2011

Department of Geosciences and Geography  A14

This thesis provides an outlook on the traditionally
protected forests and sites in Taita Hills, Kenya.
It examines their ecological characteristics and
how they relate to social dynamics, explores their
ideological aspects, and analyzes them as sites for
conservation of cultural and biological diversity.
These areas are important components of a
larger complex socio-ecological system, which
has symbolical status and sacred and mystical
elements within it. In turn, this contributes to
the connectivity of indigenous remnant forests
in the agroforestry dominated landscape.
Sacredness, however, enhances but, it does not
equal conservation. Various social, political and
economic arrangements further affect the integrity
of the forests, control of witchcraft being one
of them. The Taita people have a rich traditional
ecological knowledge base which they apply to
natural resource management, health care and
social welfare.

Department of Geosciences and Geography  A14

Department of Geosciences and Geography A 14

Nina Himberg
ISSN-L 1798-7911
ISSN 1798-7911 (print)
ISBN 978-952-10-7282-6 (paperback)
ISBN 978-952-10-7283-3 (PDF)
Traditionally Protected
http://ethesis.helsinki.fi Forests´Role within Transforming
Helsinki University Print
Helsinki 2011
Natural Resource Management
Regimes in Taita Hills, Kenya

Nina Himberg
Traditionally Protected Forests´ Role
within Transforming Natural Resource
Management Regimes in Taita Hills, Kenya

NINA HIMBERG

ACADEMIC DISSERTATION
To be presented, with the permission of the Faculty of Science of the University of Helsinki,
for public examination in Auditorium XV, University main building, on November 25th 2011,
at 12.

DEPARTMENT OF GEOSCIENCES AND GEOGRAPHY  A14 / HELSINKI 2011

 

Cover photo: Nina Himberg 

Author´s address: Nina Himberg

Office of the Faculty of Agriculture and Forestry
P.O. Box 62
00014 University of Helsinki
Finland
nina.himberg@helsinki.fi

Supervised by: Professor Petri Pellikka

Department of Geosciences and Geography
University of Helsinki

Reviewed by: Professor Jarkko Saarinen

Department of Geography
University of Oulu

Environmental adviser Dr. Matti Nummelin

Department of Development Policy
Ministry for Foreign Affairs of Finland

Opponent: Professor Kimberly E. Medley

Department of Geography
Miami University, Ohio
Publisher: Department of Geosciences and Geography, Faculty of
Science, P.O.box 64, FI-00014 University of Helsinki
ISSN-L 1798-7911
ISSN 1798-7911 (print)
ISBN 978-952-10-7282-6 (paperback)
ISBN 978-952-10-7283-3 (PDF)
http://ethesis.helsinki.fi 
Helsinki University Print, Helsinki 2011

 
 
Table of Contents
Abstract
Acknowledgements
List of tables and Figures
Abbreviations
1. Introduction ........................................................................................................ 1
1.1. Status of traditional ecological knowledge and the fundamental role of
“sacred” ................................................................................................................... 2
1.2. Recent trends in Sub-Saharan African forest management - from the fines and
fences-approach towards decentralization and participatory forest management .. 5
1.2.1. Community-based natural resource management (CBNRM) ...............................6
1.2.2. Participatory forest management (PFM) and governance of commons ............. ...7
1.2.3. Fines and fences in Kenya .....................................................................................9
2. Theoretical framework ................................................................................... 12
2.1. Human relation and attitudes towards nature .................................................. 12
2.2. Traditional and local ecological knowledge ................................................... 14
2.3. Ethnodevelopment as a sensitizing concept .................................................... 17
2.4. Development bewitched .................................................................................. 18
3. Traditionally protected forests in Africa .................................................... 20
4. Research setting and justification of the study .......................................... 24
4.1. Research aims ................................................................................................. 25
4.2. Methods .......................................................................................................... 26
4.2.1. Farmer interviews and participatory mapping of forest reserve values ........... 27
4.2.2. Household survey of traditional ecological knowledge and participatory
group sessions .......................................................................................... 27
4.2.3. Participatory mapping of traditionally protected forests and sacred sites ........ 30
4.1. Data analysis ................................................................................................... 32
5. Geography of Taita Hills ............................................................................. 34
5.1. Landscape and its transformation ................................................................... 34
5.2. Traditional land use and ownership patterns in Taita Hills ............................. 39
5.3. Economical realities in Taita District .............................................................. 41
5.4. The bewitching of Taita development............................................................. 42
6. Human-nature relationship in Taita.......................................................... 43
6.1. Livelihoods and world-views .......................................................................... 43
6.2. The evolution of Taita political culture during the land reform ...................... 44
6.3. From traditional agricultural practices to modern agroforestry ...................... 45
7. Results .............................................................................................................. 48
7.1. Traditional ecological knowledge of Wadawida ............................................. 48
7.1.1. Local land use categories versus scientific land use categories ..................... 48
 
 
 7.1.2. Traditionally protected forests (TPF) and sites (TPS) in Taita Hills .............. 54
Sizes and categories ................................................................................. 54
Description of various TPF/S categories ...................................................... 58
Size patterns by TPF/S categories ............................................................... 78
7.1.3. Traditionally protected forest condition assessment ................................... 79
Change in the condition and use of TPF/S in last 10 years ............................. 80
7.1.4. TPF/S tenure distribution and size ............................................................. 80
7.1.5. Managers of the traditionally protected forests and sites .............................. 81
7.1.6. Differences between areas in the occurrence of traditionally protected
forests and sites in the landscape ............................................................... 83
7.1.7. Current uses of plants found in traditionally protected forests
and sites according to the tradition experts ................................................. 88
Technical solutions and construction............................................................ 88
Pest control and food ................................................................................ 88
Firewood and charcoal ............................................................................. 88
Environmental services ............................................................................. 89
Medicines for human use ........................................................................... 89
Veterinary medicines ................................................................................ 90
Magical medicines for ritual purposes ........................................................... 90
7.1.8. The knowledge transfer according to village elders..................................... 92
7.1.9. Traditional ecological knowledge of Taita households ............................... 92
Uses of beneficial plants and traditional methods on farms .............................. 93
Medicines for human use .......................................................................... 93
Veterinary medicines................................................................................ 94
Magical medicines for ritual purposes ......................................................... 94
Pesticides, herbicides and wildlife combat .................................................... 94
Timber production and environmental services on private farms ........................ 95
Species for firewood, charcoal and food ....................................................... 96
Species and methods for soil and water management....................................... 96
Historical farm transect portrays the change of preferred tree species ................ 96
Tree management as a joint activity in households .......................................... 99
Tree management as a joint activity in the community ................................... 100
7.1.10. Applicability of existing TEK according to the farmers ............................. 101
Domestication of forest trees.................................................................... 101
Indigenous species with good market value ................................................. 101
Use patterns of traditional medicines in Taita households .............................. 102
7.1.11. Patterns of traditional knowledge inheritance ........................................... 103
Traditional institutions .............................................................................. 104
Comparing the knowledge base and perceptions of the “experts” and
the “common people” ............................................................................ 106

 
 
 7.1.12. Ethno is often not efficient enough .......................................................... 106
7.1.13. TEK and fighis exist, but ‘not in my backyard’ ........................................ 107
7.1.14. Three spheres embodying Taita tradition .................................................. 108
7.2. Seeking out the boundaries of integrity and conservation ............................. 108
7.2.1. The process of getting used to the idea of participatory forest
management in the Taita Hills .................................................................. 109
Community-based organizations´ perceptions of forest values ........................ 109
Ignorance of the contents of Forest Act 2005 ............................................... 111
We officers need to educate people ............................................................ 112
The baby steps of the Forest Policy in 2007 - awareness and working
without proper tools ............................................................................. 114
Fears, expectations and experiences of participation ..................................... 116
People´s participation is needed ............................................................... 118
Ecotourism business opportunities ............................................................ 119
Resettlement “master plan” .................................................................... 120
7.2.2. Lack of resources on the governing level .................................................... 120
7.2.3. Concern about environment ...................................................................... 121
7.2.4. Tradition revival needs efforts ................................................................... 123
7.2.5. Fear factor in land tenure .......................................................................... 124
7.2.6. The coexistence of Christian church and Taita ritual complex ...................... 126
7.2.7. Integrity of the traditionally protected forests and sites
according to households............................................................................ 129
“When going gets tough economy runs down conservation” ............................ 129
7.2.8. People are so ignorant ............................................................................... 133
7.3. Does sacredness equal conservation? ............................................................ 134
7.4. The role of witchcraft in ethnodevelopment .................................................. 136
7.4.1. Jealousy and development .......................................................................... 137
8. Discussion ......................................................................................................... 138
8.1. Challenges of the methods used ..................................................................... 138
8.2. Tradition pragmatism ..................................................................................... 141
8.3. Review of prevailing attitudes toward nature ................................................. 143
8.3.1. The fear works in two directions ................................................................. 145
8.4. Forests are valued through their contribution to the fields ............................. 146
8.5. Fundamental species ..................................................................................... 146
8.6. Alienation from mlamba................................................................................. 148
8.7. Integrity and sacredness ................................................................................. 150
Conclusions .......................................................................................................... 154
References............................................................................................................. 158
Appendices ........................................................................................................... 178

 
Himberg N. 2011. Traditionally Protected Forests´ Role within Transforming Natural
Resource Management Regimes in Taita Hills, Kenya. Helsinki University Print. Helsinki.
177 pages and 10 appendices.

Abstract

In Taita Hills, south-eastern Kenya, remnants of indigenous mountain rainforests play a

crucial role as water towers and socio-cultural sites. They are pressurized due to poverty,
shortage of cultivable land and the fading of traditional knowledge. This study examines the
traditional ecological knowledge of Taitas and the ways it may be applied within
transforming natural resource management regimes. I have analyzed some justifications for
and hindrances to ethnodevelopment and participatory forest management in light of recently
renewed Kenyan forest policies. Mixed methods were applied by combining an ethnographic
approach with participatory GIS. I learned about traditionally protected forests and their
ecological and cultural status through a “seek out the expert” method and with remote
sensing data and tools. Both PRA- and RRA- techniques were applied - questionnaires,
household- and expert interviews, focus group discussions and - mapping sessions,
narratives, participant observation, farm and forest excursions and secondary sources were
used for data collection. All together this included: 107 household interviewees, 257 focus
group participants, 73 “key” informants and 87 “common” informants in participatory
mapping. Religious leaders and state officials shared their knowledge for this study. My
approach is inductive and aims to ground a theory on data. The data was analyzed through
coding, conceptualizing and categorizing, as well as by using ArcViewGIS 3.2, ArcMap and
SPSS 13.0 softwares. I have gained a better understanding of the traditionally protected
forests and sites through examining their ecological characteristics and relation to social
dynamics, by exploring their ideological aspects, and evaluating their strengths and
hindrances as sites for conservation of cultural and biological diversity. My results show that,
these sites are important components of a complex socio-ecological system, which has
symbolical status and sacred and mystical elements within it, that contributes to the
connectivity of remnant forests in the agroforestry dominated landscape. In this ethno-
ecological study, 255 plant species and 220 uses were recognized by the tradition experts,
whereas 161 species with 108 beneficial uses were listed by farmers in household interviews.
Both these results suggest that the Taita people have a rich traditional ecological knowledge
base. Out of the traditionally protected forests and sites studied 47 % were on private land
and 23% on community land, leaving 9% within state forest reserves. A paradigm shift in
conservation is needed; the conservation area approach is not the best option for private
lands or areas trusted upon communities. The role of traditionally protected forests in
community-based forest management is, however, paradoxal, since communal approaches
suggests equal participation of people, whereas management of these sites has traditionally
been the duty of solely accredited experts in the village. As modernization has gathered pace
such experts have become fewer. Sacredness clearly contributes but, it does not equal
conservation. Various social, political and economic arrangements further affect the integrity
of traditionally protected forests and sites, control of witchcraft being one of them.
Tiivistelmä
Kaakkois-Keniassa sijaitsevien Taita vuorten alkuperäisvuoristosademetsillä on tärkeä rooli
alueen vesitorneina ja sosiokulttuurisina paikkoina. Köyhyys, pula viljelymaasta ja
perinnetiedon hiipuminen kohdistavat paineita metsiin. Tässä tutkimuksessa tarkastellaan
Taitan asukkaiden ekologista perinnetietoa ja sen soveltamisen mahdollisuuksia alati
muuntuvassa luonnonvarainhallintajärjestelmässä. Olen analysoinut etnokehityksen ja
osallistavan metsänhallinnan oikeutuksia ja esteitä hiljattain uusitun Kenian metsäpolitiikan
valossa. Olen soveltanut monimenetelmällistä tutkimusotetta yhdistäen etnografisia ja
osallistavan paikkatiedon menetelmiä. Perinteisesti suojeltujen metsien ekologiasta ja
kulttuurisesta statuksesta opin ”etsi asiantuntija”-menetelmän ja kaukokartoitusaineiston
avulla. Sovelsin aineiston keruussa sekä PRA- että RRA- tekniikoita: kyselyjä, kotitalous- ja
asiantuntijahaastatteluja, fokusryhmäkeskusteluja ja –kartoitusta, tarinankerrontaa,
osallistuvaa havainnointia, pelto- ja metsäekskursioita sekä toisen käden lähteitä. Kaiken
kaikkiaan tutkimukseen osallistui 107 kotitalouksissa haastateltua henkilöä ja 257
fokusryhmäläistä sekä 73 ”perinneasiantuntijaa” ja 87 ”tavallista kyläläistä” osallistavassa
kartoituksessa. Myös uskonnolliset johtajat ja paikallisviranomaiset jakoivat näkemyksiään
aiheesta. Tutkimusotteeni on induktiivinen ja tavoitteena on luoda teoriaa aineiston
perustalta. Aineistoa analysoitiin koodaamalla, käsitteellistämällä ja kategorisoimalla, sekä
ArcViewGIS 3.2-, ArcMap- ja SPSS 13.0- ohjelmistojen avulla. Valotan perinteisesti
suojeltujen metsien ja paikkojen ekologisia tunnusmerkkejä ja suhdetta yhteisödynamiikkaan
samalla tarkastellen niiden ideologisia näkökulmia sekä analysoiden niiden vahvuuksia ja
heikkouksia kulttuurisen ja biologisen monimuotoisuuden suojelussa. Tulokseni osoittavat,
että perinteisesti suojellut metsät ovat tärkeä osa kompleksista sosioekologista järjestelmää,
joka omaa symbolisen statuksen ja pitää sisällään pyhiä ja mystisiä elementtejä.
Peltometsäviljelyvaltaisessa maisemassa perinteisesti suojellut metsät yhdistävät
pirstaloituneita suojelualuemetsiä toimien monien eläinlajien astinkivinä. Etnoekologisessa
tutkimuksessa perinne-ekspertit tunnistivat 255 kasvilajia ja nimesivät niille 220
käyttötarkoitusta. Maanviljelijät kotitaloushaastatteluissa puolestaan nimesivät 161 kasvilajia
ja niiden 108 hyödyllistä käyttötarkoitusta. Tulokset viittaavat Taitojen rikkaaseen
ekologisen perinnetietoon. Tutkituista perinteisesti suojelluista metsistä ja paikoista 47%
sijaitsivat yksityismaalla, 23% yhteisömaalla ja 9% valtion suojelumetsissä. Suojelualue-
ajattelu ei ole toimivaa yksityisillä tai yhteisöjen hallintaan luovutetuilla mailla. Perinteisesti
suojellut metsät esittävät puolestaan haasteen yhteisöpohjaisen metsänhoidon periaatteelle:
yhteisön jäsenten tasavertainen osallistuminen jää haaveeksi, koska rituaalipaikoista
huolehtiminen on perinteisesti uskottujen asiantuntijoiden tehtävä. Nämä ekspertit ovat
kuitenkin käyneet harvalukuisiksi modernisaation kulussa. Pyhyyden voidaan selvästi nähdä
myötävaikuttavan suojeluun, vaikkakaan nämä kaksi eivät ole täysin rinnastettavissa. Myös
monenlaiset sosiaaliset, poliittiset ja taloudelliset asetelmat vaikuttavat perinteisesti
suojeltujen metsien koskemattomuuden asteeseen, noitavoimien kontrolloinnin ollen yksi
tärkeimmistä.
Acknowledgements
This study has carried me through great adventures and interesting encounters, without
which my life would not be the same as it is today. I see this work as something much bigger
than a thesis compiled of chapters; for me it was a journey, a mind-set, an era, and a great
mwalimu (teacher in Swahili) in my life. The understanding of the subject grew gradually
over the years and through talking with and listening to knowledgeable people. I wish to
express my utmost gratitude to all of you. I especially appreciated the efforts of Taita people
in paving the ways for me to learn from them about their lives and world views.

I wish to thank both the head of Department of Geosciences and Geography, Professor John
Westerholm, and my supervisor, Professor Petri Pellikka, in the first instance for
encouraging me to continue with PhD. studies as part of the TAITATOO-project, and for
supporting and facilitating my activities along the way. This study was funded by the
Academy of Finland, the Devestu graduate school, and the University of Helsinki Research
Foundation. I found working in a multi-disciplinary Taita-team very enriching both for the
sake of scientific inputs and for social interaction. The shared experiences from the field
work in Taita Hills will remain with me. I want to thank Dr. Mika Siljander for his
invaluable advice and technical support in GIS-matters. Similarly, Dr. Alemu Gonsamo
enlightened me about the beauty of remote sensing along with Dr. Barnaby Clark and Dr.
Gareth Rice, who polished my English language. However, the most important outcome for
me is friendship. I was assisted by Ms. Anna Ruotsalainen and Ms. Karoliina Zschauer in
data collection and we shared the experience of “physical geography” literally, by cycling up
and down the steep landscapes of Taita.

This study has an anthropocentric approach, thus would not have happened without the
inputs of the welcoming and friendly people of the Taita Hills. My most important
companions have been my assistants, Mr. Mwadime Mjomba and Mr. Amon Mghanga, who
both originate from my chosen study area and so lowered the language and cultural barriers
between the local people and myself. I cannot thank you enough. I owe my gratitude to the
wonderful Taita ladies, who keep up the households, take care of the field and children, sell
their products on the market, and still have some time to share with a stranger knocking on
their doors and asking questions. With no less warmth I remember the interesting talks and
somewhat mystical excursions with the knowledgeable Taita men. I want to thank the
families who accommodated us, and they practically accepted me as one of their own.
Equally crucial to my everyday well-being was the smooth operation of the Taita Research
Station in Wundanyi. I wish the staff there all the best. Other central actors include the local
government officers, local village Chiefs, foresters, the local community-based
organizations, and non-governmental organizations, like the East African Wild Life Society
and Taita Taveta Wildlife Forum. Special thanks to Mr. James Mwang´ombe, Mr. John
Mlamba, and Mr. Donald Mombo for introducing me to the complex socio-ecological issues
of Taita.

 
 
Someone has stated that “more important than the length of a step one takes, is its direction”.
During some phases of this study, when I was pondering hard over what would be the best
direction for the next step, I got a few inspiring pushes. I am grateful to the Devestu graduate
school staff and fellow students, as well as IFF-Wien for their guidance.

Last, but not least, I wish to thank my mother, who raised me to love knowledge and taught
me the importance of sharing it, as well as my friends who seem to believe in me whatever I
am up to.

On July 15th, in Helsinki

Nina Himberg

“At the beginning of my journey, I was naïve. I didn´t yet know that the answers vanish as
one continues to travel, that there is only further complexity, that there are still more
interrelationships and more questions.”

- Robert D. Kaplan, The Ends of the Earth: a journey to the frontiers of anarchy (1996: 7) -

 
 
List of figures and tables
Figure 1. Kenya and Taita Hills with its forests.
Figure 2. Theoretical framework of this study.
Figure 3. The 2007 household survey was conducted along transects following the least-cost
path between the indigenous forest patches of Chawia, Ngangao and Mbololo.
Figure 4. Taita Hills landscape as seen from Yale mountain peak.
Figure 5. Saintpaulia teitensis, endemic species to Taita Hills, in Mbololo forest.
Figure 6. Memecylon taitense, endemic to Kenya, in Ngangao forest.
Figure 7. Zimmermania ovata is endemic to Taita Hills.
Figure 8. Mwanda farm transect passes by a sacred grove (fighi) and mixture of cash crops,
indigenous and exotic trees, medicinal plants and crops for household consumption.
Figure 9. Bamboo sp.water pipe on a farm.
Figure 10. Fanya juu- terracing on steep terrain.
Figure 11. Traditional bee-hive made out of a tree log.
Figure 11. Eucalyptus and eroded soil (Himberg 2009).
Figure 12. Changes in Taita agroforestry during 1930-2000 according to Kidaya-Ngerenyi area
villagers.
Figure 13. Traditionally protected forests and sites in Taita Hills.
Figure 14. Two Mlungu trees Erythrina abyssinica mark a gate fighi.
Figure 15. An ancestor skull in a skull cave.
Figure 16. Skull cave in Fururu forest.
Figure 17. This well preserved fighi, called Ndile, is like an island sticking out from the
farmland dominated landscape.
Figure 18. A degraded cave site typically looks like this in the landscape.
Figure 19. Aerial photo over Kidaya-Ngerenyi sub-location with traditionally protected forests
and sites indicated.
Figure 20. Igo Mnuka stone used to indicate the deaths of important men.
Figure 21. Illustration of forest self-protection means.
Figure 22. A grinding stone for maize.
Figure 23. A mental representation of the traditionally protected sites of Kwangovi village in
Sungululu, Taita Hills.

X 
 
Figure 24. Traditionally protected forests and sites in Central Dawida.
Figure 25. Traditionally protected forests and sites in Mbololo-Choke.
Figure 26. Traditionally protected forests and sites in Kidaya-Chawia.
Figure 27. Traditionally protected forests and sites in Mgange.
Figure 28. “Construction without nails” by using tree bark( Acacia sp.).
Figure 29. Ficus thonongii and Erythrina abyssinica have symbolical roles in maintaining
social peace and order.
Figure 30. Herbalist, Mzee Mwairo used to know the herbs on his field and in the surrounding
forests. “The challenge lies in knowledge transfer to the next generations” (In Memoriam).
Figure 31. The three spheres embodying Taita traditions.
Figure 32. Eucalyptus and eroded soil.
Figure 33. Pressures on and off the integrity of traditionally protected forests.
Figure 34. Basis for nature conservation in the Taita Hills.
Figure 35.Traditional Ecological Knowledge tree highlights the connections between the factors
affecting TEK preservation and enhancement in natural resource management in the Taita Hills.

Table 1. Compilation of methods used in this study.

Table 2. Age composition of the household interviewees (in 2007).
Table 3 . Settlement history of the household interviewees.
Table 4. Gender and age of TPF/S informants.
Table 5. Government gazetted forests in Taita Hills.
Table 6. Taita farmers´own land use classes mapped on an aerial photograph over their home
area.
Table 7. Local land use classes versus scientific land use classes.
Table 8. Forest history of Kidaya-Ngerenyi area according to the villagers.
Table 9. Areas of the ground-truthed and mind-mapped traditionally protected forests and sites.
Table 10. Division of the ground-truthed traditionally protected forests and sites by size.
Table 11. Categories of the ground -truthed TPF/S. Activity refers to supernatural powers the
place beholds and to people’s engagement in practicing traditions in them.

XI 
 
Table 12. Categories of the mind-mapped TPF/S. Activity refers to supernatural powers the
place beholds and to people’s engagement in practicing traditions in them.

Table 13.Forest condition class

Table 14. Sacredness condition class.
Table 15.TPF/S tenure distribution.
Table 16. TPF/S managers.
Table 17. Managers and forest condition.
Table 18. The number and size patterns of TPF/S by four study areas.
Table 19. Important factors when managing trees on farm.
Table 20. Historical farm tree transect.
Table 21. Distribution of tree management tasks in households.
Table 22. Use of traditional medicines in Taita households.
Table 23. TANACOP (Taita Nature and Conservation Project) priorities for Ngangao forest
management in 2006.
Table 24. Chawia Environment Group´s priorities in 2006.
Table 25. The strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats according to the community
groups engaged in forest management, and living adjacent Ngangao, Chawia, Mbololo and
Mwambirwa forests.
Table 26. Religious importance of TPF/S.
Table 27. Ceremonial importance of TPF/S.
Table 28. Importance of TPF/S in hosting plants and animals.
Table 29. Aesthetic importance of TPF/S in the landscape.
Table 30. Importance of TPF/S as water sources.

XII 
 
Abbreviations

CBD= Convention on Biological Diversity

CDTF= Community Development Trust Fund

CBNRM= Community-based natural resource management

CEPF= Critical Ecosystems Partnership Fund

CIFOR= Center for International Forestry Research

Danida= Danish International Development Agency

DFO= District Forest Officer

DFRD= District Focus for Rural Development

EAWLS= East African Wildlife Society

FA= Forest Act

FAO= United Nations Food and Agricultural Organization

FDA= Focal Development Area approach

Forest community = group of persons who have a traditional association with a forest for

purpose of livelihood, culture or religion; or are registered as an association or other

organization engaged in forest conservation

GIA= Goats intestine analysis

GoK= Government of Kenya

GPS= Global Positioning System

GRN= Government of Namibia

ICIPE= International Centre of Insect Physiology and Ecology

IFF= Faculty of Interdisciplinary Research and Post-graduate Education, Institute of Social

Ecology, Vienna

ILO= International Labour Organization

KANU= Kenya African National Union

XIII 
 
KEFRI= Kenya Forest Research Institution

KFMP= Kenya Forestry Master Plan

KFS= Kenya Forest Service

KFWG= Kenya Forest Working Group

KRA= Kenya Revenue Authority

KWS= Kenya Wildlife Service

LEK= local ecological knowledge

Local authority forest= any forest situated on trust land which has been set aside as a forest

by a local authority pursuant to the provision of the Trust Land Act (RoK 2005)

LULC= Land use and land cover

MP= Member of Parliament

NGO= Non-Governmental Organization

PFM= Participatory Forest Management

RoK= Republic of Kenya

Sacred grove= a grove with religious or cultural significance to a forest community

TANACOP= Taita Nature & Conservation Project

TEK= traditional ecological knowledge

TPF= traditionally protected forest; area with forest characteristics

TPS= traditionally protected site; area with cultural and/or spiritual significance, with or

without forest characteristics

TRC= Taita Ritual Complex

UNCED= United Nations Conference on Environment and Development

UNEP= United Nations Environment Programme

UNESCO= United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organizatio

XIV 
 
 1. Introduction
”When you are close to that tree, you are closer to the ancestors. Thus, when you are talking
to the tree you are talking to the ancestors, and when you are claiming for some rain, the
rains will come.”

The above statement from a middle-aged Taita man brings forth his concern about the state
of the local natural and cultural environments and entails his knowledge about the human
connection with them. Indigenous forests are globally depleting despite various conservation
and development efforts. Farmers face problems of droughts, soil erosion, water pollution
and desertification. Both economic and population growth place enormous demands on
natural resources. Kenya has an annual population growth rate of 2.7%, thus by an average
one million people more every year inhabit the country (RoK 2010). An economic
development plan – Vision 2030- targets a GDP annual growth of 10% implying that the
country´s income per capita would double by 2018. Kenya has approximately 1.24 million
hectares of closed canopy indigenous forest, out of which majority is managed by Kenya
Forest Service. Forests are surrounded by densely populated areas, thus under pressure for
settlements, timber and non-timber products despite their designation as protected areas. One
key driver of deforestation and land degradation is the demand for firewood which accounts
for 70-90% of all energy consumed. It has been estimated that 5% of the remaining
indigenous forest area was lost between 1990 and 2005 (Diaz-Chavez et al. 2010). In sub-
Saharan scale, forest loss is proceeding at a rate of 2.8 million hectares annually, particularly
in areas with high biodiversity. In Afromontane areas the decrease is estimated to be 3.8%
annually (Eva et al. 2006).

Fresh means for sustainable resource management are more often sought by sourcing from
the traditional knowledge base of the people living in vulnerable areas. In some cases one
traditional means beats a load of modern ones, while in other cases it might be outdated and
even harmful to surroundings. For instance, traditional ecological knowledge has been
applied in upgrading of livelihoods (Ramakrishnan 2007), nature conservation (Ylhäisi 2004,
Berkes et al. 2000, Gadgil et al. 1993) and socio-cultural revival efforts (Mawere 2010,
Laurie et al. 2005). The way people understand the ecosystems around them and their
relationship with their environments is crucial for the area development. The perceptions and
cultural traditions of local people define the future trajectories alongside policies and other
external forces, and thus ought to be given more serious consideration qua regional and
environmental planning.

In Taita Hills, south-eastern Kenya (see Figure 1), African traditional world views are mixed
with Western thinking and Christian values. The Taita people strive to strike a balance
between agricultural production and forestry. Fields are rather small in size, in average 0.4 ha
(RoK 2008), and the forest relicts are needed for water retention and for practicing traditional
rituals. Many questions are still answered by ancestor spirits in skull caves and prolonged
drought periods reawaken the need for rainmaking rituals. These rites are done in secrecy,

1 
 
sheltered by forest canopy cover and thick vegetation. However, quite a few land owners
have sacrificed these sacred groves on the altar of food and timber production, or destroyed
the places on the grounds of being pagan. Many elements affect both in a sustainable and
unsustainable manner to the decisions of Taitas concerning natural resource use. Thus, world
views, poverty and religion have impacts upon land cover.

I will scratch the thin crust which has grown to cover the rich traditions of Taita tribe. My
study aims to find out how the traditional ecological knowledge of Taitas can be preserved
and enhanced within the transforming natural resource management regimes.

Figure 1. Kenya and Taita Hills with its forests (data based on Pellikka et al. 2009).

1.1. Status of traditional ecological knowledge and the fundamental

role of “sacred”

In many parts of the world the holders and users of traditional ecological knowledge face
significant challenges; continuing encroachment or expropriation of their lands, degradation

2 
 
of their forests, and the erosion of their cultures, values, and traditional lifestyles. Most of the
world’s ‘‘primary forests’’ and biodiversity ‘‘hotspots’’ are located in regions with the
highest diversity of indigenous cultures and their associated traditional knowledge
and wisdom (Oviedo & Maffi 2000). Rural areas with a long history of integrating forestry
and farming have also created a biodiversity that is closely connected to landscape patterns.
Cultural landscapes fashioned by traditional practices often show a high level of habitat
diversity due to the many different management forms and species introduced over the years
to develop specific economic and social functions (Gupta & Gupta 2010, Anand et al. 2010).
Indigenous knowledge of local communities in the former colonies now continues to
challenge the dominance of Western value systems and provide alternative identifications of
natural resource management.

Anthropologists have tried to show the epistemological difference between local and
scientific knowledge by a range of binary concepts, like ‘la science du concrete / la science’
(Lévi-Strauss 1962), folk knowledge/universal knowledge (Hunn 1982), traditional
knowledge/modern knowledge (Huber & Pedersen 1997). These dichotomies present local
knowledge as practical, collective and strongly rooted in place. Local people have been seen
as producers of endogenous knowledge concerning resource management, cosmological
theories and medical cures. Consequently, less attention has been paid to the contested and
hybrid character of such knowledge (Moore 1996: 2-3). A post-structuralist perspective
would suggest that all knowledges are socially constructed, thus the analysis should focus on
the processes that legimitize certain hierarchies of knowledge and power between local and
scientific knowledges. Even if traditional ecological knowledge is rooted in the past, it is
nonetheless, intricately connected to the culture and values of present people. “Intact
cultures” are getting fewer, and societies are getting more complicated as they are
contaminated by modernization, which presents challenges for studying their hybrid ways of
knowing. Following Nygren (1999) there are two mainstream approaches among scholars to
endogenous knowledge; firstly, constructing it as a scapegoat for underdevelopment and
secondly; as a panacea for sustainability. It is important to distinguish between ancient and
modern traditional knowledge, which blend and make a unified whole and genuine, practical
knowledge. Scholars recommend looking at whether or not the traditional knowledge is still
relevant or useful in current local or regional contexts (Rist & Dahdouh-Guebas 2006;
Gadgil & Berkes 1991; Gadgil et al.. 1993).

For the purpose of this study it is useful to briefly consider some of the universal declarations
concerning traditional knowledge and endogenous development. The 1948 Universal
Declaration of Human Rights (United Nations 1948) guarantees fundamental freedoms of
personal integrity and action and individual political, social, economic and cultural rights:
However, being directed towards nation states it does not easily provide a basis for claims
against multinational companies or individuals profiting from traditional knowledge
(Haverkort 2010). The need to recognize the rights of indigenous and ethnic groups triggered
off declarations like the Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples (United Nations
2008), which was in the making by the UN´s Working Group on Indigenous Populations
since 1982 and adopted in 2007. The Convention 169 of International Labour Organization

3 
 
(ILO 1989) states that indigenous and tribal peoples have the right to determine their own
development priorities and to exercise control over their own economic, social and cultural
development. Emphasis on both environmental conservation and importance of indigenous
and local communities and their knowledge is endorsed by the Rio Declaration on
Environment and Development and Agenda 21 (UNCED 1992). By the end of 1993, over
150 countries had signed the Convention of Biological Diversity (CBD), indicating that the
issue of biodiversity conservation had moved from the scientific realm of biological research
towards institutional development policy (Baydack & Campa 1999). The UNESCO
Universal Declaration on Cultural Diversity (UNESCO 2002: 13-16) from 2001 is an
international standard-setting instrument for preserving and promoting cultural diversity and
intercultural dialogue. It states that: “the defence of cultural diversity is an ethical
imperative, inseparable from respect for human dignity; It implies a commitment to human
rights, and fundamental freedoms, in particular the rights of persons belonging to minorities
and those of indigenous people…..  Creation draws on the roots of cultural tradition, but
flourishes in contact with other cultures. For this reason, heritage in all its forms must
be preserved, enhanced and handed on to future generations….. It asks for protecting
traditional knowledge, in particular that of indigenous peoples with regard to environmental
protection and the management of natural resources; and fostering synergies between
modern science and local knowledge”. Additionally, several other declarations, e.g. The
Earth Charter (Earth Charter Commission 2001) and Potsdamm Manifesto 2005 (Dürr et al.
2005), support the well-being of humans and nature on a planetary scale. The UNESCO and
the Man and the Biosphere Program have emphasized the importance of the sacred natural
sites for biodiversity conservation (UNESCO 2003).

According to Sheridan & Nyamweru (2007), in Western scholarship, Africa’s so-called

sacred forests are often treated as the remains of primeval forests, ethnographic curiosities, or
cultural relics from a static precolonial past. However, it has been pointed out that the
importance of these forests within African societies still continues and that the socio-
ecological dynamics is much more complex and wider than the “relic theory” suggests. The
authors claim that the term “sacred” is too uninformative and overemphasizes the religious
value at the expense of the social-political, environmental and symbolic aspects of these
landscape features. They suggest “ethnoforests” as a more appropriate name. There seems to
exist more variability in African landscapes than the Western term ‘sacred’ in its simplified
form can hope to explain, thus scholars are correct to recommend cautious use of the term.
Banjo et al. (2006) explain that religious beliefs, tradition, and culture are the products of
logical internalization of human experience and learning. Historically, several religions have
explicitly or implicitly prescribed teaching related to the duty of its followers toward the
environment. Ecological wisdom in taboos, symbols and cosmologies of traditional societies
transmit the knowledge of conservation to the younger generation, and help them manage
resources better through religious or ritual representation (Anderson cit. Pandey 2003).
Taboos are unwritten, orally transmitted traditional and social rules that regulate human
behavior (Colding & Folke 1997, Banjo et al. 2006). Studies by Ylhäisi (2000, 2006) among
the Zigua ethinc group in north-eastern Tanzania also show that pre-colonial communities
established their forest protection systems for different reasons, based not only on local
4 
 
beliefs but also on different secular and clearly defined environmental reasons. He uses the
term “traditionally protected forests” for these indigenous forests whose existence is still
based on the management systems of the precolonial society. The term is also most
appropriate for the case of Taita Hills.

According to Cairns (2002) there has been a close linkage between human beings and nature
conservation since the beginning of hunting and gathering societies. The relationship
between humankind and earth has been based on a belief that the planet´s biospheric life
support system is sacred. The historical links of sacred groves have been traced back to the
pre-agricultural societies (Gadgil & Vartak 1975; Khumbongmayum et al. 2004). The
concept of sacred (holy) has been undergoing intense scrutiny by comparative religion, since
it is one of the most fundamental and debated concepts within the discipline. Sacredness can
be seen as a boundary dividing religious and secular, but simultaneously bonding them in
various individual and communal rituals. The concept is used for attributing things,
phenomena, times and places sacred while valuing, thinking hierarchically about and framing
things according to their meaning and significance. One element of sacredness that does not
change, even if the contents of “sacred” alter, is the idea of placing aside, delimiting,
demarcating, the forbiddance protecting boundaries, and breaking of the forbidden (Anttonen
2010; Keto-Tokoi 2010).

A complex relationship between culture, religion and nature has been shown to exist by
scholars including Sheridan & Nyamweru (2007). About sub-Saharan Africa they clame that,
sacredness does not simply equal “untouchable” or “conserved”. Instead, “the social,
political and economic arrangements mediate cosmology and ecology, and in these
institutional arenas Africans negotiate both spiritual values and pragmatic material goals”.
In other words, sacredness can be seen as culturally defined property that is usually linked to
particular and pragmatic political and economic histories (Horning 2008).

1.2. Recent trends in Sub-Saharan African forest management - from

the fines and fences-approach towards decentralization and
participatory forest management

Loosening of a strict fines and fences- approach in forest management has in the recent past
been a trend in sub-Saharan Africa. The Rio Earth Summit (UNCED 1992) and the World
Summit for Sustainable Development (WSSD 2002) have elaborated on the need for
environmental conservation, sustainable development and the integration of local
participation. Subsequently, many countries have implemented strategies to address these
concerns. Some of these strategies include the enactment of new legislation, the provision of
incentives and the restructuring of the forestry sector (GRN 1996, GRN 2001, GoK 1994,
RoK 2005). New concepts in forest management hitherto unknown in conventional forestry,
such as participatory forestry, community forestry (Selener 1997, Saxena et al. 2001) and
joint forest management (Misra 1997), have been developed and incorporated into forest
policies and legislation.

5 
 
1.2.1. Community-based natural resource management (CBNRM)

Community-based natural resource management is being increasingly promoted as a solution

to problems of nature conservation. The driving forces behind the adaptation of this concept
especially in Eastern and Southern Africa have been the threat of species extinction due to
over-utilization of resources, the inability of the state to protect wildlife, land use conflicts
between rural communities in resource areas and wildlife managers. There has also been a
need to link conservation and development (Steiner & Rihoy 1995: 5). The principle of
CBNRM is that of reforming the conventional “protectionist conservation philosophy” and
“top down” approaches to development. In the background there is common property theory
which discourages open access resource management (Ostrom et al. 1994) and promotes the
resource use rights of local communities (Rihoy 1995: 39). Scholars including (Janssen et al.
2010, Ostrom et al. 1994) have shown that -where resource appropriators cannot
communicate and learn about each other´s behaviour or do not share access to collective
choice situations, the risk of overuse and potential destruction of an open-access resource is
highest. Repeated face-to-face discussions and shared planning can lead to improved
outcomes in the long term (Ghate 2004, Mwangi 2007, Shivakumar 2005). The basic idea of
CBNRM is that local people must have power to make decisions regarding local natural
resources in order to encourage sustainable development (Rozemeijer & Van der Jagt 2000).

The term ‘community conservation’ is used to describe a range of different kind of projects
and programmes, including community-based natural resource management. Adams &
Hulme (2001: 13) define community conservation as “principles and practices that argue that
conservation goals should be pursued by strategies that emphasize the role of local residents
in decision making about natural resources”. The policy trend is toward devolving
management of wild natural resources from state- centred control to local level authorities or
local communities. According to Jones & Murphree (2001: 43-45) the community
conservation concept has four main elements. The first is economic instrumentalism, which
seeks to ensure that local communities maintain self-interest in woodlands and wildlife
management. Secondly, devolution of authority over local natural resources to the local
owner-guardians of the land is required. The third element is recourse to a communal
property regime as the formal basis for regulating access to the resources. This goal requires
the fourth element, which is typically a long process of policy development and legislative
changes.

The two dimensions of community conservation; participation and concern for economic
welfare, form a space where various conservation interventions lie. In one extreme there are
biocentric practices emphasizing the intrinsic values of the nature, meaning “conservation for
its own sake”. In the other extreme the limits for human use of nature are imposed for
utilitarian reasons and refer to anthropocentric ways of thinking as “wise use demands
careful husbanding of resources for greater future human benefit” (Swanson & Barbier
1992). Community conservation equates with sustainable development, a policy commitment
arising from the Brundtland Report (WCED 1987) and the UN conference on Environment
and Development in Rio in 1992. The moral argument here is that, “conservation goals
should contribute to and not conflict with basic human needs” (Adams & Hulme 2001: 15).
6 
 
1.2.2. Participatory forest management (PFM) and governance of commons

The idea of local people’s involvement and participation arises from the notion that local
communities not only understand their problems best, but also have solutions. According to
Lawrence and Green (2000: 64) ‘participatory forest management’ (PFM) is used as an
umbrella term covering shared forest management, joint forest management, collaborative
forest management and community forestry”. Berenschot (1988) identifies different modes
of local peoples´ participation in forestry: private participation, passive community
participation and active community participation. Furthermore, participation means different
things to different people. Arnstein (1969) differentiates participation into eight levels
ranging from low participation, where manipulation is commonplace, to high participation,
where control rests in the hands of citizens. He thus refers to participation as the degree of
power to which the actors exercise over decision-making.

Following Berenschot (1988) private participation can take place in various activities, like
farm forestry, agroforestry, tree nurseries and forest-based small sector enterprises. Farm
forestry promotes commercial or subsistence tree growing by farmers on their own land
either as pure tree crop or in combination with other crops. Small forest enterprises, like
collection of non-timber forest products or “cottage industries” such as basket-making, do
not necessarily require ownership to the land.

In passive participation people derive certain benefits from forests or may be involved to a
limited extent in related activities, but without in any way sharing decision-making or
management. This type of participation is exemplified by welfare and relief programmes and
collaborative / joint programmes. In joint programmes the initiative and impetus comes from
the promoting government agency (Berenschot (1988). The Joint Forest Management (JFM)
approach was developed in the early 1980s and is based on the assumption, that the
conservation of natural forests is best assured by official legal state control coupled with
active involvement of local villagers. The usufructs from the forest are shared between a
conservation agency and the local community. The official ownership and the overall
responsibility for formulating and executing the management plan rests with a public forest
management organization. Joint forest management between the state and the local
community is mostly instituted through a village-level communal organization (Glover 2005:
25). However, in many cases of JFM forestry agencies have been unwilling to share their
authority (Seymour & Rutherford 1993).

The essential components of active community participation are initiative and decision-
making involvement. In its widest sense the involvement includes planning and goal setting,
mobilization of resources, decision-making, implementation, management and
administration, monitoring and evaluation as well as distribution of land, labour and other
community resources. The lands can be under communal or customary ownership, public
lands designated for community control or private lands pooled for cooperative management.
Government has a limited role and most of the benefits accrue to the community (Berenschot
1988).

7 
 
An important contribution to the contemporary discourse on the governance of the commons
- resources that are collectively owned or shared among populations - like forest resources,
comes from political economist Elinor Ostrom (see Zagorski 2006). She has observed a
number of common-pool resources throughout the world and noticed that a number of them
are governed by common property regimes, based on self-management by local
communities. Her observations contradict claims that the common-pool of resources should
be privatized or else face destruction due to collective action problems leading to overuse of
the core resource (Ostrom 1990, Gibson et al. 2000). The IFRI (The International Forestry
Resources and Institutions network) research program showed that the type of ownership of
forests did not have a statistically significant relationship with any of dependent variables (in
this case the number of stems, diameter at breast hight, and basal area). However, the
involvement of at least one user group in regular monitoring of compliance with the rules
related to entry and use patterns was signifantly associated with maintenance of or
improvement in forest condition. Also regular communication between subjects increased
cooperation as well as maximized attainable returns from their investments. Scholars state
that, if the forest management is based on solely public ownership, the problems of resource
overuse will not get solved. When the formal rules limiting access and harvest levels are not
known to or considered legitimate by local resource users, substantial investment in fences
and official guards to patrol boundaries are needed. These are expensive inputs and
government owned “protected forests” may not be protected in practice (Ostrom & Nagendra
2007, Wollenberg et al. 2007).

In the early 1990s, development agencies introduced participatory forest management in sub-
Saharan Africa (Matose & Wily 1996, Salomao & Matose 2007). By 2002 at least 35
African countries had enacted new forest laws or had them in draft, with the involvement of
around 5000 communities and introduced more than 1000 new community protected forests
(Wily 2002). The key objective was that, the governments who own and administer most of
the forest resources (White & Martin 2002) would devolve powers to local communities. In
the process, governments would improve forest management practices (Andersson et al.
2006) or institute ownership and rights over natural resources (Potters et al. 2001). In
participatory forestry, such decentralisation would presumably enable communities to better
manage their natural resources in an efficient, equitable and sustainable manner (Agrawal &
Ribot 1999; Blaikie 2006). The key element in this assumption is that the government agrees
to devolve powers to local communities to fully manage the forests. Unfortunately, this
rarely occurs; the local communities to whom such powers are purportedly devolved are
seldom allowed to dispose of the productive forest resources, nor are they able to resolve
divergent interests between actors and institutions with which they interact (Agrawal &
Ribot 1999). In the worse case scenario, participatory forest management may resemble a
house built on shaky foundations leading to collapse (Ribot 2011). However, other
development workers suggest that decentralisation functions differently depending on the
types of powers that are decentralised (Ribot 2002) and that in specific contexts,
decentralisation functions well when systems for accountability and resource transfer are in
place (Agrawal & Ribot 1999; Andersson et al. 2006). The involvement of communities in
forest resource management is considered a way of increasing democratisation processes

8 
 
(Nygren 2005; Wily 2002), particularly when the communities elect their representatives and
establish local institutions to make specific decisions. Such representations are also
considered signs of democracy (Ribot 2006).

Persha et al. (2011) suggest that participation in rulemaking may be especially important in
promoting positive outcomes in small forest fragments (< 200 ha), where greater challenges
to achieving jointly positive outcomes across biodiversity and livelihoods already exist. They
found that rulemaking participation is associated with a lower probability of less desirable
outcomes, like unsustainable forest systems and those characterized by trade-offs and a
higher probability of sustainable forest system outcomes. The scholars hail for further work
conducted to understand the causal mechanisms that underlie such outcomes. However, one
proposed mechanism is that rulemaking participation provides an opportunity for local forest
users to contribute more specific and locally relevant information on forest resources and
dynamics of use for a given forest, which in turn leads to the construction of rules that are
viewed as legitimate and better suited for local forest conditions.

According to a case study conducted by Vihemäki (2004) in the East Usambaras, Tanzania
(also belonging to the Eastern Arc Mountains like Taita Hills), the new laws and
participatory approaches do not automatically solve the problems of forest conservation.
There are many factors that can hinder the process. Many of the local people are not as
powerful actors as the forest authorities and even if locals have some means to impact upon
the management processes, their options to affect the strategies are fairly limited. This can
even lead to hidden resistance towards conservation. There is also a risk that the initiatives
made in the name of participation can help to shift or maintain the powers over resources
into the hands of the local elites. Persha et al. (2011) found only limited guidance from
existing scholarship on ways to better promote synergies across multiple forest outcomes
through forest policy decentralization reforms. Schreckenberg & Luttrell (2009) focused on
the impacts of participatory forest management on poverty in Kenya, Tanzania and Nepal, all
in different stages of PFM. They pointed out that participatory approaches often provide a
new decision-making forum and may reroute previously direct household benefits to the user
group or community level. In order to provide rural people with a sustainable and equitably
distributed stream of net benefits, poverty reduction should be adopted as a stated objective,
and both subsistence and commercial use of forest products should be allowed. Appropriate
PFM institutions, transparent and equitable means of benefit-sharing, and provision of
sufficient support during establishment of initiatives were considered crucial.

1.2.3. Fines and fences in Kenya

After Kenya’s independence, the pre-independence laws governing all the major forests
carried over. Forest management entailed the enforcement, through policing and punitive
actions, of laws to prevent illegal activities. Such management led to widespread conflicts
between the people and the Forest Department as more forest reserves were being created
amid rising population. To allay the rising discontent and conflict, the government had to
introduce changes across the forestry sector. The changes were effectively instituted in the
1990s, even though Kenya had previously adopted the District Focus for Rural Development
9 
 
(DFRD) strategy (GoK 1983) where government departments adopted a policy of
decentralization. This strategy, however, dwelt on the administrative aspects of the
government whereby local communities remained uninvolved. In what can best be described
as the diffusion of administrative services (Agrawal & Ribot 1999, Oyugi 2000), the powers
of the central government were devolved to appointees of the central government, namely to
government departments in districts that aimed to bring development closer to the people,
and thus improve the delivery of services, local development and management (Oyugi 2000).
Already in 1975 elements of local participation were initiated, but solely on private lands
(Burley 1982). In 1994, the government initiated the Kenya Forestry Master Plan (KFMP),
which spelt out the need for reform in forest policy and legislation as well as the importance
of involving communities in forest management (GoK 1994, Luukkanen 1996). The reform
took time and administration delayed final enactment of the new law not least because of its
permissive clauses in support of community interests and roles (Wily 2002). Subsequently,
in 2005, Kenya enacted a new Forest Act. Under the Act, the Director of Forestry can confer
upon communities all or some rights to the forest provided that such communities are
registered as associations and apply for permission to participate in the management of state
or local forests. Community participation in forestry in Kenya is outlined in the country´s
Forest Act (RoK 2005). Like most government-instituted policies that outline agenda and
activities for implementation (Agrawal & Gupta 2005), the Act defines membership,
activities to be undertaken and penalties. The provisions of the Act require that the
communities define management objectives and prepare management plans for approval. In
so doing, the community’s powers are limited since their plans must conform to the
government’s desires. This only confirms the observations of Agrawal and Ribot (1999) on
devolutions in which communities are seldom permitted to exploit the resources of the
forests for either commercial or domestic utilisation. Instead, such communities are allowed
to institute reforestation activities using only indigenous tree species, or to set up activities,
such as apiaries, butterfly farming or resin tapping, which do not threaten the wellbeing of
the forest.

In effect, no powers are devolved; rather, the people engaged in forest activities are granted
access, but with no rights over the use of resources. With specific reference to Taita Hills´
indigenous forest reserves, the management priorities include preservation and conservation
(Mwang'ombe 2005).

Restrictions in these forests often fail to conform to the spirit of community forestry which,
according to Agrawal & Gupta (2005) should enhance the participation of stakeholders in
decision-making and in the accrual of benefits associated with a common forestry resource.
In this case, the people engaged in forest activities safeguard the interests of the government
by preserving the forest while making no decisions whatsoever about its management. Wily
(2002: 24) looked at the progress and issues of participatory forest management on an
African scale and concluded that “it is apparent that local level participation only becomes
meaningful when real power to manage is given. Failure to do so does little to alter the
existing flawed management regimes, may exacerbate tensions between those who still
control the forest and those that protect the forest and raises questions as to the purpose of

10 
 
local level participation in the first place”. She also hails for a singular definition of
manager instead of multi-stakeholder approaches. Too many interest groups engender
competition, show weak decision-making and failure to perform that is generic to diffused
responsibility.

Issues of forest management are as much matters of governance as technical management of

woody biomass. Wily (2002) sees that PFM is a force for democratisation and paves the way
for declamatory policies towards decentralization and more inclusive governance. Thus, it is
empowering, not only for marginal rural dwellers but also for administrators who are
released from the burdens of policing and shifting into technical advisory and monitoring
roles.

