Special issue papers

Brands and political loyalty

Received (in revised form): 8th November, 2005

CATHERINE NEEDHAM
is a lecturer in politics at Queen Mary, University of London, and is writing a book on New Labour and public
service delivery for Palgrave Macmillan. Her research interests include political communications, citizenship and
public service reform. She has written a number of articles on branding including ‘Brand leaders: Clinton, Blair
and the limitations of the permanent campaign’, Political Studies, Vol. 53, No. 2, 2005, and ‘New and improved?
Labour’s brand values’, Renewal, Vol. 9, Nos. 2–3, 2001.

Abstract
Incumbent political parties, like the providers of commercial goods and services, are seeking to
secure repeat sales at a time when consumer loyalty is under threat from proliferating choice and
social realignment. As with other large and infrequent purchases, parties need to use marketing not
only to win a sale (an election) but also to minimise post-purchase dissonance and encourage brand
loyalty so that consumers will buy their product in the future. Successful parties develop brand
attributes in their leaders to maintain relationships with supporters beyond the initial transaction,
although in doing so they create problems for leadership succession.

Taking its cue from early accounts overlooking the differences between
of political parties being sold like promoting a set of policies and market-
soap powder, political marketing has ing a commercial product.4
developed into a recognised sub- Existing political marketing analyses
discipline of political science.1 Political tend to have two limiting characteris-
marketing analyses are premised on tics. The first is that they are generally
two assumptions. First, that the choices applied to election campaigns, where
voters make at election time are there are structured opportunities to
analogous to the choices consumers ‘sell’; scholars have come more slowly
make between commercial products to the recognition that politicians
or services. Secondly, and by ex- pursue promotional strategies just as
tension, that parallels exist between assiduously once elected. The ad-
marketing a consumer product or ministrations of Reagan and Thatcher,
service and promoting a political which retained close links with cam-
party. Such analyses vary in the paign advisers and pursued aggressive
degree of explanatory power that news management strategies, sharply
they attribute to commercial marketing exposed the need for marketing analysis
models. Some assume strong paral- from within government. Blumenthal’s
lels between commodity marketing The Permanent Campaign and Cockerell,
Catherine Needham and political advocacy.2 Others make Hennessy and Walker’s Sources Close to
Department of Politics,
Queen Mary, weaker assumptions about shared ter- the Prime Minister were early efforts by
University of London, Mile End,
London E1 4NS, UK minology and techniques.3 Many are journalists to capture this dimension of
Tel: ⫹44 (0)20 7882 3712 careful to highlight the dangers of the governing process.5 However,
Fax: ⫹44 (0)20 7882 7855
E-mail: c.e.needham@qmul.ac.uk taking the analogy too far, and of like the academic analyses that later

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 BRANDS AND POLITICAL LOYALTY

followed,6 these approaches have been BRAND LOYALTY IN POLITICS

of limited value. They tend to be There are several characteristics of a
descriptive, telling the story of how brand that render it a useful ex-
Thatcher, Reagan, Clinton or Blair planatory concept for analyses of voter
used the communications machine choice. First, brands simplify choice
rather than developing and testing an and reduce dependence on detailed
explanatory model of communicating product information, in much the same
as an incumbent. Further, such analyses way as party labels relieve voters of the
tend to present governing as a need to familiarise themselves with
sub-category of campaigning. Promo- all the party’s policies.11 Secondly,
tion from within office is per- brands provide reassurance by promis-
ceived either as an extension of the ing standardisation and replicability,
winning campaign, or part of the generating trust between producer and
‘long campaign’ that precedes the consumer, much as parties emphasise
next election. Similarities of personnel unity and coherence in order to build
and tactics between campaigning and up voter trust.12 Thirdly, brands, like
governing are taken as indications that parties, are aspirational, evoking a
the strategy remained unchanged from particular vision of the ‘good life’ or
the campaign to the incumbency. holding out the promise of personal
A second limitation of political enhancement.13 Fourthly, to be success-
marketing analyses is that they tend to ful, brands must be perceived as
offer simplistic and outdated models of authentic and value-based, necessitat-
marketing, failing to encompass the ing congruence between the internal
changing paradigms in what Hen- values of the product or company and
neberg calls the ‘mother discipline’.7 its external message. In the same way,
Political marketing has caught up successful parties must link their exter-
slowly with the shift within commer- nal presentational strategies to a set of
cial marketing from a commodity focus core values, if they are to retain
to a brand focus, reflected in the rise in voter support.14 In politics and the
market value of ‘intangible’ assets.8 marketplace, voters and consumers
There is no political variant of the must negotiate the conflicts between
diverse marketing literature that defines loyalty to trusted brands and the
and dissects the role of the brand. novelty of the new, while making sense
Discussions of intangible aspects of of complex and conflicting product
political appeal have tended to focus on information. For fast-moving consumer
narrower concepts such as image and goods such choices must be negotiated
reputation.9 Where branding has en- on a daily basis, whereas political
tered political marketing analyses the choices are more infrequent. However,
brand has been equated with the party even within the political marketplace
name, and used as a descriptive term there is diversity: the ‘big’ purchases
rather than as an explanatory variable every four to five years at a general
with strategic implications.10 It is election; the ‘second-order’ purchases
helpful to consider how a brand focus of local and European elections; and
can improve understanding of political the regular choices about which party’s
decision making, and, in particular, version of events or policy options
repeat purchasing at elections. should be accepted and endorsed.

