
born in 1804, made the overland trip in 1849, carrying his seventeen-year-old son Titus with him. His home is not identified, but it is stated that he returned to it in 1851, after finding a fair amount of gold dust, and he
Israel Foote Hale,
The
ably
full.
HIXSON. Owen
C. Coy,
Francisco, 1931). This narrative history of the Gold Kush contains extracts from the journal of Jasper Hixson. The portions dealing with the crossing of the Humboldt Desert are especially
good.
ISHAM.
G. S. Isham's Guide to California and the mines and re turn by the Isthmus with a general description of the country. Compiled from a journal kept by him in a journey to that country in 1849 and* 1850 (New York, 1850).
editor,
This volume, consisting primarily of papers of the McCoy family, also contains the letters of John A. Johnson to his wife. Johnson was an Ohio lawyer who went to California
because he was threatened with tuberculosis. These
principally from Independence, are superior to
letters,
any other
BIBLIOGRAPHY
know of, in depicting the conditions of getting started on the journey.
source I
241
and problems
JOHNSTON.
ston, a
Experiences of a Forty-niner, ly William G. John of the Wagon Train first to enter California in the Memorable Year 1849 (Pittsburgh, 1892). This, one of the better known journals, is the account of an
member
unusually successful and rapid trip. Despite the claim in the title, it seems to be a debatable question whether this party,
or that of William Kelly was first to reach California in 1849, but both reached there about a month in advance of the bulk of the migration.
KELLY.
Prairie,
"William Kelly,
An
Excursion
to
in fact a day-by-
day
record, and a careful analysis will make it possible to assign the correct date for most of the events described. Kelly
to have
made
the journey for the sake of the adventure; literally, it was "an excursion to California." With ample funds, and
splendidly outfitted, Kelly's company, of which he was captain, made the journey with unusual rapidity. See John
ston,
immediately above.
McCALL.
A[nsel] Jfames] McCall, The Great California Trail in 1849. Wayside Notes of an Argonaut (Bath, N. Y. [reprinted from the Steuben Courier] 1882).
New York. His journal re very humane feelings, dogmatism, and an enthusiasm
is
and the value of the work is greater than that of many diaries issued in much more pretentious format.
editor,
Samuel F. McCoy of Chillicothe, Ohio. McCoy's brother, John, had just returned from Santa Fe,
242
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
and Samuel travelled with his outfit. The diary entries are brief, and are full of pious moralizing. See Johnson, above.
MORGAN.
Mrs. Martha M. Morgan, Trip Across the Plains in the Year 1849 (San Francisco, 1864).
. .
Mrs.
Morgan
1849. In 1850, she continued her journey to California. Her route followed the Mormon Trail along the north bank of the
Platte.
PAGE.
Trail
of the Oregon
(New York, 1930). Contains excellent letters of Henry Page of Woodburn, Illinois, to his wife, Mary, while on the overland journey.
by the
editor.
PLEASANTS.
Plains 1849
W[illiam] J[ames] Pleasants, Twice Across the [sic] 1856 (San Francisco, 1906). Pleasants and others who travelled with him lived at Pleas ant Hill, Cass County, Missouri. The record is not in diary
.
.
form, but
it
party was in
Gabriel, editor, A Frontier Lady, Recollec Gold Bush and Early California ly Sarah Royce
.
.
(New Haven,
1932).
Sarah Royce was the mother of Josiah Royce, the philosopher. She was born in Stratford on Avon in 1819, but was brought to New York State as an infant. She married Josiah Royce, and with him made the journey to California. Her husband apparently understood nothing of overland travel, and their
trip
was hopelessly mismanaged. Her account of the grim experience shows extraordinary perception, and it is on a different level from most of the personal accounts. She wrote
this account for her son,
eighties,
but the
it
earlier written
BIBLIOGRAPHY
SEAELS. The Diary
243
of a Pioneer, and other Papers, Being the Diary Kept by Niles Searls on His Journey from Independence, Missouri, to California (San Francisco, 1940). This is an important item because it constitutes almost the only record of an emigrant who travelled with one of the companies which undertook to transport passengers to Cali
fornia for a stated fare. Searls took passage with the Pioneer Line. The officers of the company made great efforts to fulfill
form of transportation proved, at that a disastrous failure. Searls, born in 1825 in Coeymans, time, New York, was admitted to the bar in 1848, and opened a
their contract, but this
law
in Cass County, Missouri, but in the following he joined the Gold Rush, paying the Pioneer Line Spring $200 for his passage.
office
SEDGLEY.
land, 1877).
Sedgley started out as a member of the Sagamore and Cal ifornia Mining and Trading Company of Lynn, Massachu setts, with 52 members, but he left the company fairly early in the journey. Sedgley and Bruff are more diligent than al
most any other diarists in recording the names of persons whose graves they pass along the trail.
WEBSTER.
Kimball Webster, The Gold Seekers of '49, a Personal with an Introduction ly Narrative of the Overland Trail Waldo Browne (Manchester, N. H., 1917). George
.
.
New Hampshire in 1828. Be worked in a granite quarry, and he New Hampshire where he was a surveyor,
1916. He engineer, and justice of the peace. He lived until travelled to California with the Granite State and California
WISTAR.
The
vols.
Philadelphia, 1914).
volume of the autobiography of this distinguished well written diary physician contains a full, and unusually of his journey from Independence, Missouri, to California.
244
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
III.
AMONG
who
tion.
historians of a past generation, there were four especially, made basic contributions to the history of the overland migra
These four were Hubert Howe Bancroft, Reuben Gold Thwaites, Archer Butler Hulbert, and William James Ghent. Ban croft, in Yolume VI of Ms History of California (San Francisco, 1888), gave a long account of the Gold Rush, based upon a vast
of references, which were shown in the footnotes to his This was, apparently, the first extensive account based upon genuine research. Thwaites contribution is to be found primarily
7
number
text.
Early Western Travels, These notes identify thousands 1748-1846 (Cleveland, 1904-1907). of persons, place names, Indian groups, et cetera, which were signifi cant in the history of the West. Neither Bancroft nor Thwaites,
in the footnotes to his thirty-one volumes of
however, had attempted to trace the exact routes of overland travel, and this aspect of the subject remained to be developed by Hulbert.
His results were presented, for popular reading, in his volume, Forty-niners (Boston, 1931), and for more scholarly purposes in the elaborate Crown Collection of American Maps, Series IV, The American Transcontinental Trails (1925-1928). W. J. Ghent con
tributed the best single volume on the Oregon Trail in his The Road to Oregon, a Chronicle of the Or eat Emigrant Trail (New York,
1929).
There are a number of contemporary writers who have made and are making valuable contributions in this field. Without being in vidious, however, it is quite safe to say that the most extensive
editorial notes on the Gold Rush are to be found in Georgia Willis Read and Ruth Gaines, editors, Gold Rush, The Journals, Drawings, and Other Papers of J. Goldslorough Bruff (2 vols., New York,
1944) These notes, a monument of thoroughness, deal exhaustively with many points which are of interest to all students of the trail.
.
recent book, designed for the general reader, but nevertheless providing an excellent history of the Oregon and California Trail,
is
of the Prairie Schooner, by Irene D. Paden (New York, 1943), In addition to its other merits, this contains the best sketch
The Wake
maps
The Great
.
BIBLIOGRAPHY
245
Plains and
Among
the Diggings
(New York,
1936).
is
One
of the best
Ralph P. Bieber,
Southern Trails
'to
California in 1849
(Glendale, Cal, 1937). Although dealing, as the title implies, pri marily with the southern routes, this volume contains an indispen
sable account of the arrival of the
development of
news of gold in the East, and the, the Gold Fever. Professor Bieber has recently com
as a whole, to pleted plans for writing a history of the Gold R-qish in 1949, and it is safe to anticipate that this will be be published
INDEX
ADDISON, LT.