In Taita Hills the authority regimes in forest resource management are currently double-
layered; both national and traditional laws govern tree use. Three main designations of land
tenure are distinguished in Kenya: government (public) land tenure, customary (communal,
traditional) land tenure, and private land tenure (titling) (Pander 1995). When government
declares certain land areas, like forests under its tenure, the procedure is announced in a
nationwide gazette. In the government gazetted forest reserves community forest associations
are recognized by the Forest Act 2005, but as mentioned above, safeguarding government´s
interests is priority. Outside these gazetted forests, as the basis for private farm forestry and
sound management of mini-catchment areas, are environmental management committees,
steered by locally elected community leaders and recognized by both the traditional law and
modern political framework. These exist at five scales; district level, divisional-, location-,
sub-location – and village level. The members of committees may participate in the
implementation of forest associations’ activities, enabling wider involvement than “forest
adjacent residents within a five-kilometre radius” entitled in the Forest Act 2005. Taita
culture is the foundation of these committees, which are considered to be an extension of
traditional environmental practices.

Councils of elders play an important role in forest management at a village level. Firstly,
they create awareness of forest conservation within the local community. Secondly, they
maintain and enhance social values traditionally attached to stable ecosystems (e.g. sacred
groves). Thirdly, the council gives advices on rehabilitation schemes for land owners.
Fourthly, they are the key forest development program implementers at village level, and
fifthly, they make decisions (Mulu 2010).

The 2005 Forest Act defines a local authority forest as “any forest situated on trust land
which has been set aside as a forest by a local authority pursuant to the provision of the Trust
Land Act”. Local authorities may enter into management agreements with companies,
government agencies, a forest community, professional associations, educational institutions,
NGOs, co-operative societies, or individuals (GoK 2005). These so called community forests
or trust land forests are typical in the Taita Hills landscape. The local authorities who assist
with the Kenya Forest Service are responsible of ensuring protection and management of
these areas and inspection visits - conducted by the local Forest Officer and a Forest
Conservation Committee twice a year.
11 
 
Smucker (2002) points out how land reform in Kenya has continued to be guided by the so
called “Swynnerton model” as proposed under the 1968 Land Adjudication Act. This sort of
reform entails the adjudication of land rights to individuals, who are still often senior males
of households, and the registration and titling of the parcels. The implication of these reforms
for individual households and for changes in land use systems continue to be of central
importance to rural development in Kenya. The process and impacts of land reform,
currently focused in Kenya´s extensive semi-arid zones, proceeds within land use systems
and ecological condition which is vastly different from the higher potential, upland zones of
Central and Western Kenya, for which the land policy was designed. A comparable process
took and is stil taking place in Taita Hills, even if the areas´ limitedness in agricultural
productivity has been recognized.

The transformation of highland and savanna landscapes in East Africa has important
implications for climate change and biodiversity throughout the region. Weak relationships
were found (Migot-Adholla et al. 1994, Haugerud 1989) between land tenure status and
investment in agricultural productivity in Kenya suggesting that, the individualization of land
tenure may contribute to an aspect of security without fully encompassing the means by
which rural households establish security of resource access within local social relations
(Smucker 2002). With increasing land scarcity and high risk of conflicts, communal tenure is
slowly but surely being replaced by private tenure (Galaty 1992). A new Constitution was
passed in Kenya on the 4th of August 2010 declaring more justice for land owners and
moderation for ethnic conflicts. The powers of the president shall be diminished and shifted
to the parliament, and more decicion making powers devolved to local level. Enhanced civil
rights and more stable political scene are expected (Glebova 2010).

2. Theoretical framework
2.1. Human relations and attitudes towards nature

The research questions formulated during my preliminary stays in Taita Hills are based on
the obvious anxiety of the land users about user rights and about appropriate ways of
management of natural resources at hand. Beholding of knowledge and simultaneous lack of
appropriate knowledge on management issues was a topic which readily came up. The tone
of speech about tree management and forests varied radically and suggested that the issue of
traditional management practices was somewhat awakening contradictory mindsets. It
seemed blurry whether Taita people considered traditional knowledge useful and accepted it
or, if there were underlying factors restricting it. The more I spoke with people; the more
obvious became their concerns about weakening Taita traditions and identity. True proud and
cherishing of the traditional values could be interpreted. However rejection towards some
elements of Taita tradition was also strong. After gaining tentative insights in to the human-
nature relations of Taitas, the importance of a local and bottom-up approach as a field study
method became more obvious. As a geographer I wanted to gain a better understanding of
people´s actions as agents to land use change and their attitudes towards nature behind these
12 
 
actions. Vartiainen (1987: 121) describes how various human and nature spheres form a
geographical data matrix in which the ‘contents’ of places and areas get organized. A human
ecological horizon opens and a classic geographical definition - ‘earth as man´s home’-
emerges. Environment, basis of which nature is and perceived by humans, is a basic concept
needed for scrutinizing how man and nature meet on the surface of the earth.

A challenge posed for geographers is to find new conceptual and methodological tools for
understanding the more and more complex human ecological systems (Vartiainen 1987). In
the original conceptual context, human ecology refers to the relations between humans and
nature and focuses on human adaptation to natural conditions on different areas of the world.
The perceptions and attitudes of people towards nature have been in constant change during
history due to societal ideologies, religions, breakthrough of scientific thinking and
technological lifestyle. Nature has been given different meanings during different
developmental phases of mankind, thus can be considered as a cultural metaphor (Haila
1991). For ancient Greeks nature was a master and to follow it was to stand in contrast to
unnatural. Christian ideology brought in a counterpartner in supernatural for the natural thus,
lowering the value of natural. Scientific thinking and again broke the pattern of seeing
supernatural in nature. The basis and legimitation of western technical-scientific civilization
may be still traced back to the story of creation in Bible whichs states that God gave man
rights over nature (von Wright 1981). Haila (1991) sees the modern western perception of
the concept nature as deriving partly from the Classical period and partly from the
rationalism of the Enlightement. Nature is perceived as an external, solid and harmonious
entity, which man can manipulate as long as is aware of and respects its laws. Following this
ideology, development can be seen in terms of increasing knowledge and control over nature.
The basis for this view has, however, already collapsed as nature is no longer stable and man
has lost his priviledges in nature. (For a more lengthy review of prevailing attitudes towards
nature see Haila & Levins 1992).

Pietarinen (1987: 42-55) has categorized attitudes towards nature into four groups: utilism,
humanism, mysticism and naturism. In utilism nature is considered to be existing for human
needs and well-being and natural resources for unlimited development. Science and technical
solutions are believed to increase well-being and to solve problems related to it. Humanism
emphasizes development of human intelligence and ethics, where nature is expected to
provide for man who has a right to use it as a raw material for his sophistication and spiritual
perfection. Responsibility for nature and its esthetical values are essential and the aim is to
reconcile civilization and nature. Humanism relies on people´s rationality, intelligence and
knowledge, whereas mysticism goes beyond the rational. To become one with something
infinite and eternal is the aim of mysticism. Nature is considered spiritual, but so is human,
thus differences between the two fades away. Nature represents sacredness and the pursuit of
it is highly valued. Mysticism often prevails when a society is going through radical changes
or a crisis causing uncertainty. Naturism denies any priviledged status of human in relation to
nature. Man is considered a biological creature descending from other species and thus part
of nature. Intrinsic functions and values of nature are appreciated and careless utilization of

13 
 
resources by man not permitted. In Pietarinen´s categorization utilism represents an
anthropocentric and naturism a biocentric extreme.

2.2. Traditional and local ecological knowledge

Data on Taita peoples’ attitudes and knowledge concerning traditional ways of forest and
farmland use have, until recently, not been widely available. The potential ways of
combining traditional ecological knowledge (TEK) with modern farming and forestry
methods are considered worth studying as this, sometimes hibernating knowledge, can add
capacity to the local natural resource management system. According to McCall & Minang
(2005: 343) “indigenous knowledge is a measure of local community capability, with the
potential to set community members on an equal status with outsider “experts”, and maybe
the only resource of which local groups, especially the resource-poor have unhindered
ownership”. Also Ramakrishnan (2007: 93) sees a need to analyze traditional ecological
knowledge and to integrate this with ‘formal’ knowledge to the extent possible so as to arrive
at community participatory solutions.

An understanding of how environmental information is distributed and used is important

mainly because it is through the evolution of our ability to cooperate socially that we adapt to
our environments. The way people understand ecosystems around them and the way their
intricate relationships with environment has sustained over time, have an undeniable effect
on development trajectories (Casagrande 2004; Frake 1962). Luhmann (2004: 71-74)
considers it important to ask: what kind of a structure a particular society has for processing
environmental information. The ways of ecological communication differ between ancient
and modern societies. Wheras ecological self-regulation of societies was in earlier times
strongly based on mythical-magical perceptions, taboos and rituals, modern societies tackle
environmental problems via other means, which have been developing since the invention of
printing and the increase in peoples´ levels of literacy. In ancient societies, the necessary
knowledge needed for survival, and skills for production existed. Societal units were able to
cope with occurring periodical imbalances through religious self-regulation. However,
according to Luhmann, those traditional societies regulated by rituals have not been
programmed for growth.

According to Berkes (1993: 3)”TEK is a cumulative body of knowledge and beliefs, handed
down through generations by cultural transmission, about the relationship of living beings
(including humans) with one another and with their environment. Further, TEK is an
attribute of societies with historical continuity in resource use practices; by and large, these
are non-industrial or less technologically advanced societies, many of them indigenous or
tribal”. Local communities may also have extensive cultural knowledge about local history,
customs, beliefs and mythology (Goodland 1991: 305). Unfortunately, as McNeely (1992:
21) describes; “The loss of cultures, or of traditional knowledge within cultures undergoing
rapid change, is a problem which is at least as serious for humanity as is the loss of
species”. Following Michaelidou et al. (2002: 610) local knowledge should not only be
incorporated into ecosystem and community viability efforts, but the knowledge should also

14 
 
be maintained. Avenues, through which environmental and cultural knowledge can be passed
to new generations, should be established.

Following Berkes (1999), TEK includes knowledge, practices, and beliefs that are fairly well
integrated with one another. It is dynamic and evolves as people build upon their experiences
and observations. They experiment, learn from others, and adapt to changing environmental
conditions over time. Traditional, thus, does not mean static and unchanged. TEK is place-
based and geographically specific, and is most often found amongst societies that have
engaged in natural resource use in a particular place over a long time period. McCall and
Minang (2005: 343) explain how this kind of knowledge often has similar cognitive
structures as scientific knowledge, for example technical knowledge about soil and water
conservation, pest management, ethno-veterinary and ethno-medicine. Beyond TEK there is
symbolic, metaphoric and visionary knowledge related to the land. This deep knowledge
differs from scientific type of knowledge by its structures, but it may help to understand the
land stewardship traditions.

There is a debate in the literature about what makes traditional and local ecological
knowledge different from western scientific knowledge (see Agrawal 1995; Ellen and Harris
2000). Charnley et al. (2007) go along with the idea that separating traditional from scientific
knowledge creates a false dichotomy, but not without recognizing some general
distinguishing characteristics. Western scientific knowledge tends to be driven by theoretical
models and hypothesis testing, and generated using the scientific method; not necessarily
utilitarian; often generalizable and not always local; generated by research institutions; and
documented and widely disseminated in written form. Traditional and local knowledge tend
to be driven by a desire for utilitarian information that will help people survive and maintain
a natural resource-based livelihood; generated through practical experience with the natural
world in the course of everyday life; locally based and specific; and transmitted orally or
through demonstration (Ellen & Harris 2000; Scoones & Thompson 1994).

Berkes (1993) lists nine ways in which TEK differs from scientific ecological knowledge: 1)
TEK is qualitative; 2) it has an intuitive component (as opposed to being purely rational); 3)
it is holistic (as opposed to reductionist); 4) in TEK, mind and matter are considered
together; 5) TEK is moral (as opposed to value-free); 6) TEK is spiritual; 7) it is based on
empirical observations and accumulation of facts by trial-and-error; 8) it is based on data
generated by resource users themselves and; 9) TEK is based on diachronic data, i.e. long
time series on information on one locality. Casagrande (2004) points out how conservation
professionals should not assume that knowledge is synonymous with behavior or cultural
importance, that indigenous classification is based on the same features as scientific
classification, or that indigenous perceptions of habitats are homogeneous.

Charnley et al. (2007: 15) emphasize that new knowledge is created all the time, and
indigenous people are not the only ones who have some ecological knowledge of value. This
more recent local ecological knowledge (LEK) these scholars define as “knowledge,
practices and beliefs regarding ecological relationships that are gained through extensive
15 
 
personal observation of and interaction with local ecosystems, and shared among local
resource users”. This local ecological knowledge may eventually become TEK.

Symbolic knowledge combined with location- and resource-specific knowledge form a

platform for local participation in resource management. However, there can be barriers
against TEK involvement in resource management. A study by Phuthego et al. (2004) in
Botswana shows that people consider formal education, “shallow democracy” and
Christianity as contributing to the decline of TEK. Another challenge is to find ways to
integrate scientific knowledge and TEK. In most cases the practical uses and importance of
TEK are recognized, but how to operationalize it is often left wanting (Berkes 1993).
Charnley et al. (2007) argue that integrating traditional and local ecological knowledge into
forest biodiversity conservation is most likely to be successful if the knowledge holders are
directly engaged as active participants in these efforts. Thus, conservation research could be
strengthened by an ethnoecological approach that moves from the “passive participation” of
local residents in the analysis of particular threats on already-defined resources toward
“interactive participation” that allows for joint analyses on relationships between global and
local processes on various measures of biodiversity across the landscape (Nemarundwe &
Richards 2002). Although several promising models exist for how to integrate traditional and
local ecological knowledge with forest management, a number of social, economic, and
policy constraints have prevented this knowledge from flourishing and being more widely
applied. This adds to Barrett and Arcese´s (1995) notion that whereas a favorable external
environment supports and enables local communities and natural areas thriving, an
unfavorable external environment can threaten ecosystem and community viability.
Haverkort et al. (2003: 139) point out that romanticising indigenous knowledge, however, is
not a good basis for endogenous development. They observed phenomena such as taboos
against planting trees, gross inequalities between men and women and land use practices that
have detrimental ecological effects qua the abuse of knowledge and power by local leaders.
These kinds of aspects need to be observed and made to more strongly inform intercultural
dialogue.

According to Medley et al. (2010) studies of local knowledge systems about plants can
provide an important step toward mapping “assets” (del Campo & Wali 2007) that have local
meaning and relevance to collaborative and adaptive conservation planning. Scholars
consider that identifying existing conservation-compatible practices and beliefs together with
social organization strengths can be useful in preparing management plans and also
incorporates local stakeholders in the scientific process. The ethnobotanical studies of
Medley & Kalibo (2005) in Kasigau Mountain, also part of Eastern Arc Mountain chain and
neighbouring Taita Hills, suggest that ecological patterns of diversity are human modified,
showing both subtle and direct effects of utilization. Following del Campo & Wali (2007),
archaeologists and paleoecologists have found interesting evidence that today’s “primary”
forests, often considered biodiversity hotspots, are actually anthropogenic (Denevan 1992,
Erickson 2000, Heckenberger et al. 2003). In Kasigau, species richness in woody plants and
local knowledge about trees show resource continua on the mountain that question the
designation of diverse undisturbed forests and degraded human-utilized lands. Medley &
16 
 
Kalibo (2007: 152) state that “local knowledge, and particularly how conservation research
explores local knowledge and integrates it with other scientific data, greatly matters for
ecological measures and qualitative interpretations or biodiversity across space and through
time”.

In this study I follow Berkes´s definition on TEK and also take into account the coexistence
of LEK in all data which I came across. Migration in and out of Taita Hills has shuffled the
ethnicities in the area, thus not all people belong to Taita tribe. However, most of the
respondents (excluding many government officers) who participated in this study are Taitas
by origin. They are rather (non-timber) forest product harvesters and agriculturalists than
forest dwellers, which sets the framework for the knowledge they behold. However, forests,
mlamba, always had their special meaning and uses for Taita people, the Wadawida.

Since I am using the term community in this study regularly, I wish to define it here as “a
geographically specific social unit such as a village or tribe where people identify
themselves as community members and where there is some form of communal decision-
making”.

2.3. Ethnodevelopment as a sensitizing concept

I felt the need for a sensitizing concept (see Bowen 2006) for this study to guide me through,
and ethnodevelopment followed me furthest. As Rodolfo Stavenhagen (1986) suggested,
“development which takes into account the need to maintain ethnic diversity can be called
ethnodevelopment”. Critique of development theory since the 1980´s led to the search for
new development strategies and approaches. It has implied the rejection of externally
imposed developmental models and the need to reduce the so called “dependency
syndrome”. The new approach included elements like the strategy designed to satisfy the
fundamental necessities of the largest number of people rather than economic growth for
growth´s own sake. The approach emphasized endogenous development over import-
oriented development, a more respectful attitude towards the environment instead of
destructive, participatory rather than technocratic forms of engagment and building upon
existing cultural traditions (Stavenhagen 1986). Ethnodevelopment is claimed to be a radical
concept since it turns the tables on the conventional conception of ethnicity as an obstacle to
modernization (Thompson & Ronen 1986: 1). Ethnodevelopment is conceived as a dynamic,
creative process, which will liberate collective energies for development rather than limit
them. Following Nieuwkoop & Uquillas (2000) ethnodevelopment should build upon the
positive qualities of indigenous cultures and societies to promote local employment and
growth. A strong sense of ethnic identity, close attachments to ancestral land, and the
capacity to mobilice resources, such as land, labor and capital, to achieve shared goals are
dynamics fundamental to the ways in which people define their own processes of
development. The Living Heritage Trust (2010) describes the concept in the following way:
“Ethnodevelopment places culture at the center of rural development planning. This
approach demonstrates how indigenous or traditional culture, technologies, knowledge,
organizational skills, and talents can be engaged for effective ecologically sustainable
development which is also considered as a goal of current development theory”.
17 
 
According to Hettne (1990), there are four main aspects of ethnodevelopment: Firstly,
territorialism, secondly internal self-determination, thirdly cultural pluralism, and fourthly
ecological sustainability (suggesting that development should progress with no sign). He
claims that a process of development which threatens the ecological system of a region is
therefore also a cultural threat against the ethnic group who call the region their habitat.
Ethnic conflicts are worldwide and endemic to Africa. Economic factors are never totally
absent from these conflicts and struggles over scarce resources, regional imbalances,
infrastructural investments and labour market conflicts are also common. Government
intervenes directly in the ethnic struggle through how it redistributes resources.

We should distinguish between functional and territorial principles of development (Hettne

1990); according to the former, development is a result of specialization and advanced
division of labour between regions, whereas the latter states that the regions themselves are
to be developed, not the larger functional system. The territorial approach is inherently
cultural. Ethnodevelopment challenges the idea of nation states, since different communities
in society are based upon different value systems. The different world views, interests and
attitudes towards nature often clash causing conflicts over access to natural resources. The
contents of a development strategy enforcing cultural variety and ethnodevelopment can
easily be spelt out; decentralization, participation, rural rather than urban bias, territoriality,
self-reliance (local resources) and ecological balance. The extents of these forementioned
factors are in the focus of my study (see Figure 2).

I am carrying my own notion of ethnodevelopment throughout this thesis based on the

following definition: ”Ethnodevelopment has a territorial approach, whereby traditional
culture, technologies, knowledge, organizational skills, and talents are at the center of rural
planning and may be engaged for ecologically sustainable development”.

2.4. Development bewitched

An especially influential element associated with development issues in Taita, is witchcraft

(uchawi in Swahili, wusawi in Kidabida); a cultural phenomenon which is not discussed
openly and primarily with outsiders, like tourists or aid organization fellows. This socio-
cultural element nonetheless still exists and cuts across most sectors of Taita life. In 2008 I
came across James Howard Smith´s extensive book Bewitching Development with
penetrating analyses focusing on the complex ways that development connects with
witchcraft in Kenya and especially in Taita Hills. He uses the term witchcraft to refer to “the
destructive power of selfish desire, which sometimes causes fantastic things to happen ….. In
Taita, witchcraft implied secretive and destructive… action that threatened and resisted the
(imagined) peaceful and productive sovereignty of the group in question”. Thus, these
powerful, social threats need to be controlled for the society to endure. Smith shows how
notions of witchcraft can make sense of inscrutable social, political and economic processes
in culturally sensible ways.

18 
 
Witchcraft is a worldwide known phenomenon and “witch” or “sorcerer” translates a wide
number of African words and concepts. According to Isichei (2004: 309-310) the witch is
often thought of as an older woman and an astral cannibal who feeds on the life force of the
living. Sometimes his or her powers are inherited, sometimes acquired, or she becomes a
witch because she is tricked into incurring a flesh debt. A witch may be a shape-shifter or
closely linked with an animal familiar. Witches traditionally have been hunted and
prosecuted. The problem of evil is often identified with witchcraft in Africa. Whether
witches truly exist or they are imaginary is debated by ethnographers as well as those living
the places with this social problem. The descriptions vary from “witches as real as
murderers with modern bureacratic organizations” to “witchcraft being impossible and the
fear of witchcraft being symbolic” (Isichei 2004: 312). The social-anthropological
interpretation of the concept is that witchcraft is both an ideology that explains human
misfortune and an institution that regulates communal conflicts (Póks 1999). In early
European village societies it functioned as a web of relationships between “malefactor”,
“bewitched”, “witch identifier” and “healer”. It was believed that calamities spring from
malefactors, enemies inside the community who are assumed to be able to harm humans and
their economy as well as to bewitch them with supernatural powers. The scholars point out
also the opposition powers in the web of relationships. Evans-Pritchard´s (1976) study (in the
late 1920´s) on witchcraft of Azande (in then Anglo-Egyptian Sudan, Belgian Congo and
Central African Republic) introduced a distinction between witchcraft and sorcery and
defined sorcery as verifiable action including “white” magic with a positive aim and “black”
magic with malevolent aim. According to this notion, the role of witch could be attributed to
anybody, within the witchcraft web, who could fulfill the operational rules. Thus, to
understand the institution one has to uncover the entire “sociology of prosecution” (term
used by Alan Macfarlane 1999).

In the process of regulating communal conflicts witchcraft needs material assets like
medicines and places for secret magical rituals. The medicines are often objects fashioned
from trees and plants (Evans-Pritchard 1976).

19 
 
 ecological
territorialism sustainability
Ethnodevelopment
internal self- cultural
determination W pluralism
itc
hc
r af
utilism t
Traditional
humanism Natural resource culture
mysticism management regimes knowledge
naturism technologies
talents
organizatorial skills

Figure 2. Theoretical framework of this study.

3. Traditionally protected forests in Africa

Sacred places are found all over the world and may consist of various artificial objects, like
buildings, shrines and graves as well as natural ones like mountains, water source and trees
(Dafni 2007). On the subject of sacred places, Turner (1979: 24) states: “This place where
other realms meet is also indicated by various forms representing a link or connection
between the human and transhumant spheres, and usually set in a vertical dimension as a
ladder, poles and pillars, trees and hills”.

Traditional African ways of thinking and reasoning differ in many respects from the
dominant international approach. David Millar (2004) argues that, the transfer-of-technology
model, even after independence, still subjugated the African knowledge system and
continues to do so. However, decisions about agriculture, health and nature management are
still, at least marginally, based on the concepts of African traditions despite generations of
western influence. Traditional worldviews and institutions play an important role and at
village level the spiritual leaders are especially influential. Millar highlights the reawakening
interests in the African knowledge system and recommends an endogenous development
process that focuses on a blend between western and African knowledge systems. Haverkort
(2010: 9) defines endogenous development as “an approach that is complementary to the
ongoing technological and economic global processes. It wants to address local needs and
contradictions, use local potentials, enhance local economies and link them to international
systems with optimal terms of trade. It supports co-existence and co-evolution of a diversity
of cultures”.
20 
 
Africa is changing rapidly and a mix of dominantly traditional, dominantly modern and more
hybrid subcultures exist. According to Millar (2004), some aspects of indigenous knowledge
are expressed openly whilst other issues are secretive and hidden. Studies about African
worldviews often either stress the positive aspects or strive to point out the limitations and
negative aspects. Biases and Eurocentric prejudices have occurred in studies along the way
and some have been corrected later on (Biko 1998; Coetzee & Roux 1998).

African traditional worldviews often have a hierarchy between divine beings, spiritual
beings, especially the ancestors, men and women, and natural forces. The notion of time is
cyclic and the magical powers are used both in negative and positive terms (Millar et al.
2006). These religious and philosophical entities can also be called “cosmovisions” and they
give rise to various rituals and dictate the ways that nature is to be managed, how decisions
are taken, problems solved, and how rural people organize themselves (Haverkort &
Hiemstra 1999). Millar (2004) presents two examples of traditional cosmovisions, in Ghana
and Zimbabwe, which collectively show, that land, water, animals and plants are not just a
production factor with economic significance, but have their place within the sanctity of
nature. Groves, mountains and rivers can be sacred (Gonese 1999) and Fig trees (Ficus spp.
(L.) and Baobabs (Adansonia digitata (L.) commonly considered holy. Some animal species,
like snakes, lizards, chameleons and birds, have spiritual significance and cattle, goats and
chicken are mainly for sacrifices. From an African perspective conservation is not simply
about ensuring balanced biological diversity. It also helps to preserve the relationship
between the human, natural and spiritual world. Traditional institutions are the custodians of
cultural activities. They are responsible for ensuring that rituals and ceremonies are
performed in accordance with the strict procedures, rules and regulations laid down by the
spiritual word. In this respect traditional institutions do not need to be taught about
conservation. What they require is political, economical and social support to preserve their
capacity to co-exist with nature.

Today more and more programs are farmer-centric, although many of these programs hardly
address the African worldviews, belief systems or the traditional systems of land tenure. A
general lack of information about the spiritual dimension of soil and water can be observed
in the development literature but more traditional functionaries, like rainmakers, are hardly
involved in rural development projects. However, the importance of sacred groves in relation
to rainmaking, food security and health has been studied more and the role of spiritual
leaders as protectors of these areas, often high in biodiversity, acknowledged (Millar 2004).

In accordance with African regional philosophies, Coetzee & Roux (1998) suggest that there
are tensions between traditional and prominent modernity figures. This concern with the
cultural reconstruction of Africa has many facets. It raises deep critical questions about
metaphysics, epistemology, ethics, politics and the nature of African philosophy itself. There
is a tension between the need to conserve what is good and useful in tradition and what is
needed to modernize Africa´s cultures; between preferences for traditional agrarian
communities and their value structures and the force of urbanization which follows in the
wake of technological advancement. The tensions create a need for interdisciplinary

21 
 
research, and for renewal requires reflection on education, government, social organization
and religious practices among other areas.

Studies of sacred groves in Kenya and Tanzania, and their proximate areas, have been
conducted (Kibet 2011, Kibet & Nyamweru 2008, Shangali et al. 2008, Ylhäisi 2006, Thugu
& Tengeza 2005, Sigu et al. 1987, Mwihomeke et al. 2000). The significance of sacred
forests for biodiversity conservation and the social dimensions of traditional institutions have
also gained scientific attention also on a larger scale in Africa (Virtanen 2002, Campbell
2005, Sheridan & Nyamweru 2007).

The closest area to Taita Hills, in terms of both distance and cultural and topographical
factors, would be North Pare Mountains in Tanzania. Both belong to Eastern Arc Mountain
chain and have similar land use patterns and livelihoods. A study by Ylhäisi (2004) portrays
the significance of traditionally protected forests (TPF) for conservation and their meaning
for local ethnic groups in the North Pare Mountains. Outside the government forest reserves,
traditionally protected forests and riverine forests are the last indigenous forest remnants,
protected by the local Gweno ethnic communities. Local culture and religion retard the
diminishment process and the elimination of forest patches. Considerable sizes of TPFs
make them ecological stepping stones in corridors that connect the area´s fragmented forest
reserves.

Before one enters local cultural environs they should consider their practices and procedures
carefully. Lovett & Thomas (1988: 1) describe a Waziguan ceremony in Nguru Mountains,
Tanzania, which took place as they conducted studies in local forests: “Waziguas are
superstitious and believe that bad luck will befall people who venture into the forests unless
a ceremony is undertaken. This may account for the undisturbed nature of the forests. The
ceremony which we underwent involved the sacrifice of a black chicken whose blood was put
into an earthern ware pot containing the mashed leaves of a Composite and some other
plants. The elder in charge of the ceremony wore a black cloth, and was male. Also
participating were two elder women, and a young man who appeared to be an apprentice.
The elements of the ceremony, being the body of the chicken, herbs, and some cut branches
of Ficus thonningii (Blume) were then arranged in a line and ground maize husks (pumba)
scattered over them in conjunction with repeated invocations. After the pumba was spread
the Ficus leaves were dipped in the mash of blood and herbs in the pot and flicked over our
feet and luggage by each of the elders and young man conducting the ceremony
accompanied by the invocations. The guides and porters who were to assist us in the forest
refused to enter it until this ceremony had been completed.”

Traditionally protected Kaya forests can be found about one hundred kilometers from Taita
Hills. They are residual patches of between 10 to 400 ha and part of the once extensive
lowland forest of coastal Kenya. These ecosystems are high in biodiversity and cultural
historical value (Kibet 2011, Kibet & Nyamweru 2008; Nyamweru et al. 2007; Lehmann &
Kioko 2005; Robertson & Luke 1993). In Kenya 50% rare plants are found in the Kaya
forests. Mijikenda (nine sub-groups) people lived and used the Kayas as protective premises
(from nomadic tribes like the Galla and Orma). In the 19th century the Mijikenda moved out
22 
 
of the forests and settled in neighbouring land, but the governance of Kayas as a collective
biocultural heritage continued. Mijikenda´s customary laws are based upon principles, which
are common to many traditional societies. Firstly equilibrium, which refers to balance and
harmony in both nature and society; secondly reciprocity, which stipulates that what is
received has to be given back (e.g. material offered as sacrifices) and thirdly; duality, or that
everything has an opposite which complements it (for instance good and bad spirits) (Mutta
et al. 2009).

Destruction of vegetation around these sites is prohibited by the Mijikenda indigenous laws
and whereas the surrounding areas are getting converted into farmlands, Kayas have
relatively maintained their status, but the land management regime still leaves some space
for misuse. The main threats are agricultural expansion and private property development. At
present, over 50 patches have been identified in coastal districts of Kwale, Mombasa, Kilifi
and Malindi (Thuku & Tengeza 2005). The indigenous land tenure system has preserved
Kayas for generations and the government has started gazetting them as national monuments
under the Monuments and Antiquities Act cap 215 of the National Museums of Kenya. They
were also nominated as world heritage sites under UNESCO in 2008 (UNESCO 2011).
Most of the Kaya forests are under patronage of local county councils, who play the role of a
trustee on behalf of the community. Some leaders have, however misused the powers
conferred upon them and this has led to unilateral decisions to excise or sell Kaya land
without approval from the community. Following Thuku & Tengeza (2005: 2) a problem
with trust land policy is that apart from being of colonial origin it vests a lot of powers in the
local authorities denying the community the space for first-hand participation in decision
making. It should also be noted that the traditional land ethics are set-out and enforced by the
Kaya elders but are often overridden and rendered null and void in the face of western
written law. There are traditional ceremonies to deal with defaulters, but modernity has
disrupted the intergeneration transmission of indigenous knowledge and spirituality about
land. It has been suggested that the traditional councils of elders, Ngambi, could be legally
recognized and afforded more space in overall management of Kayas.

The habitat loss statistics (Githitho1998) show that despite the conservation efforts the
communal ownership, Kayas are becoming eroded. Kibet & Nyamweru (2008) noticed
differences in belief systems and attitudes to Kaya forests between Islamic and Christian
people. Islam tends to accept traditional beliefs as long as they do not directly contravene
Koran teachings; Kaya elders can profess the Islamic faith as well as carry out their Kaya
ceremonial duties. In contrast, Christianity does not accommodate such an easy co-existence
with the traditional religion. Many interviewees denied any knowledge or participation in
Kaya rituals and, as “saved Christians” didn’t want to be associated with those issues. Those
in the “born again” movement or charismatic churches are most likely to show hostility
towards Kayas and perceive those traditionalists as evil (witches) or satanic. A clear
majority of Kenyans declare Christianity as their religious affiliation in the population census
survey; almost 32 million are Protestants, Catholic or other Christians, while 635, 352 people
are Traditionalists and 4.3 million are Muslims (RoK 2010). I would suggest to keep these
various belief systems in mind while looking at the statistics.

23 
 
According to Virtanen (2002: 228) the size of sacred forests in general varies considerably.
Data from East Africa shows a variation in average size from over six hectares to less than
one. In Kenya all the sacred groves in a densely populated areas are less than 1.2 hectares. In
Tanzania only one quarter of the sacred forests were less than two hectares in some areas,
while in other areas over 70 per cent of the forest sites were smaller than that. Small groves
seem to appear in areas with high demographic pressure. Campbell (2005: 153) summarizes
that in western Africa, Ghana, approximately 1900 sacred groves have been counted in forest
and savanna areas, ranging in size from 0.5 to 1,300 hectares. In the North Pare Mountains,
Tanzania, the traditionally protected forests were mainly in the elevations where
deforestation has been most profound. Deforestation relates to the altitude and the fact that
most fertile lands were found between 1200-1400 meters. At this range were 77 per cent of
TPFs and they seemed to be central for existence of some species since closed forests did
not exist in government forest reserves at these elevations (Ylhäisi 2004: 119).

Darr et al. (2009) studied traditional forest perception and its relevance for forest
conservation among Tiriki, who reside in vincinity of the Kakamega forest in Kenya.The
cultural forests of Tiriki are valued in terms of their identities and old traditions. Scholars
state that forest-related intangible values can be classified and hierarchically structured. Two
forest types were differentiated: sacred and governmental. For instance, the structures and
species, sizes and resource use rights differ. Also origins of rules, rituals performed, ways of
protection, normal behavior, meaning and wishes concerning forests vary. The sacred forests
had clearly more spiritual meaning and the traditional African religion was seen to play an
important role in their protection, whereas government forests were seen as protected by
foresters and forest guards and consequently more distant.

The government foresters and forest guards in Kenya in most areas are not able to control
illegal activities in forests due to lack of equipment and poor infrastructure. A study by Sigu
et al. (1987), conducted in Ramogi Hills forest, Western Kenya, suggests that forest
conditions are superior when local institutions complement the rules of the central
government. It is not the performance of either, but the complementarity of their system of
rules that determines effectiveness at the local level. Their conclusion is that, recognition of
indigenous rights and institutions associated with forest resource management and utilization
can lead to successful practices, since people tend to abide by the rules from the local elders
prescribe.

4. Research setting and justification of the study

I started my studies in Kenya by going for the fieldwork with a rather broad idea in mind: I
assumed that a study on people´s perceptions of natural resource management would be
accurate due to changes that recent forest law may bring. I had learned about Taitas and their
surrounds during my study of ecotourism potentiality in 2004 and 2005, and learned about
the transformation of land tenure and management, which has come to look like a complex
system of overlapping traditional and modern regimes, values and practices. That study
concluded that paying regard to the interdependency of the ecological viability and

24 
 
community viability in Taita Hills is crucially important, and that would include recognition
of the potential indigenous forest knowledge among Taita communities (Himberg 2008: 122-
124).

During the first stages of my visits in Taita the locals told me about their tree use preferences
and perceptions about forests which sounded like a lot of symbolical knowledge couched
around technical and ecological talk. Thus, I began to focus on the underlying and
“marginal” aspects of natural resource management and found out that it is not that marginal
after all. I decided to look more carefully at what kind of traditional beliefs and practices
currently affect the human-nature bond of the Taita people, and how it affects forest
management potentially contributes to protection. I saw the need to map the size and
condition status of the traditionally protected forests and sites, as well as wanted to
understand the relationships, rights and responsibilities of various stakeholders on these
areas. I also got inspired by the studies of Ylhäisi (2006) conducted in the Pare Mountains of
Tanzania on traditionally protected forest as well as by the research results from the likes
(e.g. Kibet & Nyamweru 2008; Nyamweru et al. 2007) who worked on the Kaya forests of
the Kenyan coast.

I strive to contribute to the multidisciplinary research setting of the TAITA and TAITATOO
projects (see University of Helsinki 2011) with qualitative and ethnoecological data. These
projects have focused on the development and application of compiled geographic databases
of land use and land cover for conservation and biodiversity studies.  The information may
assist in understanding forest use and its change over time as well as contributing to the
decision-making processes, land use planning and forest rehabilitation schemes in Taita
Hills. The voice of the Taita people and their knowledge and perceptions form the greater
part of this study, which I consider important for combining enhanced livelihoods and nature
conservation.

4.1. Research aims

My attempt is to answer the following questions in this study:

 How can traditional ecological knowledge of Taitas be applied within the

transforming natural resource management regimes?
 How are the boundaries of integrity and conservation defined?
o Does sacredness equal conservation in Taita Hills?
 What is the role of witchcraft in ethnodevelopment of the area?

25 
 
 4.2. Methods

I used a mixed-method approach (Caracelli & Greene 1993) in my study, thus combined
different kind of data collection and analysis techniques. I applied both remote sensing and
“near sensing”. Participatory methods (Mikkelsen 2005, Laitinen et al. 1995, Pretty et al.
1995, Thomson & Schoonmaker Freudenberger 1997), ethnographic approach (Garson
2008), Participatory GIS and Geographical Information System applications (McCall 2006,
Vajjhala 2005, Jiang 2003, Quan et al. 2001), interviews and secondary data analysis were
also used. My informants come from various social classes and age groups including local
farmers, traditional leaders and village elders, government officers, priests, NGO workers,
members of community-based organizations and teachers. Table 1 summarizes the methods
used.

Table 1. Compilation of methods used in this study.

Year Theme Methods N

2006 Tree use patterns on Household interviews, 57 households
farms Institutional analysis,
Focus group discussions, 47 focus group
Forest values Pair-wise ranking, participants
Participatory mapping on
aerial photographs
2007 Traditional Ecological Household interviews, 50 households
Knowledge Government Officer and
NGO staff interviews, 35 focus group (a)
Local land use Ethno-histories (1st hand, participants
categorization 2ndhand),
Ethnoecological excursions, 172 focus group (b)
Benefits from and Focus group (a) session on participants
constraints on land categories,
participatory forest Self-completion questionnaire District Forest
management with focus groups (b), Officer and other
Institutional analysis, state officials
SWOT analysis,
Secondary data analysis
2009 Traditionally protected Participatory GIS, 73 “experts” in
forests and other sacred Seeking out the expert, participatory
sites Participatory mapping mapping (a)
(ground-truthed)(a),
Participant observation, 87 villagers in
Participatory mapping (on participatory
paper)(b), mapping (b)
Officer interviews,
Secondary data analysis District Cultural,
Agricultural and
Forest Officers and
other state officials

26 
 
The ages of informants varied from 11 years to ~104 years and they represented both
genders. I have tried to avoid “conventional extraction” of information over a short time
period (Nemarundwe & Richards 2002: 168) by taking the time needed to understand
peoples´ perceptions on resource use and gathering “silent knowledge” (Nygren 2007) about
the Taita area. I stayed in Taita Hills all together twelve months between the years 2006 and
2009. Before this I had become familiar with the area through field work for my Master´s
thesis in 2004 and 2005.

4.2.1. Farmer interviews and participatory mapping of forest reserve values

A preliminary study was conducted in January-February 2006 among farmers living adjacent
to the largest indigenous forest patches. My aim was to get familiar with the area´s land use,
peoples perceptions about their forests, their awareness about the new Forest Act and about
tree use patterns on the farms. I also strived to learn about best study practices among the
Taita people; their daily schedules, attitudes towards visitors and willingness to engage in my
research. A translator, who originates from the study area and fluent with Dawida, English
and Swahili languages, worked with me throughout the research. Three transects were
chosen for study, one starting from the Chawia forest boundary eastwards and two from the
Ngangao forest boundary, towards northeast and west. Transect lengths were all together 8
km and the households along the transect lines selected from an aerial photograph. In total 57
farmers were interviewed in their homes by using questionnaires that included both
structured and open-ended questions. After each interview respondensts were asked to draw
a Venn diagram (Laitinen et al. 1995: 73-75) depicting who they thought were the most
important stakeholders in forestry and agroforestry. The average age of respondents was 36.5
years and out of 57 people, 30 were men and 27 were women.

A forest value study, including a participatory mapping exercise, was done with focus groups
in both the Chawia and Ngangao areas. The groups consisted of people engaged in forest or
agriculture related activities and most of them were members of local forest associations.
The aim of the exercise was to raise discussion about various forest values and come up with
a categorization, ranking (pair-wise) and mapping of those values. The categorization was
done through facilitated discussion with a group that included all participants, after which
they were divided by gender into groups of 3 to 4. Aerial photographs were used for the
forest value mapping and each group drew on their perceptions of both the presently existing
forest values and, the values they perceived might exist in the future. The maps were then
subsequently used as basis for TPF/S mapping and discussions.

4.2.2. Household survey of traditional ecological knowledge and participatory group

sessions

Using semi-structured interviews a household survey was conducted in January-April 2007.

Further to this various participatory tools, like key informant and focus group interviews,
ethno histories (in form of spoken stories and written papers), ethno-botanical excursions and
transect walks were used for studying traditional ecological knowledge of residents.

27 
 
Secondary data concerning Taita traditions was also an important data source (Were & Soper
1986, Fleuret 1989, Mwandawiro 1997, Smith 2008).

The interviews probed various themes related to traditional and local knowledge about trees,
their use and management and their symbolical and metaphorical knowledge qua forest use.
The study was conducted along transect between the largest indigenous forest patches in
Taita Hills (see Figure 3). Using aerial photographs the area was divided into 1 km² grids and
households were chosen on a grid by grid basis. Otherwise the selection of interviewees was
based on who was at home and welcomed us in when we knocked on their doors. We used
mountain bikes and also did plenty of walking, so that remote farms could be reached. In
total 50 households were chosen for the researcher-administered interviews. All the
discussions were recorded digitally and transcribed verbatim. Out of the total number of the
interviewees 32 were women and 18 were men (see Table 2). In some households more than
one person attended the interview and their views are included in the data. The majority were
young and middle-aged adults, plus women, who are crucial stakeholders in present and
future natural resource management.

Table 2. Age composition of the household interviewees (in 2007).

Age group number

(years)
< 21 3
21-35 17
36-50 22
51-70 6
>70 2
total 50

The choice to study this particular area was based on the assumption that there may be more-
than-usual traditional knowledge and practices applied to tree management along the least
cost- corridor. I came up with this assumption after learning about the model which
researchers (see Adriaensen et al. 2005) created to indicate the paths and corridors that
certain endangered bird and butterfly species found most suitable to follow, while moving
from one forest to another. I wanted to find out how the corridor area dwellers contribute to
that biodiversity.

Four different groups were identified (Table 3) and related to the settlement history of the
interviewees. Most of the informants had either lived all their lives on the same farm or
moved within the same sub-location.

28 
 
Table 3. Settlement history of the household interviewees.

Years lived on present farm/ origin Number

< 20 / outside Taita Hills 3
All their lives on the same farm 15
< 20/ same sub-location 19
< 20/ different sub-location 13
total 50

Figure 3. The 2007 household survey was conducted along transects following the least-cost path
between the indigenous forest patches of Chawia, Ngangao and Mbololo. Participatory mapping of
traditionally protected forests and sites took place within four areas: Mbololo-Choke, Central Dawida,
Kidaya-Chawia and Mgange (see Figures 13 and 24-27). SPOT XS satellite imagery from 2003 was used
in the background.

29 
 
A Multidisciplinary landscape analysis method, developed by CIFOR (Sheil et al. 2002),
was selectively applied in conjunction with making a participatory exercise with a group of
local farmers (N= 35) from the Kidaya-Ngerenyi location. The first aim was to learn about
their perceptions of land use categorization and traditional ecological knowledge attached to
different land uses. Photographs and self-completion questionnaires, with structured and
semi-structured questions, were used for the exercise. The second aim was to understand the
possible differences in perceptions between the local users of the land and that of researchers
external to the area who categorize the land use from their points of view. Historical timeline
about tree use and innovations in Taita Hills was also created during this focus group
exercise.

In order to understand the benefits and constraints of people’s participation in forest

management, a study among groups engaged in forest related activities was also conducted.
Many of the people living around the forests, and who hitherto had informally
depended upon those forests for their livelihoods, had formed forest associations and
prepared management plans, as the Forest Act requires before the user can be conferred
management rights. The plans require that the forest areas are divided into different
zones and their conservation status defined. Depending on the forest, these are named as
biodiversity conservation zone, utilization-, intervention-, non-consumptive use-, habitat
restoration-, afforestation- or catchment protection zones (Kenya Forest Working
Group et al. 2004; Mwang’ombe 2005). Firstly, a self-completion questionnaire was
translated into Dawida language, for all respondents to complete individually. The design
included 13 structured questions and 10 open-ended ones (see Appendix 8) Secondly,
participatory tools including focus group discussions, institutional analysis and SWOT
analysis (Pretty et al. 1995) were used. The data were obtained from farmers living adjacent
to four remnant forests distributed across the four geographical areas of Ngangao, Chawia,
Mbololo and Mwambirwa. Data were obtained from 172 respondents (Ngangao, N=35;
Chawia, N=68; Mbololo, N=34 and Mwambirwa, N=35) during three thematic meetings.
Three research assistants, familiar with the local languages of Dawida and Swahili,
facilitated the interpretation of the questionnaires and discussions at each site. The
respondents were selected based on their involvement in groups or community forest
associations in various forest-related activities.

4.2.3. Participatory mapping of traditionally protected forests and sacred sites

Following the least-cost path (Adriaensen et al. 2005) data on use and restrictions of
traditionally protected forests and sites was collected from January to May 2009 by using
participatory GIS approach and participant observation. Both geographically accurate data
and data based on peoples´perceptions were acquired. I decided to focus the study
systematically on the least-cost corridor area in order to contribute to the data pool needed
for understanding the landscape matrix and, to further local land use planning and forest
rehabilitation schemes. The TPF/S areas were studied by seeking out the experts who were
knowledgeable or responsible for managing the sacred sites, and learning from them. The
borders of TPF/Ss and practices related to their use were defined by the experts and, under
their leadership, GPS- receiver measurements were taken onsite (see Figure 13). A forest
30 
 
condition assessment was made on each site (see Appendix 10) including an overview on
soil and crown cover characteristics and an assessment of regeneration. The sites were
further divided into four condition classes according to their characteristics. The assessment
was applied from a manual on preparation of participatory forest management plans by
Kenya Forest Service and Kenya Forestry Working Group (2007). Medicinal and other
traditional uses of plants found on the sites were listed by the informants by using
vernacular, English or scientific names. The traditional uses and past restrictions related to
the site in the past as well as those ones pending were discussed. The data was noted down
on an ad hoc form designed for the purpose and the discussions were recorded digitally. I
was occasionally offered opportunities to attend traditional ceremonies conducted at the
sites. Aerial photographs (orthorectified digital camera photo mosaics from 2004, see Figure
19) were used to plan the TPF/S mapping procedure, initially by myself in a bigger scale and
then during the field work more detailed together with the expert groups. Aerial photographs
were useful for the interpretation medium (6-12 ha) and big sized (>12 ha) forested areas
consisting mainly of indigenous trees. However, for more detailed knowledge and
understanding about the traditionally protected patches and their status, ground truthing
(Robbins 2003) was obligatory. Previous studies (Kerkhof 1988; ICRAF 1992; Were &
Soper 1986) concerning vegetation and vernacular names of plants in Taita were used
afterwards for validating the species list, together with photographs, leaf-samples and
consultation of local foresters and herbalists. In total 73 persons attended the participatory
mapping onsite (see Tables 1 and 4).

The following factors were studied through participatory TPF/S mapping:

 location, size, total area of TPF/S;

 land ownership and management characteristics, legal status;
 vegetation characteristics and condition status;
 soil cover, crown cover, density of regeneration, dominant species, tree height;
 surrounding land use;
 timber species;
 other tree and shrub species;
 wildlife conflicts;
 non-timber forest products;
 medicinal plant species (part used/purpose);
 traditional tree use (other than medicinal);
 traditions concerning the use of TPF/S in the past;
 restrictions, rights and rules concerning the use of TPF/S currently;
 best management practices according to key persons and;
 oral and written narratives about traditions and plant use concerning sacred sites.

31 
 
Table 4. Gender and age of TPF/S informants.

Age Number of Female Male Number of Female Male

categories informants informants
attending attending TPF
field visits mind-mapping
< 20 years 4 3 1 0 0 0

20-40 years 13 2 11 27 11 16
41-60 years 22 5 17 49 13 36

> 60 years 34 9 25 11 1 10

Total 73 19 54 87 25 62

Another 87 area residents contributed to the five organized meetings, in which village maps
illustrating traditionally protected areas were drawn and Taita traditions discussed. These
were organized across five different locations, namely Mbololo, Choke, Wundanyi, Kidaya-
Ngerenyi and Mgange-Dawida. Participants were divided into groups of 3-4 and asked to
map and name the main infrastructural features, forest areas and traditionally protected sites
in the villages on large papers. They also wrote down stories related to the sacred sites and
some were told during the meetings. The intention of these meetings was to test the results
already gathered during the TPF/S visits. I wanted to know from these new groups of people,
where on village maps they would locate sacred sites, and whether their knowledge and
perceptions would differ from what was learned earlier in the TPF/S sites with the expert
groups. This was a time consuming, but very informative way to collect new data and
triangulate the existing data. It was possible to add and accurately locate the features on
mind-maps and transfer them to the GIS database layer by relating infrastructure, vegetation
patterns and the already ground-truthed and named TPF/S. One principal translator, an
agricultural professional from Kidaya, worked with me throughout the entire study period
and helped compare, translate and confirm my field notes. His role as a mediator between us
and the local village elders and other residents who we visited was also crucial when
introducing ourselves and making our intensions known to locals. We used plenty of time for
introductions to make sure that our informants understand what kind of research we were
doing and express their views on how the results should be used. Official interviews on the
latest cultural programs and trends in forestry were also done in spring 2009.

4.3. Data analysis

The study is based upon emerging data. My approach was Grounded Theory –type (see
Koskennurmi-Sivonen 2007, Corbin & Holt 2005, Glaser 1992), thus inductive and idea was
to ground a theory on data. Grounded Theory is a theory generating research methodology
whose end product is an integrated theoretical formulation which provides an understanding
about how persons, organizations or communities experience and respond to events that
occur (Corbin & Holt 2005: 49). The theory here is defined as a set of concepts that are

32 
 
integrated through a series of relational statements (Hage 1972 cited in Corbin & Holt 2005:
49). My intention was to avoid approaching the research questions or their answers from an
overly western, scientific perspective; instead trying to distinguish the essential issues at
stake while spending time in the study area. This is to avoid big cultural biases in the study,
however, at the same time being conscious of the effect of the researcher´s personality and
previous knowledge can have upon the analysis process. Very little data about current
traditional ecological knowledge and practices of Taita people exist, thus building an
understanding around the issue is considered useful. This approach supports the idea of
Grounded Theory by focusing on data that has not been conceptualized before. Existing
theories and research by other scholars concerning the themes that emerged from my data are
also presented in the theoretical framework and reflected upon. However, in the spirit of
Grounded Theory (Glaser & Strauss 1967: 37), this more thorough look at the previous
theories was done after the completion of my own empirical analysis. Coding,
conceptualizing and categorizing were applied to the qualitative data (Koskennurmi-Sivonen
2007, Charmaz 2006, Gomm 2004, Glaser 1992). The recorded audio data included various
forms of information: oral narratives and announcements, in-depth interviews, household
interviews, group discussions, discussions while visiting traditional sites and observations of
traditional rituals. Also, written attribute data on the village maps and the data noted down on
TPF forms were analysed as follows: the data was firstly conceptualized through open
coding. Secondly, the connections and causalities between the various emerged concepts
were scrutinized through axial coding. Following Strauss & Corbin (1990, 1998), a constant
comparative method was used, thus each code was constantly compared to other codes to
identify similarities, differences and general patterns. As the data was initially fractured into
separate and distinct codes axial coding is to bring it back together in a coherent whole.
Thirdly, a few core concepts were found and adjusted to the other concepts through selective
coding.