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NEEDHAM

Conceiving political parties as brands cluded, it is still possible to identify in

helps to explain two aspects of voter most constituencies five or six parties
decision making. First, party brands that are realistic challengers in local,
provide a basis for long-term loyalty in regional or national elections.19 For
an environment where products voters the complexity of choice has
(policies) are fairly fluid. Initial patterns been increased by the introduction of
of support — for political parties as for new electoral systems for different con-
other infrequent purchases such as tests. A voter in London in May 2004
financial products — are likely to be would have been voting on the same
shaped by family, but the process of day using three different electoral sys-
detachment from these formative social tems for the mayoral elections, Greater
settings appears to be intensifying.15 London Assembly and European par-
A well-studied process of political liament. Voters must make choices be-
dealignment has left many citizens tween a diverse range of parties in a
without political loyalties, and an variety of systems, reconciling tensions
increasing number inactive in the between long-standing loyalties with
political marketplace.16 Many sup- the appeal of newer parties with nar-
porters remain loyal though dissatisfied row, more focused messages. The suc-
through fear of taking a risk with the cess of the UK Independence Party in
unknown, turning out at elections to pushing the Liberal Democrats into
back a party for which they have little fourth place during the European par-
enthusiasm.17 Levels of consumer liament elections in 2004 highlights the
dissatisfaction and withdrawal from the willingness of voters to experiment
commercial marketplace are less with the new, particularly in so-called
pronounced, although the literature on ‘second-order’ elections.20
post-materialism indicates a body of A second feature of brand-based
people who are less concerned with analyses of politics is that they help to
acquisition and market participation.18 explain how voters make decisions in
In this more fluid environment, parties an environment of informational
and companies must work harder to complexity. A brand focus steers
build long-term relationships with analysts away from unrealistic assump-
supporters to ensure repeat sales. tions about political knowledge. It is
A barrier to loyalty in politics, as in known from economic and sociologi-
the marketplace, is the proliferation of cal theory that asymmetries of
new products. Consumers and voters information, bounded rationality, herd-
have more choice than in the past. In ing behaviour, ‘satisficing’ (settling for
the commercial sector, they negotiate what is readily available rather than
a marketplace in which the range of striving for maximum rewards), and
choice is not limited to local stores concerns about status and belonging
but incorporates the seemingly infinite create the lens through which
choices available on the internet. In consumers (and voters) make choices
politics in the UK, the number of about cost and quality.21 Accompany-
political parties has proliferated. Over ing product proliferation is the
130 parties stood at the general elec- unprecedented access voters and
tion in 2005, up from 30 in 1979. consumers have to information about
Even if novelty candidates are ex- the products on offer. In addition

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 BRANDS AND POLITICAL LOYALTY

to newspapers’ expanding consumer in order to secure ‘repeat purchases’.