JOHIST McL., 118
fur trappers, 92 n.; on hailstorm,
n.; on government train, 124 on grave of Davidson, 185 n,; on dead animals, 189 n. Bacon, amount needed per man, 30; supply of Charlestown Co. reduced,
Aisquith, Edward M., 223; chosen Treasurer, 9; at diggings, 62 n.; with, advance party to Port Hall, 140; as source of discontent, 173 Alkali water, effect on cattle, 44, 113114, 116 Allen, General, presides at trial, 135 n. Allen, John, 223 La Prele Eiver, 111 Alt a California, editors, in duels, 71 American Falls, described, 156
104
n.;
among Badman,
divided 87; reduced, messes, 198 Philip, 38; on discarding of surplus goods, 50; his comment on dry streams, 83 n.; on attachment to oxen, 115 n.; on mosquitoes, 156
51;
load
n.;
on Boeky Mountains; 161 n.; on lack of shade, 163 n. ; on a dance, 172 n.; on route over mountains, 205 n.
Baggage, limitation of amount of, per member, 26 Baking powder, among supplies, 30 Bancroft, Hubert H., quoted, 70
Bannock
Biver, 154; confused with Port Neuf, 152; called Pannack, 152; arrival at, 155
Barley, 62 n.
Bichard,
T.,
223;
at
diggings,
to,
Barnum, P.
187 n.
phrase attributed
Arbor vitae, near Sierra Nevada, 199 Army. See United States Army Artemisia, along Snake Biver, 155 Ash Hollow, on overland route, 89;
passed, 101 Ashley, William H., names Sweetwater, 108; his traders on Green Biver, 132 n. Asiatic cholera. See Cholera
Astoria, 19 Astorians, discover South Pass, 127 n. Augusta County, Ya., 4, 6 Augusta County Company, in Mexi
Barnum 's
at,
65
Bear Biver, route along, 129, 138-139; arrival at, 138; camp on, 139; nar rows of, 139, 140 route on leaving,
;
of,
149
Bear Valley, arrival in, 208 Beaver Creek, route crosses, 154; ar rival at, 157; dams described, 157;
com
BALTIMOBE,
Baltimore Sun, 6 Baltimore and Ohio Bailroad, Charlestown Co. travels via, 32
Backus, G., dissolution of his com pany, 38; his comment on meeting
Bel Air, Md., 2 Bender, Jacob, 223 Berkeley County, Ya., residents of, in Charlestown Co., 31 Bidwell, John, overland journey of,
248
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Ms
route, 24
of journey, 20 5 Bidwell-Bartleson
attempts Party, 154 Big Blue Biver, on overland route, 75; Charlestown Company on, 81, 82; described, 81; course, 81 n. Big Hill. See Subletted Hill Bigler, John, Governor of California,
Brandy, sold along trail, 84, 163; consumption of, 85, 164-165 Bread, for sale, 175
Breekinridge, John C., 70 Bridger, Fort, original route via, 129, 130 n.; junction with road from, 140 Broadswords, in Kelly's party, 58 Broderick, David, fights duel, 70
new
route, 148,
Big Spring, The, near Fort Hall, 150 Big Sandy Creek, affluent of Little
Blue River, described, 83
"Broken Hand." See Fitzpatriek, Thomas Brown, John Evans, 38; on acciden
tal
shooting,
n.
60;
reports
trading
affluent
of Green
on,
wagon, 163
Bruff,
J.
leader,
encamp
of,
110 n.
See
Goldsborough, 37; as a Charlestown meets 40; members, 62 n. Brule, Neb., crossing of South Platte at, 89
Bryant, Edwin, 24; book by, 21; his route, 24, 101; on company organ ization, 17 n.; on prairie dogs, 91; on buffalo gnats, 101 n.; on Court House Bock, 103 n.; quoted, 146, 190 n.; his book criticized, 190; his overland trip of 1849, 174 n.; sketch of, 174 n.; account of Donner tragedy, 201 n., 202
Bryarly, Elizabeth, 2 n. Bryarly, Priscilla Lee, mother of Wakeman Bryarly, 2 Bryarly, Wakeman, Sr., father of Wakeman Bryarly, 2 Bryarly, Wakeman, 223; birth, 2; named Bobert Wakeman, 2 n.; graduated at Washington Medical
University, 2; practices medicine in Baltimore, 3; vaccine physician, 3j demonstrator in anatomy, 3; in Mexican War, service 3-4;
elected Surgeon of Charlestown Co., 9; resumes medical practice, 64; associated with "Chivalry," 64;
Swallows
Bitter Cottonwood Creek, crossings of,
108-109 Black Hawk, 78 n. Black Hills, arrival in, 108; broad use of term, 108 n. Black 'Bock Desert, death of draught animals on, 45 Black's Fork, Fort Bridger on, 130 n.
Blacksmith, 60, 163 Blakemore, B. M., 223; operates pack train, 62 n. Blue Biver, 49, 59. See also Big Blue Biver, Little Blue Biver Bluffs, The, encampment at, 76 Board of Directors, for Charlestown Co., 12 Boats, for stream crossing. See Pon
toons
Boiling Springs, at Soda Springs, 145 Boley, John F., 223; at diggings, 62 n. Bonneville, Capt. Benjamin L. E., on dissolution of companies, 37; and South Pass, 127 n.; follows <Jut-off,
130 n.
Boone, Captain, mentioned by Wistar, 85 n. Bowers, John William, 223 Bowie knives, in Kelly's party, 58 Boxelder Creek, 111 n.
Bradley, Thornton 84
C., 223,
Army,
65; visits Maryland, 65; marriage, 65; trip to Bussia, 66; service in Crimean War, 66 ; returns
'mentioned,
Branding Spring, 77
INDEX
Part in keeping diary, 36, 76 n., 99 n.j comments on guide, 53; dis charges pistol accidentally, 61, 101; plans trip to diggings, 62 n.; pre scribes brandy, 85; visits govern ment train, 97; seeks ford at South
Platte, 98; his horse,
249
state,
der
in,
64;
Democratic control
Ms
John," 100; pony, "Walking Squaw," 182, 183; hunts buffalo, 99-100; selects camp site, 122, 162, 164, 174; sends
cers,
< <
63-64; duelling and violence in, 70-71; Confederate sympathizers in, 71; Confederate plans for inva sion, 71; migration to, from Ore gon, 149; reports from, 181, 204205 California militia, Bryarly in, 64 California Trail, 21; as Gold Bush route, 24
California State Journal, Geiger edits,
letters,
123; entertains army offi 133, visits army camp, 134r135; officiates at burial, 142; es capes being run over, 169; acts as
178,
182,
68 68
offices
68; sold,
leader,
195;
swims
in
Humboldt, 177; treats wounded man, 184; confuses route, 191 n.; lends pony to Washington, 196; at scene of Donner tragedy, 202 " Chivalry" Buchanan, James, favors
California, 63, 69; patches by Bryarly, 65 Buena Vista, Battle of, 5
in
sends
dis
68 Campbell, Eobert, builds Fort Wil liam, 106 n. Canadian River, route via, 23 Cannon, carried, 27; firing of, 134 Canteens, 30, 188
Cape Horn,
7,
19; route
to,
California
61
Buffalo, observed, 88, 99; trails seen, 92; care of young by, 91; emigrants
hunt them,
arly
kills,
96,
97, 109,
114;
Bry
Carlton, George, 50 Carson Biver, 24, on route, 52, 187, 191 n.; conditions of route via,
99-100;
interest
of all
194
Carts, used for travel, 186 Casks, 30; filled, 132, 136, 148, 160,
emigrants in, 100 n. Buffalo chips, used as fuel, 90, 98, 101 Buffalo gnats, annoyance of, 101, 156 Buffalo grasshoppers, swarms of, 110 Bull Tail, Sioux chief, 99 Bulwer Lytton, Edward, quoted, 121 n. Bunch grass, 136, 161 Burial, Indian practices, 77, 77 n.,
78; of Washington, 33; of Young, 83; of Milton, 142; of Davidson,
185. See also Graves Burwell, Walter J., 223 62 n. Business organization,
travel,
;
162
Cassia Creek. See Cache Creek Castle Bluffs, described, 102
"Castle City," described, 104 Cattle. See Draught animals Caughey, John, 190 n.