The geographically accurate data, including various information on traditionally protected

forest patches, were handled and analyzed by using ArcViewGIS 3.2 and Arc Map. Layers of
both the ground truthed and the mind- mapped traditionally protected forests and sites were
compiled on digital aerial photographs. Arc View Query function was used for cross-
tabulation of the attribute data.

The data from the structured questions from the PFM community groups, who I met in 2007,
was analyzed using SPSS 13.0 software for Windows. Frequencies and cross tabulations
were generated and used to explain the trends observed; correlations between variables and
preference rankings were performed based on the scores that the respondents provided.
Answers to open-ended questions were coded and categorized using content analysis in order
to elicit the various dimensions that respondents considered as benefits and constraints of
participation. Only selected parts of the study are presented in this monograph and they serve
the purpose of data triangulation (for the entire study see Himberg et al. 2009). By mixing
various methods (Caracelli & Greene 1993; Greene et al. 1989) I used triangulation (see
Mathison 1988) which completed the different data. The consistency of findings obtained
with various instruments is tested through triangulation. The results from one method were

33 
 
clarified and illustrated with the use of another method. The use of different instruments also
initiated new research questions along the way which challenged the results obtained through
previously used methods. Essential tools for analysis were theoretical sampling and data
saturation (Koskennurmi-Sivonen 2007). As my understanding about the issues under study
gradually grew I was able to establish more relevant and detailed research questions and
collect additional data answering those. At certain points of the study additionl data did not
provide anymore new information about or aspects on the issue, thus was considerd
saturated.

5. Geography of Taita Hills

5.1. Landscape and its transformation

The Taita Hills, a mountain massif located in south-eastern Kenya, Taita District, (03 25´S
and 38 20’E) in the middle of the Tsavo Plains, covers an area of 941 km2 and has a
topography ranging from 700 m to 2208 m above sea level (Pellikka et al. 2009) (see Figure
1). Within the Intertropical Convergence Zone, a long rainy season occurs from March to
May and a shorter rainy season in November–December, but the mist and cloud precipitation
is an all year-round phenomenon in the hills. Due to the orographic rainfall pattern, the
southeastern slopes of Taita Hills receive more precipitation than the northwestern slopes
(Jaetzold & Schmidt 1983). Indigenous mountain rain forest fragments on the hills
accommodate a variety of endemic and threatened flora and fauna. Out of the twelve
remaining indigenous forest fragments eight are smaller than 5 ha (Bytebier 2001). These
ancient hills are the northernmost part of the Eastern Arc Mountain chain; one of the three
massives belonging to the Eastern Afromontane complex classified as one of the world’s 34
most important biodiversity hotspots (Conservation International 2007, Myers et al. 2000).
The indigenous mountain rainforests in the hills represent the fragmented relics of some
primitive and formerly widespread forest flora and fauna less likely to be found elsewhere in
Africa today. Unfortunately these forests have suffered substantial loss of biodiversity and
degradation of forest during the last decades (Wilder et al. 1998: 181); between 1955 and
2004 the decrease was 50% (Pellikka et al. 2009). They have been encroached upon and left
small remnants on the peaks of the hills and ridges. According to information gathered from
the local community and Forest department records (Kenya Forest Working Group et al.
2004), the clearing of forests for purposes of cultivation appears to have been going on for a
long time. However, the major disturbances occurred in the recent past. For instance, in
Ngangao, the second largest indigenous forest remnant in Taita, non-native tree species like
Pinus patula (Schiede & Deppe ex Schltdl.), Pinus elliottii (Engelm.), Pinus caribaea
(Morelet), Cupressus lusitanica (Mill.) Lindl. ex Parl), Acacia mearnsii (De Wild.) and
Maesopsis eminii (Engl.) were introduced in the 1970´s (RoK 1971-1976), and Meru oak
(Vitex keniensis) (Turrill) brought from Mountain Meru area more recently, in 1971 and
1973. Acacia mearnsii was initially introduced around 100 years ago in Taita for the purpose
of producing leather tanning agent and the species has subsequently spread. Colonial
plantations were also the main concern of the forest office then stationed in Wundanyi.
Seedlings for Eucalyptus spp. (L´Hér.), Pinus patula, Cupressus lusitanica and Grevillea
34 
 
robusta (A.Cunn ex R.Br.) were raised by the Wundanyi office and distributed free to the
local farmers (Kenya Forest Working Group et al. 2004).

Firewood collection, fires and trails running through the forest cause disturbances on its
margins, and the vegetation inside has been influenced by selective logging in the past. Dale
(1939; cited by Kenya Forest Working Group et al. 2004) recorded Ocotea usambarensis
(Engl.) as one of the dominant species in the Ngangao forest, but in more recent surveys,
only a few mature individuals were shown to remain. Over thirty saw pits were found that
probably fell into disuse after the Presidential decree banning the felling of indigenous trees
in 1988. The disturbed areas are indicated by the presence of Tabernaemontana stapfiana
(Britten), Phoenix reclinata (Jacq.) and Maesa lanceolata (Forssk.)  Voigt, G. Don).
According to Beentje (1988; 1990) the indigenous forests on the hilltops are classified as
Upland Moist/Moist Forests and can be distinguished into at least three forest types: 1)
Ocotea Forests with characteristic species such as Ocotea usambarensis, Tabernaemontana
stapfiana and Aningeria adolfi-friedericii (Engl.) at (> 1,600 m a.s.l.) and 2) Newtonia
Forests at (1,250 - 1,800 m a.s.l.) with Newtonia buchananii (Baker) G.C.C.Gilbert &
Boutique), Tabernaemontana stapfiana, Albizia gummifera (C.A.Sm.), Strombosia scheffleri
(Engl.), Nuxia sp.(R.Br.), Rapanea melanophloeos (Mez), Xymalos monospora (Baill.). 3)
Cola-Craibia Forests occur in drier parts of the moist forests with Cola greenwayi (Brenan),
Craibia zimmermannii (Harms ex Dunn), Garcinia volkensii (Engl. (Ltb.) Kosterm.), and
Croton megalocarpus (Hutch.) among others.

Figure 4. Taita Hills landscape as seen from Yale mountain peak (photo by Himberg 2009).

35 
 
Results from Maeda et al. (2010) on agricultural expansion scenario indicate that, if current
trends and driving forces persist, agricultural areas will occupy roughly 60% of the area by
2030 and will be consentrated on the foothills and lowlands of Taita. Such dynamics would
increase the spatial dependence on distance to rivers and other water bodies. Although forest
clearance is less widespread at present, past clearance have led to increased isolation of the
remaining patches, edge effects, soil erosion and negative hydrological effects (Adriaensen et
al. 2005). Forests in Taita Hills host critically endangered animal species, like birds,
amphibians, reptiles and insects and their rate of decline for those is estimated to be 80%
within 10 years (Bytebier 2001: 11). The fragmentation of the indigenous forests is already
causing behavioral changes in the bird population creating a correlation between habitat
quality, at the level of individual environments and genetic stress (Lens 2005). Bird species
like Apalis fuscigularis (Moreau) (Taita Apalis), Zosterops poliogaster silvanus (Peter &
Loveridge) (Taita white eye), and Turdus helleri (Mearns) (Taita Trush) are on the list of
critically endangered species of IUCN. Also plants like; Psychotria petitii (Verdc.),
Psychotria crassipetala (E.M.A.Petit), Coffea fadenii (Bridson), Memecylon teitense
(Wickens), Millettia oblata (Dunn) and Saintpaulia teitensis (B.L.Burtt) (see Figures 5 and
6), are all threatened species in Kenya (Mwangangi & Mwaura 1993).

Figure 5. Saintpaulia teitensis, endemic species to Taita Hills, in Mbololo forest (photo by Himberg 2009).

A Presidential Directive in 1988 banned the cutting down of indigenous forests, while the
conversions of indigenous forests into exotic plantations ended in 1984 (Beentje 1988,
Mbuthia 2003). However, the big scale clearance of forests and cropland establishment in the

36 
 
highland areas had already taken place before those measures due to favorable climatic and
edaphic conditions, like high precipitation rates (Maeda et al. 2010: 9).

The three largest remaining forest fragments are Ngangao (120 ha), Mbololo (185 ha) and
Chawia (86 ha) located in areas of high potential agricultural activity (Pellikka et al. 2009).
The indigenous forests are important sources of water for the surrounding community as well
as for those living in the lowlands further downstream. According to previous studies (see
Adriaensen et al. 2005) environmental risks in Taita Hills could be diminished by creating
forest corridors between the largest indigenous forest patches in order to promote dispersal of
the endangered species. Increase in forested areas could be also beneficial to the rural
livelihoods through enhancing soil fertility, water retention capacity and non-timber forest
products.

Figure 6. Memecylon teitense, endemic to Kenya, in Ngangao forest (photo by Himberg 2007).

In a desire to plan a sustainable way forward, the Critical Ecosystems Partnership Fund
(CEPF) funded stakeholders’ workshop in February 2005 to discuss the conservation and
management of Taita Hills forests. Participants included community groups, NGOs working
in the region, relevant Government departments and institutions conducting research in Taita
Hills. The two key resolutions from the workshop were; firstly to increase indigenous forest
area and reduce degradation of remnant indigenous patches, and secondly; to increase the
forested area in the surrounding matrix and convert plantations of exotic trees into
indigenous ones. This would provide for human needs and increase the overall connectivity
of the landscape.
37 
 
Government statistics from 2008 for Taita District indicate that there are 31 gazetted forests
covering 1,489 ha, and 48 non-gazzetted (local authority) forests covering 7,193 ha, in the
area. These forest parcels cover 0,51% of the total District area (see also Table 5). The main
forest products are timber, construction materials and herbal drugs while non-timber
products include honey, medicines, water and mushrooms. All households are engaged in
farm forestry and the average number of trees on farm is 50 (RoK 2008: 19-20). For a deeper
understanding of the landuse patterns and landscapes in Taita Hills, it is worth looking back
into the history and traditions of the Taita people.

Table 5. Government gazzetted forests in Taita Hills (Himberg 2009, Adriaensen et al. 2005).

Name of the forest Main type of vegetation

Mbololo indigenous
Ngangao indigenous + plantation
Chawia indigenous
Macha indigenous + plantation
Mwachora indigenous
Kichucheni / Chuchu indigenous
Vuria indigenous + plantation
Yale indigenous + plantation
Ndiwenyi /Mwanfuga indigenous
Fururu indigenous + plantation
Mbili plantation + indigenous
Choke plantation + indigenous
Kinyeshamvua plantation + indigenous
Modangache plantation + indigenous
Boma plantation + indigenous
Mwarungu plantation
Ikuminyi plantation
Mwaganini plantation
Irizi plantation
Mchungunyi plantation
Mwambirwa plantation
Mraru plantation
Jaycee plantation
Susu plantation
Weni mbogho plantation
Mwarunga plantation
Ngomenyi plantation
Shomoto plantation
Wesu big rock plantation
Weni mwana plantation

38 
 
Figure 7. Zimmermannia ovata (E.A.Bruce) is endemic to Taita Hills (photo by Himberg 2007).

5.2. Traditional land use and ownership patterns in Taita Hills

The traditional land holding system in Taita was designed to give each household access to a
full range of environments in order to ensure a balanced use of varying natural resources.
The plains, nyika, are for livestock grazing and hunting; the lower slopes, wurindi, for dry
land cultivation during the long rains; the upper valleys, mavongo, for irrigated and rain fed
cultivation during short rains and; water logged bottom lands, mighunda, for seasonal
cultivation. Due to unreliable rainfall patterns it has been important to have a back-up
system; crop failure on one site during a planting season may be compensated on another site
(Wandera & Soper 1986: 78). Based on the tradition that the most important types of
property are land and livestock, the land use is categorized into three: nyika, lowland
wilderness area; mlamba, uncultivated virgin land (often forest) in the hills for firewood,
thatching grass and grazing; and mbuwa, cultivated farm land (Maundu & Ogutu 1986: 56).

The land as a whole used to belong to the Taita community. The largest social unit regarded
as a corporate land-owning body has been the great lineage kichuku kibaha, a patrilinear, but
not exogamous descent group. Two or more such lineages formed a territorial and political
unit, izanga jimweri, within which the boundaries of lineages might fluctuate a bit. Normally
the whole neighborhood was linked through a network of matrilateral and affinity ties
(Maundu & Ogutu 1986: 56, Harris 1978: 56). Oaths were taken by the lineage members to
tighten the bond. The cultivated land was traditionally under individual ownership, whereas
mlamba land belonged to the great lineage and formed its territory together with the
cultivated lands of its members. These lineages also managed large tracts of nyika. Each
lineage typically occupied its own cluster of ridges and the boundaries and entrances to the
hills were protected by fighis; magical medicine buried underground and prohibiting
intruders with bad intentions.

39 
 
An individual came to obtain owner rights to land through their social position and
relationships in four ways: Firstly, by being the first to occupy and clear an area of mlamba
or nyika nobody had claimed before. Secondly, through purchasing when has been possible
between members of the same neighborhood. Thirdly, people conquered land, but only
during the initial period of settlement in Taita. Fourthly, rights to land could be gained
through inheritance. In the patrilineage system ownership rights were vested in the family
head and only sons could inherit ownership to land, while women were allocated land when
got married and according to her seniority and energy in cultivation. Sometimes land was
also allocated to unmarried daughters with merely usage rights and no rights of disposal.
Sons usually got the share of that which their father had allocated to their mother. Some
inherited more, because their mothers were hard-working. Sons stayed home until the birth
of their second child and then built a house on the land given to them. Younger brothers
looked to their elder brothers and uncles to ensure fair play. Plots were also loaned or leased
temporarily for a payment of beer or produce. This brought flexibility into the strategic
planning of livelihoods while family was growing. Due to population growth, desirable
mlamba land was occupied more and more and brought into individual ownership. The same
happened on large nyika areas leading to the diminishment of average land holding. The
traditional system of father sharing his land among his sons still holds in Taita. However,
nowadays, anyone can buy land with money, including women, although male are still
prerogative in ownership while women predominate as holders of use rights in their capacity
as wives and mothers as well as the growers of household food. (Maundu & Ogutu 1986: 57-
58).

When it came to forestry, Taita people rarely used very large trees but selected the medium
sized (between 15 to 30 cm diameters at breast height) hardwood trees for poles for the
construction of their hut. This changed when the construction of the Uganda railway (1896-
1901) (passing Taita) started, since the demand for sleepers and fuel rose dramatically as
well as the demand for permanent sources of water for the steam engines. The mentality
during that era is described as negative, since the church condemned and declared primitive
the most respected people, Warighiti, then selected their own people as chiefs and
administrators. A “hut cess” was collected from villagers and they were forced to work in
tree plantations. A reluctant attitude against the administration continued for generations
(Kenya Forest Working Group et al. 2004).
The various colonial land ordinances between 1902 and 1930 and the Crown Land Ordinance
categorized land into Crown Land and Native Reserves (later at independence called trust
land). A considerable chunk (62%) of the Taita Taveta area was gazzetted as Tsavo East and
Tsavo West National Parks in 1948. Also a private Game Reserve and a hunting block
excluding indigenous hunters as well as a sisal estate were established, alienating the original
inhabitants and land users from the areas. Grounds for hunting and grazing were especially
denied. Traditionally, hill tops, marshes and steep hills were never cultivated. After
confining people into one “native reserve” area, the tradition of sub-division of land to
offspring could not be controlled, thus land fragmentation was inevitable and marginal lands
forced under cultivation. Improved medical care boosted population growth and forced many
sons down the hill looking for land to cultivate (Ville 1994: 24). The post-independence
40 
 
policies strived to land tenure reforms, but they did not consider that land alienation had
already seriously disrupted the socio-economic set up of Taita people badly. In the early
1960´s the authorities started a land consolidation process, which turned out to be difficult
since Taitas were not happy to shift from their place of birth or change fertile plots on the
hills (like in the Mwanda transect- example plot illustrated in Figure 8) to less fertile ones
downhill. However, land adjudication was pulled off, registering people land plots
irrespective of their size. According to Maundu & Ogutu (1986: 65) in 1986 the average land
holding per family in Wundanyi was 0,8 ha and less than 5% had more than 4 hectars.
Presently, the average farm size in highland area is 0,4 ha (RoK 2008: 6), which is half of
what it was previously.

Figure 8. Mwanda farm transect passes by a sacred grove (fighi) and mixture of cash crops, indigenous
and exotic trees, medicinal plants and crops for household consumption.

5.3. Economical realities in Taita District

Taita people (Wataitas in Swahili, Wadawida in Taita) are often defined as sedentary
agriculturalists, since they practice agriculture intensively on their small landholdings and
have a sophisticated irrigation system. However, as Smith (2008: 50) suggests, they can also
be considered to be far from sedentary, because wataitas are people of diverse origins and
with a history of long-distance trade networks. Taita is a Swahili word for the Dawida hills
they occupy, but the local language name for people, Wadawida, also means “those who are
passing”. The locals speak about themselves as people who are constantly moving and
41 
 
occupying the cultural borderlands of the hot, Swahili speaking, Islamic and mercantile
coast, and the cool, fertile, agricultural and Christian up-land. According to population
census (RoK 2010), in 2009 273 519 people belonged to the Taita tribe.

Due to the erratic rainfalls, livelihoods from agriculture have always been uncertain and
wataitas have a long history of off-farm income earning. They have been travelling since
1920´s along the road from Swahili port city of Mombasa. There are many adult males who
have worked all their lives on the coast and only occasionally visited home in the hills.

The population of Taita and Taveta Districts grew from 90,146 in 1962 to over 300,000 in
2001 (RoK 2001). Small-scale farming for subsistence purposes and agroforestry are still
widely practiced. Presently, the agricultural sector employs a majority of the people (95%)
compared with only five per cent of those engaged in forestry-related activities. Maize and
beans are the main food crops. An average farm size in highland is 0.4 ha (1 acre), compared
with 1.3 ha in the midlands and 4.8 ha in lowlands (RoK 2008). The indigenous forest
ecosystem in Taita Hills, like many others worldwide, is threatened by extinction due to the
impacts of increased population, socio-politics and economics. Fast-growing, exotic tree
species are commonly planted in the fields. However, with increasing population, the
cultivable landholding per capita has been steadily decreasing (see Mogaka 2002: 14). A
study by Soini (2005) concerning livelihood strategies in Taita Hills highlighted the need to
supplement farm income by non-agricultural income. An earlier study by Fleuret (1985) on
Taitas´ indigenous responses to drought showed that, limitations on the viability of
ecologically-based risk management have been replaced by economic alternatives like
migratory wage labor, which subsidizes local non-skilled labor and sales of farm produce. In
the absence of enlargement and expansion of alternative economic activities, population
increase is a major threat (Mogaka 2002: 14). The latest Taita District Development Plan for
the years 2008-2012 (RoK 2008: 2) states that the vision for Taita should be “a self reliant,
highly productive, healthy and prosperous District”. Furthermore, the mission and input
from administration is “to provide, promote, coordinate the efficient exploitation of existing
natural and human resources towards achievement of high development in all sectors in the
District”. Presently, we know that Taitas do not have much stake in the District´s most
productive industries, which are tourism in Tsavo National Park, gemstone mining and sisal
production (Smith 2008: 51).

5.4. The bewitching of Taita development

According to Smith (2008: 69) a contemporary assertion is that life in Taita in the past was
reasonably egalitarian, but there has also been a great deal of inequality vis-á-vis wealth and
social and cultural differences in the pre-colonial period. During the colonial period actually,
the Wataita identity increased. The internal diversity continues to be recognized through the
divination system, or wutasi, which is the first step toward identifying causes of private and
public misfortune. People were identified according to their imagined origins and attempts
were also to unify them through religious practices. Throughout the 20th century many
societies changed along with the divination practices, migrant wage labor, monetization,
increased schooling, cash crops and establishment of system of administrative chiefs
42 
 
enabling young men to surpass the authority of their seniors (Bravman 1998 cited by Smith
2008: 70). Many of the seniors of today acquired positions in the new independent
government of the 1960´s and felt that it is their duty to expunge traditions associated with
backwardness and resistance to Christianity. One of the most exposed examples of replacing
traditional knowledge with modern education was building a library over a sacred grove,
fighi, in the center of the district capital Wundanyi. The educated Taitas wanted to suggest
that tradition was destructive and associated with witchcraft. Smith (2008) describes vividly
in his book “Bewitching development” how changes brought about by development raise
moral debates that wataita express in occult terms. Wolf (1983) mentions “society´s
egalitarian iriso” (an evil eye) referring to envy. Also, as presented also later in this study,
witchcraft has a cross-cutting influence on the everyday life of the Taita people in the
capacity of social predispositions to assess other peoples ‘attempts and achievements
according to potential witch power elements in them. This causes jealousy, competition and
fear as well as counter reactions to them.

6. Human-nature relationship in Taita

6.1. Livelihoods and world-views

Taita communities have traditionally laid down their norms regarding natural resource
management, which were operating long before the government's intervention. These norms
have been understood and implemented through traditional rites. According to Ville (1994)
the Taita ritual complex (TRC) has been used for protecting territory and bringing rain.
Actually, it used to be the base for the whole social structure, legal system and control of the
yearly agricultural cycle. It controlled all circulation between the plains and the hills and
strived to ensure proper dynamism and temperance in and through the environment. Plains
and hills are seen as indivisible parts of the whole. The kireti, lowlands were considered
dangerous due to cattle steeling thieves and wild beasts, whereas cool highlands were more
safe. Danger was neutralized through ritual called kufighika, burying of magical medicines in
strategic sites of the hills.

Following Njoroge (cited by Ville 1994) Taita people show positive and utilitarian attitudes
towards wildlife although remaining conscious that animals are government property
nowadays and none of the accrued benefits from tourism revert back to local communities.
Taitas traditionally preferred to settle on the hills, while the plains remained busy with
pastoralists like Omoro and Masai speaking people and hunters. The 19th century ivory boom
and military troops´ game slaughter during First World War caused a decrease in elephant
and other game populations, otherwise the government´s game laws and rules prevented
excessive shooting, but also branded the indigenous hunters as poachers. Only few Taitas
hunted elephants, since according to Taita tradition killing of elephant is a murder (Ville
1994: 23). Taitas have always used the plain areas, but concentrated in highland agriculture
and those who nowadays are settled on the foothills are facing severe human-wildlife conflict
especially with elephants entering and destroying the farms as well as injuring and killing
people. Lowland settlers are dependent on the erratic rains and water flow from the hills.

43 
 
People lack resources compared with the 19th century when they could be more self-
sufficient with crops from the hills, and on hunt and keep bees. More fields and cattle have
led to soil degradation (Gachambini et al. 2005).

Ville (1994: 25) suggests that we learned a lesson from Taita symbolic ecology claiming that
“plain and hill cannot be disassociated, that the dry lowland has its own way to feed the
highlands”. Keeping in mind the human-nature relationship this same metaphor in reverse
order could end: “…the highland has its own way to feed the lowland” referring to the role
of hilltop forests as water towers in the area (Himberg 2008: 57). Taita people´s interest in
fighis partly reflects their growing concern about the vanishing forests, which Taita proverbs
declare were “finished by silence”, kituri chemeriyee msidu. Smith (2008: 53) who studied
Taita traditions describes fighi in the following way: “The drive from the plains up to the
hills takes the traveler past more than one invisible barrier, or zone, radiating out from
ritually protected indigenous forests. These forests are called fighi, meaning barrier, and
they are highly contested physical markers…..When they work, they strive to ensure cultural
distinctiveness and pure Taita moral values”.

6.2. The evolution of Taita political culture during the land reform

In pre-colonial times and prior to agrarian reform and population increase, the most effective
strategies were based on risk management through the exploitation of ecological variability
(Fleuret 1989). There still are communities or families who live according to the
management of multiple plots in different micro-environments, since their land is sufficient
for it. Some of those were not affected by the land consolidation program and many have
added to their landholdings through purchases. The cash for that is usually generated by
urban employment. As elicited earlier, the greatest changes in the texture of Taita society
were caused by the land reform program of adjudication, consolidation and registration
introduced by the government in May, 1963. According to Wolf (1983), Taita was included
in the program early, straight after Central Province since its well-watered zone had been
identified as having high potential in pre-independence development plans and reports.
Despite the awareness of population growth and the District´s restricted capacity to feed
itself and meet demand from Mombasa market, the newly installed African administrators
saw sense in making the District an example of agricultural progress. It was also a reward to
Taita´s regional KANU (Kenya African National Union) for their earlier support. The public
opinion was often negative and recommendations not to force residents to the change were
given. However, eventually penalties to opponents were spelled out. Taita urban migrants
fell victim to the land adjudication, thus absent. Those representing Taita in the big cities
rarely originated from the highlands, since the education those times was better in the lower
zone and employment opportunities according to that. Many of these urbanized Taitas were
not genuinely familiar with highland traditions neither as reliant on cash-crop filler for
survival.

Following Wolf (1983) even visual change in the landscape is obvious; the dense village
clusters of one or more patrilineages are replaced by individual homesteads set out in their
larger, clearly defined consolidated land-holdings. The changes involved one physical
44 
 
resource accessible to a bulk of the population and provided the base for both subsistence
and cash agriculture. It led to a profound alteration of residential, legal and informal social
relations and it showed the most visible example of the post-colonial state´s intervention in
local affairs. There were desires to retain common grazing land and pre-Christian shrines and
sacred groves during the legal process and the issues were highly emotive even among the
local “progressives”, who were more following the transgression of society´s egalitarian
ethos. People were told by the officials to “go and claim your plots and make borders” (Wolf
1983). Some hurried to get land surveyed, but many thought it was just a joke and could not
been happening for real. Even if the cost and problems in land reform exercise made it
unjustified in many Kenyan areas, the following factors increased its support: firstly, the
rationalization of traditional land tenure, which had been cited as “one of the greatest
obstacles to agricultural progress” (Ministry of Agriculture 1962: 47 cited by Wolf 1983),
was still considered the way to better conservation and smallholder production. Secondly,
external funding agencies insisted loan recipients to have land titles. Thirdly, there existed a
demand from the residents for such titles, since the colonial land alienation had made
security of tenure a sensitive issue (Gutto 1981: 53 cited by Wolf 1983: 178). The command
character of the policy is said to have had major impacts on the political culture of Taita
(Wolf 1983: 195). The de-popularization of public affairs happened while intra-lineage and
neighborhood disputes increased, diverting attention from control of District´s critical
resources.

6.3. From traditional agricultural practices to modern agroforestry

In his Agroforestry manual for Taita Taveta District Kerkhof (1988) explains how farmers
in Mbololo moved from shifting agriculture to a state of sedentary agriculture with very little
fallow. Trees on farms increased and on-farm tree nurseries have become more common.
Wildings and seedlings were planted unlike in the past. This was boosted by the distribution
centers whereby seedlings were stored and sold during the rainy seasons. Trees were planted
on compounds for shade and intercropped trees mainly for fruits and timber. A key to
success was control of livestock. Zero-grazing has become the main pattern. Earlier the area
was largely dedicated to communal grazing, but today no stray animals are found where
agroforestry is intensively practiced. In the central parts of Taita Hills woodlots on private
land are more common than in Mbololo. Large parts of land are under Eucalyptus (L´Hér.),
Pine, Cypress and Black Wattle (Acacia mearnsii) and the lots are often established through
natural regeneration. Grevillea robusta has become an increasingly popular intercropping
tree. Farmers with large pieces of land use some of their land for woodlots, because they
don´t have the labor to cultivate the whole area for food crops. During dry periods and when
the rains failed small scale irrigation was practiced long before colonial times. It is still used,
presently modified with government and development organization interventions.
Traditionally, furrows led from large streams straight to the fields and even small springs
were exploited by using collecting basins, or ndiwa with a capacity of 80-100 cubic meters.
Water was collected into the basin at nights and distributed in the mornings. For distribution
hollowed logs were previously used, whereas nowadays galvanized pipe and bamboo

45 
 
(Sinarundinaria alpina (K.Schum.) S.S.Chao & Renvoize and Bambusa vulgaris (Nees), see
Figure 9) are more common.

The watering system was built and maintained collectively by the users and overseen by an
elder of the lineage involved. Nowadays a chairman recognized by Ministry of Agriculture
oversees and users´ origins are various. There have been water projects taking place in
different parts of Taita Hills providing tanks and pipe networks. However, not all residents
have felt equally assisted by the projects (Himberg 2007).

Figure 9. Bamboo sp.water pipe on a farm (photo by Himberg 2009).

46 
 
Figure 10. Fanya juu- terracing on a steep terrain (photo by Himberg 2009).

According to Wandera & Soper (1986: 92-93) beekeeping was traditionally of considerable
importance to both the Taita and Taveta people (see Figure 11), the main use of honey being
the manufacture of beer for important ceremonies. Honey was also used for medicinal
purposes or taken with food. Bee-keeping as a modern enterprise only started in the mid
70´s, but there is good potential for honey production in Taita Hills. In earlier times most
men owned beehives, or mwadu, 10 or 20 or even more in the case of Taveta. The decline in
beekeeping parallels that in sugarcane production and can be associated with other aspects of
social change, particularly the decline in traditional ceremonies or land transactions requiring
beer and the general discouragement of beer drinking by missions and government, which
goes back to at least the 1930´s. Over 900 farmers in Taita have been involved in butterfly
farming as both a livelihood and a conservation effort (Mwandambo 2008). The farming
venture is jointly supported by Taita Taveta Wildlife Forum, National Museums of Kenya
and Kipepeo Project of Gede in Malindi District. Butterfly pupae export markets are in
Japan, Britain and USA. There exists nine butterfly species, for example Cymothoea teita
and Papilio desmondi teita (van Someren) in Taita forests not found anywhere else in the
world and the project aims to prevent their extinction.

47 
 
Figure 11. Traditional bee-hive made out of a tree log (photo by Himberg 2009).

7. Results
7.1. Traditional ecological knowledge of Wadawida

In the next chapters I present the results that address my main aim – to better understand how
traditional ecological knowledge of Taitas can be applied within the transforming natural
resource management regimes.

7.1.1. Local land use categories versus scientific land use categories

I was keen to know how Taita people name and perceive their land uses and what kind of
potential additional or contradicting aspects would emerge when compared with the
scientific classification developed and applied within our Taita research project (see Clark
2010, Clark & Pellikka 2009, Pellikka et al. 2009). Perceptions of Kidaya and Chawia area
residents about the direct and indirect values of different land use classes was studied by
using selected data sheets applied from Multidisciplinary Landscape Analysis, a method
developed by CIFOR (Sheil et al. 2002: 89, see Appendix 7). Before the landscape analysis
exercise, the respondents were however, first familiarized with their home area through
viewing an aerial photograph from a few years back. They were given loose instructions;
asked to locate their villages and households as well as distinguish and indicate the various
land uses they saw in the photograph. This was done in three groups, and they came up with
48 
 
20 different land uses (see Table 6 below, classes I-XX.). The six land uses included crop
production, three were for tree production, three also for non-timber forest products and two
land uses were for ecological services. Fish farming was quite recently introduced into the
livelihood in Taita. The land uses located closest to the residential areas (houses and yards)
were poultry and rabbit farming, cemeteries and tree nurseries.

Table 6. Taita farmers´own land use classes mapped on an aerial photograph over their
home area.
I. Maize production area XI. Tree planting area
II. Vegetable production area XII. Water catchment area
III. Forest area for firewood XIII. Timber production area
IV. Livestock grazing area XIV. Medicine fetching forest
V. Banana plantation area XV. Fish farming area
VI. Zero grazing area XVI. Poultry/ rabbit farming
VII. Cane production area XVII. Soil erosion control area
VIII. Sweet potato production area XVIII. Bee-keeping forest
IX. Residental area XIX. Mixed farming area
X. Cemetery XX. Tree nursery

For the next exercise I took landscape photographs of the twelve scientific land use classes.
In the landscape analysis exercise, the locals were shown the photos and asked to name each
landscape and to describe their use patterns and values (see Table 7).

Then the respondents gave the different scientific categories corresponding local names to
produce descriptive characteristics and emphasize how these land uses were not only areas
with certain physical features, but also places with symbolical meanings and uses. The
descriptions and value scoring exercise highlights the difference between plantation forests
and broad leaved closed canopy forests in hosting traditional elements. For instance, it is
mentioned that in plantation forest, applying traditional management methods is impossible.
The highest, direct, tangible values were perceived for Cypress and Pine forests, built area,
Kisachi the mixed and disturbed forest, road and cropland respectively. Highest indirect
values had Msidu the broad leaved forest, woodland, Grevillea plantation, Kisachi and
swamp and water areas. Rocky areas also scored well, since they are perceived as sites for
rainbringing and other rituals. Roads and bare land are considered a lot of work, thus
challenging due to erosion and gullies, but simultaneously they are appreciated for logistical
reasons and the road sides are the only allowed areas for cows and goats to freely graze.

Looking at the total scores, i.e. direct and indirect values combined, Pine forest and Kisachi
score first and Grevillea plantation and swamp area were next. It seems that Msidu is valued
for its ecological services and spiritual elements, but since most of the broad leaved canopy
forests are either forest reserves or sacred groves with both limited access, no direct benefits
were expected to derive from those. Kisachi- type of vegetation allows various uses, most
importantly firewood collection and grazing, depending on its tenure being collective or
private. Kisachi is a local land use class difficult to combine with the scientific classes. This
mixed and degraded forest type falls somewhere between woodland and broad leaved closed
49 
 
canopy classes. It is also commonly found in Taita, often in community forests. The results
show how variation in forest type and production is important for Taitas and how big
challenges these natural resource management practices pose to the local people.

50 
 
 Table 7. Local land use classes versus scientific land use classes.

Scientific Taita project Taita farmers´ perceptions of Taita project land use classes
land use classes (based on based on landscape photos
LCCS codes*)
1.Cropland Matuta (terraced area)
Isaka (virgin land)
Mghondinyi (hilly area)
Ngongodinyi (Napier grass dominated field)
Ighachwa (Lushango grass dominated field)
Crop rotation and manuring practiced, soil degradation and overflow during rains are threats
2.Shrubland (20-70% Chusu (dry unfertile area burn- beaten for fertilizing)
cover) Lwalenyi (high area)
3.Thicket (closed Mlamba
shrubland >70% cover uncultivated area, sometimes former forest, abandoned farm, waste land
with emergent trees)
4.Woodland Shamba ya mtu (someone´s farm) with medicinal trees.
Isenge irughu (wild banana forest) Ghosts throw rocks on people in the place. Perfect place for witchcraft practices, because

51
isolated and private.
5.Plantation Kilembenyi cha midi ya mbao (Cypress forest for timber and firewood)
forest/needleleaved forest Kilemba (Pine and Eucalyptus forests)
Area suffering from soil moisture loss. Impossible to apply traditional methods.
Midi riwale mbuwenyi (intact Grevillea plantation) with soil fertilizing effect
6.Broad leaved closed Msidu (forested and dense bush)
canopy forest Kireti (indigenous forest)
Kilemba cha wapazi (sacred ritual forest) with wild animals and fighis, sesos and shrines inside. Spirits are calmed down by
making sacrifices. Restricted access and traditional penalties for breaking the rules. Important in soil erosion control and water
catchment. Medicines and bee-keeping for livelihood
7.Grassland with scattered Nyika (lowland areas)
shrubs and trees used for livestock grazing and firewood collection
8.Bare soil and other Chia mbaa (road)
unconsolidated material Kireti (urban area with basic infrastructure) suffers from erosion and gullies. Trees planted for landslide prevention.
Road sides are good grazing areas for goats and cows.
9.Built-up area Mizi na midi (homesteads and trees)
former Mlamba (raised and flat forest area) where ridges and farrows are used for drainage. Good site for burial.
 10.Bare rock Kinyesha vua (rainbringer)
Mbanga (rocky cave area)
Medicine men and rainmakers use the cliffs for rituals. Ancestors are drumming on the top during droughts.Falling rocks, big
snakes and warthogs make the place dangerous.

11.Water Ndiwa (reservoir, dam)

Iriso (natural lake)
Sacrifices made for drought eradication. Used for cleasing and healing of physical and spiritual problems. Soil friendly trees are
planted around water areas.
Kichi (water logged area, swamp)
Sadu and Anaconda snakes inhabit. Wizards bath in the mud to streghten their powers.
12.Burned area Forest fires have been a problem in Chawia and Mwambirwa forests due to jealousy and politics
13.Cloud/cloud shadow -
14. - Kisachi (mixed forest with indigenous and exotic species) Disturbed, but thick forest for hiding, rituals and grazing cattle.
Planting of indigenous seedlings conducted by local people. Firewood and construction material fetched with village elders
permission. Many community forests are this type.

52
 
The short history of Kidaya-Ngerenyi forests was compiled by the respondents adding a time
frame for the land uses we presently see. The land management regimes shifted gradually
from village elders more to government, forests were seen more in means of financial gain,
and individual title deeds started to define households´way forward during the State
independence. The time span stretches from the 1930´s and the village group estimated 20%
of the indigenous vegetation from those days to still be existing. According to the group the
total amount of indigenous trees had already been decreasing before land consolidation.
Establishment of coffee farms and introduction of new farm species by settlers contributed to
this (see Figure 12). A study based on remote sensing data by Pellikka et al. (2009) supports
villagers´estimations: according to the change detection results, the decrease in indigenous
forest cover of Fururu forest in Kidaya-Ngerenyi from 1955 to 2004 was 81%. In total the
indigenous forest had decreased from 70.6 ha to 13.2 ha, but the whole forest area had
decreased only from 70.6 ha to 62.1(12%) ha due to large eucalyptus plantations on the
previously treeless areas.

Table 8. Forest history of Kidaya-Ngerenyi area according to the villagers.

1940´s-1989 Village elders decided upon forest use on community level

1930´s-1960´s Total amount of trees decreased

1960´s Forests were owned by communities

1963 onwards Independence brought famine (no more access to forest

products)
1963 onwards Land adjudication, draining of areas for cultivation (by e.g. using
Eucalyptus)
1970´s Government started forest gazettement

1960´s-2000 Total amount of indigenous trees continued decreasing (The

trees cleared during land adjudication were not replaced)
1980´s onwards Price of Cypress (and timber in general) was rising

2000- Approximately 20% of those indigenous trees from 1930´s are

left

53 
 
  Kenyan politics started. Influential
governance. Laws implemented to restrict
  forest access.  

1960´s 
     
1950´s  1970´s 
   Establishment of Coffee
  farms and Many forests were
factories. New species: Meru Oak (Vitex gazetted.
keniensis), Cedar (Juniperus procera).
 White settlers told people to replace
indigenous trees by exotics. Continuous
  decrease in the
1940´s  number of 1980´s 
Decrease in number of indigenous trees due to indigenous Danida introduced Macadamia. Avocado
 introduction of exotic species by missionaries and a trees became common. Green   Belt Movement
German origin settler called Vabi, e.g. Eucalyptus spp., introduced tree nursery activities. Cypress
 Cypress (Cupressus lusitanica), Pine (Pinus patula), and Grevillea considered no. 1 trees.
Grevillea (Grevillea robusta), Loquat (Eribotrya japonica) Timber market prices gone up since
and Guava (Psidium guajava). New farming methods e.g. 1980´s. Cypress aphid disease appeared
 crop rotation introduced. 1930´s  causing damage on Cypresses.
  2000+  1990´s 
No.1 trees: Mngima (Prunus africana), Mlungu
   1930´s 
(Erythrina abyssinica), Kiangachi (Phoenix reclinata), Power saw use became  rampant
  Mkuyu (Ficus sycomorus), Ndido (Maesa lanceolata),   year 1996 onwards.
Mombo (Myrica salicifolia), Msidu (Dodonea viscosa),
Mudikoshi

Figure 12. Changes in Taita agroforestry during 1930-2000 according to Kidaya-Ngerenyi area villagers.

7.1.2. Traditionally protected forests (TPF) and sites (TPS) in Taita Hills

The next step in my study was to gain more detailed information and understanding of the
traditionally protected sites; their location, size and both physical and sanctity condition.
Their status has been unknown at least for outsiders until recently.

Sizes and categories

The majority of the traditionally protected forest patches and sites are not gazetted. They are
located on private plots, trust land or on public land, for instance on riverfront or road side.
Thus, their management and conservation is mainly in the hands of the local residents. Basic
functions of these sites are protection, defending, rain making and cleansing. The activities
define the TPF/S category (see Table 11). Various activities can be conducted in the same
TPF/S. Different tree species also may indicate the type. Participatory mapping with the
expert groups in the field resulted in identifying 289 traditionally protected forests and sites
(see Table 10 and Figure 13). These I call ground-truthed TPF/S, since we visited them.
They all have their individual names, often characterized by the name of the clan they belong
to. The names are not published in this study in order to respect the privacy of the sites.
54 
 
However, I am presenting a few examples of locally known sites also with names and with
permission from their managers.

Stationary, participatory mapping and discussion sessions were organized in Mbololo,

Choke, Wundanyi, Kidaya-Ngerenyi and Mgange-Dawida and resulted in identifying 159
traditionally protected sites (see Table 12). These I call mind-mapped TPF/S, since they are
based upon people´s mental perceptions and drawings on paper. Eleven out of the total
number of sites were the same as the ground-truthed sites. Thus, the exercise showed that
density of TPF/Ss is even higher than what we had found by the seeking out the expert-
method and also that the sacred sites exist beyond the areas we visited. The exercise also
confirmed many of the patterns learned earlier. The categories were mainly the same with
some curiosities like the stone with marks memorizing respectable elders (see Figure 20).

Table 9. Areas of the ground- truthed and mind-mapped traditionally protected forests and sites.

Area of the ground-truthed TPF/S (ha) Area of the mind-mapped TPF/S (ha)
Sum 118,5 56,1
Mean 0,4 0,3
Max 15,9 8,5
Min 0,001 0,006

Table 10. Division of the ground-truthed traditionally protected forests and sites by size.

Size Hectares number of TPF/S

group
1 -0,04 101
2 0,041-0,2 108
3 0,21-0,4 32
4 0,41-1,2 27
5 1,21-2,4 11
6 2,41-4 4
7 4,01-6 1
8 6,01-12 3
9 12,01-16 1
(47 are bigger than 0,4 ha in size)

55 
 
Figure 13. Traditionally protected forests and sites in Taita Hills. All together 289 ground-truthed and 159
mind-mapped TPF/S were found. Taita Hills is divided into four areas (see also Figures 24-27) for
comparison. On the background SPOT XS satellite image (2003) and DEM interpolated with Survey of
Kenya 1: 50 000 topographic map.

Field research resulted in the recognition of 289 important sites out of which 176 were
described to be active. Activity refers to supernatural powers the place beholds as well as to
people’s engagement in practicing traditions in them. Non-activeness means that ritual use
has ended and that powers have diminished. In some cases this has led to total abandonce
and mismanagement of the place, but in others the sanctity has remained and the place taken
care of and respected even if not actively used. The TPF/Ss were divided into 30 different
56 
 
categories according to their primary use (See detailed descriptions of the categories later in
this chapter). Out of the ground truthed 61% and out of the mind-mapped areas 86% were
perceived as active.

Table 11. Categories of the ground-truthed TPF/S. Activity refers to supernatural powers the place
beholds and to people’s engagement in practicing traditions in them.

total number active areas

of areas
Gate fighi 52 38
Skull cave 48 18
Sacred site for rainmaking 22 18
Cave for political hiding 2 0
Fighi for political power 2 2
Place for circumcision (male or female) 3 0
Dance ground 15 7
Law court 2 1
Wizard meeting ground 16 13
Rock for men who passed away 1 1
Sacred site for Goat´s intestine analysis and healing 7 7
Cattle Boma (shelter) 5 0
Judgement cliff 4 0
Seso / Mbaro 25 18
Fighi for protection 29 18
Fighi for medicines 7 6
Fighi for cleansing 7 6
Mmanga bell 6 4
Fighi for offering harvest 4 2
Cave for patients with contagious disease 2 0
Shelter 3 1
Fighi for defend strategy planning 5 2
Fingo stopper 1 1
Fighi for initiation 3 0
Fighi for thanksgiving 1 1
Sacred tree (individual) 13 10
Fighi for cleansing after war or crime 1 1
Traditional industry (clay pot factory) 1 0
Observation point/ control base fighi 1 1
Fighi for wealth maintenance/Mlalu snake site 1 0
Total number of areas 289 176

57 
 
Table 12. Categories of the mind-mapped TPF/S. Activity refers to supernatural powers the place
beholds and to people’s engagement in practicing traditions in them.

total number active areas

of areas
Gate fighi 4 4
Skull cave 42 42
Sacred site for rainmaking 11 11
Cave for hiding from enemies 2 0
Dance ground 8 7
Wizard meeting ground 9 7
Sacred rock 3 3
Judgement cliff 2 0
Seso 21 19
Fighi for protection 25 25
Sacred site for healing rituals 3 2
Fighi for offering harvest 3 3
Hut for offering harvest 2 1
Cave for patients with contagious disease 3 0
Observation point fighi 1 0
Stone with marks memorizing respectable elders 1 0
Sacred tree 3 3
Fighi for wealth maintenance 2 1
Sacred/important spring 7 7
Grinding stone 6 0
Black smith´s shop 1 1
Total number of areas 159 136

Description of various TPF/S categories

Gate fighis serve the need for protection. They are located in road junctions and at the
strategic points along the boundaries of villages for “access control system”. A pot with fighi
medicine is buried underground controlling passing. The gate fighi can have various
protective measures; detecting unwanted by-passers, acting as a judgement ground or settling
complicated community matters.

Unwanted by-passers have been thieves, wizards and other bad-doers. One belief is that
when a wizard walks through a gate fighi, his magic turns into water and cannot harm
anymore. It is also believed that one cannot pass by a gate with a stolen cow. Taita people
used to have big, common ranches with shelters, Bomas, for cows and gate fighis to protect
them from cattle-steeling Maasais. One shouldn´t hold the animal by the rope while crossing
the gate and on the way to breeding a by-pass was supposed to be used in order to avoid the
animal becoming barren or dying. The gate fighi was believed to detect path-users´potential
evil plans. Previously everyone had to use the path through the gate, otherwise they were
automatically suspected to be a witch. If suspected, one had to taste some witch- revealing
medicine from a pot. When found guilty, there exists an anti-medicine for evilness. For
58 
 
example Fighi weni Mdinghi is described as “a confession place for bad-doers. One has to
confess and pay the price. Otherwise the same destiny will face one´s family. You have to
give a “man for a man” (village elder 70 years). The road junctions in Taita were strictly
controlled in the past and permission for moving had to be applied from village elders.

Figure 14. Two Mlungu trees (Erythrina abyssinica (Lam.) mark a gate fighi (photo by Himberg 2009).

No cutting or fetching firewood was allowed on these sites. Most of the gates are still
considered as sacred places even if the gateway is not always used in a traditional manner.
However, nowadays dead and even live wood can be fetched with permission from a village
elder. This might partly explain the degradation of the vegetation around gate fighis. Many
of the gate areas have been destroyed to make way for new infrastructure or private
buildings. However, those sites and their owners seem to have faced many problems, of
which they blame the fighi powers. Often before constructing, medicine men have been
consulted and specific rituals performed in order to avoid the negative consequences.

“Gate fighi serves the purpose to chase away the cow steeling Maasais. A black goat was put
in a deep hole after feeding it with herbs and slaughtering it. Once, instead of a goat, a
disabled boy of a woman had to eat the contents and he died and was buried as well. All
because Maasais came to steel cows and had to be chased away by this ritual by people of
Weni Ngulu. The mother cursed them and told that the next time this happens, someone from
clan Ngulu has to be sacrificed. They failed to do that, but ever since Weni Ngulu families

59 
 
have delivered abnormal children. They try to get rid of the curse, but it is difficult as the
sacrificed has to be a child, not an animal” (middle-aged man in Ngangao)

Skull caves have been used for ancestor worshipping. Skulls, Wangoma, of recognized
village elders were brought and stored in the caves until early 20th century (varies according
to areas). Each clan have their own cave and in some cases several clans share a cave.
Animal sacrifices and goat´s intestine analysis (GIA) are still conducted in order to seek
advice for problems occurring in the community or at individual level. Healing powers for
both physical and mental sicknesses have been sought through a soothsayer of spirits. In
some cases an individual skull is believed to be the one able to help in distress. The goat
meat is sacrificed without facing the most sacred spot in the cave. It is handed out to the
spirits between ones legs without looking back. Many things in the society were manipulated
through worshipping like the story of a village elder (female 70 years) describes:

Figure 15. An ancestor skull in a skull cave (photo by Himberg 2009).

“During Mwangeka´s regime our boys didn´t want to go to army and a medicine was used to
make the recruiters not to choose the boys. The army car carrying the staff felled before
reaching the village, because of fighi medicine and worshipping”.

One skull cave recently was destroyed since the big rock, under which the skulls were held,
dislocated and rolled down stopping in the middle of a newly built road. People consider the
ancestors did not like the idea of the new road. The destiny of many skull caves has been that

60 
 
skulls were stolen or destroyed because they were thought to be pagan. There are also several
histories about people outside Taita stealing or buying the skulls and selling them to
museums and collectors. In some cases the skulls have been taken with permission from the
plot owner to schools for educational purposes. However negative consequences followed:
the pupils had nightmares, visions and psychological disorders.

Many people reportedly went mad after playing around with the skulls. “A young man
became mad as he played football with skulls in 1984.The skulls had to be returned every
time followed by cleansing and atonement” (herbalist 50 years). In order to avoid misuse
many skulls have been relocated i.e. taken to a safe place for worship. Skull caves are
traditionally located in hidden places, since the rituals are supposed to be conducted in
secrecy and the entrance is allowed for only nominated persons. The way to the site is often
difficult to reach through steep terrain and thick vegetation. “This used to be very important
shrine for a large area and two clans. The rituals were last done in 1959, before the
missionaries arrived in Bura. The surrounds used to be thick, indigenous forest” (village
elder 60 years).

Figure 16. Skull cave in Fururu forest (photo by Himberg 2009).

Sacred forests with rainmaking as their primary function are still actively used. The
rainmaking ritual, shomboke mdiemba, includes ancestor worship and animal sacrifices
conducted by an “expert” group of village elders. A cow, sheep or goat is sacrificed, the meat
cooked without salt, partly eaten and the rest of it left for the ancestor spirits. Local brew,
61 
 
bombe, made of sugarcane and the fruit of the Mwasina tree is drunk and offered and prayers
are made. A black kaniki dress is worn by the men. A particular traditional medicine is
prepared using herbs from forest and mixed with alcohol in a big pot. This would vapourise
into the air. Sometimes a ritual dance is performed. Soon after the ritual a rainbow comes up
even if it’s a sunny day and it starts raining heavily. Before it starts, people have to leave the
ritual place. One should not return there straight afterwards, because the spirits have taken
over. Seeing the spirits as well as efforts to harm a sacred place can lead to one´s death.
People have perished for example after returning to cut trees in fighis.

When the seasonal rains in Taita fail, there is a rule called mudumba that is, ordering people
to stay inside and avoiding the farm on a particular day. An elder with a gereri (traditional
horn) goes around announcing this. Meanwhile an expert group conducts a rainmaking ritual
in a forest. The belief is that after everyone is inside when the rain falls. “When I was a child
70 years ago, rituals were going on, but after Christianity it stopped. My father used to
practice rain making rituals by the Msangarini School. A specific medicine was prepared for
the big ceremony. The rain was called for Werugha and Sungululu people.” (A female 80
years). Presently, rainmaking may be hindered by lack of money, like explained by a middle-
aged lady in Mgange: “Many people attend the rainmaking ceremony, men women and
children. It is a big event; sugarcane liquor and tea is drunk and meat eaten once per year. A
white, a red and a black goat are needed every time. One hinderance is that people count
nowadays costs and refuse attending. In the old days the mzee just named the one
responsible of bringing the goats. But now the person might refuse by claiming being out of
financial resources”.