supplements, the internet provides an In a political terrain of declining
enormous amount of information party membership and voter dealign-
about products, offering price com- ment, successful candidates cannot as-
parability and personal testimonies sume that the positive impressions that
about particular products. Similarly, brought them to victory will keep their
political parties now disseminate more winning voter coalitions together until
information than ever before, through the next election.25 They must build
their websites and e-mail listservs. relationships with voters in order to
Online news sites, message boards and secure positive endorsements, whereas
weblogs provide an unprecedented opposition parties may be able to
amount of detail and commentary. secure support simply through a policy
While the availability of such informa- of differentiation. Thus the challenge
tion can assist consumers and voters in for incumbent parties can be conceived
making choices, it raises the oppor- as one of effective relationship market-
tunity costs of making an informed ing.
assessment. The existence of much Relationship marketing is a useful
information that does not come focus for politics, because it moves
through the trusted filter of a away from a transactional focus on the
newspaper or a pressure group leaves point of sale, ie the election.26 It also
consumers and voters with the avoids the assumption, embodied in
complex job of assessing its reliability. the term ‘permanent campaign’, that
The high costs of acquiring informa- election campaigning and governing
tion compared with the likely payoffs blend into one.27 It recognises that
act as a disincentive to become political parties, like companies, must
informed.22 Studies have suggested that retain existing supporters as well as
voters rely on cognitive shortcuts as a converting new ones.28 The value of
substitute for detailed information.23 relationship marketing for politics has
These shortcuts are developed on the been noted by a number of authors,
basis of impressionistic perceptions of although the distinctive strategic posi-
candidate and party, justified by post hoc tion of incumbent parties has not been
rationalisations.24 The clear parallels discussed. It is a process of reducing
between this process and the way that what de Chernatony and McDonald
consumers use brands in the commer- call ‘post-purchase dissonance’.29 In the
cial marketplace suggest that parties can relationship marketing approach at-
gain electoral payoffs if they understand tention is focused on what Grön-
and utilise branding insights. roos calls the promise concept.30 As he
puts it, ‘Fulfilling promises that have
been given is equally important as a
BRANDING INCUMBENTS means of achieving customer satisfac-
All political parties face the challenge tion, retention of the customer base,
of fostering an attractive brand, but and long-term profitability.’31
there are distinctive challenges for Egan notes that relationship market-
incumbent parties. Incumbent parties ing may be particularly important in
are under pressure to sustain their sectors where purchases are far apart:
winning coalitions from within office ‘Throughout the intervening period

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NEEDHAM

the supplier may be using marketing Gordon Brown. The role of these
communications to keep their product party leaders (or de facto party leaders in
at the ‘‘front of mind’’ of the con- the case of presidents) in personalising
sumer.’32 Egan uses the example of the brand needs further exploration.
long-term financial purchases to il-
lustrate his point but his comments
have clear relevance for politics. For PARTY LEADERS AS BRANDS
incumbent parties they can do this The importance of political leaders to
through securing the credit for success- a party brand has been noted.35 Smith
ful policies while blaming others (their gives examples of party images tested
predecessors or ‘globalisation’) for un- by MORI, and shows the interrelated-
successful ones. However, as White ness of leader and party brands.36
and de Chernatony argue, parties must A MORI poll in the 2001 elec-
offer emotional as well as functional tion showed that voters said that
payoffs to the electorate.33 They must image (of leaders and parties) was
develop appeals that resonate with the a greater determinant of voting be-
aspirations and instincts of voters as haviour than the parties’ policies.37 For
well as showing a capacity for com- parties seeking to develop relation-
petent policy delivery. Such an ap- ships with voters over several elec-
proach can form the basis of an tions, orienting their appeal around a
ongoing relationship with voters, help- popular leader helps to consolidate the
ing to secure repeat purchases. party’s appeal. This is particularly the
O’Shaughnessy argues that political case given a media environment that
parties fail to recognise the impor- is increasingly focused on personality.38
tance of relationship marketing and Through using the party leader as the
branding.34 However, it is possible to brand, a shortcut to sum up all the
argue that it is sensitivity to the desirable attributes of the party, it
symbolic and emotional aspects of is possible for parties to reconfigure
relationship building that helps to loyalty in an era where institutional
explain successes and failures in recent ties are weak.39
election campaigns in the UK and Taking the successes first — those
USA, in particular the success of party leaders who were able to secure
Ronald Reagan, Margaret Thatcher, repeat purchases through re-election
Bill Clinton, Tony Blair and George — it is possible to identify a num-
W. Bush. It can also help to illuminate ber of common themes: a politician
the failures of single-term politicians with apparent conviction and an acute
like George Bush senior and John sensitivity to public opinion, success
Major. These examples are discussed in at identifying and promoting symbolic
more detail below. Further it can cast policies, and an adeptness at secur-
light on the difficulties that successors ing personalised rather than general
to successfully branded leaders face in party acclaim. Margaret Thatcher and
winning voter support. In addition to Ronald Reagan associated themselves
Bush senior and Major, such problems with an era of smaller government,
have been experienced by Al Gore and lower taxes, individual self-reliance and
may be a problem for Tony Blair’s a robust defence policy. Butler and
eventual successor, looking likely to be Collins note:

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‘Ronald Reagan garnered much support in notion that Clinton had no ‘‘core
US presidential elections by dwelling on values’’ was becoming a Beltway
themes — appealing to the masses with a cliché’.44 However, they too were
broad focus, symbolism and emotiveness, never rejected by the voters. Clinton
rather than with the specific positions and left office after the maximum two
programme that are followed only by the terms, and Blair has indicated that he
‘‘political nation’’.’40
will step down as Labour party leader
before the next general election.
Scammell argues, ‘Thatcherism was not These successful political brands can
so much as ideology, but more a style be contrasted with the electoral failures
of leadership and a set of values’.41 of their successors: George Bush senior
While the detail of policies was shaped and John Major. In both cases these
by their market, their appeal was that leaders won one election but were
of a successful brand: simple, aspira- unable to create relationships with
tional and clearly differentiated from voters to secure repeat purchases. Both
those of the opposition. Despite public leaders attempted to differentiate them-
(or at least media) outrage at some of selves from their predecessors but in
their policies — Reagan’s Iran-contra doing so were unable to develop
adventures, Thatcher’s remodelling of positive narratives to appeal to voters.
the NHS — they were leaders who Major attempted to develop a political
successfully achieved repeat purchases. brand that was more conciliatory and
Indeed, they were never rejected by caring than that offered by Thatcher
the voters; both left office for reasons but failed to marshal symbolic achieve-
other than electoral defeat. ments or promote strategic vision
In the leadership strategies of Clin- during his time in office.45 Simi-
ton and Blair it is possible to see larly, George Bush senior offered a
attempts by centre-left parties to repli- more hands-on and policy-oriented
cate these strategies. Both leaders presidential style but could not offer a
strived to develop simple, reassuring distinctive set of values — and indeed
and credible messages, which distin- was portrayed in the cartoon Doones-
guished them from opponents and bury as an ‘invisible man’ for his lack
resonated with the aspirations and of political presence.46
values of voters. These premiers were For the purpose of understanding
particularly effective at differentiation political brands these examples are
from opponents and at appealing to instructive. The successful leaders dif-
voter aspirations, although the value ferentiated themselves not only from
dimension was problematic for leaders the opposition but also from elements
who much of the time looked too of their own party, thereby building
eager to please.42 Tony Blair became problems of succession into their
mired in repeated accusations of ‘spin’, appeal. Reagan, Thatcher, Clinton and
which ultimately led to the resignation Blair defined their personal brands
of his communications adviser.43 Clin- in opposition to traditional elements
ton struggled in his early years of office within their party, and continued
to develop a distinctive message which to do so even after gaining office.
left him with the reputation of being a They emphasised the break with the
weak president. As Klein puts it, ‘the past, rather than continuity, a perhaps

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NEEDHAM

surprising tendency given the need to conceived, as Gore failed to achieve

retain loyalty. Clinton, for example, credit for the economic vigour of the
offered people ‘a choice that ‘‘is not Clinton years, and did not develop his
conservative or liberal, Democratic own distinctive political project. The
or Republican’’ and depicted himself lesson from this for Blair’s successor is
as one of ‘‘a new generation of that they must develop a brand that is
Democrats’’’.47 After the Republican distinctive from that of Blair, while
success in the 1994 Congressional offering a simple and aspirational narra-
elections, he developed a strategy of tive. For Gordon Brown, a man often
‘triangulation’, ‘a third position, not described as lacking an ‘emotional hin-
just in between the old positions of the terland’,51 the ability to offer voters
two parties but above them as well’.48 an emotional as well as a functional
Similarly, Blair continued to evoke the promise, as White and de Chernatony
spectre of old Labour after taking put it, may prove elusive.52
office, associating it with the ‘forces of
conservatism’.49 In that sense it is more
appropriate to see these leaders’ appeal CONCLUSION
as based on personal rather than Three arguments have been made here.
institutional brands. Their popularity in The first is that voters use brands in
office did little to secure the long-term politics similarly to how consumers use
success of their parties, and may indeed brands in the marketplace: to reduce
have hampered the opportunity to complexity in an environment of
deliver repeat purchases by weakening proliferating choice and information.
voters’ affinity with party brands. Just The second is that brands are the basis
as the line between celebrity and for ongoing relationship marketing
product brands has blurred, as music through which incumbent parties can
and film stars use their names as brands keep their winning coalitions together
on which to hang product lines, so it in order to ensure repeat sales. The
is possible to see politicians promoting third is that successful party leaders
their party on the coat-tails of their have sought to promote personal
personal appeal. brands by focusing on a small num-
The case of Al Gore is instructive, ber of key attributes and by using
and may offer clues to the likely suc- policies as signalling devices. Successful
cess of Blair’s successor. Gore was less leaders are those who are able to
successful than Bush senior and Major offer personalised brands, with simple,
in that he failed to achieve an initial aspirational and consistent messages,
sale, let alone a repeat purchase. Many built on a small number of symbolic
of the same problems of differentia- policies rather than a broad legislative
tion attended Gore like these other programme. Such leaders thrive by
leaders, however. In the final two years distinguishing themselves from their
of the Clinton presidency, as Clinton party brands rather than embracing
was reasserting his political authority in them, and secure repeat purchases —
the wake of the Lewinksy scandal, re-election — by convincing voters
Gore was distancing himself from the that the alternative both from the
president to develop his own political opposition and from their own parties
appeal.50 Ultimately this strategy was ill is unappealing. Problems of succession