Cerro Gordo, Battle of, 3 Charlestown, Va. (now West Vir ginia), organization of gold seek ers' company in, 7-9; departure from, 31
Charlestown, Va., Mining Company, plans for, 7; eollectivist form, 7, 12-13; organized, 7-8; total costs, 8; membership fees, 8, 12; number of members, 8-9, 26; officers elected, 9; constitution adopted, 9; mili tary features of organization, 1012; business features, 12-15; pro visions for extended duration, 1213; political or governmental fea
tures, 15, 18
lation, 18;
;
at diggings, in
overland
12-15
of,
174
CACHE CEEEK,
154; encamp on, 157; crossings, 158, 159 Caldwell, John C., reports Geiger's death, 73 Caldwell, T. G., 38
California, political situation in, 63; Bryarly receives appointments un
22;
250
physical
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
examination,
26; limits required clothing per person, 26; firearms carried by, 27 ; supplies purchased by, for shipment by sea, 27; iron boats made for stream crossings, 28; advance committees sent to
baggage
and
specifies
purchases, 28; number of used by, 29; purchases mules and horses, 29; purchases foodstuffs, 29-30; equipment car initial loading ried by, 30; of wagons, 30; rendezvous at St. Jo seph, 31; departure from Charles-
make
restored, 176; meeting held, 203; sends advance party to Cali fornia settlements, 203 Cherries, wild, in Sierra Nevada, 207 Chickawau Creek, crossing of, 80 Childbirth, on trail, 112 Childs, Tort, Fort Kearney called, 87
mony
wagons
31-32; previous residence occupation of members, 31; trip to St. Joseph, 32-34; first death in company, 33; at St. Jo seph, 34-35; breaking mules, 3435; departure on overland trail, 36; completion of journey, 37; mortali
town,
"
Joseph B., journey from Port Hall to California, 154 Chimney Eock, 56; described, 103; visited, 104 Chippewa Indians, practice tree bur ial, 77 n.
Chiles,
and
"
on journey, 37; other losses^ 37; organization unbroken, 37, 40; suc cess with animals, due to nooning, 46, to herding, 47; maintains guard at night, 48; annual losses slight, 48 ; overloading of wagons corrected promptly, 51; speed of travel, 5153; success of journey summarized, 53; Smith as guide for, 54; cholera in, 55; tuberculosis and typhoid in,
ties
supported by Buchanan, 69; and gunplay among, 70-71 Cholera, epidemic among Forty-niners, 33; among emigrants, 54-55; graves of victims, 80; reported at diggings, 149 Gibber, Colley, quoted, 164 n. Cincinnati, 0., Charlestown Co. visits, 32; Geiger at, 225-226
67;
duelling
at,
description
effect
Civil
of, in California,
Clark,
company
divides
56;
member drowned,
57;
member
dies of gunshot, 61; arrival at Johnson's Ranch, 61; supplies ar rive ma Oape Horn, 61; sells sup dis plies to Quartermaster, 62; solves, 62; dispersal of members, 62; later lives of members, 62-63; constitution of, 212-222
because of lack of forage, 39; throws away surplus goods, 50 Clark, Sterling B. F., rapidity of journey of, 53 Clark, William, names Lewis' Fork, 151 n. Clarke County, Va., residents of, in Charlestown Co., 31
Clayton, William, guidebook by, 21, 22 ; used by Bryarly, 130
Clevinger, Asa, 223 Clothes bags, used, 132
Boute
of,
75,
76,
89,
108, 129,
138-139, 147-148, 154, 167, 187, 191 n., 194; leaves St. Joseph, 76; brands mules, 77; morale in, 81, 94; membership too large, 81; holds
general meeting, 86; elects Smith member, 86; prepares to repel In dian attack, 93; disruption threat ens, 102; discouraged by exhaus tion of mules, 114; uses Mormon
Guide, 130; good spirits in, 130, 204; proficiency in hunting, 167; low spirits in, 170; discontent in, 173; crisis in leadership, 174; har
Clothing,
items 26
required
Cockrell, Daniel, 223; on mule com mittee, 28 n.; finds Indian grave,
78
Coffee, 29;
116, 117, 159, 164, 168 Coffee pots, 188 Cognac, lost in transit, 204
INDEX
Collectivism in overland travel, 12-15 Collector of Port of San Francisco, Washington appointed, 62 Colorado Eiver, route in basin of, 128,
251
Cumberland, Md., 32
Cumberland
Charlestown
Co.
129
of,
62 n.
Comegys,
George
W.,
223;
breaks
fore-wheel, 82
Comstoek Lode, 66
Confederate fornia, 71
sympathizers
in
Cali
Cunningham,
212-222
Constitutions of emigrant companies,
10, 17
George, 223; at dig gings, 62 n.; operates pack train, 62 n.; hunts buffalo, 114 Curlews, killed and eaten, 85
Cut-offs, mentioned, 82, 170. See also Hastings' Cut-off, Lassen's Cut-off, Hudspeth's Cut-off, Myers' Cut-off
Continental Divide, 52
DANCING,
172 n.; jumping Jim Crow, 172 n.; fandango, 172 n. Dante's Inferno, desert compared to, 45 Daugherty, Enos, 223; death of,
62 n. Davidson, kills deer, 105 Davidson, James, 223; death of, 61, 183-184; burial, 185 Davidson, Samuel, 223 Davis, Joseph C., 223 Declaration of Independence, read,
Cotton bushes, as forage, 195 Cotton trees, on Little Blue, 85 Cottonwood Creek, crossing, 90 Cottonwood trees, 124, 128 Coulter, John, 59 Council Bluffs, as setting-out place, 31; Orvis starts from, 52; Poster starts from, 52 Council Grove, 11 Court House Eoek, described, 103
Coyote, described, 93 Crane, Smith, 223, chosen Second Commander, 9 ; reports prairie dogs, 91; hunts buffalo, 114; his salute
to morning, 180
134
n.
Deer, hunted, 105, 204, 206; confused with antelope, 172 n. Deer Creek, Charlestown members on, 62 n.; arrival at, 111 in Delano, Alonzo, on government overland companies, 17 on death of Thomas Washington, 33; on de
;
pany
James
S.,
223
of,
106
n.
See
com scription of companies, 37; divides because of lack of discards forage, 39; his company accidental surplus goods, 40; on shootings, 60; on unusual weather, on washing clothes, 93 n.; 92
on
n.; trial at
Crimean War, Bryarly in, 65-66 Cross, Maj. Osborne, on Chief Bull commands Mounted Tail, 99 n.;
Eiflemen, 118 n.
Green Eiver, 135 n.; on haughs," 181 n. Democratic party, in California, fac
Wo
Crow Indians, in tribal wars, 107 Crystal Palace Exhibition, Bryarly as delegate to, 64
tions in, 63; Geiger's activities in, 69-72; loses control, 71 California Secre James
252
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Dry Sandy
Eiver, affluent of Green
Eiver, 129; arrival at, 130 Ducks, shot by hunters, 172 Duelling, prevalence in California, 63, 70
Devil Hill. See Subletted Hill Devil's Gate, 121; described, 118
DeWolf, David, dissolution of Iris com pany, 38; discovers drowned man, 57; on numbers of emigrants, 87 n.j on buffalo chips, 90 n.; on dead
animals, 189 n. Diarrhea, among emigrants, 55 pre ventives for, 91; prevalence of, 78,
j
Duke, F. W., 223 Dundass, Samuel E., 38, 39; shooting in company of, 59
Dust, annoyance from, 84, 138, 149,
155, 156, 157, 159, 166, 168
179, 208
Digger Indians, 45; kill emigrants, 58 n.; confused with TJtes, 175 n.; signs of, 167; as mule eaters, 168;
as cattle thieves, 176, 177;
fires of,
EAGLES,
eaten, 139
signal
175
n.;
Emigrants, number passed by Charlestown Co., 53; passed by company, 77, 78, 79, 80, 85, 96; numbers on trail, 83, 84; numbers passing Fort
tragedy described, 201; history of, 201 n. Doyle, Simon, his company, 38; dis cards surplus weight of goods, 50; on eating hawks, 139 n. Draught animals, importance of se lection of, 40 ; choice between mules
and
oxen,
handling
of,
of
from overdriving, 43; from cient forage, 43-44; from alkali water, 44; from Indian depreda
tions,
to, insuffi
going toward Oregon, 150; near Fort Hall, 150 ; travel by, at night, 169; at Slough of Humboldt, 183, 185, 186; methods of travel, 186;
complete desert crossing, 194, 195; in Sierra Nevada, 208, 209
with,
44-45; success of Chariest own Co. 46-48; affection of owners for, 115 n.; hardships of, 115 n.; " boots " for, 123 n.j stolen by
Diggers,
176, 177; numbers dead on Humboldt Desert, 182, 189, 189 n., 192, 194; at Slough of Hum-, boldt, 185; poisoned by wild laurel, 209. See also Mules, Oxen Drenner, drowned, 111 Drips, Maj. Andrew, manager, Fort Laramie, 107 n.