62 
 
Figure 17. This well preserved fighi, called Ndile, is like an island sticking out from the farmland
dominated landscape (photo by Himberg 2009).

Caves for political hiding are historical sites, where the Kenyan freedom fighters sought
asylum and held strategic meetings before Kenyan independence. Famous politicians, like
Jomo Kenyatta, Oginga Odinga, Bildad Kaggia, Zephania Mwakio, Ronald Ngala, Tom
Mboya, Ochieng Ouko, Ouhius Nyerere Tanzania, Joseph Mucembi, Dawson Mwanyi, Mba
Mengo, Woresha Mwangeka, Mbiyu Koinange, Sihyia Maugoa, Paul Ngei, James Gichuru,
Jimmy Mbichi and Apolo Kilelu are believed to have stayed in Taita Hills´caves, like Kino
in the Sungululu sub-location.

Fighis for political power serve the leaders and other people in need of boosting one´s grasp
of power. Advices for success are sought from ancestors through rituals. Political meetings
are held in the fighi. Members of Parliament are believed to reside close to fighis and use
them regularly.

Sites for circumcision are still considered historically important, though the procedures for
girls or boys are no longer practiced at these particular places. The operations have moved
into hospitals.

63 
 
Figure 18. A degraded cave site typically looks like this in the landscape (photo by Himberg 2009). A
place for hiding was considered important generally in the times before modern constabulary. Everyone
made sure they had a cave or a forest where to hide if a threat was to arise.

Dance grounds have had various purposes for Taitas. They are communal forums for
socializing, entertainment or information. Some were used as a ground for redirecting orders
coming from “central command fighis” while kidnapping of a maiden for marriage took
place on another dance ground. For example kinyandi was for entertainment, whereby jingles
gave rhythm for the dance. Kishavi dance included drumming. Traditionally Friday was the
day for rest as well as for entertainment in Taita. Special dresses were used, videmu for
ladies and shuka for men. Dancing took place also during various rituals, like rainmaking,
and Gonda was performed while celebrating harvest time. After initiation of girls kishatu
celebrated adulthood. Dance was sometimes also included in every day chores like maize
grinding. A traditional court of law in Taita was a place like a cave e.g. Mwanganzu (Cave
with many rocks) or meeting ground, where the criminal was doomed after being found
guilty through obvious evidence or goats intestine analysis. Both wizards and common
people were charged. The wizards were given truth serum as well as medicine which would
kill them in case they would repeat their criminal action. Many of the judgements were
capital punishments meaning that the verdict was executed by pushing the criminal down
from a high cliff.

64 
 
Figure 19. Aerial photo (orthorectified digital camera photo mosaic from 2004, Pellikka et al. 2009) over
Kidaya-Ngerenyi sub-location with traditionally protected forests and sites indicated.

Law court
Small community matters are still settled with the help of village elders on the judgment
grounds. For example quarrels between husband and wife or bringing misbehaving children
to heel.

Witch meeting grounds, mwanjenyi, are places for the community bad-doers. The majority
of the sites are still considered to be in active use and despite the effect of Christianity, witch
sites are generally feared or avoided to various extents. The witches gather on a central spot
from distant places - the Mwanguwi site included wizards all the way from Ronge and
Werugha. In most cases these places are close to water. They may have a double task, firstly
to serve the witches during the dark hours of the day and secondly the “good-willed”
community elders during daytime. These certain sites in a way witness the battle between
65 
 
“good” and “bad”. The wizard meetings may include dancing naked, singing and shouting
with loud voice, training new witches and splashing with water. Water is considered a
neutral means of communication and since the “king of the witches” is believed to live in the
sea and all rivers eventually lead into sea, “You have to go to the river to quench your thirst /
Kumeria kau ni kuenda modenyi”. Reflections from the water tell many things to wizards
and act as a mediator of information, though “You cannot bewitch water/Machi
ndeghiloghwagha”. When splashing the water, the reflections disappear.

Various stories tell about the activities of wizards as well as those who were “saved” into
Christianity from being one. In Kilini in a private house a group of corps was found in the
1990´s after the owner, previously a wizard who was later baptised, passed away. The
wizards are said to plan killings and harassment efforts by the water and wash themselves
afterwards. They also have a capability to be invisible as described by an elder: “One cannot
see a wizard, just something black”. Wizards appear in the evening after 8 p.m. When one
passes by, it’s better to look the other way. “One cannot approach them otherwise they just
start shaking with fear”. They may also appear as owls and during their rituals they use owl
sounds. It is believed that if an owl sits on your roof, someone will die the same day. Wizard
tricks include spreading mental disturbance, confusion and diseases. One common nuisance
for a victim is to be put under a spell of not being able to move, resembling paralysis.
Wizards also cause common anxiety in villages or private harassment by dancing around
households. Many churches have been built on wizard sites, thus creating conflict between
the church and magical powers.

Wizards are also believed to open graves and steel pieces of bodies, since they need them for
their rituals. The following history told by a 77-years old village elder about Kwa Wana cave
in Ngangao forest describes this: “The cave was frequently used by wizards, who used to
excavate the corpse, then take it to the cave and boil with herbs. Some parts of the corpse,
especially hands were used for slapping people at night. Hence confusing the victims and
making them insane they were used as vehicles in transporting evil spirits and medicines.
The wizards could come at the night of burial, smoke some medicine to put the people in
sleep while excavating the corpse. They could take the corpse of any person regardless of
their age. Having done so, they place the body into the ceiling of their house and smoke it for
preservation. After a while it is taken to the cave for medicine production. This mixture was
used for bewitching others. It was believed that once the mixture is put into someone’s food,
that victim will end up dying due to non-specific diseases”. For example there is something
called mbaro referring to bleeding caused by a cast of a witch. Areas well known for their
very strong witches are Mwanda, Mgange, Kishamba, Mbale and Ronge. According to the
village elder communities have tried to eliminate wizards by killing the ones who live among
the community. This forced a number of wizards to relocate to areas where they were
unknown, while some abandoned their practices after pleading for mercy from the
community.

Witch doctors, magangas, are the counterforce of wizards and try to predict, detect and
prevent their bad-doings. They are herbalists who use among other things goat´s intestine
analysis (see later in this chapter) in their work.
66 
 
“The wizards were given Mwalola and Mugulee in the traditional forests called Mwanjenyi.
That was the ground where traditional dances were performed for joy by the entertainers to
celebrate their day. When the wizard was given Mwalola he started uttering words telling the
people for whom he had done evil deeds. When he had killed or be-witched ten people, he
mentioned everyones names. And this made people furious. The wizard was given Mugulee,
which was a very dangerous weapon or medicine. To form Mugulee, the witch doctors mixed
plant roots, plant leaves of some tree called Mbaroo with some urine from an impotent or
barren woman. So Mugulee was a Kiapoo for killing wizard” (Mlekenyi 2007).

Igo Mnuka stone by the road used to indicate the deaths of important men, who were taken
to another area in Taita Hills. As they passed by, a mark was carved on the big stone. This
procedure was last done around the 1920´s.

Figure 20. Igo Mnuka stone used to indicate the deaths of important men (photo by Himberg 2009).

Goat´s intestine analysis is a procedure through which the causes for an illness of a person
or conflicts in the community can be detected. The analysis is performed by a medicine man,
sooth-sayer (Mundu-woo-lagua-au-mundu-woo-kaba-bau) or other GIA expert in a fighi,
seso or other private place, like in a house of the medicine man. The goal of the analysis is to
seek healing powers, i.e. find the reason for the trouble as well as prescribe the solution for
it. A reason for illness may be for example too low daori (dowry) payment. Analysis has
been used also for requesting advices before going to war or leaving for a journey. The tricks
for solving problems within community, ndasanya, have been crucial for unity and serenity.
67 
 
Criminals can also be detected through goat´s intestine analysis as well as reasons for
drought or irregular rains. A special brew made out of two types of sugar cane, black
Mwajuja and striped Mulu, is used in the ritual and certain herbs and Mukengera grass must
be collected from forest to be fed to the goat before its slaughter. Mwanga is a general name
for a place where a family goes with Mlamba Adansonia digitata fruits, Idadongo leaves and
bombe (local brew). The sick person is surrounded by a circle of family members and
washed with this medicine. The GIA elders have to detect which mwanga is to be used. This
was a way to get rid of the mbara; bleeding caused by a cast of a witch.

Cattle Bomas were animal shelters for certain clans. Often they were big caves covered with
indigenous forest. They had a fighi medicine in a pot buried underground for protection,
since cattle stealing was common in the past. Nowadays these are no more in use, since free
grazing is not allowed and people have shifted into zero-grazing. Grazing cattle used to be
communal and herds bigger. Protection of the cows used to be as important as protection of
households.

Judgement cliffs are high rocks used for eliminating the criminals and trouble-makers from
the society by pushing them off the edge. This judgement method was last used around
1960´s, before independence. Sometimes the guilty person was thrown down with a goat in
order to keep the “criminal´s blood from contaminating” the judges. Thus, the sacrifice of a
goat made amends for passing a death sentence. At every location, sublocation and village,
people had their own village government or court managed by eldermen called Wagosi.
These people are like the judges of today. They passed law to law brokers. The trial before
sentence still showed some hope for the criminal. The uncle, Awuyee, of that person had the
last word, and if he was to believe that the guilty one is capable to still become socially
acceptable, this person would avoid the death sentence. So uncles are like advocates of
today. There is a history about a particular charged person who survived the fall and was
considered a wizard and was let go and left the God to decide upon his death.

Seso is a sacred site where someone has been killed in the past. For atonement, sacrifices
need to be done regularly in order to avoid the spirit of the dead person returning to haunt.
Ten generations need to follow the procedure (and due to this most of the sesos are still
operating). Someone getting sick was often considered as a sign of a seso being neglected,
thus healing powers are sought from the seso. Chicken, goat or sheep are sacrificed. The
victim´s clan is responsible for the seso. The cameo of the tradition of Seso Mlechi reveals
the procedure: “A girl from Murugua clan was killed at this site since she was pregnant and
out of wedlock. Thus Murugua clan members come to perform rituals in case illness occurs.
Firstly, a sheep is suffocated with Mukengera grass and then slaughtered and chopped into
seven pieces. These pieces are delivered to various spots, like one thrown down a cliff, some
left by the Kiangachi trees and some by Muku trees. The offerings are thrown not facing the
target site and one should not look back. The ritual is conducted between the hours of 12-15,
but facing the sunset direction. Sometimes 20 members of Murugua clan attend accompanied
by an expert elder. Last occasion was two years ago” (male 50 years).

68 
 
The curse does not affect people outside a given particular clan. This is why sometimes the
sesos, which are located on land adjudicated to some private person outside the clan, have
been destroyed or access to them is denied. Sesos on community land are more often
preserved. According to traditional rules, in forested sesos only women who have passed
menopause are allowed to collect dead branches for firewood though extraction of living
trees is forbidden. Non-clan members are allowed to collect firewood and medicines but clan
members must retain the highest respect for the sacred site. The haunting spirits cause fear
and respect towards the sites (mbaro= spirits dwelling site). According to Mr. Mwambisi
(2009) there was a lady who went to collect firewood, she was scared off by the spirits who
told her not to collect the wood and return everything she had taken home from the seso.
This happened in 2006. Ghosts are related to most of the sesos and they stop by-passing
people. In the past, when women refused to follow men´s rules and was somewhat
anarchistic, they were killed by the men. The caretakers of this Mararo seso believe strongly
that, if they do not practice the ritual, someone will die. The site of the murder is set aside
and the clan members sacrifice a goat regularly, cook and eat the meat without salt and
nothing is supposed to be carried away from the sacred site.

One private land owner has tried to get rid of a forested seso on his compound, basically
because he considers himself a good Christian and the seso resembles something pagan. “I
tried to burn it, but at the same time my family members started falling because of the spirits
and I could not proceed. Still, I will try to cut the trees. Someone asked me for a permission
to conduct rituals in the seso, so I allowed him, but for a payment” (male 45 years). Another
example of sacred site management is the Dojholonyi seso, which is on community land. The
forest is well preserved, since considered sacred and actively used by traditionalists from
Bura community. Ashes, bones and animal faeces splashed on the walls of a cave can be
found on spot.

On some sites the interests of different users are conflicting, like at the Seso Shali of the
Mnamu clan:” A woman was buried alive standing with her child on her shoulders, because
she got pregnant out of wedlock in 1913, and because men were always right those days! The
Church Mission wanted to build a church here, but the clan did not allow, because of the
seso. The whole clan is casted and the effects have to be managed through rituals” (male 52
years).

Protection fighis are sacred sites designed for community protection and a control base.
They serve a security purpose like the gate fighis, but also have further uses. For example
Mraru forest has protected Ore-Kirombo-Mbololo-Mwakishalua-Ndile area from calamities
from low lands and acted as an observation point. A pot with fighi medicine is buried
underground at these protection fighis. Eating, drinking, dance and sacrifices may be
conducted on site. The strategic location of a protection fighi gives it the responsibility for a
certain area, thus when moving to the boundary of a neighbouring area one should consult
the appropriate people there. One well-known historical site for protection is Mwagafa fighi
in Wundanyi, which used to protect a large community area, but has been replaced by a
coffee plantation by white settlers and later on by Government offices. Another strategically
69 
 
located protection fighi was and still is to a certain extent, Gate Kitukunyi. It protected a
large area from Kitunkunyi down to Mwagafa fighi in Wundanyi, controlling the traffic and
acting as a judgment ground. Later on it became an office plot for the area Chief, before they
moved to Wundanyi. On the yard still exists the grave of Daniel Mabenga; a traditional
assistant chief and a freedom fighter from the area. He was in power until 1967-75 when the
chiefs were told to have authority and to “give cain” and see that policies were implemented.
Protection fighis exist on many scales. Besides community protection they secure individual
households as well as their fields from bad spirits.

Mwagafa´s story, as told by a group of elders and family (Mwaita 2009) to this famous man,
can assist in understanding the land regime development of the colonial period: “Mr.
Mwagafa had a heavy beard, that is were his name derives. The time when white settlers
came, he was elected as commander of the central mountain area. Figis were protecting him.
There were three paramount chiefs who reigned over the different hill tops of Taita at that
time; Mwagafa, Mngalu and Mwagholo, who had made a mtero (blood covenant). For
instance, they gathered for rainmaking in Shigaro, targeting the whole hill area of Taita. The
white settlers tried to convince local people to plant coffee, but Mwagafa refuced and was
tortured until he agreed. He would have wanted schools built instead. Wundanyi prison and
the center used to be Mwagafas land which was grabbed by the administration, since high
potential agricultural area. The coffee farms were established around 1870´s and when we
(the interviewees) were children, we used to pick coffee.It started to become non-profitable
because of the low market price already before independence. The DC office area was
promised for a school area, but Mr Drulu (white man) denied. Coffee plantations came
first.Then government of Kenya told farmers to plant it on their farms as well. During
Mwagafa´s reign, no forests were to be cut; the coffee plantations and forests were
separated. Only after land adjudication in 1965 forests were cut”.

Fighi for medicines

Soothsayers, sorcerers, GIA specialists, wizards, medicine men, rainmakers and many others
need to source their ingrediences most often from forests and shrub lands. “This is a private
forest full of indigenous trees. It was considered as a sacred forest where Teri clan used to
collect their medicines. The forest is believed to have stocked medicinal plants hence the clan
elders from this community used to frequently visit the forest to collect their herbal plants for
medication purposes” (male 46 years). Sometimes the recipe is complex and they need to
travel long ways to find the plant or animal in question according to a medicine man: “Mbale
people used to come here, medicines were fetched also from Mbololo forest and lowlands”.
Some components have even gotten extinct or very scarce: “The tree used for this medicine
is no more around, but it used to grow along the riverbed”.

Ngangao forest was under the care of the local community since 1975 until it was gazetted in
2000 through the government. During those days the community used to frequently visit the
forest sourcing for medicinal plants they believed to be the cure for a number of human and
livestock diseases. Medicine making fighi often acts as a vestibule where the herbs are
collected and medicine prepared as well as the goat slaughtered before moving further to the

70 
 
actual fighi for worshipping. As one of the informants explained: “Goat sacrifice was
conducted here before going up to Ngwa figi, mzee Owa and mzee Mugulu (medicine men)
used to come and prepare medicines for health problems or for Ndasanya, meaning problem
in the community, for example lack of unity”(male 50 years).

“Mbingu was prepared by using traditional forest trees mixed with animal´s inner flesh.
They selected elephant and tortoise meat and shell, because tortoise lives up to 300 years
and elephant 200 years.There are 66 types of trees which make mbingu. 66 types of tree
roots are fried and made in powder form. They are kept in a calabash to avoid water and
water vapour from getting in. All 66 calabashes are kept together for giving selected people,
who wanted to stay alive for long. When one was given Mbingu he or she never stayed sick
until natural death. When wondering days came over one usually gets lot of problems and
vomite and vomite almost 2 years, until that mbingu comes out. Then the person concerned
dies immediately” (Mlekenyi 2007).

“There is a Ngataa medicine prepared to scare people. Some brown particles are taken to be
mixed with traditional trees to form medicine. Such trees are: Mndana1, Mnyama, Kilasoo2,
Kirumba3, Mlungu4, Kimbungu and Kidongadi5. When one took it and started talking, people
became scared and even trembelling. He or she was like a lion, although mostly this was
used by men. The problem with the medicine was that when one´s days are over he must be
killed by a lion” (Mlekenyi 2007).

The knowledge ownership of medicinal plants is confined to the experts. Believes and rules
exist for controlling the knowledge sharing. The plant names are not supposed to be said out
loud, otherwise their effect weakens and the knowledge beholder may even die.

Forests protecting themselves

The sacred forests are believed to have been protecting themselves from disturbance by
several means (see Figure 21). Unwanted entries were hindered by a fighi medicine buried at
the center of the area, stones thrown at the intruder, trees calling “Don´t cut me!” They were
also attacked by bees and army ants at the marginal area Mbengenyi.

                                                      
1
 Turraea holstii 
2
 Solanum incanum 
3
 Carissa edulis 
4
 Erythrina abyssinica 
5
 Cussonia spicata 
71 
 
 en ge n yi
Mb
shouting
Fighi trees
stones medicine

bees
army ants

Figure 21. Illustration of forest self-protection means (originally drawn by a village elder)

Fighi for cleansing

Cleansing is done when a person is in need of healing due to some illness or a wrong-doing.
Illness is usually considered to be a symptom of something previous, like a curse of a wizard
cast upon the person. Mistakes made are supposed to be atoned by cleansing. Mr. Itambo
(2009), a middle-aged, local man told me of a case of pregnancy out of wedlock: “my father
got a lady pregnant and didn´t undergo cleansing, so the child was borne handicapped”.

“A sooth sawyer used to come and seek for healing powers. There is a pot inside the fighi
and cleansing was done, also for children. This forest was associated with curing blood
diseases. Specific medicines were found here. Firewood was not to be collected here by
young people.”

Cleansing, kuora, may be also needed for land areas, like fields and yards, if they happen to
witness a wizard meeting. An elderly Taita lady explains:”When I was a child (70 y ago)
things were going on; dancing, rituals etc, but after Christianity it stopped. My father used to
practice rituals by the Msangarini school (medicine preparing for rain making- a big
ceremony).The rain was meant for Werugha and Sungululu area people. After the school was
built, not much vegetation was left. Around the big Mvumu tree, the wizards used to come at
night and afterwards cleansing had to be performed. The leaves of Mvumu were mixed with
sheep dung in a calabash, then sprinkled with Mwang´ombe grass all over house and people,
in order to prevent bad omen e.g. someone becoming a thief.”

Mmanga bell

The rituals are thought to still be going on in form of mmanga. This is a healing procedure
whereby local brew is mixed with the soil under a mmanga- (a hidden cow bell) tree and a
sick person is washed with it. A preferred tree is a Mlungu (Erythrina abyssinica). Mmanga
cures diseases that cannot otherwise be cured in hospitals, namely e.g. barrenness, arthritis,
and stiffness or social problems like difficulties to get married. Njariri is a coconut shell used
for portioning local brew. Mmanga is serving a big clan and the bell is supposed to be kept
close to the house and be pampered. “People will get crippled or insane if the Mmanga is
ignored. Barrenness of a man or a woman is caused by the Mmanga ignorance and one
needs to please it to get cured. Mmanga can also affect livestock. Basically Mmanga is like
72 
 
your conscious telling that you should share and get together with other community
members. The bell rings when there is a catastrophe coming up and the elders start
preventive measures. You can also approach the sooth sawyers to get a roadmap” (village
elder 61 years).

Mmanga was also described as clans´medicine; there is supposed to be one mmanga per clan.
A few families are worried about their children since they didn´t learn about the mmanga and
its healing powers. Mmanga is multipurpose type and has served the idea of extended family
through a blood oath ritual. The male heads of families meet by the mmanga and make an
oath of not going against each other or their families. The goal is to live in harmony and
unity. Mmanga is also believed to have powers to get back the offspring who travelled away
from Taita Hills in seek of work or further education. The family back home leave a piece of
food in a basket after every meal symbolizing the hope for the return of the child.

Fighi for offering harvest

On the return from fieldwork a harvest offer was to left on a fighi. According to a
traditionalist it could be something small or like in some places, a precise 1/10 of the day´s
harvest. Also, before harvesting the heads of villages go around every farm and collect two
samples of every crop and bring to a fighi for thanks-giving. Old men and women come to
fetch the crops in the evenings and this was considered as a reward of being a village elder.
Harvest offering was practiced until 1950-60`s, depending on the area. Celebrations were
also organized in these fighis during harvest time.

Cave for patients with contagious disease

In the 1920´s Mnyao (said to resemble HIV- AIDS) and Leprosy epidemics swept across
Taita Hills. Caves and forests were used for isolating infected people from others, since cure
for those was, at the time, unknown. For example people with small-pox were tight in the
cave and fed from a distance. If they somehow got cured they returned to the community,
otherwise they perished in this mortuary. Skulls are a mixture of sick peoples and ancestors,
since some of the caves used were skull caves. The site was left for one year time after the
time of death in the belief that the germs vanish. Later on sacrifices in the cave could be
conducted again. Some estimate that these procedures finished in the 1960´s.

Shelter

Villagers shelter in the caves when it is raining as well as hide from their “enemies”.

Fighi for defend strategy planning

Clans used to have strategy meetings on how they will fight their opponents and even during
natural calamities they meet at the same point and discuss how they shall deal with the
prevailing situations.

73 
 
Fingo stopper

“A bag of medicines is buried under a pile of stones and healing powers are sought by a
fingo. A group of men come with liquor in their mouths and count 1-2-3, then spit on the
stones. Even if someone is really sick, will get better. The great-great grandfathers placed
the medicine here” (village elder 61 years).

Fighi for initiation

These sites were used before marriage for initiation and rituals. A history of Ngasu initiation
fighi in the Chawia forest suggests tells that a lady to be married was kept in a fighi for one
full month for training of marital responsibilities (ngasu =secret). It is said that “the walking
style changes as she will be someone’s wife. Leaking of any information was prohibited. The
dress was like the Maasais´ having and beads were many” (herbalist 70 years). The lady was
told how to live and what to expect when married: how to choose different kind of dresses
for different occasions. She had someone to serve her in the fighi. Kirughuruni was the final
point before handing her over to the groom. After spending one month in Ngasu she was
brought to a swamp for final polishing and beautification, including putting on the kidemu
(wedding dress). The last ritual of this type is thought to have been conducted in 1952. On
the other side of dam, men did their own initiation rituals, including cleansing.

Around Ngangao forest, there used to be round traditional houses where a Kilambu man
entered and invited in a lady after another for a secretive training. Secrets were not to be told
to anyone afterwards. Birth control was an important part of the teaching. After training a
Kishatu dance was performed to celebrate adulthood. This was still going on in 1960´s.
Ngangao forest has been an important home for trees named Migulo, parts of which were
used for the initiation of boys and especially girls.

Fighi for thanksgiving

Thanksgiving was about sacrificing a rooster or a chicken and bringing the best harvest from
the field, for example when a boy child was born. The dance celebration during harvest time
is called Gonda.

Sacred tree

Certain individual trees and their surround are considered sacred. They have different ways
of affecting the society ranging from environmental services to protective and spiritual
functions. Certain species are important for the weather forecast, for example Mora (Nuxia
congesta (R.Br.)) and Msuruwachi (Albizia gummifera indicate rains. “We used to see signs of
water coming to surface by the tree. This indicates approaching rains.” Mngima (Prunus
africana) and Mkuyu (Ficus sycomorus (L.) are considered efficient in rain attraction (Mdi
ghwa vua) and water protection and Mkuyu is often found in the centre of a rainmaking
fighi. Mlungu (Erythrina abyssinica) is a tree of virtue and has a powerful protective
function, thus these species are often growing by the roads and paths creating a network of
security “check-points” in Taita Hills. There are some Mlungus which are said to be so
74 
 
powerful that “one could not swallow the saliva” while passing by. Only exepted reason to
cut a Mlungu is drum making and according to a legend the instrument has to be ready
before the stems sprout. Some individual trees are shrines, like sesos and are given animal
sacrifices. Old trees, like big Mvumus (Ficus thonningii), Mungoruses (Calodendrum
capense (Thunb.) and Mlungus (Erythrina abyssinica) with crooked trunk, still command
respect, even if they are becoming scarcer. Just to mention a couple, there is a majestetic
Kilulu (Ficus lutea (Vahl) tree in Mgange called Teri Wangombe, which is never to be cut,
and there is a meeting point for lovers by a more than 100 years old Mvure-tree in Sungululu.
Mvumu is considered to be a tree of peace, thus quarreling around it is believed to give bad
omen. These trees are locally called cultural trees or Taita trees referring to their importance
in the Taita ritual complex.

Fighi for cleansing after war or crime

Cleansing is needed in order to get a “fresh start” for life after committing something
immoral like a crime or killing at war. A village elder in Mgange casts his mind to the times
Taitas were at war: “People from war had to go through this Mbanga ya Mboi for cleansing
before reaching home. Mboi means those who are from war.” A mother of a young man in
Mwanda explained how she wished for a second chance for her son after he had stayed in
prison: “Cleansing was done in the river; all clothes were burned and a goat sacrificed
while asking for healing powers.” There seems to be strict rules concerning the handling of
sacrificed meat; no salt should be added and none of it should be carried away from the
fighi.The severity of the wrong-doing influences the scale of the atonement: “Recently a
young man was brought here for cleansing, whereby three chicken were needed and those
had to be waved seven times around his head” (herbalist 70 years).

Traditional industry

An old clay pot factory in a cave is located on a private yard. In Mgange Nyika people used
to make them for the purposes of storing water and tobacco. The small industry stopped in
1974 because of land consolidation, whereby the new land owner didn´t want the business on
his yard. Grinding stones remain from times before grinding mashines and posho mills when
maize was to be grinded by hand using a stone against a rock.

75 
 
Figure 22. A grinding stone for maize (photo by Himberg 2009).

Observation point and control base fighi

Observation points were strategic locations on places with a wide view over the hills and
plains. Their main function was protection from lowland calamities such as seeking strength
against cattle thieves. The power is in the fighi medicine pot buried in the forest. For
example one important observation fighi is Mraru mwakishalua looking down and eastwards
over Ore, Kigombo, Mbololo, Mwakishalua and Ndile areas. Various tricks and magical
means were used to chase away the enemies and for fighting to get back the stolen cattle:
“Brown and white chicken were slaughtered, the blood poured on potatoes and potatoes put
in a basket and carried along to the battle. Before meeting the opponent, Taitas roasted the
potatoes on open fire and as the enemy saw them eating, they thought Taitas can eat hot
stones and must be invincible, thus ran away. Masais and Sagalla people were the enemies”
(middle-aged man)

Fighi for wealth maintenance - Mlalu snake site

Big snakes have been considered as fortune bringers in Taita. Some suggest that the story of
the Mwamulake snake represents the issue of jealousy which hinders development in Taita.
“There was a great woman and a very big snake in Mwachora forest. That snake was called
Mwamulake. The snake used to take care of the woman´s goats, like surrounding them as
they were eating. And when the woman was harvesting maize and it was sunny, the snake
made a big shadow over her to help her work more efficiently. If she didn’t finish the work
76 
 
until evening the snake made the sun shine all through the night until she was done.
Immediately she finished it became dark again. So the people in Mwachora forest were
jealous of the woman as she had become very rich and she got animals and everything was
processing well. So they decided to kill her. Having killed her the snake managed to jump
from Mbengonyi down to Ngulu lake. Up today Lake Ngulu still causes fires around it and
ghosts are seen naked dancing during hard times, when there is no rain. And that snake is
believed to be there in Lake Ngulu even today and when it was at Mwachora forest for the
woman, there was a river up there for taking water. Since the day snake shifted to Ngulu and
the lake was formed, the water migrated down at the foot of the hill. The history of the snake
happened in 1870” (Mlekenyi 2007). Mwachora forest used to be community-managed
before its gazzettement in 1975. People have been avoiding the site where the lady was killed
and left it like that since the 1870´s. Many people have also moved to the lowlands.

Thus, I hope these descriptions of various purposes of sacred sites helps us to at least scratch
the surface and look into the local traditional mindsets and practices concerning Taita home
surrounds. It is still important to bear in mind that most of the fighis are of a multipurpose
type. The categorization used here as such is somewhat artificial, but meant to bring front the
primary function of each one traditionally protected site. The illustration of Kwangovi
village below shows how gate fighis are located around the village for protective measures.
Different clans have their own skull caves, male and female used to have their own sites for
circumcision, and there is a common judgement ground for performing traditional trials.
There are particular sites for performing goat´s intestine analysis as well as for giving
sacrifices during special yearly occasions, like harvest season. For reasons of confidentialty
this thematic illustration is lacking geographic accuracy. However, in the next chapters the
geographical patterns of traditionally protected forests and sites shall be tackled further.

77 
 
 GATE
FIGHI SCULL CAVE
WENI WANGIO&MAGANGA SCULL CAVE
WENI LAMBAN
GATE
FIGHI

SCULL CAVE
GOAT´S INTESTINE ANALYSIS WENI MWATA
GROUND SCULL CAVE
ZABLON CAVE WENI MWAKIO
(FEMALE CIRCUMCISION)

WENI MWAKULEGWA STONE

(MALE CIRCUMCISION)

MSANGAGENYI
JUDGEMENT GROUND
SCULL CAVE
MCHALA&MSINGA

SCULL CAVE
WENI MKUNGOO
CAVE FOR SACRIFICES
SCULL CAVE ON SPECIAL OCCASIONS
MWACHIA (harvest, commemoration days)
GATE
FIGHI

GATE
FIGHI

Figure 23. A mental representation of the traditionally protected sites of Kwangovi village in Sungululu,
Taita Hills (not to scale).

Size patterns by TPF/S categories

The various types of traditionally protected sites differ from each other in number and size.
The rainmaking fighis and medicine groves are biggest in average size (1,5 and 1,6 ha
respectively) and the areas dedicated to rainmaking cover 32,6 ha in total. Protection fighis
have similarly a big total coverage of 25,8 ha, average size reaching 0,9 ha. The smallest in
size, but biggest in number were gate fighis and skull caves with 0,18 and 0,21 ha average
and 9,2 and 10,1 ha total sizes respectively). Sesos are usually very small patches, but we
also found some larger ones, thus seso sizes vary from 0,0008 to 2,5 ha giving an average
size of 0,3 ha for 25 patches. Fighis used for defend strategy planning are few, but most of
them large in size (1 ha in average). Small, but socially important sites are dance grounds
and wizard meeting places, both found in all parts of Taita Hills. Thirteen sacred trees were
named and the most common indigenous species were Erythrina abyssinica, Ficus
sycomorus and Ficus thonningii with a unique purpose within the community. Many
individual trees were also indicated as important along the way due to their environmental
service function, but they did not have a sacred status as such. Fighis with a healing purpose
are still used, some for cleansing and some for “diagnosing” through goats intestine analysis
(GIA). Their average sizes range from 0,3 to 0,4 ha.

78 
 
7.1.3. Traditionally protected forest condition assessment

The forest condition class was assessed through two phases. Firstly, detecting the forest
condition characteristics on the plot and secondly, by comparing the characteristics to a
forest condition class matrix. The characteristics include soil cover and crown cover
condition and regeneration density as well as naming the most dominant species in
regeneration. Density of seed trees was additionally assessed on shrub land. Out of the 289
sites, 165 (57%) were in very degraded or degraded condition, whereas 124 (43%) were
assessed to be medium or good. The assessment is slightly misleading in the sense that not
all sacred sites are supposed to be forested areas. For instance, judgement cliffs, law grounds,
dance grounds and some of the wizard grounds are often on plain sites.

Table 13. Forest condition class *.

Condition No. of sites %

(vegetation)
Very degraded 95 33
Degraded 70 24
Medium 60 21
Good 64 22
total 289 100
*Adapted from “A field manual on participatory
techniques for community forestry” by W.J. Jackson
and A.W. Ingles (1998).

The level of sacredness of the site was assessed by the expert group concerned and reflects
the status and condition of the site. Accessibility, disturbance, activity of usage and the level
of prevailing spiritual and magical powers are some of the elements defining the site
condition. After all, this assessment is based upon personal and subjective perceptions of the
respondents. Out of 289 sites, 152 (51%) were perceived as very degraded or degraded and
137 (49%) were medium or good.

Table 14. Sacredness condition class.

Condition No. of sites %

(sacredness)
Very degraded 61 20

Degraded 90 31
Medium 85 29
Good 52 20

79 
 
Change in the condition and use of TPF/S in last 10 years

Out of the 289 areas studied, 204 were claimed to have been exposed to change during the
last 10 years, whereas 85 areas have not changed. Change here refers both to vegetation
cover and cultural use (sacredness) of the area. Out of the total size of 118,5 ha, 65,8 ha has
not changed and an average size of a TPF/S within this group is 0,8 ha. The bigger group of
changed TPF/Ss has approximately three times smaller average size of 0,3 ha and a total area
of 52,7 ha.

The forest cover and cultural use were both divided into four categories (1=very degraded,
2=degraded, 3= moderate and 4= good) describing the condition assessed by the expert
groups. These categories were cross-tabulated with the change patterns showing that the
areas not exposed to change in last 10 years are in better condition both in terms of
vegetation and cultural use than those changed ones. The average forest condition was 2,9
and 2,1 for non-change and changed areas respectively, whereas the cultural condition was
3,1 and 2,2 respectively for the same variables. The recent changes thus have been
degradation from moderate to degraded.

The forest condition analysis in general shows that the very degraded and degraded areas are
majority in number (165) and that their average sizes and total size (22 ha) are rather small.
The 124 areas in moderate and good condition have bigger average sizes and total size (129
ha).

The sacredness condition of TPF/Ss was in majority of cases degraded and moderate (175)
and the extremes are less (114). However, areas that preserved their sacredness best were 52
in number, with an average size of 1 ha and total area of 50 ha. In all, the condition tends to
get better with an increase in size.

7.1.4. TPF/S tenure distribution and size

The connection between tenure status and size of TPF/S was looked at and nearly half (136)
of the areas were privately owned with an average size of 0,2 ha (see Table 15). The largest
TPF/Ss were found on trust land with an average size of 0,8 ha, and these community trusted
areas covered 55,6 ha in total. Considerable TPF/Ss are also found inside the government
gazetted forests with an average size of 1 ha. The smallest area sizes were for TPF/Ss on
public amenity (average 0,15 ha) sites.

80 
 
Table 15. TPF/S tenure distribution.

Tenure type No. of % Average

sites size (ha)
Private land 136 47 0,2

Community (Trust) land 66 23 0,8

Inside a gazetted forest 26 9 1,0

Public amenity (roadside, riverbed etc.) 60 21 0,15

7.1.5. Managers of the traditionally protected forests and sites

Seven different types of managers were found for TPF/Ss (see Table 16). Managing differs
from legal land tenure right in that the manager of a sacred site can be also someone else
other than the present owner of the land. It can be a community, a village elder, a private
landowner who belongs to the clan responsible of the sacred site or a private landowner not
belonging to the clan. Manager can also be government or county council for a public
amenity. Wizards are the managers of some TPF/Ss and those sites rarely are touched by
residents from other area. An eight category,“no-one”, came from the data to refer to areas
recently abandoned due to perishing generation of elder men responsible of traditions.

Table 16. TPF/S managers.

Manager No. of sites %

Community 58 20
Private land owner 44 15
(not clan member)
Private land owner 79 28
(clan member)
No one 4 1
Village elder 20 7
Government gazetted 25 9
Public amenity 55 19
Wizards 4 1

Land policy measures, like land adjudication in the late 1960´s, combined with population
growth and scarcity of fertile land to be divided among offsprings have altered the
management patterns of traditionally protected sites. Due to the policy, inhabitants were
shuffled around Taita and given pieces of land often ignoring the traditional patrilinear and
clan based land ownership system. This contributed to the degradation of many traditional
sites. Presently, the private landowners who belong to the clan originally responsible of the

81 
 
TPF/Ss, host areas with slightly bigger average size (0,3 ha) than those non-clan members
(0,2 ha). Communities host biggest total hectarage of TPF/Ss and second biggest average
size (0,9 ha). Many (60) sacred sites are on public amenity, e.g. by the roadsides and
riverbeds, and are relatively small (0,15 ha) in average size. Since the village elders as
managers are getting fewer, community occasionally takes joint responsibility of the TPF/Ss.
Presently, 21 sacred sites out of the 289 visited sites are headed and managed by a group of
elders or an individual village elder. Fighis are also found in areas where people are afraid to
settle because of the consequences. Those are often set aside as no-mans land and potential
community development areas trusted to the County Council. It is not uncommon for
schools, churches or hospitals to be built on these sites. While conducting the participatory
mapping with experts, they regularly also pointed to former TPF/Ss that had been replaced
by a public establisment.

Comparison of the forest condition classes and managers (see Table 17) shows that the
traditional sites on public amenities are not that protected but instead degraded. For example
vegetation surrounding the gate fighis is often considered open access by by-passers even if
traditionally the elders have set rules and restrictions for the use of these sites. TPF/Ss under
private management were in degraded condition to a large extent: 70% and 58% of the sites
looked afted by non-clan members and clan members respectively were in very degraded or
degraded condition. However, a slight majority (55%) of TPF/S, with a village elder
responsible, were in medium or good condition. Also 60% of community-managed sites
were in medium or good shape. Most (92%) of the traditionally protected sites inside the
government gazzetted forests did well, since gain a “double protection”.

Table 17. Managers and forest condition.

Manager Condition class (% of all TPF/S under manager)

very degraded medium good
degraded
Community 24 16 26 34
Private land owner 35 35 19 11
(not clan member)
Private land owner 35 23 27 15
(clan member)
No one - 25 50 25
Village elder 30 15 25 30
Government 4 4 22 70
gazetted
Public amenity 62 32 4 2
Wizards - 75 - 25

82 
 
7.1.6. Differences between areas in the occurrence of traditionally protected forests
and sites in the landscape

Most types of TPF/Ss can be found in all parts of the study area. However, there are
differences in occurrence due to somewhat different cultural practices, natural conditions and
land use policy histories in different parts of the hills. By looking at figures 24-27 one can
clearly see variations between the Mbololo-Choke, central Dawida, Kidaya-Chawia and
Mgange areas. The number and sizes by study area are indicated in Table 18.

Table 18. The number and size patterns of TPF/S by four study areas.

Study area Size of the study TPF/S TPF/S average size (hectares)
area (ha) count min / max
Mbololo- 8937 32 1,0 0.004 15,9
Choke
Central Dabida 6338 131 0,2 0.0008 1,8
Mgange 2253 65 0,5 0.003 10,2
Kidaya- 2441 61 0,5 0.004 7,4
Chawia

83 
 
Central Dabida has a dense occurrence, but sizes are minor and at first hand explained by the
most urbanized land use.

Figure 24. Traditionally protected forests and sites in Central Dawida.

84 
 
Mbololo-Choke TPF/Ss are scattered, whereas Kidaya-Chawia and Mgange have more dense
occurrence and larger sizes of TPF/Ss. Most of the Taita Hills area has a history of clearing
indigenous forest or woodland into farmland. However, according to the assistant chief
Renson Mwalombo (2009), Mwambirwa and Paranga valley areas, located between Mbololo
and Choke forests were previously used as a vast community between Mbololo and Choke
forests were earlier used as a vast community grazing area.

Figure 25. Traditionally protected forests and sites in Mbololo-Choke.

Presently, pines and eucalyptuses are growing there and some areas have undergrowth with
indigenous trees. The region is known for its commonly occurring forest fires – the causes of
85 
 
which are both intended and unintended. Vegetation was burned over for grazing purposes
until 1958 when the government initiated a rehabilitation scheme that would turn the
bushland into indigenous forest. The plan didn´t work out and the soil erosion got worse,
thus a major pine planting operation was laurnched, though not without political and social
motives behind it.

Figure 26. Traditionally protected forests and sites in Kidaya-Chawia.

Mgange and its neighbouring Mwanda areas in western and north-wesrtern part of Taita
Hills, are commonly known to have faithfully retained their traditions. That was noticed

86 
 
while conducting the study in the Mgange area. One could sense pride in informants´ talk
about the sacred sites and the issue seemed to be less of a taboo than in other areas.

Figure 27. Traditionally protected forests and sites in Mgange.

The different parts of Taita do exhibit special characteristics when it comes to sacred sites
and their valuation and management. However, the perceptions of TPF/Ss vary depending
upon geographical scale and the historical background of the locations. Perceptions may vary
from one village, homestead or valley to another but, the pattern of perceptions and attitudes
towards TPF/Ss in Taita is heterogeneous and should not be generalized.
87 
 
7.1.7. Current uses of plants found in traditionally protected forests and sites
according to the tradition experts

In total 255 different species were indicated by the informants during the visits to
traditionally protected forests and sites. Many of them have several uses. All together 220
uses were mentioned and they are divided into eleven categories (see Appendices 1 and 3).
They range from traditional farming and construction techniques (Appendix 5) to medicinal
(Appendix 4) and ritual purposes.

Technical solutions and construction

Species suitable for technical solutions and construction purposes were 71 and 38
respectively (see Figure 28). For example wood for beehives (Ocotea usambarensis,
Polyscias kikuyensis (Summerh.), drums (Ficus sycomorus, Melia volkensii (Gürke),
Erythrina abyssinica (Lam.), farm and kitchen tools (Memecylon teitense), hunting
equipment (Ehretia bakeri (Baker), pipe for irrigation (Sinarundinaria alpina) (see Figure 9)
and for toys has traditionally been used. Components for cosmetics and essential oils
(Santalum sp. (L.), Osyris lanceolata (Hochst. & Steud.), leather tanning (Ekebergia
capensis (Sparrm.), soap (Dodonaea viscosa (Jacq.) Royen ex Blume), shoe polish (Acacia
mearnsii, latex (Tabernaemontana holstii (K. Schum.), arrow poison (Acokanthera schimperi
(Oliv.) Benth. & Hook.f., Rauvolfia rosea (K. Schum.), preservative (Tamarindus indica
(L.), and fibre for ropes and baskets (Ficus thonningii, Ficus ingens (Miq.) were found.

Pest control and food

Species for pest controll were: Gnidia latifolia (Hort. ex Meisn.), (Lasiosiphon latifolius
(Oliver) Brenan (Oliv.) Gilli) for maize storage, and pesticides against army ants (Mnuka6)
and moles (Cussonia spicata (Thunb.), Ikowa7. Timber (Nuxia congesta and poles (Grewia
villosa (Willd.), bark (Acacia sp.) and grass (Kivulevule for roof thaching) are suitable for
construction (where allowed to be fetched). Foodstuff species were 41, for example, fruits
and berries (Garcinia volkensii, Syzygium cuminii (Linn.) Skeels, Ehretia bakeri / cymosa
(Wild. ex Roem & Schult.), Ficus sycomorus, Lannea rivae (Chiov.) Sacleux), vegetables
(Solanum nigrum (L.) Tausch ex Dunal), and tobacco (Kumbaku8), were found.

Firewood and charcoal

Thirtytree species suitable for firewood and charcoal were indicated: for example, Acacia
mearnsii, Gnidia latifolia, Prunus africana (Hook.f.) (Kalkman), Nuxia congesta, Syzygium
cuminii, Cupressus lusitanica, Albizia gummifera, Croton megalocarpus, Combretum molle
(Engl. & Diels) R.Br. ex G. Don, Maesa lanceolata, and Macaranga conglomerata (Brenan).

                                                      
6
 Vernacular species name 
7
 Vernacular species name 
8
 Vernacular species name 
88 
 
Environmental services

Thirteen species were considered focal as providers of ecological services, such as water
retention (Myrica salicifolia (Boj. ex Baker) and erosion controll (Rhus natalensis (Bernh. ex
Krauss), soil fertility improvement (Croton megalocarpus), degraded land indication
(Pteridium sp. (Raf), rain-bringing (Ficus sycomorus), rain indication (Erythrina abyssinica,
Nuxia congesta, Ficus lutea) and water protection.

Medicines for human use

Informants named 161 medicinal species and 86 human uses for them (see Appendix 4 for
details). The diseases and disorders whereby the medicinal species are used are divided into
the following 10 categories:

1. gastro-intestinal:
stomach ache, emetic, indigestion, anthelmintic, laxative, flatulence,
dysentery, constipation, anthelmintic for hookworm,
2. gynecological, andrological and urinogenital:
prostate cancer, barrenness, excessive menses, contraceptive, syphilis,
gonorrhea, abortion, cleansing of womb,
3. cardiovascular and blood diseases:
hypertension, haemostatic, anti-coagulant, coagulant, purification of blood,
nosebleed
4. pains and inflammation:
eye infection, headache, analgesic, muscle ache, joint pain, toothache,
antibiotic, mumps, hick-up stopper, sore gums
5. respiratory diseases:
cough, flu, chest pain, whooping cough, measles, sour throat, asthma,
pneumonia,
6. children diseases:
hasten child learning to walk, umbilical cord healing, coagulation in
circumcision
7. malaria and fever:
anti-pyretic, malaria, typhoid, diarrhea, malaria prevention, yellow fever
8. skin diseases:
sterilization of wounds, boils, skin diseases, abscess, rash, boosting wound-
healing, cracks on skin after walking barefoot, scabies, itch and pimples,
acaricide
9. brain and nervous system disorders:
stiffness, nerve disorder, leprosy, epilepsy, sedative
10. other human diseases:
splin problems, kidney problems, strains, “Nyago” , splinomegaly, choosing child´s
gender, anti-poison, liver problem, anti-fungal, anti-poison for snake bite,
“Mnyaya”(similar to HIV-AIDS), HIV, cancer treatment

89 
 
Veterinary medicines

For veterinary purposes 23 species with 11 uses were indicated in six categories:

1. gastro-intestinal:
anti-ectoparasites, deworming, ulcer, laxative
2. gynecological, andrological and urinogenital:
goat medicine for labour
3. cardiovascular and blood diseases:
coagulation boost when sheep tail cut
4. malaria and fever:
anti-pyretic
5. skin diseases:
sterilization of wounds, acaricide
6. other animal diseases: decrease of milk production, hepatic problem

Magical medicines for ritual purposes

The experts named 42 species for 34 ritual purposes and a few of the informants pointed out
that there were even more traditionally important species on those sites, which were not
supposed to be known by others than the accredited managers of the TPFs. These figures
emphasize the importance of the traditionally protected forests as sources for medicines, both
for somatic conditions and spiritual and magical means. The medicines for ritual means can
be roughly categorized into five:

1. medicines for conflicts and warfare, for example making oneself bullet-proof or making
an enemy lost his way,

2. medicines for protection, like the Kiweto for protecting cattle and women from thieves,
fighi pot medicine (a secret mixture of species) buried underground in road junctions, and
Erythrina abyssinica kept on the yard to maintain peace (see Figure 29),

3. medicines connected with social activities, for example Crassocephalum mannii (Hook.f.)
(Milne-Redh.) to gain powers to win a court case, Kigelia africana (Lam.) Benth). for
fermenting local brew, or Ensete ventricosum (Welw.) Cheesman) for healing community
problems,

4. medicines for mystical powers, for example Ficus thonningii for cleansing from a curse,
Ngandu (vernacular name) for gaining tolerance against witches, and Phoenic reclinata for
storing power of lightnings, and

5. medicines connected with natural forces, like Albizia gummifera in rainmaking.

90 
 
Figure 28. “Construction without nails” by using tree bark (Acacia sp.) (photo by Himberg 2009)

 
Figure 29. Ficus thonongii (Mvumu, on the left) and Erythrina abyssinica (Mlungu) have symbolical roles
in maintaining social peace and order (photos by Himberg 2009).

91 
 
7.1.8. The knowledge transfer according to village elders

Before the introduction of “New Agricultural farming technology”, in early 1930´s, theTaita
community had their own cultural and agricultural farming practices in place to address food
security. The commuity had their own agricultural professionals, the wazees, who were the
old men considered to be most knowledgable to tell what to plant when, how and where.
Their timing, when it came to planting, was regarded as very accurate.These authorities were
accorded due respect and no one was to go against their instructions.There was also a council
of elders in place to deal with law offenders. Wazees can be regarded as traditional
agricultural officers. They dealt with crop and pest management and sought assistance from
medicinemen, for instance, during armyworm infestation in the farms (Mjomba & Mzee
Mwakio 2009).

Threre is a general rule of knowledge inheritance among the Taitas that if one is given some
traditional “baggage”, be it knowledge or equipments or herbs, they have to receive and pass
on the tradition. But if one throws it away, something bad will happen to them. According to
the tradition experts, neglection and ignorance of knowledge inheritage occurs in most Taita
families to some extent. It has been challenging for the elders to try to motivate their children
to listen and learn about Taita traditions, with the Christian church declaring those activities
pagan. All the while new innovations pushed their way into the hills bringing more efficient
and economically beneficial solutions for agriculture and agroforestry. The elders still seem
to have hopeful thoughts about boosting the knowledge transfer now for when grandchildren
and great grand children are born. Times are different when compared with the mid- and late
20th century; the elders hope that exposure to market forces, competition and awareness of
environmental problems in Taita will bring the young generation back to the sources of
traditional knowledge. However, they do acknowledge that modern education widens the gap
between generations. From the outset the science- based world view taught at school collides
with the more symbolical and spiritual tradition. On the other hand, however, there are
individuals who were born into families with no traditional knowledge to inherit, but would
be interested to learn about it. Those interested in careers in herbalism need to find a suitable
herbalist and pay a fee (e.g. one cow) for access to courses (Kukuwia) that contain secret
information. Thus, due traditional knowledge being held by the experts only, sharing does
not happen so easily and plenty of information may be gone. This is especially true if the
chain of knowledge breaks within a clan.

7.1.9. Traditional ecological knowledge of Taita households

I have studied both the “common people” and the “experts” separately in order to gain
different views on values, knowledge and perceptions from different generations and the
ownership that knowledge has. In the following chapters I have analyzed common people´s
traditional ecological knowledge. Basically, a clear line could be drawn between the
household interviewees - who are the “common people” in that they were not given the
traditional knowledge “baggage” - and the wazees who were proud to present their
knowledge and skills. The traditional division of powers and responsibilities in knowledge
ownership is still apparent, thus there are people who are expected to know about these
92 
 
issues, and those who listen and consume their wisdom. One cannot expect to gain very
detailed information about Taita traditions from every household. However, the expertise is
not necessarily bound to ones age. I met a few apprentices of traditionalists of many
generations, who seemed sufficiently enthusiastic and skilled.