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 BRANDS AND POLITICAL LOYALTY

arise from such a strategy, however. (6) O’Shaughnessy ref. 3 above; Franklin, B.
(1994) ‘Packaging Politics’, Edward Arnold,
Recent popular and successful leaders London, UK; Scammell, M. (1996) ‘The
in the UK and USA have been odd couple: Marketing and Maggie’,
succeeded by leaders who failed to European Journal of Marketing, Vol. 30, Nos.
10–11, pp. 122–134; Nimmo, D. (1999)
establish enduring relationships with ‘The permanent campaign: Marketing as a
voters. governing tool’, in Newman, B. (ed.) ‘The
This discussion has conflicting im- Handbook of Political Marketing’, Sage,
plications for politics. On the one hand London, UK, pp. 73–86; Franklin, B.
(1998) ‘Tough on Soundbites, Tough on the
it allows parties to thrive under charis- Causes of Soundbites’, Catalyst, London,
matic leaders. On the other it makes it UK; Ornstein, N. and Mann, T. (2000)
difficult for a party to sustain success ‘Conclusion: The permanent campaign and
the future of American democracy’, in
once a charismatic leader leaves office. Ornstein, N. and Mann, T. (eds) ‘The
Parties need to make choices about Permanent Campaign and its Future’,
whether leader-based brands represent American Enterprise Institute and the
Brookings Institute, Washington, DC, pp.
the best hope of electoral success in a 219–234.
media environment which personalises (7) Henneberg, S. (2004) ‘Political marketing
and simplifies politics, or whether they and the relationship marketing paradigm’,
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Association conference, 5–8th April, p. 6.
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term repeat sales. ‘‘intangibles’’ is a tough job, but it has to be
done’, Business Week, 8th August.
(9) Harrop, ref. 3 above; Scammell, M. (1999)
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Poster, M. (ed.) Polity Press, Oxford, UK, (39) For a discussion of declining party loyalty
ch. 3. and membership see a special issue of
(22) Downs, A. (1957) ‘An Economic Theory of Parliamentary Affairs on ‘The Future of
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(23) Lazarsfeld, P., Berelson, B. and Gaudet, H. No. 3.

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(40) Butler, P. and Collins, N. (1999) ‘A (47) Ingram, P. and Lees-Marshment, J. (2002)
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(41) Scammell, ref. 6 above. (48) Morris, D. (1997) ‘Behind the Oval Office’,
(42) Needham, ref. 27 above. Random House, New York, NY, p. 80.
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Seldon, A. and Kavanagh, D. (eds) ‘The Conference, 28th September, available at:
Blair Effect, 2001–5’, Cambridge University http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/uk_politics/
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(44) Klein, J. (2002) ‘The Natural’, Coronet, (50) Gould, J. (2003) ‘It only feels like death:
London, UK, p. 55 ‘‘Rebranding’’ the Democrats for a
(45) Butler, D. and Kavanagh, D. (1997) ‘The post-2002 world’, Journal of Political
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Macmillan, Basingstoke, UK, pp. 40–41. (51) Naughtie, J. (2001) ‘The Rivals: The
(46) McNair, B. (1995) ‘An Introduction to Intimate Story of a Political Marriage’,
Political Communication’, Routledge, Fourth Estate, London, UK.
London, UK, p. 38. (52) White and de Chernatony, ref. 13 above.

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