England, Bryarly visits, 66 Engle, Jacob H., 223 Engle, Joseph, 223; on mule commit tee, 28 n. Ensor, Md., 2 Equipment, items carried by Charlestown Co., 30 ; bottles, 188 ; canteens,
188; casks, 132, 136, 148, 160, 162; clothes bags, 132; cooking utensils, 30; coffee pots, 188; goggles, 138; gum bags, 188; gun covers, 188; jugs, 188; scythes, 184, 208; tea
kettles, 188; fish hooks, 141;
Drowning,
North
Dry Sandy
Expenditures, of Charlestown Co., 27. See also Mules, Wagons, Supplies, Prices
INDEX
FAGAN, DANIEL,
223; at diggings, 62 n. Fall Eiver, 154; Fr&nont named, 157
n.; known as Beaver Creek, 157 n. Feather Eiver, 208 n. Ferguson, William, California State
253
crawfish,
153; curlews, 85; coffee, 116, 117, 164; chicken, 152; deer, 105, 204, 206, 208; ducks, 172; gooseberries, 123; hawks, eagles,
Senator, in duel, 70
Ferrill, Milton,
223
n.,
112;
at Green Eiver, 132-133 Finley, Mr., losses of, on desert, 192 Fir trees, near Sierra Nevada, 199
Firearms, committee to purchase, 9; as part of equipment, 27; quantity carried by emigrants, 58; cleaning of, 94; lacking in Pittsburgh Co., 179 Accidental shootings with, 59-61, 84; by Bryarly, 101; at Fort Laramie, 107; of Indian girl, 143; of James Davidson, 183
First Eegiment, Virginia Volunteers, in Mexican War, 5
Fish,
area, also
139; lambs quarters greens, 91, 94; 152; molasses, 94; mussels, 162; prairie squirrels, 139; peaches, 94; peach pie, 94; rice, 94; rabbit, 179; salt pork, 179; strawberries, 140; sage hens, 166, 172; salmon, 157; trout, 161. See also Supplies Forage, importance of, 35 n.; as factor in disruption of companies,
milk,
38-39; grass, cut and carried, 132, 208; failure of, feared, 123 n.; willows and cotton bushes as, 177, 180, 182, 195; oak and pine used as, 209, 210, 211 Fort Hall Valley, Charlestown Co. in, 154
Foster, Isaac, rapidity of journey of, 52; starts from Council Bluffs, 52; comment by, on hauling excess sup plies, 49; on buffalo slaughter, 100
n.; on attachment to oxen, 115 n. Fourth of July, celebration of, 134
Fishing,
Mullet,
Salmon, Trout
Fishhooks, 30, 141 Fishing, in Platte, 93, 94; in North Platte, 111; with net, 117; at Big Sandy, 131; west of Green Eiver, 136; at Bear Eiver, 139; in Cache
Creek, 158 Fishnet, 30, 117 Fitch, George K., edits Placer Times, 67; rivalry with Geiger, 67-68; associated contest adjusted, 68; with Geiger in state printing, 68;
Ms
on Indian dangers, 57; and name, Independence Eoek, 117 n.; celebrates Fourth of July, 134
n.;
n.;
Bry
book
174
and South
Pass, 127 n.
Flint, Timothy, 181 n.
Fuel, wood, obtained by lasso, 93 ; ob tained from islands, 96; Indians request payment for, 78; buffalo chips as, 90, 98, 101; sage bushes
as, 113, 114,
Flour,
Fur
supply of Charlestown Co. reduced, 51, 87; shortage of, 140; secured at Fort Hall, 150; amount left, 180 n.; supply obtained, 195; divided among messes, 198 Food, kinds and amounts carried by Charlestown Co., 29; kinds and
GAGE, JUSTICE,
arrest, 73 n.
orders
Geiger
Gallaher,
254'
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Goose Creek, 60, 154; arrival in val ley of, 161; described, 161; depar ture from, 162 Governmental organization in over land travel, 15-18 Grace Church, Baltimore, Bryarly married in, 65 Grand Island, 87, 88 Granite State and California Trading
Vin
4-5
Preliminary
diary
of,
225-229;
travels
and Mining Company, 40, 50 Grant, James. See Grant, Capt. Eiehard
Grant, John, son of Eiehard Grant, 152 Grant, Capt. Bichard, chief agent at Fort Hall, 151; described, 152 Grantham, John, 190 n. Grass, cut and carried, 132, 183, 184,
failure of, 185, 188, 198, 208; feared, 123 n.; at 'Slough of Humboldt, 183, 184; burned off, 193.
with
committee, 32; sent for brandy, 84; goes to government train, 97; with advance party, to Port Hall, 140; rivalry with others for mules, 158; illness of, 179 Identified with "Chivalry," 64, 67; trader and lawyer, 67; at Shasta City, 67; co-editor California State Jowrnal, 67; rivalry with Fitch, 68; rivalry adjusted, 68; receives State printing contracts, 68; assigns con tracts, 68; losses on State Journal,
68; end of newspaper career, 68; on Democratic State Committee, 69, 70, 72; Democratic State chairman,
n.;
Donner
appointed
Graves, W. F., 202 n. Graves, William, 202 n. Graves, number of, and interest of emigrants in, 80 n.; noted in jour
nal, 79, 80, 136, 137, 158, 174, 197. See also Burial
Nome Laekee
elector
on Breckinridge ticket, 70; defeated, 70; embittered by course of Civil War, 72; kills A. S. Wells, 72-73 ; ordered arrested, 73 ; a fugi tive from justice, 73 n. ; dies in Val
paraiso, 73
Gila Eiver, routes along, 23 Gilbert, Edward, editor of Alta Cali fornia, in duel r 71
(Sittings,
Greasewood, at camp, 164 Great Basin, first entry into, 129, 159 ; second entry into, 154, 167 Great Nemaha Eeservation, Washing ton visits, 78 Great Salt Lake, 24, 52, 139 Green and Jersey County Company, government in, 17; not disrupted, 39
Cemetery, Baltimore, Bryarly buried in, 67 n. Green Eiver, 48, 60; drownings at, 57; route crosses, 129; arrival at, 132; origin of name, 132 n.; de scribed, 133 ; crossing of, 133 ; trial held near, 135 n.
Greenmount
Mary
Bry
Gittings,
Mary
Sterett, marries
67
Greenwood,
Ground
described,
91-92;
123; in
INDEX
Charlestown
155, 200
Co.,
255
47-48; mentioned
Guide, importance of, 53-54 Guidebooks, 58, 180; principal ones discussed, 20-21; mentioned, 58, 180
69 n.
Herbert,
Noble
train,
T.,
224;
his
operates
pack
62 n.;
wagon
re
paired, 85
Gunpowder,
91
Givin,
Hobbles, abandoned, 87
William M., U. S. Senator, leader of "Chivalry," 63; political influence of, 63; connection with
Charlestown group, 64; pro-Bussian
in
fights
duel,
Horned
Hooper,
Edward,
224;
becomes
farmer, 62 n.
on drownings at North P.latte, 56; on oxen killed in storm, 104 n.; on traders, 125 n.; on "stag" dances, 172 n.; on ar rival at Truckee Eiver, 193 n. Hale, Israel, on dissolution of com panies, 37-38; on relaxation of guard, 47 n.
Hall, Fort, 24, 52, 60, 129, 139, 147, 148; advance party sent to, for
route,
HACKNEY, JOSEPH,
Horse Creek, Described, 105 Horse Shoe Creek, arrival at, 109 Horses, purchased by company, 29; losses, by Charlestown Co., on jour
ney, 37; ineffective as draught ani mals, 40; Bryarly's, 130, 136, 140; in sloughs, 155; one secured
by
one abandoned, loss of vitality of, 178; on boldt Desert, 188 n.; 192 n. Horseshoes, 81
trade,
158;
171;
Hum-
eliminated from 140; 148; arrival at, 151; de scribed, 151; history of, 151 n.
supplies,
effects of water, 194, 196 ; analysis of water, 194 Hot Spring Valley. 162: traversed,
Hot Spring,
Hall,
for,
165
151
Hot
129, arrival at, 137 T. P., 224; at diggings,
Ham's Pork,
Hardesty, 62 n.