The average farm size of the 50 households was 1,4 ha (3.52 acres), ranging from 0,08 ha
(0.2 acres) to 5,7 ha (14 acres). These farmlands cover all together 73 ha of the least-cost
corridor area. There were 14 household (28%) who owned private forest – areas with trees
rather than intercropping activities. Nine of the forests were less than 0,4 ha in size, the
average being 0,6 ha. Five households had private forest across an area ranging from 1 to 20
km (the average being 2,5 km) from the farm, while four had small separate patches of trees
on the farm. The rest had forest growing on 100-500 meters distance from the farm. Most
commonly the biggest patches were furthest away from the house. The majority of forest
owners had three or more tree species growing on their plots. Only two preferred
monoculture with Eucalyptus.

Uses of beneficial plants and traditional methods on farms

In total 161 different plant species were listed by the interviewees. All together 108 uses
were mentioned, and they are divided into eleven categories (see Appendix 2). Some species
have several uses. They range from local technology to farming techniques and medicinal
and ritualistic purposes. Local practices for wildlife combat are also listed.

Medicines for human use

The interviewees named 73 medicinal species and 27 human uses for those (see Appendices
2 and 6 for details). The diseases and disorders whereby the medicinal species are used are
divided into the following 7 categories:

1. gastro-intestinal:
parasites, stomach ulcer,stomach ache, diarrhea, ring-worms, heart-burn
2. cardiovascular and blood diseases:
anemia, hypertension, iron booster
3. pains and inflammation:
toothache, flu, antibiotic, analgetic, muscle cramps, joint pain, mumps
4. respiratory diseases:
sore throat, cough, asthma
5. malaria and fever:
fever, malaria, typhoid
6. skin diseases:
external wounds, boils, chicken pox
7. other human diseases and conditions:
fatigue, HIV

93 
 
Veterinary medicines

For veterinary care the farmers mentioned 42 species with 15 uses, divided here into six
categories:

1. gastro-intestinal:
digestion problems, anti-wormer, diarrhea, lack of appetite
2. cardiovascular and blood diseases:
anemia
3. pains and inflammation:
antibiotic, analgesia, eye inflammation, foot-and-mouth disease
4. respiratory diseases:
flu, cattle/chicken cough
5. malaria and fever:
fever, milk fever, chicken fever
6. skin diseases:
external wounds

Magical medicines for ritual purposes

1. medicines for protection, like Erythrina abyssinica as a sacred tree preventing bad things
happening in the field.

2. medicines connected with social activities, for example Datura stramonium (L.) Thunb.
used in truth-telling ritual during witch prosecution.

3. medicines for mystical powers, for example Acacia seyal (Delile) for witchcraft ritual,
Mwasole9 is considered as the heart beat of a shrine.

Pesticides, herbicides and wildlife combat

Fourteen species mentioned are used as pesticides, for example, against aphids (Ekebergia
capensis (Sparrm.), Croton megalocarpus (Hutch.), caterpillars and ants (Gnidia latifolia,
ash, vegetable pepper, Jarambiri10, Mboi11 and Mwakuwawa12), and as herbicides Bidens
pilosa. Methods for wildlife combat are various: people manually chase away monkeys and
baboons, use scare-crows, make noise with bells, have a watch-dog and cats, chase monkeys
and small mammals with cross bows and traps, use thorny trees for fencing and Kitangara
cages for chicks to protect them form vultures.

                                                      
9
 Vernacular species name 
10
 Vernacular species name 
11
 Vernacular species name 
12
 Vernacular species name 
94 
 
Timber production and environmental services on private farms

The most frequently mentioned useful trees and plants for the 50 households were the
following: Grevillea robusta (42 mentions), Ficus sycomorus (42), Ficus thoningii (31),
Persea Americana (Mill.) (30), Nuxia congesta (29), Eucalyptus (28), Azadirachta indica
(A.Juss.) (28), Prunus africana (27), Cupressus lusitanica (27), Acacia mearnsii (25),
Albizia gummifera (20), Mangifera indica (L.) Blume (17), Erythrina abyssinica (16), Aloe
secundiflora (Engl.) (16), Psidium guajava (15) Ficus ingens (12), Macadamia tetraphylla
(L.A.S. Johnson) (10), and Ocotea usambarensis (10).

Majority of these species are multipurposal and suitable for intercropping and half of them
are indigenous. The most important products mentioned were timber, construction material,
firewood, medicines and fruits, whereas environmental services include water retention,
fertilizing by fallen leaves, nitrogen fixing and rain attraction. 

When asked about important factors in general for managing trees on farm (see Table 19),
timber growing was most frequently mentioned (58%). The environmental services
performed by the trees (rain bringing, afforestation, soil erosion prevention, atmosphere
balancing, and land slide prevention) ranked second (56%), and availability of firewood
(48%) placed third. Growing fruit trees (22%) and availability of building material (10%)
lagged further behind.  

Table 19. Important factors when managing trees on farm.

(Times mentioned by respondents, N=50)

Timber 29
Environmental services 28
Firewood 24
Fruits 11
Management 8
Building material 5

Biodiversity conservation was discussed and the term itself was strange for majority of
respondents (88%). After explaining the concept, people were asked to come up with ideas
about what measures would be possible on their land for enhancing biodiversity
conservation. Just under one third (30%) of the respondents would plant any type of trees
and 16% would plant indigenous trees. Avoiding cutting “raincalling trees” was mentioned
and 10% would avoid cutting trees in general. As a rule “if you cut one, plant two” was
highlighted. A few people would enhance biodiversity by planting more exotic trees, like
Grevillea robusta, Cupressus spp. and fruit trees and suggested that exotic trees should not
be cut, because they attract variety of animal species. Also the introduction of new breeds of
animals was thought to conserve biodiversity. On the other hand some mentioned that
removal of exotic trees, avoiding burning of bushes and forests, enhancing insect businesses

95 
 
and improving planting techniques on the field system as well as rehabilitating forests by
planting nursery seedlings could add to biodiversity.

Species for firewood, charcoal and food

Twentysix species for firewood and charcoal were mentioned: Juniperus procera (Hochst. ex
Endl.), Grevillea robusta, Acacia seyal, Rhus vulgaris (Meikle) Ekebergia capensis,
Eucalyptus saligna, Hoslundia opposita (Vahl), Acacia mearnsii, Prunus Africana, Myrica
salicifolia, Nuxia congesta, Cupressus lusitanica, Albizia gummifera, Maesopsis eminii,
Millettia oblate are used primarily for firewood and Acacia mellifera, Acacia polycanta, and
Combretum molle for charcoal. Fruit and berries from the trees are both staple food and for
sale, for example, Tamarindus indica, Carica papaya (L.), Psidium guajava (L.), Morus alba
(L.) Bureau, Syzygium cuminii, Maesopsis eminii, Passiflora edulis (Sims).

Species and methods for soil and water management

Soil erosion and water quality are controlled on riverbanks by buffer zones and species like
Nuxia congesta, Ocotea usambarensis, Rapanea sp. and Maesopsis eminii. On steep slopes,
e.g. Osyris lanceolata is suitable. The leaves of Ficus sycomorus, Prunus Africana and
vegetable pepper, mulching, cow manure, ash (mando), and Nginga weed are used for soil
fertilizing. Terracing, trenches (see Figure 10) and ridges facilitate drainage and control
runoff. Mkua- stone walls and bamboo- pipes direct irrigation.

Historical farm transect portrays the change of preferred tree species

This list (see Table 20) of species describes the transformation of woody vegetation on farms
under study over the last 50 years. It also reflects the level of ecological knowledge inherited
by the respondents. The bigger font in the table also indicates the most frequently mentioned
species. Percentages in the text refer to the amount of farms on which the species are or have
existed.

50 years ago:

Nineteen respondents were not aware of how their plot looked 50 years ago or what used to
grow there. Either they had moved there more recently or they had not learned from their
parents. Twelve respondents described the areas as being either forested with indigenous
trees or bushy woodlands, which they had, before settling there.

Out of those farms with owner´s recollection of species composition, Nuxia congesta (48%),
Ficus thonongii (39%), Eucalyptus sp. (39%), Terminalia brownii (Fresen.) (26%), Prunus
africana (23%), Ficus sycomorus (23%), Erythrina abyssinica (13%) and Ocotea
usambarensis (13%), were mentioned most frequently existing on farms 50 years ago. In
total 39 tree species were mentioned, although, most of them (64%) only on one to four
farms.

96 
 
 Table 20. Historical farm tree transect (N=50).
Species on farms 50 years ago 20 years ago Presently In the future
__________________________ __________________________ __________________________ _________________________

Nuxia congesta, Ficus Grevillea robusta, Eucalyptus Grevillea robusta, Mangifera Grevillea robusta, Eucalyptus
thonningii, Prunus Africana, spp., Nuxia congesta, Ficus indica, Nuxia congesta, spp, Cupressus lusitanica,
Ficus sycomorus, Albizia thonningii, Acacia mearnsii, Eucalyptus spp, Cupressus Nuxia congesta, Macadamia
gummifera, Terminalia brownie, Cupressus lusitanica lusitanica , Acacia mearnsii, tetraphylla, Persea Americana,
Erythrina abyssinica Macadamia tetraphylla Ficus thonningii, Juniperus
procera, Prunus Africana
Maesa lanceolata, Cussonia spicata Persea americana, Mangifera Ficus thonningii, Terminalia
Acacia mellifera, Mangifera indica, indica, Phoenix reclinata, Ocotea brownii, Ficus sycomorus, Croton
Tabernaemontana stapfiana, usambarensis, Ficus sycomorus, Maesopsis eminii, Millettia megalocarpus, Eucalyptus
Eucalyptus spp, Ficus lutea, Ocotea Pinus patula, Erythrina abyssinica, oblata, Eucalyptus spp., sp.,Citrus spp., Carica papaya,
usambarensis, Syzygium cuminii, Albizia gummifera, Eucalyptus sp., Ficus sycomorus, Ocotea usambarensis, Mangifera
Acacia mearnsii, Pinus patula, Lannea stuhlmannii, Commiphora eminii, indica, Podocarpus latifolius,
Commiphora eminii, Ekebergia Tabernaemontana stapfiana, Acacia Prunus africana, Albizia Catha edulis, Melia volkensii,
capensis, Maesopsis eminii, mellifera, Eriobotrya japonica, gummifera, Persea Erythrina abyssinica, Cassia
Dodonaea viscosa, Myrica Macadamia tetraphylla, Hoslundia americana, Erythrina abbreviata, Passiflora edulis,

97
salicifolia,Combretum molle, Lannea opposite, Lantana camara, Syzygium abyssinica, Juniperus Dombeya rotundifolia, Combretum
rivae, Acacia polycanta, Rapanea guineense, Croton megalocarpus, procera, Maesa lanceolata, molle, Rapanea melanophloeos,
melanophloeos, Acacia seyal Maesa lanceolata, Rhus vulgaris, Dodonaea viscosa, Juniperus procera, Osyris
Calliandra calothyrsus, Psidium Eriobotrya japonica, lanceolata, Myrica salicifolia,
guajava, Morus alba, Syzygium Psidium guajava, Syzygium Millettia oblata
Scientific name not known: cuminii, Terminalia brownii, guineense, Croton
Chusu, Porozi, Mtelele,Vighoi, Dodonaea viscosa, Myrica megalocarpus, Citrus Scientific name not known:
Merezi, Mndana, Mrima salicifolia, Maesopsis eminii, limon, Syzygium cuminii, Mahogany, Kidjo, Msunduru
Cussonia spicata Carica papaya, Passiflora
edulis, Phoenix reclinata,
Scientific name not known: Tamarindus indica,
Msimamongo, Mboi, Mwojhowujho Podocarpus usambarensis,
Morus alba, Ficus lutea,
Lannea rivae, Calliandra
calothyrsu, Bougainvillea,
Catha edulis, Aberia
caffra, Ensete ventricosum
20 years ago:

The awareness about farm species twenty years ago was less hazey than about 50 years ago.
Grevillea robusta (40%), Eucalyptus sp. (36%), Nuxia congesta (28%), Acacia mearnsii
(22%), Ficus thoningii (22%) and Cupressus lusitanica (20%) were mentioned most
frequently growing on farms 20 years ago. In total 44 tree species were mentioned, out of
which 70% only one to four times. The introduction and adaptation of exotic agroforestry
species like Grevillea, Acacia mearnsii and Cypress can be seen clearly. Eucalyptus was
introduced to moist areas for drying up soil for agricultural purposes and as it´s usefulness
as timber was acknowledged it spread to many farms and community forests whether it was
suitable for the physical conditions of the place or not. I was told how in the 1970´s to 1980´s
education started to be more efficient in means of best practices in agroforestry and how
before that the knowledge was kept only by a few village elders. Modern forest management
practices became a topic of barazas more often, and district and local level government
officers gave out information about the importance of water catchment areas and
recommended tree species, often accompanied by representators of non-governmental
organizations. Agroforestry innovations spread at a different speed throughout Taita Hills,
but by the mid 1980´s Eucalyptus, Pine, Grevillea and Cypress were all well known and
growing widely. While most of the plots visited had a history of clearing the area of
indigenous forest or woodland into farmland, some had gone through conversion from dry
bushland into plantation forest. The area reaching from Choke to Mbololo forest, i.e.
Paranga-Ronge-Mwambirwa region, which was used traditionally as a vast community
grazing area, is a case in point.

A general opinion from our respondents was that the total number of trees on plots
decreased when compared with the situation 50 years ago. Many considered that indigenous
trees were quite eagerly cut in the early 1980´s to make space for fast growing exotic species.
This was enhanced by the introduction of power saw into the area and the rising market prize
of timber in the 1990´s.

Presently:

Grevillea robusta (74%), Persea americana (46%), Nuxia congesta (40%), Cupressus
lusitanica (34%), Eucalyptus sp. (38%), Acacia mearnsii (28%), Mangifera indica (28%)
and Macadamia tetraphylla (24%) are presently most frequent tree species on the farms
studied. In total 48 species were mentioned, out of which eleven are fruit or nut trees;
Macadamias, Mangos, Guavas and Oranges being most common. All in all, more
commercial woody food crops are grown today than 20 or 50 years ago.

In the future:

Increasing timber and firewood trees on farms is the future vision for most of the households.
Nearly one third of farmers wish to add exotic species like Grevillea robusta, Eucalyptus
spp., Cupressus lusitanica and Macadamia tetraphylla, whereas 28% wants to add only
indigenous trees, like the Nuxia congesta, Ficus thoningii, Terminalia brownii and Prunus
africana. The rest consider mixing exotic and indigenous as the best way forward. The role
98 
 
of timber trees as future assets in hardship situations was also emphasized. Only one person
would not have any trees on their farm. 74% of respondets expressed their will to increase
the number of trees, whereas 12% plan to let the farm stay as it is. 10% stated strongly that
Eucalyptus, Cypress and Acacia mearnsii “make their land barren through glue poisoning
the ground and Eucalyptus roots taking too much water”. There was a growing desire for
more fruit production, like Persea americana, Mangifera indica, Passiflora edulis and Citrus
spp. Many farmers were also very keen to learn about new species. In total 34 species were
mentioned.

Tree management as a joint activity in households

It seems that the technical planning of a farm is gender related and in many households, the
man’s task. Other phases of tree management; choosing species, acquiring seedlings,
planting, management during growth and decision to fell, were not so clearly gender related,
since husband and wife both conduct the tasks and take along children and their grandparents
(see Table 21). Forest officers had been consulted in a few households when choosing
species and for gaining new management knowledge. However, several respondents (22%)
emphasized the official procedure of applying for permission and consulting a forest
extension officer for cutting trees. Many “others” also take part in different tasks; relatives,
neighbours and wage- labour help out in tree management. 

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Table 21. Distribution of tree management tasks in households.

Number of households naming the primary stakeholder for task (N=50)

Primary Technical Choosing Acquiring Planting Management Decision

stakeholder planning species seedlings during growth on felling
trees

Husband 18 9 10 6 7 11
Wife 9 6 4 4
6 7 15 20 17 8
All members
of the family
7 5 6 4 7
Husband and
wife together
3 5 3 3 5
Together with
an officer
Men in the 6 4
family
Women in 6
the family

Grandfather 3
All adults 3 3
Others 11 15 9 12 12 11
(wage-
labour, other
relatives)

In most of the households, the farm tree management skills were learned from own parents
(66%), elementary school (68%) and forest officers (64%). The grandparents had taught
skills too, but to a lesser extent (52%). Friends and neighbours had shared information about
management practices in 40% of the households. Non-governmental Organisations
(Greenbelt Movement), Danida and KEFRI as well as community groups, were considered
as knowledge sources by 22% of interviewees. A few respondents had been educated in a
farming school and a few mentioned the Farmer´s field school system as important source
for updated knowledge. This is a system whereby selected community members get trained
by experts at an agricultural centre and then spread the knowledge through local settings to
the colleague farmers.

Tree management as a joint activity in the community

Out of our 50 farmers 17 were participating in community forest management. The activities
included: planting trees in forests, a merry-go-round system in tree management, and raising
seedlings in group and private nurseries. We also discussed the boundaries of gazzetted and
community forests, whereby the majority of respondents knew exactly where boundaries

100 
 
were. Their knowledge derives from their own experiences, from authorities, like forest
guards, clan elders and distinct boundary markings. However, 14 farmers did not know
where the boundaries were situated and 6 knew only approximately.

7.1.10. Applicability of existing TEK according to the farmers

I wanted to know whether my respondents thought that there exists traditional knowledge in
their community to be used more in natural resource management. 72% thought it does exist,
whereas the rest did not. Some compared themselves to the others and considered that even if
they themselves knew some things, others knew more. The types of knowledge mentioned
included land management through choosing soil friendly tree species, fighi religion and
taboos, medicinal plants and natural pesticides and herbicides. Those who denied the
existence of traditional knowledge thought that “only the wazees have the knowledge”.
Traditional methods nowadays also face prejudices: “Especially the older know more than
me. They use more supersticious means. Other people question these methods often. Village
elder tells: “You´ll die next night, if you cut this tree”, but the others respond: “let me see if
I die!” If he doesn´t die, it proves the storie untrue” (male 39 years). According to some
traditional knowledge is decreasing because people adapt modern technologies since they are
perceived to be easier. If modern techniques are too expensive, though, people are left with
the older ones. For example instead of using piped water and chemical fertilizers, one uses
the water retention, cow dung and fertilizing indigenous trees.

Domestication of forest trees

I requested whether it was possible to find useful, indigenous plant and tree species from
forests and grow them on the farm. Some explained that it is impossible to extract anything
from the gazetted forests. Six farmers said that they were satisfied with the species they have.
Six other farmers knew of some useful species, but did not remember their names; while
seven had no idea of such species. The listed plant and tree species were as follows: Bidens
pilosa (L.), Iwurugho13 and Uthunga14, Ficus sycomorus, Prunus africana, Nuxia congesta,
Azadirachta indica, Kishatu15, Ocotea usambarensis, Commiphora sp., Ficus thoningii,
Syzygium guineense (DC.) Guill. & Perr). Lannea stuhlmannii (Engl.) Eyles), Erythrina
abyssinica and Maesa lanceolata. The benefits include medicines, timber, firewood and
ecological services like water retention, soil erosion control and rain attraction.

Indigenous species with good market value

I further asked about indigenous tree species that have a big market value. Prunus africana,
Nuxia congesta, Ficus sycomorus and Albizia gummifera were mentioned most frequently.
These species are valuable for their timber and firewood and bark of Prunus africana can be
sold by $2/kg (2007 price). Other valuable species mentioned were Ficus thonningii for
firewood and medicine and Newtonia buchananii, Melia volkensii, Syzygium guineese,
                                                      
13
 Vernacular species name 
14
 Vernacular species name 
15
 Vernacular species name 
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Strombosia scheffleri and Maesopsis eminii for timber. Acacia mellifera (Benth.), Maesa
lanceolata and Ocotea usambarensis have potential market value as firewood or charcoal.
The best revenue on the market may be gained from timber, secondly from the sale of
medicines and thirdly from the sale of tree seedlings. A few respondests explained that it was
difficult to get permission to lumber indigenous species whether they were on their own land
or in community forests. Permissions from the forest office are given primarily for felling
exotic, fast growing trees followed by control visits of an extension officer. A black market
also exists and lures some people to lumber illegally in both community and government
forests.

Some of the respondents also mentioned non-native species which have been more recently
introduced to the area. They seemed to have difficulties to distinguish between indigenous
and exotic species. On the other hand some respondents knew very clearly the difference
between “Taita trees” and those “brought by the whites”. Most commonly mentioned were
Acacia mearnsii for firewood, timber and shoe polish tan, Azadirachta indica for medicine
and charcoal, Eucalyptus spp. and Pinus patula for timber.

Use patterns of traditional medicines in Taita households

We also discussed forest products and it appeared that 58% of the respondents use medicines
from nature (see Table 22). This is due to various reasons, one being poverty, since the
medication from the forest is free of charge. Even when consulting a herbalist, the costs are
often lower than in a pharmacy. Many people also perceive that natural medicines are more
efficient, and heal with less side-effects. The attitudes towards communal health care can be
quite critical: “Natural medicines have no side effects like pharmacy products. Sometimes
hospitals give wrong diagnosis and wrong medicines” (female 42 years).

Some said that they use the medicinal plants for religious purposes, like rituals and
worshipping. There are still herbalists and medicine men who practice their traditional
occupations and give people instructions on specific use of local medicines. As a testament
to their professionalism acknowledged herbalists have acquired a licence from the District
administration. However, the attitudes towards traditional healing vary, some considering it
pagan or related to witchcraft with some valuing and truly believing in its positive effects.
One of the interviewees expressed her belief in traditional medicines in the following way:
“Indigenous trees are still believed to have medicinal value. Only pharmacies made people
ignorant. At some point we were told that indigenous trees are evil and devil. Only today we
know that they truly have medicinal value” (female 49 years). In the next household we were
told that the family does not use either traditional or western medicines, but believes that
through prayers God will heal them. In many homesteads the respondents considered it
important to emphasize that they are firmly faithful Christians whether they were users of
traditional medicines or not. A few who got all their medicine from the pharmacy
commented that they are safer. Some of those mixing traditional and western medicines take
traditional ones only in the case of an emergency. This is also related to lack of financial
resources and to situations where western medicines were considered less effective.

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Out of all traditional medicine users, 20 used them for all family members, whereas nine
treated only themselves. One reason for avoiding treatment for family members is weak
knowledge about the right dosage for children. Some use it for family only as first aid before
getting to a pharmacy. Using their knowledge of herbs, 12% of respondents operate small
scale medicine businesses to help local people, whereas 10% used traditional medicines for
spiritual purposes. According to one respondent: “They bring good luck, chasing away bad
luck. They protect. They are secret, over 10 species, which we use in sacred places. They
grow in forests and if you plant those on the field, they won´t work effectively” (male 57
years).  

Table 22. Use of traditional medicines in Taita households.

Number of Use patterns of medicines

respondents %
N= 50
0 0 rely 100% on natural
medicines
11 22 more than 50% from
nature
5 10 50/50
13 26 less that 50% from nature
19 38 gets all medicine from
pharmacy
2 4 are not using any
medication

7.1.11. Patterns of traditional knowledge inheritance

I asked my interviewees whether they had inherited traditional knowledge from ancestors, to
pass on to the next generation. Thirtyseven declared to have something to share, out of which
twenty-four had a lot to share and thirteen only little knowledge. I also asked them to mark
on a scale from 1 to 10 which value would best describe their level of knowledge compared
to all the traditional knowledge available. The average value from my 50 respondents was
3.6; 0.5 being the smallest and 9.99 the highest given value. A lady (42 years) described the
knowledge transfer system and its importance in the following way: “Yes, I am going to tell
my children. The experts are there to know. The common man is not supposed to know so
much and the experts are not supposed to tell secret things. These experts are still selected
by the village elders. Although it is decreasing compared with the old days. Ancestor
knowledge is for example not cutting big indigenous trees, because used for conducting
rituals. But only experts know exactly how. One boy tried to cut two years ago a branch from
that tree and was very badly injured. After investigations they discovered, that this boy didn´t
know about the tradition. That is why it is important to tell children.”

Parents consider that it is often difficult to teach traditions to their children due to
generational gaps and children´s lack of motivation towards the “old things”. Some parents
103 
 
have already given up and state that they shall teach their children only if they ask for it.
Many also feel that they don´t know enough to tell their children. The usefulness of
traditional knowledge clearly divides opinions, especially when it comes to fighis and rites:
“Fighis are not useful anymore, so it is not worth telling my children about them. I was
already used to modern facilities. Reviving those Fighi things is accuward” (female 36
years). Or: “Yes, I know more than others around here about traditions and magic. It is good
to know about these things, because they really help! For example in protection of land,
people, property, conflicts, drought and enemies” (male 42 years).

The types of traditional knowledge parents have shared or are planning to share with their
offsprings vary from spiritual and societal knowledge to environmental knowledge. The
following topics were listed: Stories, myths, local lifestyles, fighi systems, traditions and
magic concerning protection of land, people and property; places out of bounds unless for
sacrificing something; shrines, prayers for gods, prayers for rains and cleansing; skull caves,
sesos and initaitation rituals. Seedling raising and crop rotation practices, value of local trees
in land management i.e. soil conservation and rule not to cut big, indegeous trees, because
used for conducting rituals.

Grandparents had taught 17 of the respondents about indigenous species whereas 14

mentioned their parents. There were nine persons who had never learned about indigenous
varieties and six of those who learned only through their own experiences. A majority (35) of
knowledge sources mentioned were from people within the family whereas minority 13 was
from outside (officers, school, groups, and neighbours). One respondent also mentioned
elders as a source.

Traditional institutions

We talked about traditional institutions and to what extent they are still working in Taita
Hills - 26 denied this. The remaining 24 answers can be categorised into five groups. The
first group explained that there are traditionalists and institutions in Taita, but nowhere close
by their place of residence: “There are some traditional groups still deep in that religion, but
not close here“ (female 32 years), and “I heard there are some rainmakers, but have not
seen them” (male 60 years). One reason for few traditionalists in the area was said to be
shortage of land: “Most medicine men and sorcery experts ran to Nyikas (lowlands), because
there is a conflict over land between inlaws and new generation” (male 48 years).

The second, “We have them here”- group spoke more proudlyof medicine men and witch-
doctors, their magical capacities and rituals, like rainmaking and burial procedures, as being
necessary from time to time. Some of the gate fighis are still considered to be effective and
protective. Traditional laws and measures were taken into use, especially for unsolved issues
according to contemporary rules: “The old men respect and use the fighis. Some old men
were fighting over some land plot and they eventually solved the case through a traditional
practice of goat´s intestine analysis” (female 36 years). Dancing traditional dances and
drumming is still common on weekends.

104 
 
The third group suggested that the traditional institutions were here before, but are nowadays
all lost. They existed before independence and those times “when eldermen used to blow
trumpet for calling rain”. Some stated that even if some group of traditionalists or fighis
would still exist, they would not have any powers left.

The fourth category of respondents took the view that the expert traditionalists are scattered
and work mostly individually nowadays, instead of meeting in groups and taking decisions
within the board of elders.

Figure 30. Herbalist, Mzee Mwairo used to know the herbs on his field and in the surrounding forests.
“The challenge lies in knowledge transfer to the next generations” (In Memoriam) (photo by Himberg
2007).

The fifth category was comprised of people who represent the “come-back of traditions”.
They know someone or are themselves involved in cultural revival projects. For example
Kishavi-group, which was started in late 2008 encourages traditions, and states calling back
the spiritual powers as their mission. A 22-year-old man explained to me: “Most people are
willing to adapt, some are scared though. We believe that old men are dying and the
traditions should be preserved. We have 30 group members, both male and female. Wazees
(old, respected men) are teaching us. Most of us are 20 to 35 years old.” Another group I
was informed about was Thimas, in the Mbale area, who are striving to revive and teach
traditional housing and tool making skills as well as Taita cooking.
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Comparing the knowledge base and perceptions of the “experts” and the “common people”

The tools used for studing traditional ecological knowledge varied and they differed on some
parts with experts and the common taitas; for instance, different questionnaires were used
(see Appendix 9 and page 31) and the contexts were also different. Most of the information
with experts was collected while visiting the traditionally protected sites, whereas the
household interviews took place at peoples´ homesteads or on their farms. Thus, the results
reflect the resource use area that the respondent is most familiar with, although the division
is not so clear. The common people did have knowledge about the resourses from sacred and
other forests. Similarly the experts shared their comprehensive knowledge about resource
use. Some tendencies may be distinguished from the data, while looking at the acknowledged
species lists (Appendices 1 to 4). Household interviewees listed 73 ethnomedicinal and 41
ethnoveterinary plant species, while the experts came up with 160 and 23 species
respectively. This may be partly explained by the fact that some of the experts were
herbalists or medicine men by profession and specialized in human health. However, out of
the 73 species for human medication, indicated by the household interviewees, 34
overlapped with those of the experts. The species for rituals were mastered by the experts
and as the other data also shows, that type of “secret knowledge” is, according to tradition,
supposed to be kept exclusively by them. The species listed in this study are permitted for
publishing since, according to the informants, it is still general information and for these
plant components to become effective more detailed knowledge about dosages, mixtures and
higher powers would be required.

The farmers again seem to master the knowledge of useful species in soil and water
management as well as pest management. Both farmers and experts had detailed information
about species use for construction purposes, and the experts stood out with a list of 71
species for traditional technical solutions, ranging from leather tanning to methods for
attracting bees into beehives.

7.1.12. Ethno is often not efficient enough

The household tree use patterns showed the importance of multipurpose character of species.
The majority of trees on farms were multipurposal and suitable for intercropping and half of
them were also indigenous. Crucial products gained were timber, construction material,
firewood, medicines and fruits. Environmental services included water retention, fertilizing,
nitrogen fixing and rain attraction. All in all, more commercial woody food crops are grown
today than 20 or 50 years ago. In most of the households, the farm tree management skills
were learned from parents, elementary school and forest officers. The grandparents had
taught skills too, but to a lesser extent. The knowledge sources thus had been both official
and inofficial as well as traditional and scientific. The majority of people were not familiar
with the concept of biodiversity. In the meantime, practical means and measures enhancing
biodiversity were known and applied. However, for most Taitas the biodiversity values (i.e.
those acknowledged by the scientific community) of the indigenous forests and their
endemic species were not known. From a local individual point of view, it was difficult to
perceive the values of forest products as part of a larger, worldly initiative. When it came to
106 
 
traditional knowledge the level of self-respect was rather low. In many households
informants compared themselves to the other villagers and considered that even if they
themselves knew some things, others knew more.

The indigenous trees with the highest market values were, according to farmers - Prunus
africana, Nuxia congesta, Ficus sycomorus and Albizia gummifera. The most frequently trees
grown on farms also included exotic trees, namely; Grevillea, Mangifera indica, Eucalyptus
saligna, Cupressus lusitanica, Acacia mearnsii, Macadamia tetraphylla and Ficus
thonningii. The best revenue on the market can be gained from timber, secondly from the
sale of medicines and thirdly from the sale of tree seedlings.There is more demand than
supply for indigenous tree seedlings in Taita despite the issue that “Taita trees” are perceived
to be slow growing thus not desirable for timber production. This perception also lingers in
people´s minds. The traditionally protected trees are not managed like the modern ones to
maximize their growth and it appears that native species in general are left to grow naturally
without hastening procedures like pruning. Their timber potential has not been taken into
serious consideration. Before a sustainable ratio of indigenous and other trees exists,
exraction of biodiversity supporting species is not either a recommended practice.

Whereas the tradition experts stated that they primarily count on the old techniques and
methods in natural resource management, the common Taitas generally considered up-to-
date techniques more efficient and desirable. Due to often higher costs of modern methods,
people felt sometimes forced to apply the traditional ones.However, despite the preference of
for example agro-chemicals, some farmers also expressed their worry about potential long
term hazards of these products and pondered whether they should turnto using the ‘good
old’ organic methods despite the risk of gaining lower yields.

7.1.13. TEK and fighis exist, but ‘not in my backyard’

One of my main findings is that there was an extensive body of traditional knowledge
sustained by the Taita eldermen and women though the number of those most knowledgeable
traditionalists has become very low. The majority of common people estimate their
traditional ecological knowledge and skills to be mediocre “low” but still many are willing to
pass it to the next generations, they are doubtful whether their input is enough to make any
difference. The traditionalists, however, are proud of their knowledge and certain of its
important impacts upon society. Thus, there are heterogenous ways of knowing and valuing
in Taita Hills. Due to this heterogeneity, people were careful in giving statements about their
world views and knowledge. It was common that the interviewees lifted themselves above
the issues discussed as if they were looking at the Taita Ritual Complex happening without
being part of it themselves. One example was when we discussed the existence of traditional
institutions and some assumed an air of “not in my backyard” stating that traditional
activities exist, but nowhere close to their milieus. Further important findings include the
patterns and the roles of traditionally protected forests and sites in the landscape matrix. The
physical pattern is denser than what meets the eye and rather few people live in areas with no
TPF/S. In most cases however, a by-passer is not aware of the symbolical and spiritual
essence of the sites on the landscape.
107 
 
7.1.14. Three spheres embodying Taita tradition

The traditionally protected forests and sites can be considered as relicts and manifestations of
the earlier prevailing and presently marginalized Taita ritual complex. TRC is embedded in
the vast sphere of traditional ecological knowledge of the Wadawidas as illustrated in the
Figure 31 below.

Traditional Ecological Knowledge sphere

Taita Ritual Complex sphere

Technical
knowledge TPF/ S Metaphorical
Ecological Economic knowledge
as ethnic
manifestations
Social Political

Symbolical Cultural
Visionary
knowledge practices
knowledge

Figure 31. The three spheres embodying Taita traditions.

7.2. Seeking out the boundaries of integrity and conservation

In the following chapters I strive to find answers to my research question “How are the
boundaries of integrity and conservation defined?” The results introduce perceptions of
various informants including members of community-based organizations, officers, priests,
village elders, other villagers and traditionalists.

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7.2.1. The process of getting used to the idea of participatory forest management in
the Taita Hills

Community-based organizations´ perceptions of forest values

Two focus groups consisting of local people engaged in forest management and conservation
participated in the forest value-mapping sessions in Ngangao (on February 24th, 2006) and in
Chawia (on February 15th, 2006). A participatory management plan for Ngango forest had
already been drafted and one for Chawia forest was in preparation. The participants were
people living adjacent to the government forest reserves and concerned about their status and
management options. The goal of these excercises was to brainstorm to learn about various
forest values. The participants were asked to come up with specific valued elements within
their forest environments; name, and weight, and then prioritize them. Weighting and
prioritizing was done using pairwise ranking whereby the elements were placed into a matrix
pairwise and voted against one other.

The results of Ngangao area (see Table 23) show that ecological services like athmosphere
balancing, rain calling and water catchment scored highest with the forest reserve status on
top. The forest as a place for learning about the environment and as a means for income
through ecotourism was considered important. Water, herbs and honey were the highest rated
tangible products from forest. Also wage employment through forest activities had been
established. Non-tangible benefits like leisure and spiritual use of the forest were
acknowledged even if outranked by the environmental services above. Firewood did not
score high, since its collection was very restricted and the option for timber harvesting was
only deemed to be an interim measure connected to future rehabilitation schemes.

In Chawia the environmental services of the forest also scored highest and the conservation
and rehabilititation for future generations was emphasized (see Table 24). Participants´ own
efforts as managers of tree nurseries and planters of seedlings in the forest, was included in
the list. The marginal opportunities for fetching dead branches for firewood was appreciated
and the collection of fruits and honey was said to be trivial. Butterfly farming was only
taking baby-steps in 2006 and the idea of ecotourism still seemed new and blurred. The
cultural and spiritual values (e.g. sacred sites) were acknowledged, but only a few in the
group came forward as being active in these areas. It was more referred to as older
generation´s duty.

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Table 23. TANACOP (Taita Nature and Conservation Project) priorities for Ngangao forest management
in 2006. 

Pair-wise ranking scores

1. Forest reserve 270
2. Atmosphere balance 233
3. Rain calling 224
4. Water catchment 210
5. Education 209
6. Water yields 197
7. Ecotourism 154
8. Herbs 134
9. Employment 120
10. Bee-keeping 110
11. Cultural and spiritual 69
values
12. Firewood 66
13. Leisure 62
14. Timber 59
15. Grass 29
16. Stones 27

Table 24. Chawia Environment Group´s priorities in 2006.

Pair-wise ranking scores

1. Atmosphere balance 344
2. Rain calling 325
3. Water catchment 300
4. Tree nurseries 275
5. Rehabilitation 246
6. Soil erosion prevention 223
7. Firewood 172
8. Timber 145
9. Fruits 142
10. Bee-keeping 129
11. Sericulture 116
12. Cultural and spiritual values 68
13. Ecotourism 56
14. Not measurable values 39
15. Aesthetic values 25

Ignorance of the contents of Forest Act 2005

I conducted interviews and Venn diagramming with local farmers adjacent to Chawia and
Ngangao forests in 57 households in 2006 to find out who they consider important
stakeholders in forest and tree management issues. The magnitude of importance was

110 
 
expressed on the diagram on a three-level scale and the closeness on six-level range. The
positive and negative quality of the actor was expressed by white and blackshades. It became
obvious that the forest office and the agricultural office play a big role in the lives of the
farmers. Information spread out through village meetings was effective and inputs from the
higher level expected. People also expect material resources, e.g. seedlings, from
Government to be handed out. Additional outside assistance for resource management has
come from non-governmental organizations like Green Belt Movement and Plan
International. At the beginning of 2006 when the Forest Act was still awaiting for its
implementation, the interviewees’ awareness about the participatory aspect of the law was
still weak. They understood that the new system would emphasize the conservation of
forests, but not many were able to perceive their own role in it. Common perceptions of the
new law was that it shall force people to conserve. The next level of outside forces included
God who is believed to bring rain and climate change. The results gave a strong impression
that people perceived outside forces as determining their future.

In the Chawia area (N=20), in total 26 stakeholders were mentioned in positive context and 8
in a negative context. At the time, the very recently established Forest Act scored first both
in positive importance and closeness. Agricultural officer scored second and local residents
and area Chief third. Other important stakeholders who people felt they could easy approach
were the East African Wildlife Society and Wangari Mathai (Green Belt Movement and a
Nobel laureate). Some did not know how the Forest Act would eventually affect them, but
felt that it would bring about a big change. Some were aware of the participatory approach of
the law and considered it as a welcome change. Negative feedback was sent to the then area
Councelor and area MP (Member of the Parliament) who was blamed for not taking forest
management issues seriously or even presenting them in the Parliament. Fellow local people
appeared also in the negative context, since some appear to ignore replanting and cut trees
illegally.

In Ngangao (N=37), 17 actors were listed in a positive context and 5 actors in a negative
context. The agricultural officer and community-based organizations were considered the
closest and most important actors to forest management. Also the area Chief and District
Forest Officer scored high. The Forest Act was perceived to be less important when
compared Ngangao people with the Chawia. More prejudices were targeted towards the new
Act. The respondents emphasized their own community group effort, like tree nurseries, and
on the other hand blamed some community members for not being responsible enough in
resource management. Government institutions got negative feedback from not being
actively fighting the problem of human-wildlife conflict on forest margins. Additional
stakeholders, with minor influence, mentioned in the diagrams included the following:
Kenya Wildlife Service, Iombonyi institution, Cross-border Biodiversity Project, Group
Men, old people in general, Nyiota, Sub-Chief, Women finance group, Ministry of water,
Muameni group, FDA (watershed management projects), KRA, Danida, Plan International,
agribusiness members, District Forest Officer, Kwanjiro water project, forest guards,
Provincial administrator and schools.

111 
 
We officers need to educate people

In an interview the District Forest Officer (DFO) (2007) perceived that Taita people learn
easily about what the government and its departments are doing and follow whether it is
good or bad in a long run. People take heed of authorities´ actions. When industrial forestry
was the policy, and Eucalyptuses, Pines and Cypresses were introduced in Taita Hills for
plantations, farmers also copied the idea on their farms. Similarly, the officer sees that when
people are shown examples with indigenous trees, they adapt the ideas. At the Kenya Forest
Service, tree nurseries exotic seedlings have been phased out gradually and the indigenous
variety offered instead. “Sometimes you find people doing illegal activities, who do not know
the value of the vegetation. So the first step is to educate people.”

According to the DFO (2007) people are lacking knowledge about the possibilities of
optimizing indigenous species growth. For example Prunus africana and Melia volkensii
(Gürke) offer good quality timber and grow rapidly when weeded and pruned. People are
adviced to plant indigenous trees, but many say it takes too much time and the challenge is to
make them think in the long term. Even if the indigenous trees are rarely harvested, they are
left in the shadows of the exotic ones; both literally and in terms of management, many seem
to consider, that only non-native trees need and benefit from pruning and other measures and
that local trees can cope on their own. Lack of well documented information about the
management of indigenous trees is said to be one of the reasons why people neglect them.
Whenever there is some new knowledge available, people do get interested. For instance,
villagers were flocking around the forest department office to learn about the catchment
value of Sandalwood (Santalum sp. (L). However, research results tend to take longer when
it comes to trees compared with agricultural crops. The responsibility on knowledge
production in large scale is on Kenya Forest Research Institute, KEFRI.

Education is adapted by the Kenya Forest Service as the protection method outside the
gazetted forests. In cases where culturally important area is under threat on county council
land and the conservation means are not sufficient enough, the Forest Service sometimes
takes over. Officers remind people about the sacredness of forest patches and the
consequences, like bad omen, believed to take place if they are damaged. This usually makes
older people worried and others are reminded about the legalities concerning cultural
historical sites. Youth is said to be the most difficult to convince about the value of these
sites. As the DFO put it:“Different generations need different tools”. A simple example he
uses in village meetings is comparing forests to a sponge holding a lot of water and releasing
that water slowly into streams. By reducing the sponge one reduces the volume of water. If
the officer has two older men in the audience, one with thick hair and other bold shaved, he
shall ask, which one will retain more water poured from a bowl over their heads and then
add; Let´s not shave our forests!

The youth is easier to approach straight forward with resource management education since
their knowledge base from school is of the scientific kind. They adapt for example
recommendations for tree species on farms, but say that it is not enough that he or she
knows, as long as the father, head of the family does not know. Officers suggest to pass the
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knowledge to the parents, but there is a traditional setup hindering the knowledge flow
upwards to the elder member of the family. The mzee should know better, not the other way
around. However, one is able to acknowledge the transformation of the pattern of decision
making power between men and women in farm and household issues. Women´s importance
in household maintenance and agriculture is acknowledged throughout this study. It has
always been undeniable, but due to increased need for off- farm income generation, even
more responsibility and workload lies on the female while the male head of the family often
stays outside the village or outside Taita working.“Unfortunately, within a very traditional
cultural setting, women are pushed aside in Kenya. But this is dying a natural death very
soon. There has been a lot of lobbying by ladies – whether men want it or not. I assume
unequality is one reason why we are lagging behind. Some traditions are good, but without
women in major decision making we will not progress” (DFO, male officer 2007).

According to the DFO when it comes to indigenous forests there are sustainability aspects
that the residents living adjacent to the forest would need to learn to understand better. They
value the forest for water catchment and rain attraction functions, but profound and detailed
management skills are lacking. For example how to harvest timber and remove firewood in a
sustainable way or how much bark one can remove from Prunus africana without killing the
tree. The mentality of “mining”, that had some space to develop during the last decades,
needs to be changed. An illustrative example of the existing, but hibernating ecological
knowledge, comes from a village meeting where an officer was explaining the concept of
sustainability to the villagers and an elder man stood up telling: “There used to be a tradition
of piercing an artery of a cow and taking some blood. But one should not take more than one
bowl of blood. If one took two or three bowls, the cow collapsed”.

Community group dynamics sometimes causes groups to break or dysfunction. One reason
according to DFO is inconsiderate management and use of financial resources. It has proved
challenging to manage community groups where members engage themselves into activities
with different level inputs. Educating people is challenging in Taita Hills due to jealousy and
hierarchies within communities. There exists negative competition between farmers which
creates tensions that hinders people learning from one other. This is partly political and
partly about pursuing dominion. It is also one reason why community groups disintegrate
from time to time. According to DFO these power dynamics are often kept in secrecy and it
is difficult for the Government officers, who often originate from other parts of Kenya, to
gain in-depth understanding of the communities. Furthermore, by the time the cultural
understanding has grown, the officer is transferred to another area.

There exists a need for technology transfer in agriculture and agroforestry in Taita Hills.
Farmer-to-farmer extension has been boosted with Farmers Field School-system, whereby an
agricultural expert follows and instructs a farmer on his or her field through the whole cycle
of crop production. Eventually, as the farmer has gained enough information, he or she will
be certificated and allowed to train other farmers for a fee. Unfortunately, some space for
jealousy is also left in this system; some farmers do not understand the concept and are not
willing to pay the instructor since he or she got it for free in the first place. The DFO thinks
that these kinds of reactions are partly due to the Government´s long time top-down
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approach, which has made people reliant upon what Government commands and offers.
Consequently, communities have become dormant, waiting for help from outside. However,
some attitudes have changed and people are assisting themselves while waiting for external
assistance, for example since the Community Trust Fund was established, applications have
been pouring in and many small scale projects have taken off.

Presently, the use of both Government and private forests is controlled by Forest Department
by guarding and licencing. According to the Forest Guard (2009) of Susu and Fururu forests,
without this system the trees and forests would be in danger, because locals would lumber at
damaging rates to support their own needs. He considered Taita people were not responsible
enough to manage their forest resources by themselves.

The baby steps of the Forest Policy in 2007 - awareness and working without proper tools

A year after the Chawia and Ngangao areas household interviews further follow-up studies
among people engaged in forest activities focused on benefits and constraints of
participation in the conservation and management of Ngangao, Mbololo, Mwambirwa and
Chawia forests. The main results are presented here, and more detailed description about
them may be read in the article published earlier (see Himberg et al. 2009).

At the time of this study, the groups had yet to be granted their user rights and were
prohibited from extracting any forest resources from the reserves. They were accorded only
some rights and not yet fully-involved in different phases of the management process. They
were, however, allowed to implement certain activities that eased the pressure on the forests
and enhanced conservation. The specific activities included informing the Forest Service
about unauthorized entry and general protection measures and information management like
awareness creation and education among the local population. Ecosystem improvement
activities, whereby some of the members were involved in raising indigenous tree
seedlings for reforestation, supported forest enhancement, while income-generating
activities such as bee-keeping, butterfly farming and sericulture, resin tapping and tree
nursery business, represented alternative forest livelihoods. These offside activities can be
seen as “software” for the people’s immediate financial gain, which was modest in the
absence of their rights to manage the forest resources in full scale. Some members are
directly employed as guards, tour guides or research assistants. The latter two are new
opportunities that have arisen from recognition of the threat to the forests despite their status
as areas of biodiversity. Consequently, the constant presence and activity of tourists and
scientists from international and national institutions in Taita Hills generate employment
opportunities.

Out of the various forest conservation initiatives voluntary tree planting and tree nursery
activities were the most frequent (40%). The possibility to get organized into groups,
associations and committees including the responsibility taken for forest conservation was
considered as an important recent developmental step. With regard to alternative forest based
businesses, 56% had been exposed to such incentives. A few people mentioned increased
education and growing awareness of conservation issues. Forest conservation and

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rehabilitation was expected to contribute to increasing precipitation and reflect a
traditional belief according to which forests “attract” rain. At the same time 28% of the
respondents considered that forest related activities should generate income, and increased
job opportunities were expected. A minority of 12% brought up their expectations of forest
products as directly extracted benefits.

As looked at the motivating factors for participation the highest response was on the “will to
conserve” at 52%, access to forest products at 46%, income at 36% and employment
opportunity at 32%. Here employment referred to an appointed job given by an outsider
person or institution, whereas income is the money earned from one’s own efforts, such as
with tree nursery management and beekeeping. Only 4% considered social prestige as a
motivating factor. Further analysis by cross-tabulation to compare motivation preferences by
gender showed significant differences between men and women (Chi square test); men
considered employment (p = 0.025) and income source (p = 0.007) their main reasons for
participation. Men also felt that social prestige motivated them, whereas this factor was not
notably meaningful among the women. More men than women were gainfully employed and
all types of jobs were more frequent among the respondents over 30 years old than those
younger. The frequency of response on the question about tangible benefits showed that
water resources elicited a response rate of (67%) and others included employment (45%),
income from butterfly farming (40%) and ecotourism (37%). 14% of the respondents,
reported deriving no tangible benefits from participation in forest conservation.

A correlation analysis was performed between the motivating factors and the benefits
accrued. The total number of responses (N) was 852. The r was calculated as 0.047, and
proved to be significantly higher than the computed r, which was 0.034 (in a two-tailed test
with N = 852, α = 0.05, 1/ √ N: = 1/√852 = 0.034). This indicates that correlation existed
between the motivating factors and the benefits the people derive from participation. When
the motivation factor “will to conserve” was cross-tabulated with the tangible benefit “water
resources”, a two-sided asymptotic significance of the chi-square statistic (p = 0.044) showed
a relationship between the two. Other higher correlations were found for forest products and
butterfly farming. The most preferred benefits for domestic use were water, medicinal plants
and firewood.

Both men and women ranked water as the first forest product, but ranked subsequent
products differently. The women ranked medicinal plants higher than firewood, whereas the
men ranked firewood as the second most important item, followed by medicinal plants.
Mushrooms and forest use for leisure were appreciated especially by women whereas men
ranked timber fifth important.

Most commonly mentioned traditional practices in forest management were the following:
use of herbs and medicinal plants (14%) and favouring of indigenous tree species (23%);
knowledge of traditional methods in pest and disease control, fertilization and
environmentally friendly tree species (14%). According to tradition, trees are planted after
cutting and elected village elders supervise logging activities. There are traditional laws,

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governing how trees should be cut and which ones should not be cut. Preferably only
dead wood should be used. Technical knowledge and skills learned for conservation and
management was common. The majority of respondents mentioned forest improvement skills
(58%), like raising seedlings, planting indigenous rather than exotic species, water catchment
area conservation, fire prevention, seed identification and collection from forests, use of
traditional plants for pest control and soil erosion control. Those who had recently gained
knowledge on the techniques of nursery building and management amounted to 12%. Less
frequently mentioned was traditional knowledge and skills upon income generating activities
(4%), like butterfly farming and bee-keeping.

Respondents had opinions on how the forest management system should be improved. Most
frequent initiatives (24%) concerned more profound and extensive involvement of the
various stakeholders. People would like to see more teaming up of non-governmental
organizations, officers, area residents and religious leaders. The forest adjacent residents
should be more widely involved and granted the authority as before to conserve the
forests. “More widely” referred to the number of people and their different socio-
economical backgrounds. The lower number of forest adjacent residents when compared
with members of the organized groups had not gone unnoticed. Additionally, “as before”
meant the period before establishment of forest reserves and had a strong sense of “our
forest” in it. Transparency in conservation activities was also demanded. The transition of
responsibility for forest conservation and management practices should ideally start from the
communities upwards to government and then to other stakeholders. Some respondents
(16%), however, felt the need for assistance in order to conduct their conservation work
properly. This included capacity building in modern forest management skills, education on
planning and management strategies and easier access to hands-on conservation inputs, like
seedlings and fertilizers.

Efforts to conserve forests for ecological services, namely for water catchment and
biodiversity maintenance were considered important. Sustainable future use of forest
products, especially firewood and medicinal plants were emphasized. However,
shortcomings, such as inadequate access to updated information about management practices
and legal rights, hampered participation. The respondents viewed this as working without
proper tools, which, they stated, may gradually lead to unsuccessful conservation efforts, and
felt that the government still prohibits full community participation.