Springs,
on Humboldt
Desert.
192
W.
Howe, Oetavius Thorndike, 14 Hudson Biver, 156 Hudson's Bay Company, owner
Port Hall, 151 Hudspeth, James,
148
develops
of
S.,
council
with
Sioux, 99 n.
cut-off,
Hudspeth 's
Cut-off,
trail,
148; rejoins
52; 159
developed,
Hastings, Lansf ord, W., guidebook by, 21; on picketing animals, 47; on
Humboldt
Indian dangers, 57; adventure at Independence Bock, 120 Hastings' Cut-off, used by Donner Party, 201 n. Hawks, eaten, 139
Desert, 24, 25; death of animals on, 44r-45; goods discarded on, 50-51; approaches to, 167; re ports of suffering on, 182; as ob stacle, 187; crossing of, 188-193; crossing by Orvis, 188 n.; other
Hayden Charles
brandy, 84 Heart Island, 113
A.,
224;
sent
for
emigrants 194-195
complete
crossing
of,
Humboldt
Heber Spring, arrival at, 109 Helltown Greasers, cattle stolen from, 45
Biver, 20, 24, 52, 60; al kali in valley of, 44; cattle thefts in valley of, 45; Indian danger
along, 58 n.; trails converge on, 130 n.; approaches to, 148, 154; called
256
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
n.; origin arrival at, 167;
emigrants, 186;
also
kill
importance of, 167; described, 176, 191; attempt to cross, 177; cross ing, 177; emigrants' dislike of, 190, 191; verses on, 190 n.
Arapaho, Chippewa, Crows, Fox, Iowa, Pannack, Diggers, Pawnee, Sac, Shoshokee, Shoshonee, Sioux, Snake, Utah, Utes Insects, shower of, 79. See also Buf
falo
Hmnboldt
of,
Eiver,
Slough
of,
183,
reports 184; de
gnats,
beetles,
Buffalo
May
jackets
Intoxication, rules against, 18 Iowa Indians, Geiger comments
on,
Humboldt
at,
Hunter, friend of Geiger, 90 Hunting, dangers of, 96; proficiency of Charlestown Co., 166; success of
78; visit camp, 79 Irvine, Lt. Caleb E., Bryarly meets, 118; ascends mountain, 119 Irwin, Lieutenant. See Irvine Ismael, Bryarly at, 66
JACKSON, THOMAS
tories,
J.,
his
vic
72
of,
Babbits
John, Fort, precedes Fort Laramie, 106 n. Johnson, John A., quoted on time of departure, 35 n.; quoted on choice between mules and oxen, 42 n.;
117;
described,
117;
origin
of
name, 117 n.; scene of Indian wars, 119; adventure of Love joy and Hastings at, 120
Indians,
as
cattle
quoted on care of animals, 43;. quoted on rumors, 58 n.; on shoot ings, 59 Johnson's Eaneh, as terminus of trip, 52; Charlestown Co. reaches, 53, 187, 211 n. Johnston, George Pen, Clerk of U. S.
Court, in duel, 70 Johnston, William G., rapidity of journey of, 52-53; on rumors, 58 n.; quoted on discarding surplus goods, 49; on buffalo slaughter, 100 n.
thieves,
41,
45;
danger from, real and imagined, 57-58; 96, 126; protection against, 76; tree burial of, 77, 77 n., 78;
mission school for, 78; shoot guide false of government train, 79; alarm of, 93; trading with, 97, 99; 86; hunting antelopes, squaws, wives of traders, 105, 125, 127, 143 ;
Jornado, term used, 131, 131 n., 178, 179, 183, 184, 186, 192, 208
KANSAS EIVEE,
75
on overland route,
Laramie, 107; at Tort 152; battleground at Inde pendence Eock, 119; attack Hast
at
Hall,
Fort
Kearney, Fort, 37, 52, 76; goods dis carded at, 49, 51; gunshot victims
at,
60;
arrival at,
87;
described,
ings
87-88
shooting of Indian girl, 143; fear of, in Oregon, 149; encounter with on Humboldt, 170; their concept of emigrants, 181 n.; sent to influence
Kearny, Stephen W., opens trail in Fort Southwest, 23; Kearney named for, 87 n.; and Donner tragedy, 201 n v 202
INDEX
Keeling, Bobert H., 223
;
257
chosen First
Commander, 9; in Mexican War, 11 n.; on wagon committee, 28 n.; resigns as First Commander, 54; thrown from mule, 77; reports prairie dogs, 91; visits army camp,
134-135
Kelly, J. Harrison, 223; chosen Sec retary, 9; correspondent of Spirit of Jefferson, 30 n.; quoted 54 n.; with advance party to Fort Hall,
Lewis, John F., 39; on slaughter of buffalo, 100 n.; on musical enter tainment, 172 n. Lewis, Joseph E. N., 223, chosen
Third Commander, 9
Lewis, Meriwether, river
named
for,
140
Kelly, William, company of, not dis rupted, 39; rapidity of journey of, 53; armament in party of, 58; on
reckless use of arms, 58
ter
;
on slaugh
criticizes
151 n. Lewis' Fork. See Snake Biver Lewis' Spring, arrival at, 149 Lewis and Clark, their route, 127 n. Lexington, Mo., mules purchased at, 29 Lignum vitae, along Truekee, 198 Liquor. See Brandy, Cognac, Whiskey Little Blue Biver, on overland route,
75-76; Geiger mistakes, 81; called Bepublican Fork, 82; described, 84; course along, B4-85
Little
of
buffalo,
100
n.;
Circle,
in
Sandy
71 in
California
Know-Nothing party,
63
LA BOISTTE BIVEB,
La Fourche
n.;
Sandy Biver, affluent of Green Biver, 129; arrival at, 130; Sublette's Cut-off at, 131
106 n. Laramie, Fort, 21, 24, 52, 89; death among draught animals at, 44; sur use of plus goods discarded at, 50; pack animals from, 53; little chol
era after passing, 55; arrival at, 106; described, 106-107; compared with Fort Hall, 151
Lock, Elisha, 224; and mule "Kit," 114-115, 130; thrown into Truekee Biver, 197 Long, Mr., forms mining party, 62 n.; friend of Washington, 195 Long, L'Hommedieu, 38; on relaxa tion of guard, 47 n.; on posting 97 n.; on notices, 86 n.; on Sioux, combatting mosquitoes, 156 n.; on
~
S.
mail for,
Laramie Mountains. See Black Hills Laramie Biver, 89; crossing of, 106 Laramie J s Peak, in sight of, 105,
109 Lard, thrown away, 81 Lassen's Cut-off, 52; alternative to Humboldt Desert, 167 Lassen's Baneh, as terminus of trip,
52
Love, Alexander, 38; on grasshoppers, 110 n. Inde Lovejoy, Amos L., adventure at pendence Bock, 120
Loudoun County,
Va., residents of, in Charlestown Co., 31 Lower California crossing, of South Platte, 89
81
McCALL, ANSEL
Bry
J., 38; on acci dental shootings, 59-60; on relaxa tion of guard, 47 n.; on overloading of wagon, 49; on rumors, 58 n. ; on 85 n.; physicians with companies,
258
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Membership, size of, in Charlestown Co., 26 Mexican War, course of, 3; Bryarly in, 3-4 ; Geiger in, 4-5 ; demobiliza tion after, 6; veterans of, in Gold
Bush, 12; experience overland travel, 53
of, useful in
attachment to draught animals, 115 criticizes Fremont, 190 n. Maekaran, William H., 224; at dig
n.;
gings, 62 n.
MeCorkle, Joseph W., in duel, 71 McCoy, Samuel F., 39 McCurdy, James, 224; on wagon com mittee, 28 n.; death of, 62 n. MeDougall, John, Governor of Cali
fornia, appoints Bryarly to various
posts, 64
Mexico City, 3
Military
travel,
organization
in
overland
Mcllhany, Edward, 224; author, Rec ollections of a '49er, 26 n., 62 n.; on expenditures, 27 n.; on sale of supplies, 62 n.; at diggings, 62 n.;
longevity of, 62 n.; operates pack train, 62 n.; on swarms of insects, 79 n.; on graves along trail, 80 n.;
10-12 Miller, thrown from mule, 77 Miller, Andrew B., 224 Miller, Morgan, 224
Milton, Taliaferro, 224; drowned, 57, 141; recovery of body, 141-142;
burial,
142
Mint
on 'crossing North Platte, 112 n.; on celebration of Independence, 134 n.; on death of Davidson, 183 n.