Fears, expectations and experiences of participation

To better understand the power dynamics of various stakeholders an institutional analysis

exercise was conducted with the participatory forest management groups of Chawia,
Ngangao and Mbololo-Mwambirwa. The results showed that the Forest Act, the Ministry of
Forest and the implemented regulations were perceived ambiguously by the informants.
The Act was considered a crucial step forward, but at the same time too restricting and
paternalistic. The most visible and positively perceived stakeholder in the analysis was
ICIPE (International Centre of Insect Physiology and Ecology). It had been contributing
through its programs as an initiator and sponsor for beekeeping, butterfly farming and silk
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moth rearing. However, unreliable markets related to these businesses was perceived as
a threat.

Other important stakeholders in the area were the East African Wild Life Society and
the Greenbelt Movement. The former has been coordinating and facilitating forest
conservation and livelihood activities and preparation of the participatory forest
management plans. The latter contributed to the establishment, advisory work and
monitoring services of tree nurseries. Market for tree seedlings included schools,
churches, hospitals and individuals locally. Community Development Trust Fund (CDTF), a
joint initiative of Kenyan government and the European Commission, was considered as an
important source of funds for community-based organizations. However, frustration and
unmet expectations also emerged while dealing with the state administration, like social
services and Ministry of Wildlife as well as with some non-governmental organizations
and research projects in the area. The groups seldom got responses from donors, and were
not aware enough of the purposes of ongoing research activities in the area. They also felt
barehanded and left alone in the human-wildlife conflict, whereby the farmers on a close
range from forests suffer from noteworthy crop losses due to damages animals cause.

The groups prepared a SWOT-analysis on participatory forest management. The results are
presented in the table 25 below. The respondents felt more empowered than before and
expected economical opportunities through the new management system. The value of
biodiversity could be harnessed to serve livelihoods, such as ecotourism. However, people
felt the need for continuous education on management issues, which had been limited.
Elements of dissatisfaction arose despite the democratic election of the associations´
executive committees. Participation was differentiated and committees have been known to
pursue other interests or to overlook their members´ interest while making certain decisions
that cause the rest of the members to feel they have the upper hand or that decisions lack
sufficient transparency. Challenges were seen in the implementation of equal legal rights and
of benefit sharing mechanisms both inside their groups and in other adjacent forest
populations.

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Table 25. The strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats according to the community groups
engaged in forest management, and living adjacent Ngangao, Chawia, Mbololo and Mwambirwa forests
(Himberg et al. 2009).

STRENGTHS WEAKNESSES
 Lack of unity
 Lack of transparency among
 Forests´ ecological services; water stakeholders in resource sharing
chatchment, rain attraction, fresh air, leading to prejudices and uneven
place for leisure distribution of benefits
 Feeling of empowerment through  Ignorance
formation of community groups – “We  Lack of commitment of members
can now make decisions and ask  Insufficient knowledge about
questions” management techniques and legal
 Capacity building in many activities rights
has taken place  Income from forest products not
benefiting the forest itself or the
community in large
 Human-wildlife conflict unsolved
 Lack of funds
 Time consumption
 HIV-AIDS occurrence affects
implementation of plans
 Forest fire outbrakes

OPPORTUNITIES THREATS
 Larger markets for forest products
 Unique, endemic flora and fauna as  Unpredictable weather conditions
attraction for tourism related  Over supply on the butterfly market
businesses sector causing competition and
 Commercial use of medicinal plants blockade
 Access to forest resources; seedlings,  Conservation efforts going wrong,
medicinal plants, resin, sites for because of lacking management
apiaries and butterfly farms capacities
 Improved soil fertility leading to  “We are insufficiently equipped to
increased food production fully engaged in forest conservation”
 Establishment of research centre and
employment opportunities

People´s participation is needed

In 2007 after the concept of participatory forest management had been recently launched, it
appeared still to be unknown or at least not properly acknowledged. Officers complained that
various local associations interpreted the concept differently. Even after community groups
were formed, some people still wondered about the individual benefits. An obsessive mind
set of seeing forests only in terms of agricultural relation was believed to exist. The District
Forest Officer took part of the blame for the offices admitting that, when the concept came
in, the information was delivered in a biased way across some areas. The message was

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perceived by the local communities somewhat like: “these are now our forests and we can
take over them”.

A trail project for rehabilitating the government owned hill top forests (Adriaensen et al.
2005) started in 2007 in cooperation with Kenya Forest Service, East African Wildlife
Society and local, forest adjacent residents. The DFO gave credits to people who had been
earlier taking part in voluntary enrichment planting around Chawia forest, the Sagalla area
and the Mwambirwa forest. In 2006, 20 000, 4000 and 15 000 seedlings respectively were
planted. Residenst living adjacent to forests have also started reporting more eagerly to the
office set up to deal with illegal or suspicious activities. However, there is a tendency that
groups start and a lot of people get excited about the activities, but over time some drop out
or their priorities change (usually if something else seems more profitable).

There is a widely excepted vision about management of Government forests according to the
recent Forest Policy – away from the defence-approach or fines-and-fences state of
management – towards wider participation. “Even if somebody tried to enter the forest and
voluntarily plant a seedling, he was to be arrested. But it is better now. We are like a big
family” DFO (2007). Guards patrol the gazetted forests but the manpower available is not
enough to prevent illegalities from happening. The forest guards complain that and the
people living adjacent are aware of it. Still, with wider awareness and participation, the
penalties for illegal forest behaviour are set higher and stiffer than before.

In general both farmers and traditional experts in Taita perceive that the best management
option of traditionally protected sites should be community based. However, there are also
local histories showing the necessity of other institutions coming in, like the gazzettement of
Chuchu forest in 1984: “Good that government took over it, as it was under community
before, but leaded by a top ”wizard”, who wanted to destroy it and people were afraid of
him. However, in general would be better if the forests were community owned as we know
how to appreciate them. The government officers coming from other parts of Kenya do not
appreciate the forests as we do” (male 35 years).

Ecotourism business oppotunities

The management zones of Mbololo forest are noted down in the Participatory forest
management plan for Mbololo and Mwambirwa forests (2005). However, during our
excursion on the site in 2009 it became obvious that the implementation was only taking
baby steps and that the identification of various zones was blurred although we were
accompanied by a representative from local administration as well as a tradition expert. Plans
do, however, exist and special emphasis was put on the idea of establishing ecotourism
activities, like nature trails and an observation tower, in the forest. Tourist guides have also
been selected and recruited from the local villagers and trained for the purpose with the help
of Taita Taveta Wildlife Forum and East African Wildlife Society (EAWLS).

Taita Hills entrepreneurs have had some bad experiences of losing competition against big-
scale tourism on lowlands that may hinder some from going for tourism-based enterprises.

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Another statement I heard from business minded local people was that individual thinking
should be encouraged, since people tend to go “too much with the flow”. With business ideas
in Taita, it is often the case that if one succeeded with a fresh idea, soon too many
enterpreneours copied it in the same village and the business died due to oversupply.

Resettlement “master plan”

A policy-change vision I came across with officers was about complete change of settlement
in Taita. It is a more radical suggerstion in that people would move from upper, rain-fed
areas to the foothills and lowland areas where irrigated agriculture would be launched after
rehabilitating the water catchment areas and gaining higher water yields from the hills. The
forest areas would be used for butterfly and fish farming, ecotourism and non-timber forest
products.“I think right from the beginning the policy was wrong. In dry areas the policy
should be for irrigated agriculture, not rain-fed. There is not enough rain for that” (DFO
2007). DFO, however, was not the fist one to envison something like this. Wolf (1983)
conducted an interview with a senior Coast Ministry of Agriculture official in Mombasa in
1980. His following comments resembled the ones of District Forest Officers from 2007:
“Land consolidation in Taita?! What problems! As far as agricultural planning is
concerned, I think the best thing that could have been done was to remove everyone from
those hills and make the whole place a government forest!”

7.2.2. Lack of resources on the governing level

The District Forest Officer (2007) stated that the County council does not have foresters,
forest guards or environmental officers, and yet they are the managers of trust land forests.
This has made possible illegal activities like the Sandalwood (Santalum sp.) trafficking and
charcoal burning. The Forest Department is demanding more balanced structures and
collaboration between KWS, County Council, Rangeland officers and Environmental
officers. “At the moment we are just mining and mining and do not know about tomorrow”
(DFO 2007). He thinks that everything comes down to management and lack of capacities to
perform it properly. One hindrance is lack of manpower at the Forest Department: more
extension officers would be needed to take care of tree felling licenses and instructing
farmers on their fields. At the same time the penalties have been set higher to meet the actual
damage caused by illegal activities to the vegetation.

If the voluntary inputs and activities of area residents are needed for more sustainable
resource management, so is needed innovativeness from Government employees as well. For
example logistics is a problem due to lack of funds and officers responsible for field control
visits and education rarely have efficient means of transportation for their use. Still, they are
expected to fulfil their duties. It happens, that after getting a licence to fell certain trees on a
given farm the owner fells some other trees instead. The officer rarely has resources to come
back and check up on what owners have done.

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7.2.3. Concern about environment

The state of the Taita environment was a concern which cross-cut the majority of my
interviewees´statements. In some cases it was based on notions of changes in the proximate
environment and some were knowledgable about changes and problems on larger regional
and global scales. Also there were extreme reactions to management practices like when
people in some areas in Taita reacted very strongly to the problem with Eucalyptus trees
drying out soil (see Figure 32). Officers had to retain those persons to prevent them from
travelling to Mbololo area to cut down Eucalyptus trees. The frustrated people accepted after
negotiations that the reforestation had to be done gradually. This was concern for those living
on both the lowlands and the highlands. A village elder told me how they used to go fishing
in the Voi River for a good catch, but now the water level has sunk to such an extent that it
doesn´t always reach the Tsavo National Park. The wild animals need to move upstream
which causes human-wildlife conflicts on fields.

Figure 32. Eucalyptus and eroded soil (photo by Himberg 2009).

Elephants search for water and eat farmer´s cabbage, maize and sugar cane on their way.
“Traditional forests are very few; all has changed into modern forest. Everything has been
turned up-side-down. This has made even birds to fly away. People are now planting
(seedlings) to get forests back. Traditional values are not enough for sustainable protection;
other motives are needed, for instance education and warning examples of lowering water

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tables.’Never cut a living tree‘-rule used to be well enforced, but the population growth and
human needs have led people to ignore their own natural resources” (village elder 71 years).

Two driving forces for degradation of traditionally protected sites and indigenous forests
kept on constantly popping up in discussions; firstly, Christianity and secondly; the slow
growth of indigenous trees. “People dislike traditional trees, because they take a long time
to grow. That is why they have destroyed the traditional forests and also because of religion.
They have planted fast growing Mkongo (Eucalyptus), Msumbesu (Cypress), Mngamu
(Acacia mearnsii) and Grevillea trees. With these, people cannot go for Mulimu (ancestor
spirits) and sacrifice, thus there are many dangers surrounding people” (female 56 years).
The issue is tackled by the local Forest Office nowadays and instructions on both
economically and ecologically suitable indigenous species are distributed. Species which the
Forest Department for instance recommends include Acacia spp., Melia volkensii,
Terminalia prunoides (M.A.Lawson) (for lower zone), and Prunus africana, Albizia
gummifera, Lannea stuhlmannii (Engl.) Eyles) (for higher zone) and Commiphora spp.
(Jacq.). The District Forest Officer (DFO 2007) described the change as follows: “The
previous forest policy was not very good. Forest Department saw the forests only in terms of
timber production. All efforts were geared towards plantation forestry. We can now expect
changes for the better, although it takes some time before we see the difference. A tree crop
is a long term crop. If one is very ambitious, one gets frustrated.”

Changes that the DFO witnesses are firstly, the priority now is the forest conservancies,
which was not the case earlier. The forests used to be managed by administrative borders
instead of their ecology and edaphic conditions. Secondly, Kenya Forest Service shall be
advising Kenya Forest Board on the best silvicultural practices based on field experience and
less politically influenced opinions affect decision making. More various stakeholders will
be involved; research institutions, county councils, communities, instead of the Forest
Department exclusively. According to the officer, the gazzetted sacred areas are respected
and protected by forest guards. The existence of myths and believes are recognized.
Traditional clans used to roam the forest reserves and the sacred sites still retain their users.
Permission to practice rituals is at the forest guards´discretion but they tend to allow elderly
men to use the forests for traditional purposes. However, I was also presented with
contradicing opinions related to access by some of the eldermen.

The Community Development Trust Fund has offered new possibilities for community
groups to apply for funds for various activities and businesses. For example the Taita
Environmental Management Alliance was planning to plant new seedlings, like Juniperus
procera and Ficus thoningii, around encroached sacred sites. Throughout the Hills trends
like conservation, rehabilitation and tourism from Ngangao and Kasigau have been emulated.
Ecotourism has been a key motivator for people to form Forest Associations. A worry has
grown about disappearing species of birds and butterflies since people have understood the
importance of those for the tourism business.

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7.2.4. Tradition revival needs efforts

In Taita ritual complex “the environment was divided in good and in bad – also people were
categorized as good or as bad” (Mwairo 2007). Tradition experts complained about the
diminishing valuation and use of ethno medicines. One reason goes back to the days when
both bad-doer wizards and benefactor medicine men were more often seen entering forests
sourcing for plants, but later on due to religious change without making any discrepancy that
anyone entering forest could be seen as a wizard and a pagan. Taking natural medicines is
still considered as a sin by some. The user rights and practices in Taita Hills forest reserves
are known to be stiff and controlled. For instance in Arabuko-Sokoke forest reserve on the
coast, the medicine men have a special permanent licence for entering and fetching
medicines. In Taita, medicine men do not feel entitled to practice their occupation, because
moving in and out of forests is always open to various interpretations. Similarly
traditionalists need a permission letter from forest office for conducting rituals, which
contradicts the very quiddity of secretive chores of elders.

According to Mzee Mwairo (2007) (see Figure 30), Taita was more united before and in
some cases cross-clan problems could be more easily solved. Nowadays it is possible to
solve only family and single clan issues through rituals, like Goat´s intestine analysis (GIA),
whereby ancestor spirits and the God give the solutions via the sacrificed animal. There are a
number of people seeking GIA assistance from Mzee Mwairo, all middle-aged or beyond. He
charges 100-200 Kenya shillings per analysis. His worry is the difficulty to pass his
knowledge onto his grandsons, who are not willing to listen. His illiteracy means that he is
unable to write down his knowledge, but secret things are not to be written down, instead
they should be passed on orally to those who will then apply them. He estimates that 70% of
Taitas who belong to church undergo old rituals as well. In the central parts of Taita Hills,
the practices are done in secrecy, but areas like Mbololo are considered more open in this
sense. “I remember the rule never cut a living tree and by doing the cutting we destroy our
nature. I still believe that by cutting a tree intentionally one starts bleeding, like cutting one´s
own skin. One can thus be taken for cleansing if that happens” (Mwairo 2007). An obvious
tendency among interviewees is to name missionary work and rooted Christianity as the
main reason for degradation of the Taita ritual complex. Some fought against the change,
like Mzee Mwairo, who explained how he got cured from a sequeale of a serious accident in
Mombasa in the 1940s with the help of herbal medicines. He has followed the same path
ever since and refused to give up to the missionaries.

Boys traditionally have to go through circumcision to become full members of the

community. Cast persons and exclusion from community has been common in Taita. There
were different categories of cast people bringing bad omen, namely; girls giving birth out of
wedlock, witches, thieves and people with severe contagious diseases. These were all
deported. Thus, forests were needed as places for social events, for storing cast persons, for
young men´s seclusion and for herbal medicines used in rituals. After the diminishing of
these practices, the functions of forests also changed, although not completely.

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There are practices that should be revived according to the traditionalists, in order to avoid
“bad consequences” happening. These are mainly rituals concerning atonement by
sacrificing for ancestor spirits and haunting spirits of sesos (see chapter ‘Description of
various TPF/S categories’). Also availability for certain plants needed for traditional uses
are, according to a herbalist, scarce: “One cannot find traditional trees for medicines unless
travels to the lowlands. The few forests growing those trees are guarded and not accessible.
We need to revive the traditional forests.” Also the knowledge base has gotten weaker
according to two middle-aged interviewees: “My grandparents were tree medicine
specialists, but no information was left behind.” “People should be educated on the use of
herbal medicines. Why to travel all the way to Nairobi while one can find cure here in
Taita.”

Traditions, which the District Forest Officer (2007) recognized to be typical of Taitas are use
of herbal medicines, hunting small game and bee-keeping. Hunting is an activity colliding
with Kenya Wildlife Service policies, since it is also illegal outside conservation areas.
Forest guards report regularly of snares found in small forest patches, but Taitas know it is
not commercial hunting but dinner and some excitement for the day. Bee-keeping has always
been there, but it is now more prominent since the traditional log-hives started to be replaced
by straw hives. Despite the availability of modern hives, many elders want to hold on to their
traditional methods of using special tree for log and smoking the hive to attract bees.

Traditional belief that forests attract rains is incorporated into environmental education given
out by the Forest Department. Like the DFO described: “People here relate water issues
with the forests, even if it isn´t actually true that forests cause the rains. But because the
people believe it, I think we should use it. Every time we hold a village meeting, we ask: Do
you want to reduce the rains? - and they say: No! –and we ask: What should we do then? –
and they respond: Let us plant some more trees!”

7.2.5. Fear factor in land tenure

Big areas of sacred sites are cleared for construction purposes. Since these areas are
problematic due to their sacredness and people´s fear about consequences of moving on a
possibly “haunted” plot, they are usually demarcated as mtengos, communal development
areas. I noticed during the participatory mapping in the field that schools, churches and
village or town halls have been built on TPF/Ss all over Taita Hills. I heard the statement
“trust land is no-mans land” from several people. This seems to reflect various aspects of
land tenure and management. The responsibility collectively trusted upon the users, in some
cases, seems to be no one´s responsibility. This works in two directions; firstly, it highlights
a few poorly managed community forest areas. Secondly; in the forementioned mtengos the
traditional “baggage” of a sacred plot is avoided by the successors as well as by a potential
buyer from outside the clan. This is due to a belief that sacred sites “insist” management and
if not taken care of, they will claim something from the clan responsible. This can cause fear
and uncertainty amongst many families, who think that it is better to avoid residing at a
sacred place, since their traditional knowledge is inadequate to “go by the book” and if one
does not respect the rules, something dreadful may happen. However, disqualifying one from
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traditional responsibilities does not seem to work everytime as supported by several stories;
some pupils of schools built of a fighi “started suffering from psychological disorders” and
“churches were fighting against vandalism caused by witches”. Fear and respect towards
sacred sites are intertwined and personal attitudes towards their ownership and management
vary from personal to communal. The fear-respect factor however, seems to weaken along
with shared responsibility.

Within the TPF/S village mapping session in 2009 included 45 villages in total. While
drawing the maps, groups also discussed and noted down management preferences of the
sites they identified. Representatives from 24 villages expressed a preference for returning
government forest areas with sacred sites to community management. They perceived the
areas and usage rights as still belonging to certain communities and responsible clans. They
were also frustrated about the mismanagement of the areas by the Forest Department and
believe that it would be better taken care of, if it would be the communities´ responsibility.
The villagers would prefer to gain user rights for herbal medicines and various non-timber
forest products. At present a common trend in Taita is scheming for ecotourism ventures.
Group discussions about various management opportunities showed that the idea of National
Museums of Kenya protecting the sacred sites was considered possible by most of the
people. Many had heard about coastal Kaya forests and welcomed the idea of also declaring
the sacred sites of Taita as cultural historically important. A middle-aged man in the Kidaya
mapping session put it like this: “When ever Government takes over, the people are left out!
The sacred forests taken by the Government earlier should be given back to the community,
like Fururu forest, which we cannot access even for medicines.”

Customary law applies in community forests. In the Mgange area no cutting of living trees is
allowed, but collecting medicines and fallen branches is for everyone. Permission for timber
for a communal purpose may be granted by the village elder. For example in case of
preparations for funerals the village elder will come and show which trees can be harvested.
If someone is caught cutting a living tree in the community forest without permission, the
punishment is the fetching and planting of 20 seedlings, and in the case of a dry season, he or
she also has to water them under the surveillance of the village elder.

A difference between indigenous and present ways of forest protection according to a village
elder and teacher Mzee Zumbo (2009) is that the forest used to protect “itself”. To the
community this is a zone for no man to enter, because important, secret things are inside and
not to be seen. A 28-year-old Taita man explained to me: “ When I was a child there was a
story going around that if one enters the forest, one gets lost and there is a place inside with
water opening which sucks one in”. Also certain trees are still left standing, because they are
strongly believed to cause bad omen if disturbed. Collective responsibility is an attempt to
ensure that every common man fear to enter the forests. Zumbo perceived that the current
approach of naming individual agents representing Government (forest guards) has not been
as reliable and efficient as the indigenous, community-based approach. Herbalist, Mzee
Masaka (2009), on the other hand, was not that worried about the future. He complained
about the difficulties of transferring the knowledge to the latest, ignorant generation, but he

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still counts on the capacities of fighis to protect themselves: “Even if the new generation
would not want to protect the place, whoever wants to destroy the place, will run mad”.

During a TPF/S mapping session in Mbale, a highly topical issue was raised up by the
participants. A skull cave was causing bewilderment among the residents, especially the
confused plot owner: “We have a skull cave and we are planning to destroy it as it causes us
lots of problems, like people dying around us. We have abandoned ancestor worshipping and
are now facing the calamities. We are tired of seeing the skulls here! Thus, if Nina and
Mwadime (us researchers) want to carry them away, permission granted” (male 45 years).
According to the informant, the problems started recently; soon after the village elder
responsible for sacrificing at the site passed away and no-one knows how to continue the
practice. Fear attached to rituals also spreads vis-á-vis trend of using powers in a destructive
way. Kutasa, meaning instead of seeking blessings from higher powers, rebellion calamities,
like a death of a neighbor, was ordered. This instilled fear in people and led to a fading out of
the skull cave rituals.

Those people, who do not experience fear, but instead only show respect towards traditions,
look back to the “good old days” and state that the Taitas used to be safer due to Fighis
(magical medicines located on strategic locations protecting villages), Mbingus (medicine for
healthy, long life), mteros (blood covenant) and many other social and magical means.

Customary law concerning land, enforced side –by-side with Government laws is still
functioning. Traditionally, land was passed from one generation to another according to the
request of a father and the boundaries were marked by using plants like Isaye (Dracaena
steudneri (Engl.), by placing stones and burying ownership information underground in
Calabash- bottles. On the foothills of Taita, the information was hidden in termite hillocks.
Officially, the land is divided through land demarcation with the Office of Lands involved
and handing out title deeds. In order to avoid paying demarcation fees and sometimes to
avoid hassle and hostilities within a family, people often followed the customary law instead
of the modern law. The population pressure with perhaps some prejudices made many elder
men, including medicine men, move to lower parts of the Taita Hills. The next generations
have the need for cultivable land and if the family still has ancestor landholdings on the
nyika, the upper zone plots with higher rainfall with better chances for irrigated agriculture
are left for the young families.

7.2.6. The coexistence of Christian church and Taita ritual complex

There are people who cherish both Christianity and traditional religion and who are proud to
pass on traditional wisdom to their children. However, one problem with knowledge sharing
is “brain drain” from Taita Hills to bigger towns. If a child is taught some traditions that they
don´t apply they will be forgotten. Also, Taita is described as a cultural melting pot where
people are getting inflicted by new life systems and consider old ones useless. This is also
evident in the way that Taita language is spoken impurely by younger generations. Literature
about Taita traditions is wanted in order to fill some gaps that young and middle aged have in
their knowledge. “For example I am a Christian, but I don´t regard traditions useless. In
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fact, I see them very valuable, as did our grandfathers and we own them my roots and
therefore cannot discard them” (male 40 years).

I talked to a middle-aged teacher Mwashuma (2007), who is very knowledgeable in Taita

tradition through their inheritance and systematic talks with ritual experts. He had also taken
studies on African religion in college to deepen his understanding. He learned that African
monotheism helped Christianity to initially take root before the belief systems mixed
together. When harder times occur, traditional rituals are taken more into use, as some feel
that Christianity is “not enough”. He stated: “As much as I believe in Christianity I also join
the clan people as the usher of all African religions for solving some of the problems”. Thus,
the religious mixture can go beyond the mainline churches and Pentecostals mixing with the
Taita ritual complex; also inputs from other originally African religions are involved.

The District Forest Officer (2007) described the cultural transition in a following way:
“When colonialists came around they considered everything that had to do with the culture
of black people primitive, and wanted to impose another culture. It did not work too
efficiently since Taitas had own strong culture, but we are still in a transition phase, not here
neither there, but somewhere in between. People are confused and that´s why you can see a
Christian who is crossing to the other side, but at the same time pulled back to the
traditional.”

I got an estimation from a middle-aged Taita mama concerning the ratio between Christians
and traditionalists in whole Kenya and she figured that ¼ would be completely “saved”
whereas ¾ would own a mixed world view.“I was saved in year 2000. Jesus talked to me
where I went wrong. But still, I want to protect our own culture. Even bible tells about
people, who used their traditions, so it supports the idea.” Mzee Masaka (2009), a herbalist
and strong traditionalist also goes to church and believes that he can worship the same God
in church as well as in a fighi. He is not of the view that being a Christian would mean
abandoning his traditional culture. The fighi rituals bring more dimensions to his world view;
rainmaking he considers necessary.

Before the modern education system, children were taught by elder men and women, boys
and girls separately, boys in forests and girls indoors. They were given the “Taita etiquette”.
Some recall that youngsters´ behavior used to be better in those days; children respected their
parents well, virginity of girls was highly valued, and families who brought up girls of good
moral reputation until marriage age were rewarded by the community.

We spent an evening visiting pastor Maghanga (2007) in Kidaya and interviewed him about
the relationships between his parish and the Taita traditions and the Taita people and nature.
He is a mdawida himself and comes from a family of a traditionalist grandfather and an
evangelized mother. The following is what I learned from him: Taitas seem to have
accommodated Christianity in their souls and that has changed the ways of living.
Traditionally ancestors were worshipped, some under trees, by lakes or some in caves, but it
stopped as soon as people got to know the “real God”. The church has not forced people to
stop the rituals; instead they have decided themselves and they do not feel the urge anymore
127 
 
after finding out there is a Christian God. People have moved from natural settings into
church buildings. Not all tradtions are abandoned, since some are still important and go
along with the Bible: respecting and never going against ones parents and the tradition of
paying dowry when marrying. People practicing magical means, medicine, and witchcraft or
worshiping ancestor spirits are not driven out from the church, but they stay away since they
choose not to hear the gospel. Sometimes they are followed and given counselling, but not
told to abandon their tradition. Some are afraid of coming to the church, knowing that the
path they are following is not the right one. The church takes small steps, showing people
love and concern and eventually they throw away the old things. Pastor Maghanga did not
have any exact figures on how many people in Taita still practice traditional religion, but in
his parish there were a few.

He does not see any big differences in different Christian churches´ approaches to the
toleration of traditional religion. “There are Catholics and Anglicans all believing in Christ.
We have not forgotten or ignored the topic, and we have the Coast Interclerics Group with
Catholic, Anglicans and Muslims, since 2006, sitting together and discussing which elements
of Taita traditions should be retained and which abandoned. For example, polygamy has to
go, although Muslims want to hold on to it”.

According to the Pastor, Taitas have abandoned various traditions that affect the
environment. Some of the traditions did protect the forests. Now we see people destroying
forests. These traditions were based upon not entering the forests: ”People were threatened
that if one step into that forest will become an outcast. We also believed that you´ll meet
some strange people and ghosts there. And immediately as we abandoned those beliefs, I´m
sorry to say, we started destroying our forests. For example, where now exists the Farmer´s
training centre, used to grow very strong forest. Since it was destroyed it we never had
enough rain again. Up to late 1960´s we had a lot of rains”. Another reason for forest
depletion was the demarcation of land in 1960-1963. After the land was demarcated
everybody was given his or her portion of land. Sometimes one was given a plot, for
example a fighi, where one is not supposed to step in, but since that was your portion you got
to go and destroy it in order to make a living. Economic crises, like the one in the 1970´s,
have contributed to increased lumbering on farms as well as expanding families with a need
for a plot to settle in.

No steps have taken yet in Pastor Maghanga´s perish to raise the topic of nature
conservation, although he considers it important. However, he does encourage his
parishioners to plant more trees on their farms as he has not seen any positive development
in energy consumption patterns of Taitas: “There is charcoal, we get it from the low zones
and it is expensive. Some cut Grevilleas for firewood and that is destructive. We have been
crying over electricity over 40 years, but the cost is too expensive. Who is capable to pay
35000 for 10 houses electricity? You need your own transformer. Also gas is expensive,
because we go to get it from Voi or Mombasa. In the rural areas very few people have the
knowledge on gas cooking. They are afraid of explosions and fires. People are used to
firewood”.

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The Pastor considers it important to record Taita history including the traditional beliefs and
practices, but only selected elements of the culture are worth keeping alive. He doesn´t think
traditions are a threat to Christianity anymore, but that some are very restricting and useless;
for example the one that husband should not sleep with his wife just before planting season
starts.

While talking with the farmers in different parts of Taita, opinions about parishes´ level of
laissez-faire towards taita ritual complex varied quite drastically. In some churches pastor
Maghanga´s opinions would have sounded perhaps too progressive, while in other parishes
the “taboos” were even more openly discussed. In some areas people avoided using
traditional medicine openly so as not to be seen by the church elders. “When any Christian is
seen visiting witch-doctor´s house, he or she will be chased away from church. So ¾ of us go
to treatments, but hidden. I personally go overnight” (male 57 years). Some plant
components and detailed knowledge is lacking sometimes when one wants to prepare a
certain medicine for health or ritual purpose, thus people travel for miles to get help. Taita
Hills has always been known for skilled herbalists and soothsayers, so people from
upcountry and the coast visit them. Similarly, Taitas pay visits to Kenyan coast and Moshi in
Tanzania for special treatments.

The dialog between the church and traditionalists still goes on, as illustrated by one of our
participatory TPF/ S mapping sessions held in 2009: “The fighis and shrines have been
fought against from every corner by Christianity, but I think it will persist. For example
people in Kasigau believe their god stays on the top of that mountain and nobody goes there,
nobody. – Yes, the church sees that people who revive cultural traditions are suspicious. One
pastor wanted mbenge ya mrangi (skull cave) to be cleared as considered it to be satanic”
(traditionalist). The response from a church elder was following: “We are not against past as
long as the tradition is helpful, but some of the traditions are demonic and those we want to
get rid of!”

7.2.7. Integrity of the traditionally protected forests and sites according to

households

“When going gets tough economy runs down conservation”

I had read and heard from a few elders about the old Taita wisdom: “never cut a living tree”
and asked my respondent´s opinions about it during the household interviews in 2007. All
but two people knew about the wisdom and had views about it. The most common opinion
(19 households) was that the wisdom still holds, but it has been replaced by new laws and
restrictions.

“When I grew up this place was very green and people respected the nature even without
any (official) laws and norms. Today government is the only way and very strong one”
(female 68 years).

Some (9 respondents), however, thought that it is often ignored. When asking about reasons
for the ignorance, poverty, greed for money and shortage of land were most commonly sited.
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As one of the respondents put it: “People love money more than trees”. Other reasons were;
firstly the fact that most of the traditionalists who would know and uphold the wisdom have
passed away and people are lacking detailed knowledge about the best practices in managing
indigenous trees. Secondly, an increased market price for timber increases lumbering. Many
households in Taita are dependent on farm production as their sole means of livelihood and
timber resources are considered as future assets. In other words when the going gets tough
the “economy runs down conservation”. Thirdly, two respondents stated how Taita people
envy each other and there is competitiveness over living standards between neighbours and a
general need to replace the old with the new. Fourthly, Christianity is seen as a contributor to
ignorance since according to traditional belief something bad would happen to the person
who cuts down a living tree, but like one middle-aged female respondent, many nowadays
trust that “nothing bad happens, because Jesus solved all the problems”.

I learned about traditional restrictions, sanctions, believes and norms and how they are
applied to natural resources. Out of 50, 33 respondents mentioned the existence of sacred
places. Shrines were considered as still important by 22 respondents, and 4 thought that the
features of indigenous tree species, like water retention capacity, rain calling and medicinal
value, should be better appreciated. However, in nine households it was perceived that fighis
are completely ignored by Taita people. The skull caves were said to not be in use anymore
and many are in a degraded condition. Four people described the situation as “conscious
forgetting” boosted by the Church. The following are some of the quotes from the
respondents:

“It was believed, that if you cut a fighi tree and try to burn it, it will move backwards and
you won´t success. Even wild animals did not approach fighi, because they were afraid of it”
(female 60 years).

“Fighis are there in Mwaguwi and Mghambonyi. If you enter the forest, it protects itself by
sending bees or throwing rocks. Mbenginyi is a marginal area around the forest that has
army ants and bees guarding. People do not respect them as much as before because of
Christianity. Young generation is not told about traditions” (male 55 years).

“There is Mongonyi, preserved for ritual activities. Fighis are gone, because people think
they are evil and Christianity has taken place having deep impact. Fighis had too strict rules
and they were considered too restricted. Christianity and fighi religion did not agree, but
collided. Church gives more freedom - you can go anytime” (male 59 years).

“I don´t know... – yes, there are fighis. A belief exists that if you go inside, you start bleeding
from every hole. Some people believe still, not all. Those who do not believe, have no
business in fighis anyway” (female 28 years).

“There are still some people practicing. No site development, for example industrial, can be
done in Mwambirwa unless some rituals are conducted first. With this peoples´ minds are
influenced” (middle-aged male).

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Out of the 50 respondents, 33 said that they have a sacred and traditionally protected site of
some kind in the vincinity of their household. Most of them were known by name, some only
by location and some only had heard about them. Fighis for rainmaking and gate fighis were
most commonly mentioned, followed by skull caves and sesos.

When asking about respondents´ personal belief grounds, ten people said that they appreciate
and go along with the traditional norms and restrictions they know about. There were twelve
respondents who thought that, even if they do not personally follow the traditions, some
living close by do. Nine people perceived that no-one believes in fighi powers or rituals
anymore and three denied that these sort of things ever even existed.

As a researcher it was challenging to perceive the levels and aspects of people´s valuation
towards something. I strived to understand the importance of various elements of
traditionally protected forests to the respondents by using a continuous scale bar with two
extreme values: “not important” and “very important”. Respondents indicated the level of
importance by drawing a mark on the line.

A common view among the respondents was that since the majority of the ritual experts are
gone, the sacred sites have lesser use. A few respondents explained that they do not know
about fighis since they never lived close to them and some stated that they denied “fighi
religion” a long time ago (Table 26). Some perceived that all people in Taita respect the
fighis, independent of one´s present world view. The respect can be also fear-like. In one
household I was told that: “Many accidents happen close to fighis. We pray the powers to
stop. We believe strongly in powers, but hope them to disappear. The fear prevents us
touching the areas” (middle-aged female). However, in the next household the safety aspect
was of opposite kind: “It is widely believed, that they (fighis) protect from accidents on these
bad roads. Accidents rarely happen” (female 38 years). Quite a few respondents gave
similar estimations about the Taitas´ belief ground: “There are 50% Christians who deny
fighi religion and 50% who receive it, at least accept to listen about it”.

Table 26. Religious importance of TPF/S.

not very
important important

24 3 5 1 11

N=50, 6 no comment

The ceremonial importance of sacred sites (Table 27) has been decreased partly due to the
fact that some of the rites are nowadays conducted in homesteads. There is a problem of
gaining the bad reputation of a wizard in some areas, if seen entering the traditionally
protected forests. The concepts and “occupational images” of a wizard, a herbalist, a

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medicine man and a witch-doctor are confucing to many Taitas nowadays and some think
they are all bad-doers. Today the most well known and accepted ritual is rainmaking.

Table 27. Ceremonial importance of TPF/S.

not very
important important

30 5 1 3 7

N=50, 6 no comment

The importance of traditionally protected forests for biodiversity is restricted by their

character (Table 28). According to many of the respondents, even if big, indigenous trees
grow there, the strong spirit powers inhibit “anything” from survival. Animals are to avoid
fighis and only certain big snakes and birds inhabit the sacred sites.

Table 28. Importance of TPF/S in hosting plants and animals.

not very
important important

14 4 5 3 19

N=50, 5 no comment

The aesthetic importance divided opinions again and the sacred sites were perceived as
emotion awakening places rather than objects to look at on the landscape (Table 29). Some
thought that their security function makes them beautiful while others thought they were
scary and demonic places. The leisure function of sacred sites was acknowledged by some,
who use them for relaxing under the “green shade”. Depending of the type of sacred site,
they are described to be more or less visible on the landscape. Many are located in difficult
to reach areas and some can be easily missed without special knowledge of the location.
People have built around and on many sacred sites. There are several stories going around
about the poor destinies of those who did not respect the Taita ritual complex. According to
history, some of those who flouted the traditional procedures went mad, lost all their
property and family or died.

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Table 29. Aesthetic importance of TPF/S in the landscape.

not very
important important

20 5 4 4 13

N=50, 4 no comment

A common rule is that no water is supposed to be in a fighi (Table 30). However, there were
few respondents who shook off their ancestor´s spirits: “These particular trees assist us
locals in terms of rain, firewood, conserving wildlife and water table. One gets medicines
and research has been done. Relics of religion are in there”.

Table 30. Importance of TPF/S as water sources.

not very
important important

38 1 1 1 5

N=50, 4 no comment

7.2.8. People are so ignorant

“People are ignorant, since they think fighis are something from the past. Even if one could
get a cure for snake poisoning from his own yard, he rather dies than takes something from
the past” (elderly female).

According to the Distict Cultural Officer (2009), the problem of the traditionally protected
forests is that it is “nobody´s responsibility” as many of them are located on trust land area,
which is not really managed by county council and the traditionalists are getting fewer every
year. The conservation ideologies have been modified with new generations. The values of
new generations might be worldlier, which would suggest that gazettement would guarantee
better conservation status. On the other hand, people like unrestricted access to the area and
its use without heavy bureaucracy. The new law and participatory process is time
consuming. Before the Forest Act 2005 there wasn´t laws concerning traditionally proteted
forests on behalf of cultural or forest policies, only traditional laws. Neglection and
ignorance are challenges that the Cultural Minister has noted. He emphasized the importance
of forest patches for catchment areas and for lowlands as well as for their cultural-historical
value. The local government has recently launched a mission to revive Taita traditions and
induce awareness about related cultural issues.

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7.3. Does sacredness equal conservation?

As regards to participatory forest management, the role of traditionally protected forests is

paradoxal, since a communal approach suggests equal participation of people, whereas
management of the sacred forests and sites has traditionally been the sole duty of the
accredited experts in the village. However, TPFs contribution to conservation should not be
doubted. Sacredness is at the center of this study. As people value things and consider them
sacred, they gain integrity. Traditionally protected forests of Taita Hills used to be
considered sacred by general consent, but this has changed over time. The things that Taita
ritual complex sanctify have become marginalized while Christian religion has gained a
more central role as a base for people´s existence and identity. In other words, different
things are sacred for people nowadays than in the past. A thinning of communal affects the
feeling of unity and may lead to non-compliance to common restrictions and rules.

Privatization of land has proliferated: almost half of the ground truthed TPFs are now located
on private plots. The management of those depends on the land adjudication and inheritance
history and on the present owner´s belief grounds. However, even if legally the owner,
whether residing on their original clan land or not, may decide in the first hand upon his land,
this study showed that it is also common that the management of a TPF/S is also
responsibility of the original clan members. Further to this, I found out that the TPF/S on
community land were in the best condition and the biggest in size covering 56 ha in total. On
the contrary, the integrity of a TPF/S on public amenity had been commonly threatened and
condition degraded as a result. The most common opinion among local people was that,
forests in general and especially TPFs would be better managed if they were the
responsibility of communities. Customary law applies in community forests and traditional,
where strict control measures have also been applied. Fear towards fighis is still a reality to
many Taitas, though, as discovered in this study, it weakens qua with shared responsibility.
As long as a legitimate, knowledgeable person manages a TPF/S the ownership doesn´t
matter that much, but as soon as the site looses its traditionalist host, its future existence
becomes uncertain.

While seeking out the boundaries of conservation the weaknesses of the fines and fences –
approach showed that: due to its restricted capacity, the forest department’s ability to
safeguard the integrity of the state forest reserves was poor and also largely ineffective when
it came to the control of forest management practices on private property. The public sector
welcomes local people to participate in guarding and maintenance work partly because these
“volunteer workers” fill the gap of manpower which the forest department cannot afford.
According to local people engaged in forest management group activities, the limits of
conservation and integrity are strict. Only after first letting the forest provide ecological
services and rehabilitation schemes shall be conducted, also timber and non-timber forest
products may follow. The recent decades have clearly shown the impacts of top-down
approach in natural resource management; local forest users addressed a lot of expectations
to governmental stakeholders and clearly expressed their disappointment when certain
expectations were not met. At the same time people have dutifully followed the instructions

134 
 
concerning changing trends in forestry and agriculture given from above. A general pattern
of thinking, at least during the time since state independence, has been that outside forces
should determine the future more. During the last half a century, natural resources ‘mining’
also got a stronger foothold. The illegalities continue and even the penalties have been set
higher, indicating that there still are people operating with commercial, even extractive,
mindset and they seem unwilling or able to change their attitudes. Those who previously
supported and encouraged commercial forestry now have to control and ban people from
over doing it. On a positive note, howver, the latest changes in the development approach
included in Kenyan policies have brought up tentative signs of ending dormancy; also Taita
people were eagerly helping themselves within the framework of decentralized decision-
making and funding opportunities. They are hailing for tighter multi-stakeholder teamwork
and more transparent dynamics within the community-based groups. Capacities that need to
be further boosted are: modern forest management skills, project planning and managerial
skills, hands-on conservation inputs, knowledge of legal rights. Stakeholders providing those
inputs, like ICIPE, Greenbelt movement and East African Wild Life Society were thus highly
appreciated.

When we conducted the participatory mapping of the traditionally protected forests and sites,
I asked the informants to indicate the shape of the “boundary for sacred area”. In most cases,
it was obvious to them. The boundary could be visible or psychological. Even many of the
severely degraded sites were still claimed to be sacred. These notions helped me to answer
the following research question “Does sacredness equal conservation in Taita Hills?” and
the answer is that it doesn´t. Sacredness definitely contributes to conservation, but does not
equal it. There are various factors, including sacredness, that affect the integrity of a TPF/S.
The pressures on and off the traditionally protected forests and sites are presented in the
Figure 33 below.

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 Fear
Thinning of
Shortage of land the communal
Christianity
TRC getting
Fading of
marginalized
traditional
ecological
knowledge Poverty

Privatization
PFM

Traditional
institutions

Fear & Respect

Sacredness
Increasing awareness Ecosystem
of the importance of services
biodiversity conservation Non-timber
forest products

 
Figure 33. Pressures on and off the integrity of traditionally protected forests.

7.4. The role of witchcraft in ethnodevelopment

The witchcraft phenomenon of today has been the subject of wide attention in Kenya as well
as in neighbouring Tanzania. In February 2009 the largest newspaper in Kenya, The Daily
Nation, carried a report about witch-hunting amongst the Mijikenda community in Kenya´s
Malindi District. The report claimed that the segregation of elderly people has been disguised
as a witch-hunt. Naming someone as a witch has traditionally been a way to get rid of them,
often without a legal case. The hatred and fear against witches still exists among
communities and those causing harm are considered for elimination. Firstly, the problem
arises from the fact that ignorant people confuse medicine men, witch doctors and wizards
and suspect good -willing herbalists of throwing bad casts. Secondly, the tradition is misused
on purpose for local politics and self-seeking. Recent cases (Nyassy 2009) of human rights
violation occurred as many elderly people have been killed as accused ´witches´ without any
relevant proof. Witchcraft is publicly defined as the use of certain kinds of alleged
supernatural or magical powers. It is also defined as a form of sorcery or the magical
manipulation of nature for self-benefit. A social explanation for lynching can be that most
old people are excluded from their communities and are deemed not to be useful because of
their limited ability to work. Many elderly people even turned to using chemicals to dye their
hair for fear of being branded as witches. The belief in witchcraft is said to be deep rooted in
the community and it has seriously affected development and caused the deaths of many
innocent people. Similar cases have also been reported in Burkina Faso and South Africa.

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Another hair-raising phenomenon has occurred in Tanzania in recent years where several
albino people have been murdered in order to be sacrificed during certain witchcraft rituals.
According to Isichei (2004: 310) in the forementioned cultures the witch has become “a
supernatural capitalist profiting from the labor or zombie slaves”. This topic was brought up
during my field work, because the Taitas seemed worried about the safety of the people with
albinism in their communities.

7.4.1. Jealousy and development

A common notion among informants was that unity among Taita people has decreased and
individualization has rapidly increased. “We don´t see us as a big family, but as nuclear
families.” With firmly rooted market economy and land ownership based on title deeds and
more and more have financial deals instead of inheritance, competition arises and along with
it at times, jealousy. Macadamia nut production is a case in point; jealousy and competition
between farmers hinders willingness to technology transfer which has led to poor marketing
and discontinuous production chain. There are too few producers per area for an
economically sound, jointly organized distribution of goods to areas outside Taita Hills. As
explained earlier, witchcraft and dual (good-bad) powers are typical elements of Taita
culture. Out of all the traditionally protected forests and sites 25 were indicated as meeting
places for witches and 20 of them were perceived to be presently active, thus, despite
religious change these mindsets are still entangled in everyday life of many people. The
means are still used in “correct” and “incorrect” ways; the traditional expertise is not
originally supposed to be used for suspicious and harmful purposes, especially not where
money is involved. However, the herbalists sometimes face demands followed by bribes
from their customers for immoral activities, like prescribing a harmful or lethal medicine for
a foe.

The present system of Forest Department controlling tree management on farms through
licensing has led to a vicious circle of lurking. The officers do not have enough financial and
technical recourses to extend the system to control tree felling, thus some land owners do as
they wish with their trees (including illegalities), though the neighbors may report them to
the Department. This is said to create tensions within and between neighbourhoods and
communities and decrease unity. Therein, poverty creates jealousy and frustration: “There
should not be such a big gap between the haves and have-nots. With that gap the conflicts
and jealousy will remain” (District Forest Officer 2007). Taita ritual complex used to be
based on decisions and inheritance determined by lineages. Communal ways of life was
prevailing and the interest of a collective subject often overran the one of private subjects.
Kenyan neoliberal politics and privatization have changed the regimes. I listened to a local
village chief complaining about “lack of unity” in their village and wishing for more old-
style cooperation or harambee-spirit among area residents. The will to strive forward and
scale up one´s household with modern facilities, educate the children well, and maximize
crop production, is very strong among Taitas. However, all this demands monetary inputs
that places big demands on more and more common nuclear families and especially heavy
workloads on the women.

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There is both healthy and unhealthy competition existing among business minded
Wadawidas; new opportunities for small scale loans and grants are anxiously awaited and
applied for and sound businesses ideas are copied with small modifications to the next
village. The notion of witchcraft and magic obviously remains and continues to have its
impact on people´s perceptions about success and failure. It seems that less people know
their neighbour. When it comes to business prejudices and jealousy are rife. Success is still
seen through “Taita tradition glasses” with a mindset: `it could be witchcraft afterall´. There
are two aspects to this: firstly, this phenomenon is said to be a crucial hinderance for
entrepreneurship and economic development in Taita, since individuals are afraid to get
accused of using witchcraft if being notably successful, and secondly; jeaulousy acts as a
counter-productive force when striving towards cooperation and networking. This might be
one of the reasons why for instance the forementioned Macadamia-production chain is
fragmented and the farmer-to-farmer extension system is said to be sometimes
malfunctioning. In this sense traditional knowledge can be accused of being a scapegoat for
underdevelopment, while at the same time the magical can mean success for those engaged
in the Taita Ritual Complex.

8. Discussion
In this study I gained answers to all my research questions. The purpose of this work is to
increase understanding upon the use patterns and valuation of forest resources in the Taita
Hills. I have examined the topic from anthropocentric and biocentric perpectives by studying
both human and ecological variables as well as those variables that link natural and human
components (e.g. use of ecological services, collection of firewood and medicines).
Furthermore, I used the concept of ethnodevelopment to reflect upon the data. This concept
served well on the mission to study perceptions related to change in time as well as to space
and place. The empirical data has carried most weight in this study, and some new concepts
emerged through induction. Some of the notions resulting from this study might be
applicable in other contexts or areas, however, bearing in mind that my aim has been to
scrutinize place-based and geographically specific knowledge, and to present Taita Hills as a
case, rather than to strive for generalizations. Ethnodevelopment suggests that, traditional
technologies, knowledge and skills can be engaged in ecologically sustainable development
(The Living Heritage Trust 2010). This study supports Berkes’ (2000: 1256) observation
that, the practice of traditional ecological knowledge differs from that of scientific
knowledge due to dependency on social mechanisms. My study also claims that traditional
ecological knowledge is a strategic resource, which has not been used to its fullest potential
in the Taita Hills.

8.1. Challenges of the methods used

One of the challenges in conducting a study using participatory methods is time

management; one is not able to assess in advance precisely how long it will take to gain the a
sufficient amount of data. Fortunately, the more time one spends in the study area, the easier
this task gets. Participant observation is often used as a method when deeper understanding
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of social dynamics is required. I considered the method a useful and rich way of learning,
although I agree with Gomm (2004) as he states that “being a participant observer is like
being an adult baby”. Like a curious child I still have many unanswered questions. I always
remained an outsider even though I got wonderful insights to everyday life of Wadawida
families and also had the chance to witness traditional ceremonies that were only allowed for
selected members of the local communities. The dilemma of the researcher´s subjectivity and
objectivity followed me throughout the study, but at least I learned that without getting very
close to the people and their everyday activities, the whole pondering of the dilemma would
have led nowhere. I relate to Ardener´s (1989: 212-21) idea of “the experience of relativism
not as a form of anti-objectivity but as our only mode to objectivization”. Hervik (2005)
suggests, that “through shared social experience of people´s lives, thoughts and sufferings,
we gain insight into the collective beliefs stored in cultural models. A space is created where
shared reflexibility becomes an essential tool for gaining cultural knowledge”. Thus, my
person with all the previous experiences and knowledge was present in every encounter and I
used it as one “tool” in sharing social experiences and reasoning with the local people.

I found the mixed-methods approach useful, because complex socio-ecological systems pose
challenges to the researcher by showing themselves in a different light depending on the
angle one is looking from. By using various tools and methods I was able to triangulate my
data and gain reasonably reliable results. (Laitinen et al. 1995: 56-58) list biases that may
occur in studies conducted by using participatory methods: a road bias, a seasonal bias,
biases related to peoples age, health, wealth and power, a gender bias, a bias related to
politeness and a bias caused by expectations. I took measures to avoid biases, however, a
study without any kind of bias is an illusion. I strived to minimize the so-called “roadside
bias” by preparing enough time and being stubborn enough to hike and bike to distant places.
I aimed to maximize the heterogeneity of my informants, on the basis of age, gender,
prosperity and power. The various group gatherings were organized through consulting
village elders and area chiefs, who, in most cases, announced my research agenda openly in
village meetings and invited people to participate. For focus group discussions participants
were screened before being selected. Those who are in poor health, very old or engaged in
household chores are often marginalized from this kind of activities, thus I compensated for
their absence from group meetings by doing household visits. The “seek-out-the-expert-
method” proved to be a very useful and interesting way of outlining the network between the
key stakeholders in traditional ecological knowledge. The most knowledgeable experts were
the hardest to find, because they often don´t have the loudest voice within their communities.
However, this does not mean that the traditional experts lack authority regime; the
manifestations of their power are different from the commonplace procedures. Gender bias
did not beset this study, mainly because Taita women seem to be very active and aware of
things happening around them. During household interviews, women of different ages were
easy to target as they are still mainly responsible for home and farm maintenance. Most
effort and time was put into avoiding the creation of false assumptions and expectations
among the informants. In this, my local assistant, who explained in every convergence and
occasion our purpose for the study, was invaluable. The places that we visited ranged from

139 
 
private lands and houses to sacred sites, thus the introduction to the mutual understanding of
means of cooperation was every time unique, sensitive and time-taking.

Like Dwyer & Limb (2001: 4-5) suggest, ethnobotanical research provides an important
opportunity to validate “situated” and “local knowledges”. However, no botanists or
ethnobotanists with academic degree took part in this field study. The accuracy of the
botanical data, as regards vernacular names and scientific identification, has some gaps even
if the best traditionalists were leading the participatory mapping of TPFs and foresters were
consulted. The primary purpose of this study however, was not to produce a comprehensive
ethnobotanical database of each TPF plot, but instead to show which plants are currently
recognized and considered valuable by the Wadawidas. It can be assumed that the
traditionally protected forests host more plant species than listed in this study. While entering
into these small, green islands straight from the fields or yards one senses a dramatic change
of environment; the microclimate, sounds and light are different and often butterflies are the
first animals catching one´s eye. Thus, the remnant patches and their need for restoration and
connectivity to larger forests patches are worththy of further ecological examination.

I have chosen to present my results mostly in a general manner and strived to avoid
individualizing the data. This applies both to the household interviews and TPF/S data. I
discussed with every TPF informant about the publicity aspect of the data collected and
agreed upon the “privacy settings” of each site. Permissions were granted for the data to be
presented here, and the maps are adjusted to give an idea of the sizes and locations of TPF/S
in relation to each other and to the largest indigenous forest remnants. The detailed attribute
data, however, like the tribal names, and location specific information concerning species
and rituals shall remain the property of the author and the selected scholars engaged in Taita
Hills research. This relates to McCall´s (2006) notion of the need to question the necessity of
data accuracy in participatory GIS approaches. He points out that reality is frequently
ambiguous and we should remember, in cases where it is misleading, to represent it in a
precise and accurate way. For instance, during the ground truthing exercise of traditionally
protected forests, I asked the experts to indicate the boundary dividing the sacred and non-
sacred areas. In most cases it seemed like an easy task for the experts though at times they
needed to negotiate and compromise their slightly different views. The data based on
perceptions, even if collective, are always fuzzy. However, PGIS offered useful tools to gain
indepth understanding of peoples´ symbolical and socio-ecological knowledge and
perceptions. The “accurate” measures of the sizes and the frequency of occurrence in the
landscape yielded us new information about the potentials of TPFs in cultural rehabilitation
and biodiversity conservation.

New conceptual and methodological tools are constantly needed for scrutinizing the complex
systems of human beings and their environments. I found the grounded theory approach
challenging and suitable for the research setting and analysis, because my aim was to
conduct a bottom-up style study. In Strauss´s & Corbin´s (1998: 56) words: “Although we
do not create data, we create theory out of data. If we do it correctly, then we are not
speaking for our participants but rather are enabling them to speak in voices that are clearly
understood and representative”. The strength of grounded theory coding is said to derive
140 
 
from concentrated and active involvement in the research process (Charmaz 2006: 48-59).
Through focused coding I was able to move across various data, like the interviews and
observations and compare people´s experiences, actions and interpretations. The coding
condensed the data and provided a handle on them. The biggest challenge of the grounded
theory approach in this study was to avoid invoking or relying on earlier concepts. According
to Charmaz (2006) those preclude openness and new ideas that emerge as events are coded.
Since I had been interested and already well-read on the topic of this study, it would be
biased to state that my approach was pure grounded theory. Instead, my existing awareness
and knowledge of previous concepts and theories were embedded in the research setting and
the analysis, even if marginally. On the other hand, ethnodevelopment as a sensitizing
concept worked well for the analysis. As Bowen (2006: 2) explains: “a sensitizing concept
gives the user a general sense of reference and guidance in approaching empirical instances.
Whereas definitive concepts provide prescriptions of what to see, sensitizing concepts merely
suggest directions along which to look”.

Triangulation of the data contributes to the validity and reliability of this study, although in a
data set this heterogenous some thin sections can be also found. I sought further comfimation
of some issues by using alternative tools or unknown, but helpful, informants due to schedual
errors, lack of transportation or unavailability of informants. I was fortunate to get several
opportunities to travel to Taita Hills for field work, but despite that I was eventually left with
some questions. For example, a more profound study on the traditional management regimes
and dynamics of community forests would be essential for the future planning.

8.2. Tradition pragmatism

The scholars (Rist & Dahdouh-Guebas 2006; Gadgil & Berkes 1991; Gadgil et al. 1993)
recommend distinguishing between ancient and modern traditional knowledge, which blend
to make a unified whole and genuine, practical knowledge. However, it would be biased to
set any milestone in time where ancient stopped and modern started, since change has
occurred gradually. Instead I see on the one hand certain “immaterial” and “deactivated”
elements of traditional knowledge that live only in oral narratives, and have become folklore.
On the other hand there are practical elements that are still applied in the everyday lives of
the Taita people. Fading of both is a threat which has only recently been taken into account
in the area. There is plenty of relevant and useful traditional ecological knowledge which
could be more widely distributed and applied, especially in the enhancement of remnant
forest management activities. Nygren (1999: 282) emphasizes the “necessity of analyzing
local knowledges as heterogenous ways of knowing that emerge out of a multidimensional
reality in which diverse cultural, environmental, economic and socio-political factors
intersect. Local knowledge repertoires can be seen as a result of knowledge encounters in
which local and global, and traditional and modern are intricately intermingled”.
Wadawidas are currently confused about the best practices in natural resource management.
High, individual inputs in sustainable management are expected from them that are
controlled by the Forest Department. On private farms, permission for felling a tree is
141 
 
granted by a forest extension officer, thus the system of instructions and rules is still steered
from top-down. This also means that the knowledge recommended to be applied is the
knowledge of the “ruling party”. Illegal activities take place in forest reserves and farms,
thus supporting the notion of Ostrom & Nagendra (2007) on expensive inputs needed for
guarding and low level of protection when formal rules are not considered legitimate by local
resource users. I ask the same question as Nygren (1999): “Are we expecting to see a gradual
marginalization of alternative knowledges, or can there be a symmetrical coexistence
between these diverse forms of knowledge?” The relative status of the different components
in these knowledge encounters is what matters.

The participatory forest management groups should consist of both the experts and common
Taitas in order to include traditional knowledge in the tool box for sustainable management.
This has been still until some extent hindered by taboos and fear of getting claimed to be old
fashioned or in the worst case a witch. Although underestimated and undervalued by many
Wadawidas, traditional ecological knowledge can be seen as an asset for participatory forest
management. A general hesitation and embarrassment overshadowed the discussions about
traditions, since they are, according to public opinion (or at least what people perceive to be
public opinion), “something from the past” and not as good as the latest knowledge. The very
character of TEK, having the division between experts and common people poses a
challenge for its survival. Apprentices are hard to find and the most skilled TEK beholders
are getting scarce.

Traditionally protected forests and sites act as justifications for ethnodevelopment. They
support the elements of territorialism for those who still reside on land belonging to the great
lineage. TPF/Ss act as manifestations of cultural pluralism at both local and national scales.
The Taita ritual complex was tailored to serve ecological and community sustainability needs
according to the best knowledge from the past. Presently, the remnants of TRC are
intertwined with modern knowledge which can contribute to further development of best
practices if applied wisely. The traditional and local ecological knowledge, including the 161
different species of plants with 108 uses listed by the farmers and 255 species with 220 uses
listed by the tradition experts speak for themselves. However, the fact that many TPF/Ss
have vanished suggests changes in priorities and values over time. Many Taita traditions and
practices have been superseded by Christian and western ones, although fragments of the
original Taita ritual complex still remain. Its cultural-historical value has been recently
acknowledged by the policy-makers, who have brought in the official reference point for
justifying cultural pluralism.

Witchcraft is a crucial element affecting ethnodevelopment in Taita by acting as a counter

force to productive and collective actions. Witchcraft represents selfish desire at somebody
else´s expense, whereas ethnodevelopment is defined as dynamic, creative process, which is
supposed to liberate collective energies for development. Also cultural pluralism and internal
self-determination belong to ethnodevelopment. This seems like a paradox and creates
inconsistency in concept definition, since Wadawidas perceive their lives surrounded by
witchcraft although fighting against it. At the end of the day, fundamental is the way in

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which people perceive their own process of development, and that they have the chance to
make decisions upon it.

The merged data in this study is of various kinds that reflects the complexity of the human-
nature relationship of the Taita people. The present existence of traditionally protected
forests and sites may not be taken for granted; nor should their preservation in the future be
seen as definite. The transformation of the Taita peoples´ world views has had impacts on
land and resource use and the process is ongoing. The defining authorities for world views
and ethnodevelopment during the last century have included many “-isms”: colonialism,
post-colonialism, neoliberalism, free market economy, globalization, and Christianity. The
forest policies and land use policies of the last decades have had a crucial impact on natural
resource management. Members of the Coast Interclerics group use their authority to define
how the future of the Taita ritual complex might look like. TRC may exist as long as it fits
Christian moral, or like the Priest put it: “We are not against the past as long as the tradition
is helpful”. Similarly, the recent forest policy devolves powers and recognizes cultural-
historically valuable places and local capacities, thus allowing tenure and practices within
framework defined by the government. It is as if the goal is to pick up those elements best
suiting present societal needs out of the TRC and let the rest go to waste. I would like to call
this “tradition pragmatism” (see Figure 35). To apply the knowledge owned and to adapt to
change are supposedly parts of any development process, but when it comes to
ethnodevelopment, what matters is the authority defining what is kept and what is let go.
This leads us to the following question: whose attitude towards nature counts most?

8.3. Review of prevailing attitudes toward nature

The basic attitudes of the Taita people towards nature have followed various trajectories and
twists over time depending on the ideologies and policies thet were introduced into the area.
When looking through the classification by Pietarinen (1987) one may notice that the human-
nature relation, dating back to the precolonial times, is characteristically closest to mysticism
and humanism. If we imagine the basic nature attitudes - utilism, humanism, mysticism and
naturism on a continuum, then utilism represents the anthropocentric and naturism the
biocentric extreme. Before modernization and missionaries Taita attitude would settle
midway in the continuum, sliding thereafter closer to the utilism end due to growing
population, market economy, globalization, and top-down approaches in natural resource
management policies. During past decades the forest policies reflected strong will for
economic growth and man´s authority over nature, however, recently started shifting towards
the more conservation-orientated end of the continuum. Conservation organizations and
international science communityencourage to take steps in the direction of biodiversity
preservation, whereas majority of people in Taita Hills go on with intermingled teachings
and perceptions leading their lives.

During this study a solid notion was established: present practices concerning land use and
the Taita ritual complex are intertwined. People often associated even the most technical
elements of TEK with symbolical and metaphorical aspects. Another notion was the dual

143 
 
attitude towards traditions, particularly among the “common people”; the first reaction of
many informants was embarrassment and denial, but underneath the surface more varied
perceptions were found, including respect, fear, appreciation and gratitude. It seems as if fear
and respect together with traditional and scientific ecological knowledge form an aggregate
for nature conservation on Taita Hills. The fear and respect factors moderate with time and
science education, thus the proportional weightings of the aggregate are in constant flux.
However, this combination seems not to be completely solid, since illegalities still occur and
people engaged in forest management felt like they were “working without proper tools”.

Traditional Ecological Knowledge sphere

Taita Ritual Complex sphere

Scientific Fear
ecological TPF/S
Respect
knowledge

Figure 34. Basis for nature conservation in the Taita Hills.

The level of engagement and belief ground of Wadawidas in theTaita ritual complex varies.
There are those who are living it to the full as well as those who deny its very existence, and
thus avoiding all the manifestations of it. There are different ways of perceiving traditions. In
particular younger community members, with little experience of the traditional practices,
had an ad hoc interest and appreciation towards their heritage: for the purposes of cultural
revival projects. They saw the whole issue from a distance, but with a local point of view at
the same time. They are worried about permanently loosing something culturally valuable.
And there are reasons to be worried, because the negative kind of fear towards TPF/Ss,
caused by confusion and lack of knowledge about best traditional practices, has already led
to a loss of both many cultural heritage sites and biodiversity in Taita Hills. This adds to
Casagrande’s (2004) notion that, knowledge is not necessarily synonymous with behavior or
cultural importance.

144 
 
Cultural pluralism (Hettne 1990) is one of the key factors in ethnodevelopment. In Taita
Hills it is, nowadays, more common to express ones religious beliefs in public than during
the most frenzied missionaire period. A prevailing practice, however seems to be that those
conducting traditional rituals or collecting herbal medicines were expected to do it in secrecy
in order to not highlight themselves or the tradition that they embodied. Taita ritual complex
is still considered a taboo. Some of the experts I conducted the TPF visits with suggested that
we should do it a subtle way, so as not to cause a fuss or disrespect among the local
residents. In other areas some tradition experts made an entrance to “their” territory and fired
away with everything they knew, as also to inform the random people who were close-by.
The issue of cultural pluralism is complex, since we have two major, prevailing, intertwined,
but also competing world views in the area, within the same tribe.

The dominance changed many decades ago in the “critical mass” to favor Christianity as the
wide openly professed and practiced religion, but Taita ritual complex has a wide socio-
cultural base. Those socio-cultural aspects are still a matter of debate and the authorities like
policy makers and church elders want to come up with guidelines for ‘best practices’. With
or without the authorities, peoples´ use of traditional practices tends to be erratic. The
growing worry about the impacts of climate change and the practical notions of the Taita
people about irregular rain patterns and prolonged droughts, has again occupied traditional
rainmakers. However, some farmers complained that the results of rainmakers´ work are not
as remarkable as before. Mystisicism is said to be prevail when people and nations go
through big changes and phases of uncertainty (Pietarinen 1987). For Wadawidas the future
of their environment seems blurry and the “infrastructure for the best way forward” is still
under construction. Individuals strive to make the best out of their situation under the
prevailing conditions, but from time to time they feel helpless when facing challenging
secular matters. It is during this time that they seek guidance and powers from higher beings.
For most traditional Africans the notion that, adoption of a new technology does not simply
mean abandoning what they have been doing or what they believe (see Haverkort et al.
2003). Adoption means, therefore, doing both things side by side. It is, thus, a question of
survival in a diverse and risk-prone environment.

8.3.1. The fear works in two directions

Traditionally protected forests and sites have faced “cumulative uselessness”: their functions
diminished, the need for agricultural land increased, traditional knowledge about TPF
management decreased leading to feelings of insecurity and fear towards the sites, and
modern knowledge and practices substituted many functions. Their existence divides
opinions and the conservation value in them is in some cases beaten by prejudices and fear
leading to mismanagement and even destruction of a site. However, the fear works in two
directions; it also forms the very base for forest preservation in the traditional setting. Some
of my informants did not worry about forest depletion, since they count on “forests
protecting themselves”. Tens of stories about individuals´ dramatically failed efforts to enter
or encroach traditionally protected forests were noted.

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As part of the original ecosystem TPFs promote biodiversity and sustainable land use. They
hold intrinsic cultural-historical value even though their usefulness is presently debated by
the Taitas. Traditionally protected forests under community management offer people both
spiritual and earthly benefits. Often the sites are used for leisure purposes and for the
fetching of medicinal plants by the “common people” on their outskirts; the most sacred core
areas inside are approached only by the experts. This is the traditional way of tenure and it
still works well in some sites in Taita. The largest similar areas were established as forest
reserves excluding local people from management by totally denying or restricting user
rights leading to disempowerment. This state of incapability lasted for years and has now
arrived at the point where the contribution of local people is again welcomed.

8.4. Forests are valued through their contribution to the fields

Local people´s rights to their ancestral lands were neglected under the land adjudication, “the
great shuffle”, of the 1960´s, even though some who were fast and aware of the changes, got
to reserve themselves land areas originally belonging to their clans. Taitas are no forest
dwellers, but agriculturalists, who went through transformation from hunters and shifting
cultivators to peasant farmers in agroforestry. However, the forest ecosystem has always
been one part of their livelihood, supporting the overall balance between the natural and
human worlds. A Taita farm is typically a diverse socio-ecological entity including land uses
dedicated for both secular and spiritual or symbolical purposes (see Figure 8). For the most
part, the traditional ecological knowledge concerning indigenous trees can benefit
agricultural production. Trees and forests are seen and valued through their contribution to
the field. Elements of ecological management practices are included in TEK, as in methods
for pest management and fertilizing, which are based on use of local plants instead of
chemicals. Drivers for people distancing themselves from these methods include decreasing
knowledge and a need to intensify agriculture. The need for soil improvement has grown as
there is less space for fallow and farmers consider chemical fertilizers as more efficient than
the traditional ones. Cost of the chemicals is, however, a big burden for many farmers and
during periods when they cannot afford agro- and veterinary products from a shop, many rely
on traditional methods. Rocheleau et al. (1989: 14-15) remind us that the scientific
community and development agencies have not invented agroforestry, instead these land use
practices are age-old and have been applied by millions of farmers and herders. The
combination of trees and shrubs with crops, pastures or animals on the same land unit has
been Taita land use pattern also ever since migration to the hills. What has changed are the
species; non-native, fast growing and commercial. Wadawidas have knowledge of
indigenous, beneficial species even if the exotic species have replaced the traditional ones to
large extent.

8.5. Fundamental species

Several tree species have important roles in the yearly agricultural cycle in Taita Hills; Nuxia
congesta, Ficus lutea and Albizia gummifera indicating rainfall as well as Prunus africana
and Ficus sycomorus “for attracting” rains. Erythrina abyssinica and Ficus thonningii have

146 
 
symbolical roles in maintaining social peace and order. Phoenix reclinata is a divine tree
storing the power of lightnings whereas Kidongadi Cussonia spicata (Thunb.) protects from
witchcraft. Terminalia brownii, Ocotea usambarensis and Mombo Myrica salicifolia among
various other tree species have medicinal uses. Garibaldi & Turner (2004) found that in
human cultures all over the world that plants and animals form the contextual underpinnings
of culture. They have fundamental roles in diet, as materials or as in medicines. These
species can be considered cultural icons, since they feature in ceremonies, language and
narratives. Mandondo (1997) explains how parts of nature are protected under traditional
norms according to two premises; the controls can be either space or species-based. Species-
based controls are often linked to beliefs about spirits and their dwelling places.
Additionally, through religious control some species are protected for their utilitarian values,
such as medicines and provision of environmental services. Space-based controls over larger
areas, like sacred forests, offer an ecosystem scale for conservation. Most of the TPF/S
categories in this study would fall under the space-based control or could be seen as
including elements of both control systems. Clear examples of species-based control are
sacred trees and fighis for medicinal herbs.

As species are essential to ecosystem functions as keystone species, cultural keysone species
are essential to the human sphere. The concept can assist in reinforcing and studying the
relationship of local communities to place. Garibaldi & Turner (2004) argue for new
methods and approaches that actively address both ecological and cultural concerns and that
the cultural keystone species concept should be considered in conservation and restoration
efforts, because it targets a finite number of species. Although ecologically influential
species must also be conserved, it is the “dynamic association between cultures and the
organisms they rely on most heavily that may see the most immediate reward of conservation
or preservation efforts” (Garibaldi & Turner 2004: 13). Based on the results from Taita
Hills, it is easy to agree with these scholars, since they state that identification and
appreciation of the complex relationships of cultural keystones to each other and to their
habitats may be their most valuable contribution to conservation and restoration efforts.
Cultural keystone species play more than one role, and often this role is supported by other
non-keystone species.  

The role of traditional methods in conserving medicinal plants in Udzungwa Mountains (part
of Eastern Arc hotspot area in Tanzania) includes social control of access (sacred groves),
domestication, sustainable collecting and storage. Endemic species are rarely used (Shangali
et al. 2008). Domestication of certain socio-culturally important plant species also takes
place in Taita - household-specific and group tree nurseries with indigenous seedling
production have become more common, indicating that people are interested in enhancing
the composition of native species in their surrounds. Most common seedlings in group
nurseries were recorded by Ruotsalainen (2008). Species like Prunus africana, Juniperus sp,
Nuxia congesta, Dovyalis abyssinica (A.Rich.) Warb., Syzygium guineense, Erythrina
abyssinica, Grevillea robusta, Morus alba, Albizia gummifera, Croton megalocarpus
(Hutch.), Passiflora edulis and Milletia oblata were found to be the most popular. Similarly,
the native tree species that the majority of the household interviewees considered useful for

147 
 
having on their farms were the following: Ocotea usambarensis, Ficus sycomorus, Ficus
ingens, Erythrina abyssinica, Prunus africana, Nuxia congesta, Albizia gummifera, and
Ficus thonningii.

Shangali et al. (2008) compared the list of eighty three medicinal plants found on the
Udzungwa Mountains to other studies in the Eastern Arc Mountains, and concluded that the
number of overlapping medicinal plant species in different mountain blocks is less than 25%
and those that do overlap are used for different purposes by various ethnic groups. The lists
of medicinal plants found in Taita Hills were compared with the lists presented in Shangali et
al. (2008) describing medicinal plants from Udzungwa (Shangali et al. (2008), Kokwaro
1976), Shambaa in East Usambara (Ruffo et al. 1989), Shambaa in West Usambara (Schlage
et al. 1999) and Waluguru in Uluguru (Hamisy et al. 2000) all belonging to Eastern Arc
Mountain block in Tanzania. Twentynine medicinal plant species (8%) and 49 genera (13%)
found in Taita Hills overlapped with the 379 species recorded on Tanzanian side, and there
was a 72% congruence of the medicinal uses of the species. In this comparison only those
Taita species with scientific names known were used and it may be assumed that the number
of overlapping species is higher. Similar patterns of traditional herbal health care were found,
for example, in Taita Hills and Udzungwa Mountains: Firstly, medicines were extracted from
one species or a mixture of several. Secondly, bark, roots, leaves, fruits and whole plants
were used to prepare medicines. Thirdly, traditional knowledge is mastered and transfered by
the elderly orally to selected members of the younger generation, although many healers are
passing away with no heirs to their knowledge. This study shows that traditional medicines
are important in primary health care of Wadawidas and people get them from forests, grow
in their own yard, consult a herbalist or buy from another villager who collects medicinal
plants for sale. Reasons for relying on traditional medicines are better affordability and
availability compared with modern medicines. This result is in line with realities of many
rural communities also in Tanzania (Mwihomeke 1994) and according to estimations 70–
95% of the world’s rural population rely on traditional health
care (Harman 1988, Hamilton 2004). However, distress is not always the reason for choosing
traditional cure in Taita Hills, instead many perceive that the herbal medicine simply is more
effective. On the other hand, some gradually distance themselves from using traditional
medicines due to fading knowledge about it within the family.

8.6. Alienation from mlamba

Just before the end of millennium, the Institute of Economic Affairs (1998) in Kenya
described how government land tenure has been associated with widespread inequity qua
distribution of land, destruction of natural forests and catchment areas, and loss of prime land
to infrastructural development. On the other hand communal land tenure has also been
associated with ecological collapse in the absence of regulatory mechanisms among resource
users (SIDA 1993). Signs of both these unsustainable developments can be seen in Taita
Hills. However, manifestations of the more justified version of state ownership of natural
resourses, whereby it would bring about collective societal interests in common pool
resources (Murphree 1993), also exist. The renewed Forest law has made a crucial
148 
 
contribution to this. The neighbouring Tanzanian government has, since early 1990´s,
promoted participatory forest management as a major strategy for managing natural forests.
Both joint forest management and community-based forest management are currently either
operational or in the process of being established accross more than 3.6 million ha of forest
land and in more than 1,800 villages. Blomley et al. (2008) studied 13 forests over 1997-
2007 in five regions across eastern, central and northern Tanzania and suggest that, forest
areas managed jointly and community-based are recovering when compared with forests
managed by the government alone or under open access regimes. Community involvement is
correlated with improving forest condition, indicated by a greater number of trees per ha, a
greater mean height and diameter of trees, as well as declined levels of tree cutting over time.

In Taita Hills, the area of non-gazzetted trust land forests (community forests) (7193 ha)
(RoK 2008) is almost five times the area of the government gazzetted forest reserves. Their
management is trusted to local County Councils and adjacent residents. However, trustland
was described as “no-mans land” and there are no forest professionals provided by the
County Council, thus the regular management responsibility is upon communities and their
council of elders or an individual elder. Community forests are used for gaining timber and
construction materials for collective needs and special occasions like building a community
hall or for a funeral. Herbs and firewood may in most cases be collected and forests used for
leisure. The use, however, has some traditional common rules, like “if you cut one tree, you
should plant two” and complying with the rules is up to the motivation and knowledge base
of the community and their elders. Best practices according to the elders are enforced, but
also often overridden by the western law. The description “no-mans land” reflects a
somewhat loose engagement of both community members and County Council, in the
sustainable management of resources. In the coastal Kaya forests the problem with trust land
policy seems to be that it vests a lot of powers on the local authorities denying communities
the space for first-hand participation in the decision making process. However, it has been
suggested that the traditional councils of elders are legally recognized and accorded more
space in the overall management of Kayas (Thuku & Tengeza 2005).

From an outsiders point of view the power dynamics among the Taita village elders and
other villagers as well as the decision-making processes within the traditional council of
elders is challenging to understand. This applies both to outsider experts like researchers or
NGO workers, as well as to local administrative officers, who rarely originate from Taita.
The rotational system of Government employees´ posts the office-holder in a location for a
few years after which they will be transferred to a new place. Officers regret that they don´t
understand the dynamics of the communities where they are posted, and when they start to
they are moved on to another location.

Only some of the community forests have the “status” of a traditionally protected forest, and
the majority is lacking the symbolical use and element of sacredness. However, the 66
TPF/Ss found in this study within community trusted forests are large by their average size
(0,8 ha) compared with TPFs in areas under other land tenures, and dominated by indigenous
vegetation. Other community forests I visited in search of the TPFs were in majority

149 
 
plantation forests (with Eucalyptus, Cypress or Pine) or mixed forests with both indigenous
and exotic species. This Kisachi land category was described by the villagers as disturbed but
the forest was thick enough for hiding, rituals and cattle grazing. Indigenous seedlings have
been planted by local people in some of them. Firewood and construction material can be
fetched with village elder´s permission. The traditional protection statuses of different forest
patches vary from strict total ban on use to mild regulations in Taita. These findings are
similar to Ylhäisi´s (2006: 6) who divided the traditionally protected forests of the Zigua
ethnic in Tanzania into two categories: 1. forests with sacred, supernatural, ritual and
spiritual elements and 2. profane, functional forests protected for the needs of the
community. The sacred forests were and are the most important and they have had the
strictest prohibitions on access and secular utility. Items which are sacred are treated with
reverence and must be protected from the profane. This division applies also in Taita Hills
and partly explains the varying biophysical and sacredness conditions of the TPF/Ss. In some
cases the profane forests have sacred patches inside them - for example the Kisachi type of
forest allows entering, hunting and firewood collection, and tree felling for special
community needs, but it also has an off-limit core area for ritual purposes. The TPF/S with
strictest protection statuses are rainmaking forests, scull caves, sesos, and fighis for
protection, medicines, cleansing and initiation.

A common challenge for communities is to find a knowledgable person to take the lead in
forest management after they loose a respected village elder. Household interviewees do not
speak on behalf of comprehensive participation in management of community forests, since
out of 50 respondents only 17 participated in trust land forest management and 20 did not or
hardly knew about the boundaries of community and government forests. “Alienation from
mlamba” occurred at the first place due to land adjudication and later due to gazzettement
and other local level restrictive measures during recent decades. Simultaneously modern
methods of farm forestry have increased. As people are invited again to participate and
contribute to the management of their adjacent forest reserves, some feel like they have lost
their touch to say anything of being expected to work without proper tools. According to
Wadawidas, applying traditional ecological knowledge in plantation forests with exotitc
species is impossible. Also Smith (2008: 12-13) discovered that most Wadawidas seemed to
feel that they had lost control over both tradition and modernity - that the local and the urban
had turned against them and left them to fend for themselves.

8.7. Integrity and sacredness

I do not see the traditional ecological knowledge and the Taita ritual complex either as a
scapegoat for underdevelopment nor as a panacea for sustainability. They have served and
will contribute to both progressions; however, their role needs to be scrutinized carefully.
Like Michaelidou et al. (2002) suggest, useful knowledge should not only be incorporated
into ecosystem and community viability efforts, but avenues through which TEK can be
passed to new generations should also be established. The best way forward may vary
according to the area, because even within Taita there are differences in local peoples´
attitudes towards traditional forests and sites. The laissez-faire attitudes from different
150 
 
parishes towards Taita ritual complex also vary, even if the world views in Taita area are
already mixed, and to express that openly still poses social threats. People in Taita Hills have
a strong will for success and it seems that along with the history they have acquired a role as
“providers” in means of natural resources, especially food crops, and social capital within the
larger Taita and Taveta areas. Thus, a strong drive and many expectations for development
exist. However, relatively often the narratives of the interviewees in this study got a dramatic
twist describing promising plans gone wrong due to witchcraft. Smith´s (2008: xii-xiii)
similar notion supports this, as he describes his first journey to Taita, on which he expected
to get away from what he took to be a derivative, elite discourse about development and to
find something authentically “cultural”. However, he noticed that development or maendeleo
was exactly what Wadawidas wanted to talk about and that the concept had become their
historically derived word for a promise constantly threatened by the manipulative actions of
others, epitomized in witchcraft.

The notions in this study about the relation between conservation and sacredness support
previous work by Sheridan & Nyamweru (2007) and Horning (2008) who found that
sacredness does not simply equal untouchable or conserved. Sacredness is, rather, culturally
defined property linked to pragmatic histories, and social, political and economic
arrangements that mediate cosmology and ecology. When compared with coastal Kaya
forests (Kibet 2011; Kibet & Nyamweru 2008; Nyamweru et al. 2007) described in chapter
3, TPFs in Taita Hills face similar threats in agricultural extension and private property
development. The land management regime still leaves space for misuse. While land
privatization is important for livelihoods, it also poses threats to the TPFs; if the owner gets
tired of the responsibilities that come with a traditional site or is incapable of taking care of
it, he may destroy the place or sell the land to an outsider who then may convert the area into
agricultural land without hesitation. Thus, the fear of the consequences from destruction of
an ancestral site works to a certain extent, but some have solved the moral problem by
delegating the actual procedure. Like the example earlier shows, even my assistant and I
were offered the duty of carrying away ancestor skulls from a skull cave, which the villagers
did not know how to manage. Similar claims have been made in Tanzania, where newcomers
to villages are sometimes allowed to do things that locals could not do, leading to destructive
measures (Ylhäisi 2007). In India, Sinha (1995: 284) suspects, that Muslims are “hired” by
Hindus to cut trees from sacred forests that have been traditionally protected by Hindus, in
order to avoid moral problems.

Similar trends can be seen when comparing traditionally protected forests in Taita and in
Mkata, Tanzania. According to Ylhäisi (2007) there have been severe illegal cutting of
forest, and more and more villagers neither respect indigenous regulations nor accept
indigenous penalties in Mkata. However, positive development occurres as central
government allows elders to protect TPFs and village governments to create by-laws. The
younger generation seems ignorant about the TPFs in their village, but as in Taita Hills, they
are interested in learning about their own history and values. The challenge for the local
administrators and teachers, who have a great influence on attitudes, is to raise awareness. In
areas where fear causes destruction of sacred sites, the importance of other beneficial effects,

151 
 
like ecological services, of the site should be better highlighted. Several authors indicate
(Fairhead 1993, Millar 1999, Ylhäisi 2003) that sacred groves can be an important starting
point for conservation and rehabilitation of forests. Very few local people seem to
understand the connectivity value of small forest patches in the landscape or their
contribution to biodiversity. This sort of knowledge is still mainly held by the scholars and
outside experts and only arriving to Taita through joint conservation and education programs.
Taita Hills have a heterogenous mixture of landcover types that can provide sustainable
resources both for environmental protection and economic growth if their management is
appropriately planned and people inhabiting those areas included into the planning and
implementation processes. The resource management policies in Taita Hills need to take into
consideration the human-resource relation and peoples´ sense of places. This is what Nazarea
(1999) calls “situated knowledge” about local places, and explains how people perceive their
environment and estimate their latitudes of choice and opportunities for challenge and
refutation. This is where I see the time and place for a discussion forum, whereby traditional
ecological knowledge and the latest scientific knowledge should meet and strive to recognize
potential interfaces.

152 
 
 Traditional Ecological Knowledge tree

Justifications Hinderances

”Fines and ”Cumulative Avenues of

Customary laws and Co-existence of
fences” approach uselesness ”of knowledge
village governments Christianity and TEK
TPFs transfer missing
existing

Integrity of TPF/S Fear TEK experts

Fear ”Alienation from
mlamba” getting scarce

Respect
Young generation Rotation of ”Tradition
Negative attitude
interested in government pragmatism”
of some parishes
folklore officers
towards TRC
Cultural

153
keystone species
domesticated Cultural revival Lack of first-hand Witchcraft
projects participation of Prejudices
communities in forest towards TRC
management elements
Rituals and Officers apply traditional ”Not In My
witchcraft as knowledge in Backyard”
manifestations of environmental education Different regimes do not
TRC TEK fading out
communicate properly

Figure 35. Traditional Ecological Knowledge tree highlights the connections between the factors affecting TEK preservation and enhancement in natural
resource management in the Taita Hills.

 
Conclusions
This study has highlighted the importance of the socio-cultural features of an area, which
may prove useful in drafting guidelines for sustainable natural resource management.
Wadawidas perceptions of their cultural-historical sites are heterogenous, and the Taita
Ritual Complex affects their mind-sets and actions more than outsiders may think.

Traditionally protected forests and sites represent complex socio-ecological system and have
symbolical status and sacred components in them. They may act as models for people in
biodiversity conservation and contribute to the connectivity of remnant forests in the
agroforestry dominated landscape. Out of the traditionally protected forests and sites studied
47 % were located on private and 23% on community land, leaving 9% within state forest
reserves. A paradigm shift in conservation is needed; the conservation area, or the so called
fines and fences approach is hardly functional on private or communal lands. Many Taitas
are annoyed by the paternalist approach in farm forestry brought in by the resent Forest Act.
Illegal logging happens on farms despite the restrictions and licensing system due to poor
government resources for extension services and control.

It is important that Taitas become more aware of rich biodiversity and their local forests. The
existence of the forest has been taken for granted and before the lemming rush of scientists
into the forests, the biodiversity value of the indigenous and endemic species was barely
known to the residents. There is a need to educate all community members, both young and
old, on the changing roles of forests and their continuing importance. However, the majority
of people involved in this study expressed their worry about environmental crisis, real and
imagined. They have experienced concequences of unsustainable field management practices
and deforestation. They have also aimed to adapt to irregular and less predictable weather
patterns; some by searching the latest information about management methods, and some by
resorting to spiritual means in a rainmaking ritual.

Positive news for the Taita area with agriculture-dominated landscape tends to inform
scholars’ assessment of agroforestry as having potential to be more efficient carbon storage
sites than forests. The contribution of agroforestry to the carbon balance should not be
underestimated (Kanninen 2011). The term agroforestry still seems to have a strong
connotation towards agriculture undermining the focal impact of the trees, thus, using
another term, like “evergreen agriculture” is tempting. In many cases agroforestry has had
more positive impact on people’s livelihoods than forestry (Luukkanen 2011). This is
especially the case if the forest resources are scarce and if management rights are unequally
distributed and level of knowledge is low.

Several challenges for the forest management in Taita Hills remain: Firstly, the
implementation of the participatory management plans for the forest reserves need to be
hastened and the various user groups need to be heard more carefully. The principles of
participatory forest management and ethnodevelopment may work side by side as long as the
participation is sufficiently active to include various stages from initiative to rulemaking and
decision-making. As Berenschot (1988) stated; participants´ involvement should include
154 
 
planning, goal setting, mobilization of resources, implementation, management and
administration, monitoring and evaluation as well as distribution of land, labour and other
community resources. Presently however, capacity building is needed and wanted by the
community members in management and administrative issues. Involvement should also
include all forest adjacent people equally. For instance, the Chawia forest reserve has had a
management plan since 2006 stating the rights for a forest adjacent resident to use certain
management zones for cultural purposes. The traditionalists, however, claim that they are
regularly denied access by the forest guards. Wadawidas are a heterogenous group of forest
users, thus the rights and responsibilities should be flexible enough to offer every stakeholder
a meaningful role and benefits. There is a risk of emerging, hidden resistance towards
conservation (Vihemäki 2004) if the power structures grow biased and expectations are not
met.

Secondly, I wish to emphasize the importance of optimizing tree management on private

lands. Even if the reforestation and afforestation efforts are crucial in the forest reserves and
people´s participation is needed, a big responsibility of biodiversity enhancement rests upon
the shoulders of the land owners inhabiting the areas between the watertower hill tops. By
increasing indigenous tree species on farms and by sustaining, and in some cases upgrading,
the existing traditionally protected forests and sites, positive change could be enhanced. This
venture however, needs inputs from the various stakeholders with knowledge of efficient
management of indigenous species with big potential for environmental services, combined
with a good market value. One myth or generalization, hindering people from growing more
indigenous species on farms is their slow growth. There is still room in many households for
education about optimal ways of tree management. The traditional ecological knowledge is
plentiful, but it could be made to be more financially beneficial. Sanchirico and Siikamäki
(2007) noted that many environmental goods and services are left out of the marketplace,
because they are not easily traded and priced. Crops or timber are easy to market, unlike the
environmental services on one´s property, such as providing wildlife habitat or protecting
rare species. The scholars state that without economic rewards, landowners have little
incentive to engage in such activities. Furthermore documentation of traditional knowledge
on e.g. medicinal plants and their uses is also important in order to protect the intellectual
property rights of the local people, especially in this era where commercial products are
developed based on indigenous knowledge (CBD 1992).

Ways of supporting best practices for restoring landscape connectivity were discussed in a
stakeholder’s workshop in Taita (CEPF & EAWLS 2005). One goal set was to increase
forested area in the landscape matrix and to convert plantations with exotic trees into
indigenous ones, simultaneously providing for human needs. These can be seen for instance
in revenue accrual for farmers who have harvested old and neglected forest plantations,
financial compensation for nurturing regenerating forest and planting indigenous seedlings,
improving water catchments and encouraging agroforestry on their farms. The latest
knowledge conserning environmental importance of the fighis could be made more available
for those Wadawidas who perceive particular forests so scary that they are willing to destroy
them. Communities would also need wider encouragement from the markets and financing

155 
 
institutions for initiatives supporting sustainable resource management. The government
should introduce external incentives to further encourage conservation efforts, as is done
elsewhere with the Payment for Ecosystem Service (PES) (Clements et al. 2010, Turpie et al.
2008, and Alpízar et al. 2007). Both private land owners and communities may benefit from
accessing the PES interventions. Through this opportunity also those who do not perceive the
cultural values of TPFs might see some financial potential in them. Such incentive schemes
could encourage Taita communities to ensure sustained conservation of the forests and
support both local livelihood and national and global interests. However, as Sommerville et
al. (2010) state: community-based conservation interventions can only be successful in the
long term if their aims and activities are accepted by local people. Fairness of the distribution
of the costs and benefits of the intervention are the key determinants of acceptability.
Challenges thus remain for PES: it does not always address individual opportunity costs, and
often has biases in power dynamics of the beneficiaries within communities. Due to these
complexities, a successful implementation of PES needs development of sound and context-
specific socio-ecological research, which could guarantee a realistic connection between
payments, services and economic benefits. The scholars (Muradian et al. 2010: 1205) wish to
define PES as “transfer of resources between social actors, which aims to create
incentives to align individual or collective land use decisions with the social interest in the
management of natural resources”. Both monetary or non-monetary transfers are
embedded in social relations, values and perceptions, which are decisive in
conditioning PES design and outcomes. The transfers could thus take place through a market
as well as through other mechanisms like incentives or public subsidies. I found that in Taita
Hills sacredness does not equal conservation even if it contributes to that, hence
complementary systems for supporting conservation thinking and sustainable natural
resource management are needed and wanted.

Thirdly, I see work in community forests as having the greatest potential. Their status varies
a lot, ranging from monoculture plantations  (Kilembenyi cha midi ya mbao- type) to
disturbed indigenous patches (Kisachi- type). The backgrounds and world views of local
people involved and the differences between their communal and individual identities also
differ and affect their engagement in forest management activities. In legal terms the trust
land forests are directed and controlled by the County Council, who does not have forest
expertise. Considering these challenges, the need for enhancing the forest extension services
with high expertise and inputs is emphasized. The forest policy still governs and controls
people´s rights to trees in all tenure systems. It is participatory, but still a joint venture,
within legal frames and multiple stakeholders. More profound and extensive involvement of
various stakeholders is claimed by Taitas themselves. They would like to see more teaming
up of non-governmental organizations, community-based organizations, officers, area
residents and religious leaders. Chruches in Taita could consider natural resource
management issues as more important to their agendas. Church mission and other religious
organizations from outside may also want to emphasize this theme as part of their livelihood
programs.

156 
 
Fourthly, the transition of responsibility in forest conservation and management practices
should start more from the communities upwards to government and then to other
stakeholders. Kumar (2002) assessed the net social benefits of joint forest management for
local communities in India and showed that the regime reflected the social benefits of the
rural non-poor, leaving the poorest in the village as the net losers. He suggests that the
management plans should include compensatory mechanisms to help the poorest. Engaging
the land and forest users in both ecologically and culturally sustainable ways needs further
efforts in Taita Hills. Along with the extension services providing advice and guidance based
on updated, scientific information, there could also be community-based extension services
and ‘indigenous training schools’ providing traditional ecological knowledge. The
knowledge exists in plenty, even if the experts are scarce and the knowledge scattered. Thus,
only the actors for implementation have yet to be named. Mawere (2010: 213-214) argues
that exploration of this kind of knowledge is a potentially productive indigenous knowledge
system that, for a long time, has been conceived as diabolic by Western colonialistic
civilization and whose developmental essence has remained shrouded in mystery. The
knowledge system often embodies a hidden genre of ‘moral epistemology’ that could
contribute, in multiple ways, to resolving Africa’s development dilemmas, if opened up to
wider debate, and integrated into mainstream expert science. The common Taitas tend to
underestimate the knowledge they behold, thus traditional ecological knowledge would need
a ‘profile-lifting’. In this context, we need to consider the witchcraft phenomenon and
regularly emerging jealousy which is embedded in the Taita culture. The forest management
system should be developed as transparent and equitable as possible and participants from all
different strata in Taita Hills should be included in rule- and decisionmaking in order to
avoid biased competitive positions and jealousy rising. The current joint and multi-
stakeholder approach in this sense poses challenges for the future performance.

The forest policy encourages efforts in managing indigenous forests on sustainable basis for
cultural use and heritage (RoK 2005: 271). Therefore, the state should also provide support
for community incentives contributing to the preservation of cultural inheritance.
Community-based conservation and development groups working on ethno-ecological issues
should be recognized, and given powers to regulate resources. Here we can also call upon the
international community, National Museums of Kenya, East Africa Natural History Society
as well as the local and national private entrepreneurs. Some of the traditionally protected
forests could be highlighted as key examples of national heritage through declaring them
national monuments or natural heritage (see National Museums and Heritage Act 2006 by
RoK 2006) for public awareness and education.

Fiftly, the existing conservation-compatible, symbolical and technical traditional knowledge

together with social organization strengths of Taita communities should be incorporated
while developing management plans. The participatory forest management groups should
consist of both the experts and common Taitas. The stakeholders ought to avoid creating
boundaries between local people´s ecological knowledge and scientific knowledge. Instead, a
comprehensive and problem-based approach is recommended for tackling complex

157 
 
environmental challenges. Diverse knowledges are needed in the common “data pool” for
getting ahead in the urgent process of climate change mitigation and adaptation.

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177 
 
 Appendix 1. Traditional use of plants (trees, shrubs, herbs and climbers) found at the traditionally protected forests and sites of Taita Hills. The
data was recorded during participatory mapping from local informants consisting of village elders, medicine men and young people
knowledgeable about traditions. Eleven use categories were found. See also appendix 3 for details.

Use category Recorded uses Number and vernacular names of species No.
of
uses
Fodder fodder for cattle, rabbits 18 2
Angel trumpet, Desmodia, Isangasha, Kishatu, Lukina, Mafundo,
Mamboleo, Mboghololo, Mkalala, Mkungo, Msaigembe, Mshoshote,
Mukurumbutu, Mwaghare, Nyasi, Red oat grass,Seria, Wakesho

Food fruits, berries, power drink, salad, vegetable, tobacco, 41 12

lemon grass for tea, fermentation of beer/brew, seeds, Delema, Kiangachi, Kilangoni, Kimbungu, Kiungu, Kumbaku, Loquat,
yams, berries for birds Maduma, Madumaghangoruse, Makilumi, Makumbo, Marughundi,
Mboghololo, Mburungu,
Mdaidai, Mdajandaja, Mdana, Mdodo, Mfenesi, Mngima, Mnyanga,
Mnyinya, Mnyvnya, Mokazi, Mrimbo, Msambarau, Mshoshote,
Msurubali, Mughorogho, Mukorowo, Mukuyu, Mngoli, Murarandasi,
Msubali, Mwasina, Mwembe, Ndunda, Nuanga, Rikot, Seria, Tangawizi

178
Construction timber, roof tatching, fencing, poles, construction without 38 9
nails, furniture, poles for traditional taita houses, Cedar, Chamsidu, Chusu, Grevillea, Isangasha, Jacaranda, Kiangachi,
woodcarvings, granary construction Kikongori, Kivulevule, Luno, Mkungo, Manyadoo, Maria, Mbiribiri,
Mbunduki, Mdana, Mfuu, Mgarasu, Mkalamke, Mngala, Mnuka,
Mrahani, Msaigembe, Msambarau, Msimu, Msumbesu, Msuruwachi,
Mtaranganga, MualeMukigara, Mukurumbutu, Munyanga,
Mwafwa, Mwalufigho, Mwamasungu, Mwingo, Ndido ya kisaga, Red
oat grass

Technology bee-hives, drums, natural toilet paper, cosmetics, leather 71 52

tanning, basket weaving, broom-making, essential oil, Baki, Irisojangondi, Ivurugho, Jacaranda, Kiangachi, Kideu, Kijulu,
scented wood, weaving ropes, food storing, toothbrush, Kilangoni, Kilulu, Kipapa, Kirumbutu, Kisasha, Kishoe, Luafambo,
making sourmilk, soap, catching fish by poisoning the Lufumo, Lumbi, Machanyale, Manyodoo, Maria, Mbiribiri, Mbogha,
water, butterfly attraction, poison for hunting, sap, handles Mbughobugho, Mchuko, Mdaio, Mdana, Mgarasu, Mghungachuma,
for farm tools (e.g.hoe), ornamental, fibre, shoe polish, Mgombe, Mgungunyi, Mkaju, Mkondoyi, Mkonge, Mlungu, Mmeru,
 pearls for beads, arrow-making, bows, preservative, dye, Mmosi, Mngamu, Mnyananyi, Mrangi, Mraringa, Mrimbo, Msasha,
sand paper for polishing, window frames, fibre for mat and Mshagosha, Msherembe, Mshoshote, Msidu, Msimu, Msoko, Msumi,
ropes, latex, termite resistant wood, bee attraction, arrow Msungu-sungu, Mtaranganga, Mtoritori, Muachanyama, Mukangu,
poison, comb making, whistle, broomes, wooden toys, Mukorogho, Muku, Mukungo, Munganga, Mushundunulo, Mwafwa,
cooking sticks, bird-trapping, Lungo (flat basket) -making, Mwama, Mwamabemba, Mwarufu, Mwarufuru, Mwawusungu, Mwingo,
mortar and pestle, ink, pot decoration, lubricant for Mvudi, Mvumu, Mwyino, Ngungua, Ngoli, Seria,Waru
machines, boundary marking, making a watch-dog fierce,
attracting bees to the hive, silkworm production
Fuel firewood, oil, charcoal, biofuel 33 4
Baki, Calliandra, Cedar, Chamsidu, Delema, Grevillea, Jacaranda,
Kiungu, Mbiribiri, Mbonu, Mbughombugho, Mchemeri, Mdana,
Mgarasu, Mngamu, Mngima, Mora, Mrahani, Msambarau, Msumbesu,
Msuruwachi, Mukigara, Mukungo, Mukurumbutu, Mukuyu, Mwaghare,
Mwama, Mwarombo, Mwemberi, Mwesi, Ndido, Ndundu, Seria
Soil water retention, soil fertility improvement, degraded land 7 3
management indicator Mukuyu, Mora, Kidongadi, Lusu, Mombo, Mukigara, Seria

Water rain-bringer, rain indicator, water protection 9 3

179
management Mukuyu, Mulungu, Kiavua, Kidongadi, Kilulu, Mkongorosho, Mlende,
Mlimangondi, Mora
Ethno- 50 medicinal uses, prostate cancer, sterilization of wounds, 161 86
medicine anti-pyretic, eye infection, barenness, boils, skin diseases, Atare, Atari, Baki, Camphor, Cedar, Desmonia, Dungulu, Guava, Ishari,
headache, cough, flu, mumps, splin problems, strains, chest Isuruwi,
pain, stomach ache, blood pressure, abscess, whooping Ivurugho, Kibhari, Kidegedege, Kidongadi, Kififer, Kifuchagombe,
cough, “Nyago”, Malaria, typhoid, diarrhea, Kihatari,
diabetes,measles, splinomegaly, analgesic, emetic, Kijulu, Kikongori, Kilangoni, Kilemachovu, Kilembajo, Kilimangondi,
indigestion, anthelmintic, choosing child´s gender, Kimbungu, Kipapa, Kirugana, Kisorongo, Kituma, Kitunguu, Kiwumba,
excessive menses, muscle ache, joint pain, hemostatic, rash, Klasu, Lonyi, Lumbi, Lundu, Lungua, Luno, Lunua, Lusoka, Madumbu,
anti-poison, liver problem, toothache, anti-coagulant, sour Mafundo, Mbarachoka, Mbavio, Mbinu, Mbiribiri, Mboghololo, Mboi,
throat, malaria prevention, stiffness, laxative, contraceptive, Mbonu, Mbughobugho,
hasten child learning to walk, antibiotic, coagulant, anti- Mbule, Mburisonga, Mburungu, Mcunguya, Mdana, Mdandawasi,
fungal, ambilical cord healing, nerve disorder, coagulation Mdigwuaroshi,
in circumcision, swollen glands, asthma, syphilis, snake Mdikoshi, Mdomoko, Mdongu, Mdughudu, Mdungua, Mfirifiri,
bite anti-poison, hick-up stopper, hypertension, gonorrhea, Mganingani, Mgarasu, Mgunga, Mgungunyi, Mikifindi, Milimangondi,
yellow fever, boosting wound-healing, “Mnyaya”(similar Mjafari, Mkalamke, Mkama, Mkengera, Mkinyi, Mkochokocho,
to HIV-AIDS), flatulence, HIV-AIDS, emetic for ingested Mkungo, Mlemachovu, Mloi, Mlungu Mnganingani, Mngima, Mninja,
 poison, purification of blood, for cracks on skin after Mnjamanjama, Mnuka,Mnuka-masi, Mnyamani, Mnynia, Mnyvnya,
walking barefoot, dysentery, sore gums, abortion, Mombo, Moringa, Mosu, Mourbain, Mrahani, Mraringa, Mrimbo,
pneumonia, antimicrobial, kidney problems, cleansing of Mroreka, Mrughundia, Mrumbawasi, Mrundurundu, Msambarau,
womb, scabies, constipation, nosebleed, leprocy, Msasha, Mshiga, Mshoshote, Mshuluti, Msigha, MsimuMsisina, Msoko,
anthelmintic for hookworm, itch and pimples, cancer Msua, Msufi, Msunduru, Msungusungu, Msuruwache, Mtaranganga,
treatment, gender balancing, acaricide, epilepsy, sedative Muachanyama, Muama, Muasa, Mubachabacha, Mudikoshi,
Mudumbua-ngomdi- munda, Mukangu, Mukigara, Mukiromboshe,
Mukumbi, Mukuro, Mukur, Mukuyu,
Mundendele, Munje, Murugaso, Musu, Mwadodi, Mwafwa, Mwaghare,
Mwakwawira, Mwama, Mwamabemba, Mwambombo, Mwangole,
Mwasa, Mwemberi, Mwesi, Mwesu, Mvumu, Mvunde, Ndashi, Ndido,
Ndunda, Ngandu, Ngidi, Nginga, Ngoli, Njundu, Oleani mbudukua,
Passionfruit, Risojangondi, Rukaramba, Rumbawasi, Seria, Sodoma-
apple (Kilasoo), Suruwi, Towe, Wild Banana, Wild onion
Ethno- useful for zero-grazing cows´ digestion, anti-pyretic, 23 11
veterinary sterilization of wounds, anti-ectoparasites, goat medicine Delema, Kijulu, Kishatu, Kituma, Lukuku, Lukundukundu, Mdomoko,
for labour, decrease of milk production, hepatic problem, Milimangondo, Mkorombosha, Mlemachovu, Mngima, Mnjanga,
coagulation boost when sheep tail cut, deworming, Msembele, Msemberi, Msisina, Mwakwawira, Mwavwa, Mwunde,

180
acaricide, ulcer Mwuwughogho, Ndido, Nginga, Rugaramba, Wamea
Pest natural pesticide for crops, pesticide for storaging maize, 6 4
management army ant prevention, mole killing Ikowa, Ludi, Mbiribiri, Mkomborosha, Mnuka, Nyarambiri
 Rituals cleansing from a curse, rainmaking, boundary and sacred 42 34
site indication, protection herb of the army leader kept in a Idadongo, Isaye, Isengerughu, Kiangachi, Kifufuto, Kilemachovu,
calabash in order to become bullet-proof, prevention of bad Kirugana, Kirumba, Kituma, Kiweto, Klasu, Kuchakucha, Lukuko,
omen, meat protection from animals, Kiweto made land Lusoka, Lusuluawarumu, Madugudhu, Mararo, Mboghololo,
perform fire and protect cattle and women from Tanzanian Mdighwmbaro, Mdongu, Mkenga, Mkengera, Mkomborosha, Mlamba,
thieves, makes enemy lost way, revenge for cheating: Mlende, Mnjwa, Modi, Mosi, Msembele, Mshiga, Msuruwache,
hidden under creater´s mattres and hinder urination, ghost Muakoshi, Mughule, Mukengera, Mutanyakesi, Mwarufu=Chao,
repellent, fighi pot medicine, Goats Intestine Analysis, Mwasina, Mwiriwiri, Mvumu, Ngandu, Wakesho
detection of outsiders and bewitching in the community,
prevention of bad dreams, suffocation of a goat to be
sacrificed, power to win a court case, removes bad spirits,
tolerance against wizards, fore-seeing, healing community
problems, making oneself invisible, against bewitching by
someone outside Taita, plants around household bring
peace, sacred tree, oath-taking, fermentation of Bombe
(local brew) for worshipping, house cleansing, walking
stick for elders indicating leadership, leaves used by burial,
grass ensuring successful singing, scaring people, calabash

181
for Bombe, storing powers of a lightning
Total 449 (255 different) 220
number
 
 Appendix 2. Uses of beneficial plants (trees, shrubs, herbs and climbers) on fields and close by forests according to Taita households. See also appendix 6
for details.