MeHenry, Fort,
McKay,
84; controversy involving, 102; shoots bucks, 206 Magnolia Saloon, Geiger stabs Wells
at,
made, 119 Mirage, on Humboldt Desert, 189 Mississippi Biver, Charlestown Co. travels via, 32 Missouri, company from, 82 Co. Charlestown Missouri Biver,
juleps,
72-73
33; cholera on, 55; 58; boats on, 58; Charlestown Co. leaves, 76 Molasses, to be among supplies, 30 Monterrey, Mexico, 5
travels
via,
shooting
on,
Mann, Henry, 159 n. Marble Creek, arrival at, 110 Marey, Randolph B., author of Prairie
Traveler, 26 n. ; lists essential cloth
ing, 26 n.; essential food, 30;
Moore, Mr., wagon repaired, 97; con troversy involving, 102; escapes in jury, 206 Moore, Henry H., 224 Moore, James H., 224 Moore, John, Jr., 224; on mule com mittee, 28 n.; mules brought by, 76
maxi
on choice and care of draught animals, 41 n., 43 n., 47; cautions on scurvy, 91 n.; on treatment of alkalized cattle, 116 n. Marmaduke, A. J., 224; at diggings,
load, 30;
mum
Moore, Thomas C., 224; in Mexican War, 11 n.; orator on Fourth of July, 134 n.
Mormon
111
150
n.,
Mormon
62 n.
Marshall, George, 224 Marshall, James, discovers gold, 6 Martin's Fork, arrival at, 166 Mary's Biver. See Humboldt Biver May, Lt. Julian, Bryarly meets, 118;
Mormon Boad,
Mosquitoes, annoyance from, 137, 140, 151, 154, 155, 156 Mounted Biflemen, Charlestown Co. meets, 118
May
Mayflower Compact, 16
Mazatlan, route to California via, 23
Mules, committee sent to purchase, 28; prices of, 29; purchased, 29; breaking of, 34; losses by Charlestown Co. on journey, 37; disadvan
tages of, as draught animals, 4041; advantages, 42; need rest after
on,
INDEX
journey, 61; brought into camp, 76 j branded, 77; difficulty in break ing, 77; prevented from stamped ing, 79; .difficulty catching, 81; team of, runs away, 90; herding of, 91; shoeing of, 94, 109; difficulty in catching, 96; at crossing^ South Platte, 98; exchanged for ponies,
99; stampeded by storm, 104; run away, 107; rest provided for, 109; difficulty crossing Sweetwater, 122; Green River, 133; one drowned, 134; to be picketed, 144; sink in slough, 150; in need of shoes, 152; almost
259
Niagara
Falls,
Falls,
compared
Indian
to
American
156
Nome
Lakee
Reservation,
Geiger agent at, 69 Nooning, practice off 46 North Platte River, trail follows, 52; drownings at, 56-57; route along, 89; approach to, 99; narrows, 106; difficulties along, 108; alkalized, 108; return to, 111; crossing of, 111-112; departure from, 113
Notices, procedure for posting,
86;
one
mired, abandoned, 168 ; failing, 169, 170; attempt to cross Humboldt, 177; condition of, 178; practice of
posted along route, 116, 191 Nugent, John, editor, in duel, 70 Numbers of emigrants in Gold Rush, 22 n., 23 n., 24. See also Emigrants
doubling teams, 179, 193, 203, 207, 209, 310; straying of, 181; one, in slough, 181; bad condition of, 182; at Slough of Humboldt, 183, 184, 185; packed for desert; crossing, 188; on desert crossing, 193; at Truckee River, 193; condition after in fall^ desert, 194; crossing Truekee River, 197; strayed and lost, 206; killed by Indians, 200; tied to wagon wheels, 205, 206; packing of, 207; disturbed by yel low jackets, 207; weakened condi tion, 211. See also Draught animals, Forage, Pack animals Mullet, caught, 139
OAK
TREES,
Odessa, Bryarly at, 66 Ogden, Peter Skene, 166 n. Ohic River, Charlestown Co. travels via, 32
men
to diggings from,
of,
Oregon
City, Ore., Love joy Mayor 120; express from, 149 Oregon Territory, extends east South Pass, 108
to
Oregon
by
Trail, 20, 21, 31; discovered Stuart, 19; as Gold Rush route, de 24, 75; route of, 130 n., 139;
at diggings,
Music, playing of "Hail Columbia," 134 n.; of violin, 172; vocal, 172 Su n.; of banjo, 172 n.; "Oh, sannah," 172 n.; violin and flute, 186; at campfires, 94, 186 Mussels, eaten, 162 Myers, J. J., develops cut-off, 148 Myers' Cut-off, developed, 148
parture from, 131; return to, 140; " Calif ornians" leave, 148; "Californians" continue on, 154; final departure from, 157, 159. See also Route Orvis, Andrew, rapidity of journey shoots self, 59 on cross of, 52-53
; ;
NANTTJCKET,
Narrows, The, of Sweetwater River, 121; of Bear River, 139, 140 Nebraska Bluffs, sighted, 86
New Orleans, La., 4; clrolera at, 33 New York City Industrial Exhibition,
Bryarly a delegate
to,
12-15; collectivist form among, 1315; political organization among, 15-18; enforcement of rules, 17; routes of travel, 19; guidebooks used by, 20-22; routes used by,
by,
64
260
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Pannack Indians, 155 Pannaek Eiver, confused with Port
Neuf, 152, 153, 155. See also nock Eiver Panther, near Truekee, 200 Parker, Samuel, 19
ing necessary, 26 n.; membership, numbers in, 26 n.; physical exami nation of members, 26; firearms,
carried by,
Ban
27;
foodstuffs needed
by, 29-30; wagons needed by, 29; foodstuffs recommended for, 29-30; overloading of wagons by, 29-30;
against,
of,
82;
rumors of hos
also
weather
delays departure of, 35; disruption of organizations during journey, 37-38; reasons for disrup
82.
See
Eepublican
supplies,
Pawnees
Peaches, 30
dried,
among
29,
38-39; companies which were choice and not disrupted, 3 9-40 handling of draught animals by, 40tion,
;
46; overloading of wagons, 48-51; speed of travel of, 51-53; route of travel, 52-53; dangers confronting, 54-61; cholera and other diseases,
54-56; drownings, 5657; Indian danger to, real and imagined, 5758; arms carried by, 58; accidental shootings in, 59-61. See also Eoutes Oxen, advantages of, as draught ani mals, 40-41; used by most emi grants, 42; passed by Charlestown Co., 83; killed by lightning, 104
dead, along trail, 113, 123, 124, 130; poisoned at alkali spring, 116; method of treatment, 116 n.; wear upon feet, 123; bad condition of,
;
Penalties, for violating rules, 18 Pepper, to be among supplies, 30 Physical examination, for member ship, 26 with most companies, Physicians, 85 n. Pickles, as anti-scorbutic, 29 Picks, discarded by Charlestown Co., 51, 87 Piercy, Charles W., California assem
199;
animals
n.
n.
129,
178;
drivers
called
"Wo
Pittsburgh, Pa.,
179, 202
4,
company from,
60,
haughs," 181; used as pack ani mals, 186; crossing Sierra Nevada,
Charlestown Co. delayed by, See also Draught animals, Forage, Pack animals
203;
205.
Placer Times and Transcript, Geiger ? s contest with, 67-68; paid to move, 68; Washington on staff, 68
Plants.
See Arbor
grass,
vitae,
Artemisia,
PACIFIC SPEING,
129
arrival at,
127,
Cotton Cotton trees, Cottonwood trees, Cypress, Fir trees, Gooseberry Bushes, Greasewood, Lambs quar
Cherries,
Bunch
bushes,
ters
travel,
greens,
Laurel, wild,
Lignum
vitae,
Oak
52-53, 186; oxen used as, 186. See also Draught animals, Mules, Oxen Paden, Irene D., date of Hudspeth's
Cut-off, 159 n. Page, Henry, on herding animals, 47; on numbers of physicians, 85 n. on emigrant numbers, 87 n.; attach ment to oxen, 115 n. Palmer, Joel, Journal possibly used by Geiger, 81 n.; on stream names, 110 n. Panama, route to California via, 22, 24
;
berries,
Pine
115 n.; on dead animals, 189 n. Platte Eiver, 24, 31, 44; geographical value as route, 75; approaches to, 75-76; company enters valley of,
87; route along, 89; described, 90; bluffs of, increased in size, 92
INDEX
Plymouth Company, member
60 n.
of, shot,
261
stab
Poland, John
Political
travel,
T.,
224
in
Donner
Party,
organization,
overland
15-18
Polk, James K., 5, 6 Pontoons, specially constructed for stream crossings, 28; use of, 111,
132-133
Ponies, procured from Sioux, 99 ; from Shoshonees, 138; traded for, 158;
one
lost,
206
n.
of,
179; sup
at,
Beed, James Frazier, punished, 105 n. Bepubliean Fork, Little Blue Biver, so called, 81 n., 82, 84 Bepubliean Party, wins control in California, 71 Bepubliean Pawnees, 81 n. Bepubliean Biver, not same as Bepub liean Fork, 81 n. Beveille, mentioned, 119 Bevolvers. See Firearms
Bice, 29;
Biely,
amount needed, 30
A., 224 n.
Port
152; route crosses, 154; confused with Pannaek (Bannock), 152, 153, 155 Prairie dogs, colony of, 91 Prairie rats, 139 Prairie squirrels. See Ground squirrels Prairie weasel. See Ground squirrels Prairie wolf. See Coyote Presbyterian Board of Foreign Mis sions, 78 n.
Eiver,
Prices, of goods sold along trail, 84, 105, 110, 160, 163, 175; at ferry,
Neuf
arrival
Edwin
Bissler, "William, 62 n.
224;
longevity of,
Biver crossings. See Stream crossings Bobidoux, Antoine, described, 105 n. Boeky Mountains, approach to, 105; travel 121; described, ranges through, 129 ; rightly named, 161 n.
Bogers, French trader,
125; stories by, 125-126 Bohrer, Elisha, 224 Bope, carried and used, 30, 138, 204,
205, 206, 208, 209 of Bryarly at, 67 Boutes of travel to California, via Cape Horn, 12; via Panama, 22; ma Mexico, 22-23; via Southwest, California Trail, 23, via Oregon and
133
Provisions. See Supplies
"Boslyn," death
Puebla, Mexico, 3 Purcell, John, 224 Pyramid Lake, arrival scribed, 202
at,
201;
de
QUICKSAND,
of,
56;
at
BABBITS,
Baft Biver, route leaves Oregon Trail, 154 Bainfall. See "Weather 207 Baspberries, in Sierra Nevada, Bations. See Supplies
Battlesnake Biver, crossing of, 160 Battlesnakes, around camp, 117 Bawhide Creek, 83 n.
Beereations, described,
94,
SABBATH,
119,
164.
rules against violation 18 of, Sac Indians, described, 18; request payment for wood, 78 Sacramento, as terminus of trip, 52,
See also Dancing, Fourth of July, Music Bed Bluff, Cal., Geiger at, 69, 72-73
211
of
as seat n.; Geiger lives at, 67; State government, 67; news paper rivalries in, 67-68; Geiger
262
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
on ladies ' singing, 172 ; use of term, " elephant/' 187 n. Sedgley, Joseph, 38; on accidental
shootings, 60
( t
editor and printer in, 68-69 Sacramento Eiver, 24, 208 Sacramento Union, quoted on Geiger,
73 n.
Sage bushes, as fuel, 181 Sage hens, hunted, eaten, 166, 172 Sage Spring, 169
St. Joseph, Mo., as setting-out place, 28, 31, 75,-
' '
title of
song,
Seevers,
Benjamin
F.,
224
Charlestown Co. at, 3435; route from, 52, 75; Charlestown Co. leaves, 76
Louis, Mo., Charlestown Co. in, 32; origins of fur trade in, 152
St.
Bryarly
at,
66
Saleratus, to be
among
at
supplies, 30;
found, 147
110;
Soda
Springs,
Salmon, caught in Snake Eiver, 137 Salmon Trout Eiver. See Truekee Eiver Salt, to be among supplies, 29, 30; found along Platte, 92 Salt Lake City, Utah, 130; Orvis
goes via, 53; route from, converges with trail, 160; U. S. mail for, 150 n.
Sanders, Beverly
thizer,
C.,
28; at diggings, 62 n.; sends for brandy, 84; issues whiskey, 134; instructed to seek supplies, 195; arranges for supplies, 195; to send advance party, 203 Shasta City, Cal., Geiger lives in, 67 Shoes, purchased, 160 Shootings, accidental. See Firearms Shoshokee Indians, also called Dig gers, 45, 175 n. Shoshonee Indians, described, 137138; trade with, 138; meeting with,
137, 143; burial practice, 143;
and
name of Snake
Showalter,
Daniel,
Eiver, 151 n.
Eussian sympa
Charlesat,
65
61;
Bryarly lives in, 64; Pl&cer Times moves to, 68; violence in, 71
Nu
reaches,
among emigrants, 54r-56; widespread, 80; caused b^ heat, 131; reported in California, 150; prevalence of, 179. See also Chol era, Diarrhea, Scurvy, Typhoid fever Sick wagon, mentioned, 142, 158, 171
Sickness,
Sierra
Santa Fe", 31 Santa F6 trade, 11, 31, 75 Santa Fe* Trail, 11; as Gold Eush
route, 23
Nevada Eange, 24; Fremont's crossing of, 20; as obstacle, 187; first seen, 198; arrival at base, 200;
crossing of, 203-208
Sarpy, John B., Fort John named for, 106 n. Savanna Landing, Charlestown Co. ferries Missouri at, 35 Seott, trapper, his death, 105 n. Seott, Gen. Winfield, 3
Scott's Bluffs, arrival at, 105; story
of,
Simonson, Maj. John Smith, Bryarly meets, 118; ascends mountain, 119; assists at trial, 135 n. Simperopol, Bryarly at, 66 Simpson, Francis E., 224 Singing, 172 Sioux Indians, practice tree * ' burial, ' J 77 n.; meeting with, 97, 99; de
scription,
97,
105 n.
99;
Scurvy, preventives for, 29, 91 Scythes, carried, 30; used, 184, 208 " " 16 Sea-law, Searls, Mies, cholera in party of, 55; on numbers of physicians, 85 n.;
101; 138
Slagle,
compared
Charles
with
Shoshonees,
F., 224; on wagon committee, 28 n.; kills curlews, 85 Small, James B., 224
INDEX
Smith, Caleb B., duel with Broderick, 70 Smith, Frank, guide of Charlestown
263
Company
pub
223; employed by company, 35; his previous record, 35, 54; his ability as a leader, 54
Co.,
Spring Creek, encamp near, 102 Springs, mentioned, 77, 111, 116, 121,
123, 137, 138, 162; hot, 162, 164,
104,
Activities of, 76, 83, 86, 91, 93, 117, 130, 136, 138, 139, 144,
163, 164, 169, 171, 177, 178, 195; stories by, 120, 146; elected mem
ber, given post of Captain, 86; at
poisonous, 113, 146; al114; sulphurous, 189 Stanford, Leland, elected Governor of California, 71
168, 170;
kalic,
crossing, South Platte, 98; keeps written notes, 99; name on. Chim ney Eock, 103; names spring, 109; at crossing, North Platte, 111; at crossing, Sweetwater, 122; at cross
ing,
Green, 123; comment on '49 season, 150; illness, 162, 179; re covery, 182; refuses to act as Cap
tain, 174; authority restored, 174; bridges slough, 197 Smith, Jedediah, 19, 139 n. Smith, Thomas L. ("Peg Leg"), meeting with, 143 ; identified, 143 n.
Stevenson, Geiger writes to, 84 Stevenson, Mr., Bryarly meets, 118; guest of, 119 Stonebraker, G. C., 224 Strawberries, near Bear Eiver, 140
Stream
'
Smith's Fork, on route, 139; crossing of, 139; origin of name, 139 n. Smith's Spring, named for Frank Smith, 109 Snake Indians. See Shoshonees
crossings, drownings at, 5657; Spider Creek, 77; Wolf Creek, 78; Chickawau Creek, 80; "Little Blue," 81; Timber Creek, 83; Big Sandy, 83; American Fork, 85; Cottonwood Creek, 90; South Platte, 98; Laramle's Fork, 106; North
151;
Society of California Pioneers, Bryarly a member of, 64 Soda Pool, near Soda Springs, 148 Soda Springs, BidweH at, 19; on route, 139; arrival at, 144;' de
scribed, 144-147
Smith's Fork, 139; Thomas' Fork, 140-141; Port Neuf Eiver, 152; Cache Creek, 158, 159; Humboldt, 177; Truekee, 195-199 Strider, Isaac Keys, 224 Stfider, Jesse A., 224
Stuart,
Trail,
127 n.
Sublette,
Sonora, Mexico, 71 Sons of Temperance, identified, 165 n. South Pass, 24, 37, 45, 52; alkali
liam, 106 n.; finds cut-off, Sublette 's Cut-off, part of route, 129, 130 n.; bulk of emigration via, 131;
traversed, 131-132;
cuss, 133;
approaches to, 75, 89, 108; arrival at, 127; discovery, 127 n.; described, 128 South Platte Eiver, route along, 89; departure 98; 89, 56, crossing, from, 99 Southwest, routes through, to gold fields, 23-24 Speed of travel, 52-53
at,
water
44;
end
of,
Subletted
Hill,
138
Sugar, supply carried, 29, 30; supply exhausted, 211 Supplies, committee to purchase, 9, 28; purchase of, 27; weight of, 28;
list
264
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
surplus
81, 87, at river cross
damaged
122; shortage of flour, 140; sought at Fort Hall, 140; secured, 150; shortage of, 195; new supplies secured, 195; new supplies arrive, 198 ; supplies divided among messes,
198; advance party sent for, 203; exhausted, 211. See also Food, Flour, Equipment
on emi grant numbers, 87 n.; quoted on wind along Platte, 90 n. Timber Creek, encampment on, 81 Timber Creek, passed, 109 Tobacco, use of, 119 Tower Creek, 102 Tower Hill, passed, 102 Traders and trading, ponies secured in trade with Sioux, 99; trade with
Tiffany, P. C., 39, 190 n.;
Shoshonees,
Hall, 152;
<
138;
trading at Fort
John
Swain, William, dissolution of his company, 38; cholera in party of, 55; on accidental shooting, 60 n.;
pony traded for horse, 158; trading wagon on trail, 160, 163; 'store" on Humboldt, 175 Trappers, near Sweetwater, 125; In
dian wives of, 127; meeting with, 143 Trout, caught, 136, 139; in Tulock's
on treatment of alkalized cattle, 116 n.; on celebration of Fourth of July, 134 n.; on singing and dancing, 172 n.
Swallows, colony of, 121 Swallow Bock, described, 121 Swamp Creek, approach to, 160
Fork, 149;
in
Sweetwater Eiver, 52, 89, 108, 121; qualities, 108, 127; arrival at, 117; 117-118; narrows of, described,
121; crossings, 122, 125; leaving 127
of,
Truckee Eiver, 24, 52, 57, 187, 191 n.; arrival at, 192; described, 192-193; 195-199; scenery crossings of, along, 199; source of, 201 Tuberculosis, among emigrants, 56 Tulock's Fork, travel along, 149 Turner, Frederick Jackson, 16
Turtle, 80, 80 n.
"TAMMANY,"
faction
of
Demo
Twelve-mile Creek, crossing, 143 Twelve-mile Eun, nooning on, 136 Two Dome Mountains, 121
crats in California, 63
of, 56,
83
Tapp, Vincent, grandfather of Vin cent E. Geiger, 4 Tavener, Newton, 224; death of, 56,
61; injury to his wagon, paired, 85
Charles-
84; re
118, 119, 124, 125, 133, 136; de serters from, 119; camp at Green
first
service
in
Tehama County,
Terry, D.
S.,
Cal.,
Geiger
in,
69
duel with Broderiek, 70 Theft, emigrant penalized for, 106; of cattle, 176, 177. See also Indians, as cattle thieves
G.,
Thomas, Charles
62 n.j
lature,
member
62 n.
University of Maryland, 65 n. University of Pennsylvania, 2 Utah Indians, 181 Utah Mountains, in view, 137 Utes, as cattle thieves, 45; confused with Diggers, 175 n.
VAUGHAN, ALFEED
agent, 78
J.,
Indian
Thomas' Fork, on
ing
57,
of,
140;
Milton drowned
Vera Cruz,
23
141
at,
Victoria, Mexico, 5
Vinegar, 29;
among
supplies, 30
INDEX
Virginia, verses to, 94r-95
265
66
WAGNER, ANDEEW,
28; ratio
of, to
224
to purchase,
Water, importance of supply, 25, 76; carried in containers, 131, 188-192 ; obtained by digging, 92, 165. See
also Alkali water, Springs
priate load, 28-29; prices of, 29; overloading of, 30, 49-51; arrive in
Weapons.
See
Broadswords,
Bowie
of,
76;
"break
down and
to,
209; coupled shorter, 109; blocking up at river crossing, 122; back-locking of, 136, 138; let down
35; snowfall, 84; storms, rain, and wind, 84, 85, 90, 92, 101, 104; ab normal rain in season of '49, 92,
125, 150-151; hailstorm, 104, 105,
by
ropes, 138, 204, 205, 206, 208, 209; decision to reduce number,
196;
139; abandoned, 172, 182, 192; wreckage of, on desert, 192. See
also Supplies
Weaverville, trip, 52
Cal.,
as
terminus
of
Walker, Joseph, journey, Fort Hall to California, 154 Walpert, John C., 224
num
Ware, Joseph
E.,
22; advice on supplies and loading, on picketing ani mals, 47; on Indian dangers, 57; on Port Neuf and Pannack, 152 n.; Guide used by Bryarly, 160; de scribes Humboldt, 190 n. Warm Spring, by-passed, 109 Washburn, Charles A., in duel, 71
27, 28, 30; advice
Whiskey,
28-29;
emigrants
treat
with, 79; procured, 88, 91; issued to guard, 90; to company at river crossings, 98, 122; on Fourth of
July, 134; for sale, 110, 175; mint juleps, 119. See also Brandy
Washing, importance
of,
93 n.; lay
Washington, Benjamin
ground,
7;
F., 223,
back
Whitman, Marcus, 19, 120 n. William, Fort, 106 n. Williams, trial of, at Green Eiver, 135 n. Willow Spring, arrival at, 109 Willow Springs, arrival at, 114
Willow
trees,
in
Humboldt
region,
78,
" " 67; co69; leader of Chivalry, editor California State Journal, 68 ; changes to Placer Times, 68; rec
ommends Geiger
as Indian agent,
165; as forage, 180, 182, 195 Wind Mountain, arrival at, 119; in view, 123, 124, 128, 137 Wind Eiver, 124 Wistar, Isaac J., 34; his company
divides, 39; discards surplus goods,
69; in duel, 71; kills man, 71 n.; verses by, 94-95; counsel in trial at Green Eiver, 135 n. Washington, Lawrence, 224; in Mexi
can War, 11 n. Washington, Thomas F., 224; death of, 33, 55 Washington, D. C., 3 Washington City and California Min
ing Association, 40
49-50; his comment on killings by Indians, 58 n.; on accidental shoot ings, 60, 61 n.; on graves along 80 n.; on physicians with trail, companies, 85 n.; on numbers of buffalo, 100 n.; on hawks as food, 139 n.; on Hot Springs, 192 n.; on arrival at Truckee Eiver, 193 n.;
"Wo
Wolf
266
TRAIL TO CALIFORNIA
Wyeth, John B., and name, Inde pendence Eoek, 117 n. Wyeth, Nathaniel J., builds Fort
Hall, 151 n.
P., establishes
Wolves, mentioned, 78, 82, 94, 99, 199 Women and girls, on overland trail, 172 n.
YELLOW JACKETS,
Young, Joseph
C.,
swarms
of,
207
224; death
of, 56,
83; burial, 88
04 703