Use Category Recorded Uses No. and vernacular names of Species No.
of
Uses
Fodder cattle 4 1
Calliandra, Nginga, Napier grass, Lushago
Food fruits, nuts, vegetables 19 3
Avocado, Imbo, Isengerughu, Kighoi, Kimbungu, Kirumba, Liquat, Macadamia,
Mango, Mchicha,
Mkwachu, Mpapai, Mpera, Msabibu, Msambarau, Musizi, Mzunga, Orange,
Passion
Construction timber, fencing, boundary marking 34 3
Camphor, Cedar, Grevillea, Keiapple, Kirumbutu, Kishatu, Mango, Mbuchi,
Mbunduki, Mdana, Mkange, Mkungu(e), Mkuyu, Mngala, Mngamu, Mngima,
Mnyadi, Mora, Mosi, Mrimwa, Mrumbawasi, Msimu, Msumbesu, Mungala,
Musangano, Musekiavai, Musizi, Musu, Mwavwa, Mwojhowujho, Mziri, Nginga,
Podo
Technology beautifier, basket-making, shade,toothbrush, 14 8

182
resin, Kiangachi, Madughakwaru, Mbuku, Mbunduki, Mlezenyi, Mngamu, Mpera,
leather-tanning, beautyfier, medicinal soap Msabibu, Msambarau,
Mshomoro, Mughulo, Mwavwa, Mwarubaini, Mvumu
Fuel firewood, charcoal 26 2
Boniface, Cedar, Grevillea, Iti, Kidenya, Kimbungu, Mgorusa, Mkeresu,
Mkungu(e), Mngamu, Mngima, Mnyama, Mombo, Mora, Mrumbawasi,
Msimamongo, Msumbesu, Msuruwachi, Mukongo, Mukulumba, Musizi, Mwama,
Mwavwa, Mwojhowujho, Ndido, Podo
Soil nitrogen fixing, soil friendly, water retention, 35 22
management soil erosion control on riverbanks, soil Calliandra, Cowpeas, Grevillea, Isengerughu, Kijulu, Kilulu, Kongodi, Mango,
erosion control on steep slopes, tree leaves as Mbirimbiri,
fertilizer, planting yams on river-sides, Mginga, Mkuyu, Mlungu, Mngamu, Mngima, Mngungunyi, Mnyadi, Mombo,
mulching,calcium booster, cow manure, Mora, Mpera,
weeds,e.g. Nginga buried underground for Mrimwa, Msidu, Msimu, Msuruwachi, Mukhorogho, Mukongo, Musizi, Muuku,
fertilizing, Mwemberi, planting trees, Mwama, Mwemberi, Mvumu, Ndido, Nginga, Mboi, Sugar cane, Yams
terracing (matuta), Nepia grass,
Mboi+ash+water for fertilizing,
 trenches, ridges facilitating drainage,
intercropping, crop-rotation, burning bush for
ash and mixing it with soil (mando)
Water rain attracting tree species, trees which suite 8 10
management riverbeds, Mkua-stone walls to direct water to Bamboo, Mdighwavua, Mukongo, Mungala, Musizi, Musu, Mwavwa, Mora
the fields, buffer zone between field and
river, ancestor spirits guard all springs, trees
planted around pond, tapping from roof,
tapping from bedrock water output, Bamboo
stems as pipes for field irrigation, digging
ridges for runoff control

Ethno-medicine toothache, anti-parasite, sore throat, stomach 73 27

ulcer, anemia, flu, fever, stomach-ache, Avocado, Baki, Dowe, Genjeka, Iti, Iwurugho, Jarambiri, Kidongadi, Kijulu,
antibiotic, Kilulu, Kimbungu, Kipapa, Kishagha, Kishatu, Kishoe, Kisuchi, Kongodi, Lemon,
analgesia, muscle cramps, malaria, diarrhea, Luno, Mafundo, Manyodo, Mbaramchoka, Mbaro, Mbinu, Mbobwe,
power drink, hypertension, cough, mumbs, Mboghobogho, Mbuchi, Mbuku, Mchicha, Mdana, Mdongu, Mgono, Mkungu(i),

183
jointpain, ring-worms, typhoid, heart-burn, Mlezenyi, Mlungu, Mndimu, Mngala, Mngamu, Mnukamasi, Mnyadi, Mnyama,
iron booster, first-aid (external wounds), Mombo, Mora, Mosi, Mpera, Mrumbawasi, Mshari, Mshigha, Mshungumulu,
asthma, chicken pox, HIV-AIDS, boils Msidu, Msimbiri, Msisina, Msoko, Msumbali, Msunduru, Msurubali, Msuruwache,
Mtunguru, Mudikoshi, Mughalala, Mugharaso, Mungala, Musu, Mwachanyama,
Mwakuzema, Mwakwawira, Mwama, Mwarubaini, Mwavwa, Mwemberi, Mzunga,
Nginga, Passion

Ethno- Anemia, fever, antibiotic, foot-and mouth 42 15

veterinary disease, digestion problems, antiwormer, Baki, Boniface, Calliandra, Iti, Kidongadi, Kilulu, Kipapa, Kishatu, Kishoe,
milk fever, analgesia, flu, diarrhea, Lukundukundu, Lumbi,
cattle/chicken cough, Mbirimbiri, Mbobwe, Mboi, Mchovu, Mkange, Mlemachovu, Mlungu, Mngima,
chicken fever, first aid for wounds, eye Mora, Mrahani, Mrimbo, Mrumbawasi, Msembelele, Msemrere, Mshigha, Msidu,
inflammation, Msimu, Msoko, Muababa, Mudikoshi, Mwarubaini, Mwavwa, Mwimbo,
appetizer Mwindiguku, Nginga, Nzarambinzi, Papay, Rukaramba, vegetablepepper, snail
shell roasted and crushed, Mrimbo+Mngima+Mlungu barks

Pest pesticide against catepillars, aphids and ants, 14 2

 management herbiside Ash, Jarambiri, Mbirimbiri, Mboi, Mnyadi, Mnukamasi, Mododi, Mrindawasi,
Mwakuwawa, Mwarubaini, Nginga, Garlic, Indigenous tobacco,
Mbirimbiri+vegetable pepper+Mnukanuka
Wildlife People chasing baboons/monkeys manually, 10
combat watch dogs, cross bows/traps,scarecrows,
extra fruits trees for monkeys to eat, one dead
monkey to scare away the others, poison
arrows, Kitangara cages for chicks to protect
them from eagles/hawks, bells, thorny trees
for fencing, cats for rats

Rituals witchcraft rituals, sacred tree,truth-telling 5 5

plant, prevention of bad luck on the field, No Kidenya, Mlungu, Msimamongo, Mughule, Mwasole
trespassing-sign
Total 274 (161 different) 108

184
 
 Appendix 3. Plant species (trees, shrubs, herbs and climbers) found and identified by the tradition experts at the traditionally protected forests and sites of Taita
Hills. In total 293 species were listed.

Vernacular name English name Scientific name Part used Use

Atari Craibia zimmermannii bark, stem, leaves deworming,fever, hypertension
(Harms ex Dunn) (human),
constipation (animals)
Baki Memecylon leaves malaria,fever, firewood, hoe handles
teitense
(Wickens)
Calliandra Calliandra Calliandra calothyrsus
(Meisn)
Chamsidu/ Newtonia bark boiled timber, firewood, nitrogen fixing,fodder
Mkufi/ buchananii
Mwafu (Baker) G.C.C.Gilbert &
Boutique
Chusu Bracken fern Pteridium sp. used for brushing away army ants, leaves
(Raf) left along the compound

185
Coffee Coffea arabica drink
(Benth)
Delema vegetable, biofuel
Desmodia twigs,bark fodder
Dowe/Towe Commiphora
sp.
(Jacq.)
Garingari used in beehives to attract bees
Gedu roots
Grevillea/ Silky oak Grevillea robusta timber,firewood
Mlevulia (A.Cunn ex R.Br.)
Guava Psidium guajava (L.) leaves, fruit/ oil/bark typhoid, dysentery, antibacterial,
diarrhoea/
anti-inflammatory/ ring-worms, ulcer/
diabetes, hypertension,toothache
Irisojangondi seeds for decoration
Isangasha
 Isaye Dracaena steudneri leaves boundary marking,sacred plant
(Engl.)
Ishari stem
Isengerughu False banana Ensete leaves, fruit cleansing, food
ventricosum
(Welw.) (Cheesman)
Isuruwi leaves crushed flu
Iwurugho leaves sniffed or boiled cough, flu, natural toilet paper
Kiangachi Wild date palm Phoenix reclinata (Jacq.) leaves, sap sap for sugar drink, leaves for
mats and baskets, divine tree
storing powers of lightning
Kiavua
Kibaridi Plectranthus
sp. (L´Hér)
Kideghedege Aloe lateritia (Engl.) leaves
Kidenya Acacia seyal (Delile)
Kideu soil improvement, rain attraction

186
Kidongadi Cussonia spicata roots, leaves, bark medicine for splinomegaly, malaria,
(Thunb.)/ holstii (Harms emetic, diarrea, painkiller, protection from
ex. Engl.) wizard´s touch, pest management (against
moles)
Kidumba
Kififa Stinging nettle
Kijulu African Sandalwood Osyris bark cosmetics, cow fever, stomach
lanceolata ache,
(Hochst. & Steud.) scented wood and essential oil.
Kikongori/ Harrisonia abyssinica roots,leaves poles
Chungia (Oliv.)
Kilangoni fruits,bark,leaves,sap bird-trapping
Kilasoo/Mndongo Sodoma Apple Solanum incanum (L.) sap,leaves,roots,bark/ nerve problems, stomach
fruit rumlbes,
stiffness, toothache, ear ache
/disinfection of umbilical cord,

Kilemachovu leaves, bark fever, stomach ache, wounds, rituals

 Kilembajo roots
Kilimangonde Vernonia sp. (Schreb.) blood coagulant
Kilulu Ficus lutea (Vahl) rain indication by shredding leaves
Kimbungu Rhus vulgaris (Meikle) fruits medicine for exessive menstruation, fruits
eaten
Kipapa Aloe Aloe secundiflora (Engl.) roots boiled,leaves cosmetic, "40 medicinal uses", fever, chest
pain, stomach upsets, headache
Kirumba Carissa edulis (Vahl) leaves,fruits fruits eaten, medicinal, prediction of
seasonal rains
Kirumbutu Melia volkensii (Gürke) fodder, bee-hives,door frames,
firewood, timber,drums, insect repellent
Kisambura whole plant, leaves rituals, communication to ancestors
and roots
Kisasha sand paper
Kishatu leaves fodder, fencing, medicinal for cattle
Kishoe Ficus ingens (Miq.) inner bark fibre for basket
Kisorongo/Kiwalanga Euphorbia candelabrum leaves warmed rash, asthma, bronchial conditions

187
(Tremaut ex Kotschy)
Kituma used for checking the intestines of goat
Kiungu fruits, firewood
Kiwetoo ritual medicine for making land to be fire
and sea for defend purposes
Kivulevule grass for taching
Kiwumba bark boiled timber, against poisoning
Kuchakucha Shy grass you can make yourself invisible by placing
it in your pocket, or put someone to sleep
while steeling something
Kumbaku / Indigenous tobacco
tobacco

Liquat Eriobotrya fruits eaten

japonica
(Thunb.) Lindl.
Loko
 Lonyi whole shrub burned mosquito repellant
Luafambo Asparagus africanus decoration, birds use nest making, soap
/Lwafumbo (Lam.)
Ludi poisonous for cows, inside forest, pesticide
Lukina fodder for cows
Lukuku grass cows to decrease milk production,first aid
for wounds
Lumbi Euphorbia heterochroma decoration
(Pax)
Lun roots boiled pain killer, malaria prevention, fencing
Lunua medicine for muscle ache,
stiffness mixed with Mdana and Klasu
Lushango
Lusu/ Lusu luawarumu Bracken fern Pteridium (Raf.) indicates barren land, fallow, associated
with spirits, protects from them, tubas
eaten have special magical bewitching
power
Machanyale beads for decoration of handicrafts

188
(whiteish colour)
Madoma water protection
Madugudhu walking stick given for elders as a sign of
leadership (has to walk around with it for 7
days to show off)
Madumaghangoruse Wild onion onion crushed and liquid vulnerary after walking barefoot
(yams for birds) used
Mafundo fodder for rabbit, sore throat
Makilumi vegetable
Makozi Garcinia volkensii
(Engl.) (Ltb.) Kosterm.
Mamboleo Macdonald eye fodder for rabbit
Mangole
Mararo used in burial ceremony
Maria pearls for beads, construction instead of
nails
 Marughundi Lemon grass tea
Mbada
Mbagharasa
Mbalasi
Mbarachoka Heteromorpha trifoliata anti-malaria
(Eckl. & Zeyh.)
Mbeka Wild Mulberry Trimeria grandifolia medicinal, butterfly host plant
(Hochst.) Warb.
Mbinu Senna didymobotrya leaves/roots poisonous, roots boiled for purgative
(Fresen.) H.S.Irwin &
Barneby
Mbiribiri / Mjarambiri Gnidia latifolia bark, fibre, leaves firewood, attracts bees to the beehive
(Hort. ex Meisn.) when smoked with Mwarufu, pest control,
anthelmintic
Mboganburi
Mbogha Grewia similis rope-making
(K.Schum.)
Mboghobogho Vagueria sp. (Juss.) firewood, emetic medicine

189
Mboghololo medicine for goats,
for human diarrhea or if bewitched by
someone outside Taita
Mboi leaves pest management, livestock fever and
digestion problems, headache
Mbombole
Mbonu Castor plant Ricinus communis (L.) seeds oil, contraceptive for women
Mbule whole plant headache
Mbundugho rituals
Mbunduki Mexican weeping pine Pinus patula (Schltdl. & timber
Cham.)
Mburisonga leaves hastenes child to start walking,
muscle ache
Mburungu toothache, fruits
Mchuko cooking sticks
Mdaindai berries
 Mdaio Mulberry cleansing, silkworm production
Mdana Ehretia bakeri (Baker) roots firewood,poles, arrows, bows, soil friendly,
/cymosa (Wild. ex Roem mucle ache, tooth ache, power drink,
& Schult.) berries eatable
Mdayondayo Capparis fascicularis fruit
(DC.)
Mdi ghwa roshi Clerodendrum johnstonii leaves boiled general weakness
(Oliv.)
Mdizi
Mdodo native banana 7 different native species
are grown in the area
Mdughudu leaves crushed foot athletes fungal infections
Mengecha
Mfenesi Jack fruit Artocarpus heterophyllus fruit fruits eaten
(Lam.)
Mfirifiri Croton Croton macrostachys seeds laxative
(Hochst. ex A.Rich.)
Mfurusa

190
Mfuu Meru Oak Vitex keniensis timber
(Turrill)
Mghunga chuma Newtonia sp. (O.Hoffm.) arrow-making
Mgombe Buddleia pulchella decorative
(N.E. Br.)
Mgondoyi arrows, bows
Mgudhughuhudhu
Mhungu combs, arrows, shields, drums, wooden
toys
Mjafari Zanthoxylum holtzianum leaves, roots, bark ulcer, cough, mixed with tea
(Engl.) (P.G.Waterman)
Mkaju/Mkwatu Tamarind Tamarindus indica (L.) bark,roots,twigs medicinal, firewood, construction,
nitrogen fixing, seeds as preservatives
Mkalala fodder
Mkalamke Ozoroa insignis (Delile) timber,furniture ,medicine
Mkenga Markhamia zanzibarica planted around houses to bring peace
 (K. Schum.)
Mkengera Herb Commelina Africana (L.) used in GIA, haemostatic when umbilical
cord cut
Mkonge Sisal fiber for ropes
Mkongo/ Manyodoo Camphor Ocotea usambarensis bark,roots timber, drums, beehives, medicine for chest
(Engl.) pain, swelling, tumours, whooping cough,
measles, "nyago" (strong muscular
contractions, stomach pains and disturbed
breathing), malaria, back-ache
Mkongorosho rain indication by smell
Mkorombosha Crassocephalum mannii whole plant court case winning, livestock fever
(Hook.f.) (Milne-Redh.)
Mkochokocho Crotalaria axillaris leaves leaves for fever
(Dryand.)
Mkuyu Sycamore fig Ficus sycomorus (L.) Sacred tree, firewood,soil erosion
preventor no.1, rain bringer, cough,
beehives, berries, drums
Mlagha

191
Mlando Sweet potato
Mlemachovu Ormocarpum kirkii (S. leaves livestock stomach cleansing, human
Moore) stomack pain
Mlende seeds spread by wind indicating rains, used
for rainmaking procedures
Mlezenyi medicinal
Mlimangondi bee attraction, rain indicator
Mlungu Erythrina abyssinica bark,roots medicinal, sacred tree for protection,
(Lam.) beehives, drums,predicts rain when
flowers,
marker for special places, gonorrhea,
body swellings and burns, malaria,
distensions, mumbs, splin problems, not to
be used for firewood, only exception for
old women who use it for burning the clay
pots to be very strong
Mmbogha
 Mmeru latex
Mmila nyonyi
Mmosi Trema orientalis (L.)
(Blume)
Mndana Turraea holstii (Gürke) roots/leaves fermented painkiller/ nerval disorder, laxative, menses
cycle, fodder
Mndayondayo
Mndolondolo
Mngala Rapanea melanophloeos medicinal, timber
(Mez)
Mngambo
Mngamu Wattle tree Acacia mearnsii (De firewood, tanning, shoe polish called Kiwi
Wild.)
Mnganingani Uvaria acuminata laxative
(Oliv.)
Mngima Prunus africana leaves/ roots, bark ”50 medicineicinal uses”, animals, rituals,
(Hook.f.) (Kalkman) making milk sour, /prostate cancer, timber,
firewood

192
Mngomba
Mngungunyi soil fertilizer
Mnjwa Acacia horrida (Willd.) sacred tree
Mnuka pesticide for army ants, hemostatic when
speep tail cut and during male circumcision
Mnuka-masi Ekebergia capensis emetic, dysentery, tanning
(Sparrm.)
Mnyamanyama/Mbada cough
Mnyamanyi Finger Euphorbia Euphorbia tirucalli (L.) milk from leaves yard tree, eye infection, swollen glands
Mnyanga Garcinia volkensii fruits
(Engl.) (Ltb.) Kosterm.
Mnyinya leaves stomach upsets, vegetable
Modi keeping off spirits by pouring plant on
charcoal and smoke spreading
Mokazi berries
Mombo Myrica salicifolia bark cough, asthma,stomach upset, analgesic,
 (Boj. ex Baker) respiratory diseases
Mora/Mgaraso Nuxia congesta (R. Br.) leaves, bark firewood, soft timber for construction,
erosion control, rain indication by
insects on leaves excreting fluid which
showers down and proceeds rainy weather
Moringa Horse raddish tree Moringa oleifera (Lam.) leaves, fruits, “praised miracle tree”, vitamin and iron
seeds source, treatment of hysteria, HIV,
conjunctivitis, rheumatism, toothache
Moriwangombe
Mpera/Msasa Psidium guajava (L.) Shade, windbraker, fertilizer, fruits,
hypertension, typhoid, toothache, firewood
Mrahani/Mkongo Eucalyptus Eucalyptus saligna (Sm.) timber, firewood, fencing poles, leaves for
cosmetic purposes
Mrangi Bamboo Sinarundinaria alpina stem used as water pipes on fields for irrigation
(K.Schum.) S.S.Chao &
Renvoize
Mraringa Trichilia roka medicinal, pot decoration
(Chiov.)

193
Mrimbo Tabernaemontana holstii bark,leaves livestock, human medicine, latex for bird-
(K. Schum.) trapping, fruits
Mrokoti
Mroreka chest pain/ intestinal infections, snake bite,
syphilis
Mrughundia roots/ bark blood purification
Mrumbawasi / Osmain Ocimum suave (Willd.) / leaves chewed haemmorroids, stomach problems,
Hoslundia opposite hick-up stop, cough, cleansing
(Vahl)
Msaigembe leaves poles, fruits for birds, fodder
Msambarau Java plum Syzygium cuminii fruits fruits eaten, timber, firewood, shade
(Linn.) Skeels
Msangana Strombosia schefflerii timber
(Engl.)
Msasha Sand paper tree Cordia ovalis sand paper for wood polishing,
(R.Br. ex DC) medicine for gonorrhea
Mseghembe Schrebera alata (Welw.) painkiller, anti-poison
 Msembelele / Lobelia gibberoa leaves livestock East coast –fever, rituals
Mukiromboshe (Hemsl.)
Mshagosha mortar and pestle carving
Msherembe whistle
Mshigha Lannea stuhlmannii bark boiled barrennes, boils, skin diseases, headache,
(Engl.) Eyles curses, cough
Mshoshote Grewia villosa (Willd.) fruits, fodder for goats, poles,
arrows, firewood, body swellings
Msidu=Msabuni Dodonaea viscosa stem/ leaves tools, dye, soap, toothbrush
(Jacq.) Royen ex Blume
Msidu omodeni
Msimu Commiphora eminii fencing
(Engl.)
Msisina Aspilia mossambicensis leaves, roots sore eyes and gums, ulcer of animals
(Oliv.) Wild
Msoko Cassia abbreviata pods, roots hypertension, haemostatic, yellow fever,

194
(Oliv.) typhoid fever
Msua Cassia singueana root bark anti-malaria treatment
(Delile)
Msufi bark boiled antibiotic orally /externally
Msumbesu Cypress Cupressus lusitanica timber,firewood
(Mill.) Lindl. ex Parl.
Msumi village protection, boundary marking,
shade
Msundule/Jacaranda Jacaranda mimosifolia poles, ornamental, firewood
(D. Don)
Msungu-sungu Acokanthera schimperi medicinal, arrow poision
(Oliv.) Benth. & Hook.f.
Msunguya
Msurubali fruits
Msuruwache Albizia gummifera inner bark timber, firewood, sacred tree for
(C.A.Sm.) rainmaking, dental care, acaricide
Mtanyakesi a twig helps to win a court case
 Mtaranganga/Migaragara ”wait-a-bit” Capparis tomentosa leaves,bark fencing, local brew fermentation,
(Lam.) painkiller
Mtende
Mtoritori fiber, lubricant for machines
Muale "palm tree" grainary construction
Muama keeps up fire
Muanjeri
Muasa Vernonia lasiopus malaria prevention
(O. Hoffm.)
Mudikoshi roots crushed antibiotic for wounds
Mudimbisi haemostatic
Mudumbua ngondi munda
/ Kilimangondi
Mughule/Mwalola Angel´s trumpet Datura stramonium used for ”truth telling” in court cases and
(L.) Thunb. for wizards (hallucinogen
Mugogolinyi only few in Taita existing
Mukalala

195
Mukangu Cassia longirasemosa fever, painkiller, abortifacient, ornament,
(Vatke) broomes
Mukhorogho/Muhorobo Lannea rivae tubers, bark inner bark and fruits eatible
(Chiov.) Sacleux
Mukigara Croton Croton megalocarpus bark stomach upsets, pneumonia, manure
(Hutch.) for field, fencing, firewood
Muku Cedar Juniperus procera leaves fresh, bark boiled timber,firewood, stomach ache
(Hochst. ex Endl.)
Mukulumba Acacia polyacanta firewood, charcoal
(Hochst. ex A. Rich.)
Mukumbi Olea africana (Mill.) sore throat, antimicrobial, kidney problems
Mukuru roots diarrhea, dewormer
Muloga shoshoti Grewia similis toothbrush
(K.Schum.)
Mundaio Acacia sp. (Mill.)
Munganga Ocotea usambarensis camphor scent wood
(Engl.)
 Mungoli salty vegetable
/Mungule
Mungorusa/ Gorusa Parasol tree Polyscias kikuyensis erosion controll, beehive-making
(Summerh.)
Mungungunyi berries, smells like bedbug
Munje gonorrhaea
Munyanga Garcinia volkensii poles for traditional houses
(Engl.) (Ltb.) Kosterm.
Murarandasi Hoslundia opposita fruits
(Vahl.)
Murugaso bark yellow fever
Mushaulo Wild onion onion crushed and liquid vulnerary after walking barefoot
used
Mushundunulo handles for farm tools
Musizi Umbrella tree Maesopsis eminii (Engl.) fruits timber, firewood, fruits

Musu Syzygium guineense bark boiled/fruit fever, timber

(DC.) Guill. & Perr.

196
Musubali
Muuku Terminalia brownii bark, roots/ sap timber, firewood, stomach ache/ toothache,
(Fresen.) poison for hunting, yellow fever
Mwadodi Agauria salicifolia ulcer, scabies, poisonous for goats
(Hook.f. ex Oliv.)
Mwaghare Commiphora baluensis typhoid, termite resistant wood, fodder
(Engl.)
Mwakochokocho
Mwakiwawira leaves, stems flatulence, livestock fever, soil fertilizer
Mwalafigho arrows, cooking sticks
Mwama Combretum molle bee attraction, fodder, firewood, charcoal,
(Engl. & Diels) R.Br. ex construction, abortion, antidote for
G. Don snakebites,
leprocy, fever, pain, anthelmintic for hook-
worn
Mwamabemba Rauvolfia rosea itching and pimples, arrow poison
(K. Schum.)
 Mwamasungu latrine construction
Mwambombo Maytenus buchanii cancer treatment
(Loes.) R.Wilczek
Mwamchumbichumbi
Mwarombo firewood
Mwarufu Blue Gum Eucalyptusglobulus smoked for bee- attraction and to
(Labill.) chase away bad spirits
Mwasemia
Mwasina Sausage tree Kigelia africana (Lam.) fruit used for fermenting traditional
Benth. brew Bombe, holy tree used for
praying ancestors
Mwawusungu carving, tools
Mwavwa/o Millettia oblata (Dunn) bark raw/roots boiled, acaricide, pig wounds/stomach ache,
leaves timber, firewood, construction, carving,
graining
Mwembe Mango Mangifera indica fruit
(L.) Wall. Blume,
Thawaites

197
Mwemberi/ Lantana camara (L.) / leaves,roots firewood, anthelmintic, hepatitis,
Mvudi trifolia (L.) Cham rheumatism,
toothache, cough, berries eaten, dish-
washing soap
Mwengecha Psychotria crassipetala
(E.M.A.Petit)
Mwesi firewood
Mwesu Teclea mobilis (Del.) leaves,roots pneumonia, anthelmintic
Mwingo carvings, combs, gives charisma and
political power
Mwiriwiri cleansing rituals
Mwondi
Mvumu Strangler Fig Ficus thonningii (Blume) sacred, peace-making tree, basket making,
leaves used for cleansing house, water
retention, milk preservation, sore throat,
wounds, constipation, nosebleed,
firewood, carvings, fiber for carpets and
 ropes, latex
Mvunde sterility, anti-poison for snake bites
Mwyino whistle, ink from berries
Ndandangoma
Ndido/ Ndido ya Mlevi Maesa lanceolata bark fever of humans and animals,
(Forssk.) Voigt, G.Don charcoal,firewood
Ndido ya Kisaga Lemonwood Xymalos monospora timber
(Baill.)
Ndunda Black night shade Solanum nigrum leaves vegetable, stomach upsets, malaria
leaves (L.) Tausch ex prevention
Dunal
Ndundu Macaranga firewood
conglomerata
(Brenan)
Ndundu II Croton macrostachys firewood, charcoal, timber, medicine
(Hochst. ex A.Rich)
Ngandu roots dipped into water HIV treatment, increases wizard tolerance
Nganga / Mfuluti Whistle tree Psychotria petitii

198
(Verdc.)
Ngidi Ochna holstii (Engl.)
/ovata (F.Hoffm.)
Nginga acaricide, emetic
Ngoli Whistle plant whole plant blood purification
Nyanga berries for birds
Nyarambiri Lasiosiphon latifolius pesticide for maize storage
(Oliver) Brenan (Oliv.)
Gilli
Nyasi Nepia grass
Rikot fruits
Risojangondi laxative
Rukaramba Black jack Bidens pilosa (L.) leaves first aid, used as iodine
Sandalwood Sandalwood Santalum sp. (L.) leaves chewed hard wood, cosmetics, cough
Seria Rhus natalensis soil erosion controll
(Bernh. ex Krauss)
 Tangawizi Indigenous ginger spice, medicinal for joint pain

Wakesho / Mghulo cleansing

Wamea medicine for washing animals from fleas
Wandanda Tinnea aethiopica erosion control on slopes, shade,
(Kotschy & Peyr.) ornamental, food, fodder, firewood,
charcoal, tannin, toothbrush, stomach
upsets
Wangombe Capparis tomentosa
(Lam.)
Wawuzu
 

199
 Appendix 4. Traditional medicinal plant species found at the traditionally protected forests and sites. Additional, important medicinal plants listed by Taita
herbalists are included. Plants found only on lowlands, are indicated with (LL). In total 179 species were listed.  
Vernacular species name  Scientific name Part used Use  
Atari  Craibia leaves,bark,stem high blood pressure,fever,deworming  
zimmermannii
(Harms ex Dunn)
Baki  Memecylon leaves malaria, fever  
teitense
(Wickens) 
Dungulu    leaves smoked and inhaled headache  
Idadongo    leaves cleansing  
Isaye  Dracaena leaves veterinary medicine (goat), labour relief  
steudneri
(Engl.) 
Isengerughu   Ensete roots,sap/seeds prophets use for praying, fore-seeing  
ventricosum and healing community problems/ eye-
(Welw.) Cheesman infection

200
Isuruwi    leaves crushed flu  
Iwurugho    leaves sniffed or boiled cough, flu, natural toilet paper  
Kiachi+elephant dung    smoked measles  
Kiangachi  Phoenix reclinata sap beer making for rituals  
(Jacq.) 
Kibhari    leaves anthelmintic  
Kidongadi  Cussonia spicata leaves,bark pressed on the painful location,roots diarrhea, splinomegaly, painkiller,  
(Thunb.)  for malaria emetic,malaria, protects from wizard´s
touch
Kihatari     Choosing gender of unborn child;  
Kihatari+Mwingo +Kisundi
(Commiphora) + Munganingani for a
boy / Kihatari+Mundonga for a girl
Kimbungu    bark boiled children eat fruits, stomach ache,  
exessive menses
Kififer    leaves fresh muscle ailment, joint pain  
 Kifuchagombe      stomach ache  
Kifufuto    whole plant protection herb for the leader of the  
army,bullet-proof while herb kept
in a calabash
Kijulu  Osyris lanceolata bark cosmetics,cow fever,stomach ache,  
(Hochst. & Steud.) scented wood and essential oil
Kilemachovu   leaves, bark fever, stomach ache, wounds, rituals  
Kilimangonde     blood coagulant  
Kipapa  Aloe spp. (L.) roots boiled, leaves cosmetic, "40 medicinal uses", fever,  
chest pain, stomach upsets, headache
Kirugana    leaves/ roots, bark STI's treatment/ good for bad omen  
Kishatu    leaves fodder for goats, anti- ectoparasite,  
medicine for calves who drank too
much milk and throat swollen
Kisorongo  Euphorbia leaves warmed on fire, boiled rash, asthma, bronchial conditions  
candelabrum
(Tremaut ex

201
Kotschy) 
Kitunguu ngoruse      asthma  
Kiweto= medicinal wind      medicine, which made the land perform  
fire and protect cattle
and women from Tanzania
Kiwumba    bark boiled against poisoning  
Lonyi    whole plant mosquito repellant  
Ludi    leaves poisonous/like Furadan(pesticide)  
Lukuku    leaves cows to decrease milk production, first  
aid for wounds
Lukundukundu    leaves cholagogue for animals  
Lukundukundu+Mbogholol+pepp        
er 
Lumbi Euphorbia    HIV-AIDS  
heterochroma            
(Pax) 
 Lundu    leaves with honey anti-purgative, stifness  
Lungua    leaves chewed sour throat  
Luno    roots boiled painkiller, malaria prevention  
Lusoka+Klasu+Mdongu      all parts used for stiffness, in war makes  
enemies lost their way
Lusu luawarumu    whole plant shrub to revenge cheating; is hidden  
under the cheater´s mattress
and that person won´t be able to urinate
anymore,
ghost repellent=Lusu+Mdighwmbaro
fighi medicine
Madumaghangoruse    onion crushed and liquid used vulnerary after walking barefoot  
Madumbu      fever  
Mafundo      sore throat  
Mbavio    leaves with water fever  
Mbeka   Trimeria   medicinal  

202
grandifolia
(Hochst.) Warb.
Mbinu   Senna leaves,roots poisonous, roots boiled for purgative  
didymobotyra
(Fresen.) H.S.
Irwin & Barneby
Mbirbiri  Gnidia latifolia leaves pest control and anthelmintic, bee-  
(Hort. ex Meisn.) keeping
Gilg 
Mboi    leaves headache  
Mbogha    bark rope weawing  
Mboghololo    leaves fodder, fruits, diarrhea  
Mbonu  Ricinus communis seeds contraceptive for women  
(L.) 
Mbughobugho    bark, roots diarrhea, eye cleansing,big leaves used  
for covering food
Mbule    whole plant headache  
 Mburisonga    leaves warmed on fire and placed on knees hastenes child to start walking, muscle  
ache
Mchemeri    bark  
Mchunguya    roots asthma  
Mdana    roots+sugar mucle ache, tooth ache, power  
drink,berries eatible
Mdijhwmbaro    whole plant smoked under a blanket fighi medicine in the fighi pot (one of  
the secret mixture)
Mdikoshi    roots wounds,hemostatic, ntibiotic  
Mdomoko    bark with cold water fever H/A  
Mdughudu+Mrimbo    leaves crushed foot athletes fungal infections  
Mfirifiri    seeds laxative  
Mganingani    leaves stomach ache  
Mghunga    bark  
Mgidi       
roots;stem toothache, toothbrush

203
Mgungunyi      
Mikifindi      cough  
Mkinyi    roots (roasted and boiled) stomach cleansing  
Milimangondo    leaves hemostatic when sheep tail is cut, bees  
like, rain indication
Mjafari  Zanthoxylum  leaves,roots,bark ulcer, cough, for tea  
holtzianum 
(Engl.) P.G. 
Waterman
Mkama    leaves cough  
Mkengera  Commelina  whole plant, leaves used in GIA, hemostatic when  
Africana  umbilical cord cut
 (L.) Mirb.
Mkinyi    roots boiled laxative  
Mkongo/ Ocotea bark, roots swelling, tumours, whooping cough,  
Manyodoo  usambarensis measles, "nyago" (strong muscular
 (Engl.)  contractions, stomach pains and
disturbed breathing), malaria, backache
Mkorombosha    whole plant livestock fever  
Mkulumba (LL)     
Mkuyu  Ficus sycomorus bark cough, chest diseases  
(L.) 
Mlamba(LL)   Adansonia digitata roots, bark medicinal, sacred  
(L.) 
Mlemachovu  Ormocarpum kirkii leaves stomach pain, livestock stomach  
(S. Moore) cleansing
Mlimangondi    leaves crushed wounds  
Mlende    seeds spread by wind and indicate rains, used  
for rainmaking procedures
Mlungu Erythrina barks,roots distensions, mumbs, splin problems,   
abyssinica gonorrhea,body swellings and burns, 
(Lam.)  malaria 
Mndana  Turraea holstii roots/leaves fermented 7 days +sugar painkiller/ nerval disorder, laxative,   

204
(Gürke)  menses cycle
Mndana+   roots boiled nerve disorder  
Ndashi 
Mdandawasi    whole plant sotomach problems  
Mdendela    roots cough  
Mnjamanjama    leaves, leaves+honey+egg cough  
Mnjanga    leaves boiled livestock anthelmintic  
Mngima  Prunus africana leaves/ roots, bark ”50 medicineicinal uses”,animals, even  
(Hook.f.) Kalkman  rituals,making milk sour/ prostatae
cancer
Mnuka  Calodendrum   hemostatic when sheep tail cut and  
capense during boys circumcision
(Thunb.) 
Mnyamanyi  Euphorbia tirucalli Milk from leaves warmed and put into eye eye infection, swollen glands  
(L.) Thunb.
Forssk. 
 Mnyanmanyi    leaves boiled and drunk cough, cattle fever  
Mnyinya    leaves,roots boiled and drunk anthelmintic humans and animals,  
leaves for salad
Mnynia    leaves boiled or raw stomach ache  
Mninja    whole plant malaria prevention  
Mokazi    berries eaten vitamins  
Mombo  Myrica (Morella) bark chewed cough, asthma, stomach upset,  
salicifolia analgesic, respiratory diseases
(Boj. ex Baker)
Hochst. ex A.Rich.
Mora/ Nuxia congesta leaves,bark various medicinal uses  
Mgaraso  (R. Br.) 
Moringa   Moringa oleifera leaves,fruits,seeds vitamis and iron source, treatment of  
(Lam.)   hysteria,HIV, conjunctivitis,
rheumatism,toothache
Mosi Trema orientalis used in goat´s intestine analysis to  
(L.) Blume  detect outsider of community or

205
other tribe member bewitched
Mosu    bark boiled chest pain, astma  
Mpera Psidium guajava leaves, fruit/ oil/ bark typhoid, dysentery, antibacterial,  
(L.)  diarrhoea/
anti-inflammatory/ ring-worms, ulcer/
diabetes
fever,hypertension, toothache

Mrahani/ Eucalyptus saligna seeds,bark emetic when poison ingested  

Mkongo  (Sm.) 
Mrimbo Tabernaemontana bark,leaves livestock, human medicine  
holstii
(K. Schum.)
Mriri Maganda(LL)     
Mroreka     roots/ bark chest pain/ intestinal infections, snake  
bite, syphilis
Mrughundia    blood purification  
 Mrumbawasi  Ocimum suave  leaves chewed stop hick-up, stomach problems,  
(Willd.) /  haemmorroids,cough
Hoslundia opposite 
(Vahl) 
Mrundurundu    bark  
Msambarau Syzygium cuminii berries eaten, leaves medicinal hypertension  
(Linn.) Skeels
Msasha  Cordia ovalis gonorrhea  
(R. Br.) 
Msasha+Mloi    roots/roots gonorrhea  
Msembele  Lobelia giberroa leaves livestock East Coast fever  
(Hemsl.)
Msemberi    leaves livestock fever  
Mshigha(LL)   Lannea bark boiled barrennes, boils,skin  
stuhlmannii diseases,headache,curses,cough
(Engl.) Eyles
Mshuluti    bark boiled asthma  

206
Msidu  Dodonaea viscosa stem/leaves crushed mixed with water toothbrush/soap  
(Jacq.) 
Msina mongo       
Msisina  Aspilia   vulnerary, sore eyes and gums, ulcer  
mossambicensis (animals)
(Oliv.) Wild
Msoko  Cassia abbreviata  pods, roots hypertension, hemostatic, yellow fever,  
(Oliv.)  typhoid fever
Msoko+Mnyananyi    whole plant catching fish by poisoning water  
Msufi    bark boiled antibiotic orally /externally  
Msunduru    bark boiled painkiller  
Msuruwache+ Albizia gummifera leaves, bark, roots Mnyaya(similar to HIV/AIDS in  
Mlungu   (C.A. Sm.)   symptons and signs), dental care,
acaricide
Mtaranganga  Capparis roots +sugar fermented for 7 days Muscle ailment, painkiller  
tomentosa
 (Lam.) 
Muachanyama    leaves attracts butterflies,cough,flu,splin  
probrems
Muakoshi    stem prevents nightmares when placed under  
a mattress
Muama    sore throat  
Mubachabacha    acaricide  
Mudikoshi   roots crushed antibiotic for wounds  
Mudumbua ngondi munda    hemostatic when sheep tail is cut and  
during male circumcision
Mukengera/ male grass    leaves,stem suffocation of a goat as sacrificed  
Mukomborosho    leaves livestock medicine, pesticide for maize  
storaging
Muku   Juniperus procera leaves fresh, bark boiled stomach ache  
(Hochst. ex Endl.)
Muuku  Terminalia brownii bark, roots/ sap stomach ache/ toothache, poison for  
(Fresen.)  hunting, yellow fever

207
Mukungo    leaves eye infection  
Mukuru    roots boiled diarrea, dewormer  
Munje    gonorrhea  
Murugaso    bark yellow fever  
Musu  Syzygium  bark boiled fever  
guineense 
(Willd.) DC.
Mutanyacase/Mtanyakesi    whole plant used to win a court case  
Mvumu    bark liver problems, diarrhea  
Mvunde    roots sterility  
Mwakisgchi    leaves boiled and child washed with it against nightmares  
Mwakwawira    leaves, stem flatulence, livestock fever  
Mwama+ Combretum molle leaves abortion, antidote for snakebites,   
Mvunde  (R. Br. ex G.Don)  leprocy, fever, pain, anthelmintic for 
hook‐worm
 Mwarubaini (LL) Azadirachta indica roots,leaves anthelmintic  
Neem tree   (A. Juss) 
Mwarufu=Chao Eucalyptus nitens bark,leaves removes bad spirits when burned on  
(Maiden)  charcoal under a blanket
Mwasa    roots boiled stomach ache  
Mwavwa/o Milletia oblata bark raw/roots boiled ,leaves acaricide, pig wounds/stomach ache  
(Dunn) 
Mwemberi  Lantana camara leaves,roots anthelmintic, hepatitis, rheumatism, de-  
(L.) /trifolia (L.) wormer, toothache, anticoagulant,
Cham.  cough, stomach ache, liver problems
Mwesi    leaves eye medicine  
Mwesu  Teclea nobilis leaves,roots anthelmintic, pneumonia  
(Delile) 
Mwiriwiri    leaves cleansing ritual  
Mwunde    anti-poison for snake bites  
Mwuwughogho    bark boiled anti-purgative  
Ndelema   leaves boiled stomach ache,hemostasis  

208
Ndido  Maesa lanceolata bark fever of humans and animals  
(Forssk.) Voigt
Ndunda  Solanum nigrum leaves leaves as vegetable, stomach ache,  
(L.) Tausch ex malaria prevention
Dunal 
Ndungua   stem tooth brush  
Ngandu    roots dipped into water HIV, wizard tolerance  
Ngidi Ochna holstii stomach ache, emetic when poison  
+ Luno  (Engl.) ingested
/ovata (F. Hoffm.)
Nginga     acaricide, emetic  
Nginga+ Mdana+ Mbogonbogo    emetic when poison ingested  
Ngoli  ”Whistle plant” whole plant blood purification  
Njundu    calming influence on nervous person  
Obani mbundukua    berries flu  
 Passion fruit  Passiflora edulis roots epilepsy  
(Sims) 
Rukaramba  Bidens pilosa (L.) leaves vulnerary, as iodine, for first aid  
Sandalwood  Santalum sp. (L.) leaves chewed cosmetics, cough  
Sodom apple  Calotropis procera roots boiled, seeds nerve problems, stomach  
(Aiton) W.T. Aiton rumlbes,stiffness,desinfection of
  umbilical cord,eye infection
Suruwi    leaves flu  
Wakesho      cleansing  
Wamea      medicine for washing animals from  
fleas
         
Magical medicinal mixtures:        
 
Fighi-medicine      protection of households, forests, cattle  
shelters and people

209
Kiweto      wind medicine used at war  
Kucha-kucha mukeku wako wacha      sleep medicine  
Mbingu      mixture of 66 tree species and animal  
components to get a longer life
Mtero      protection  
Mugulee      for killing wizards  
Ngataa    i.e.Mndana,Mnyama,Kilaso,Kirimba,Mlungu, for giving convincing and authoritarian  
Kimbungu,Kidongadi needed speeches (like a lion) 

         
 

 
Appendix 5. Traditional use (other than medicinal) of plants found at traditionally protected forests and
sites.
Vernacular name Use
Chusu used for brushing away army ants, leaves left along the compound
Delema biofuel
Desmodia fodder
Garingari used in beehives to attract bees
Ikowa for killing moles, leaves in their holes
Irisojangondi seeds for decoration
Isangasha grass taching, construction, animal fodder
Isaye boundary marking
Isengerughu celebrations, rituals
Iwurugho traditional toilet paper
Kiangachi toothbrush,sap was sugar of the old days,basket,Lungo (basket for rise
cleaning) making, construction by ties
Kideu soil improvement, rain attraction
Kidongadi firewood
Kijulu jembe handels, building
Kikongori poles
Kilangoni sap is like milk and gum used for bird trapping
Kilulu rain indication by new red leaves and shredding the old ones,beehives
Kimbungu fruits
Kinyondo -
Kirumbutu fodder, bee-hives, door frames,firewood,timber,drums,insect repellent
Kiungu fruits edible, firewood
Kiwi / Mngamu shoe polish
Luafumbo soap
Lukuko grass used in singing and dancing sessions to guarantee that no-one messes up
with your voice
Luno fencing
Lusu indicates barren land, fallow
Machanyale beads for decoration of handicrafts (whiteish colour)
Madoma water protection
Madugudhu walking stick given for elders as a sign of leadership (has to walk around
with it for 7 days to show off)
Maduma yams
Makumbo yams eaten in ceremonies
Mararo used in burial ceremony
Mbogha rope-making
Mboghombogho firewood
Mburungu fruits
Mchuko cooking sticks

Mdaindai berries

210 
 
Mdana arrows, bows
Mfenesi fruits
Mgondoyi bows, arrows
Mgungunyi butterflies like flowers
Mhungu combs, arrows, shields, drums, wooden toys
Mkalala fodder for animals
Mkengera goat suffocation during rituals
Mkongorosho rain indication by smell
Mkuyu berries, drum making
Mlende seeds spread by wind indicating rains, used for rainmaking procedures
Mlimangondi attracts bees, rain indicator
Mlungu beehives,drums,not to be used for firewood, only exeption for old women
who use it for burning the clay pots to be very strong
Mmeru latex
Mngamu shoe polish tan
Mnganga -
Mngima making milk sour, furniture,poles
Mnuka smell drives away safari ants from house, sculpting
Mnyama arrows
Mnyanga fruits edible
Mokachi berries
Mora water retention, rain indication
Mraringa pot decoration
Mrimbo latex used for trapping birds,fruits edible
Msaigembe poles,fruits for birds, leaves for fodder
Msambarau carpenting,firewood,fruits
Msasha natural sandpaper
Msembele rituals
Mshagosha mortel and pistol carving
Mshagulu -
Msherembe whistle
Msidu soap
Msimu fencing
Msumi village protection, boundary marking, shade
Msurubali fruit
Mtoritori fiber, lubricant for machines
Muale grainary construction
Muama keeps up fire
Mukangu broomes
Mukhorogho seeds edible

211 
 
Mungoli salty vegetable
Mungorusa erosion controll, beehive-making
Mungungunyi berries
Mwadodi poisonous for goats
Mwavwa carvings, graining
Mwalafigho arrows, cooking sticks
Mwama construction, bee-attraction, firewood, charcoal, fodder
Mwamasungu latrine construction
Mwarombo firewood
Mwawusungu carvings, tools
Mwesi firewood
Mwingo sticks, poles, carvings, combs
Mwiriwiri cleansing rituals
Mvudi soap for washing dishes
Mvumu log smoked used for milk preservation, kiondo (basket) making, rituals
Mwyino whistle, ink from berries
Ndido charcoal, firewood
Nyanga berries for birds
Nyarambiri pesticide for maize storage
Red oat grass thatching, fodder for cattle
Rikot fruits
Wawuzu -

212 
 
 Appendix 6. Useful species on farms according to Taita households.

Vernacular name Scientific name Ecological Economical use Ethno medicine Ethno veterinary Frequency
value
Avocado Persea americana fruits seed for toothache 30
(Mill.)
Baki Memecylon fever medicinal 2
teitense
(Wickens)
Bamboo used as water pipes 5
Boniface firewood fever (cows) 2
Bougainville Bougainvillea beautyfier
(Comm. ex Juss.) 1
Calliandra Calliandra nitrogen fixing fodder medicine for cattle 3
calothyrsus
(Meisn.)
Camphor timber fever 5
Cedar Juniperus procera timber, firewood 1

213
(Hochst. ex Endl.)
Dowe/Towe/ Commiphora sp. soil friendly lotion making leather toothache, anti-parasite 4
Mbambara (Jacq.) tanning
Garingari beehive productivity 1
Genjeka sore throat,ulcer 3
Grevillea Grevillea robusta soil friendly timber,firewood,fenci 42
(A.Cunn. ex R.Br.) ng
Imbo fruits 1
Isengerughu Ensete water retention fruit 1
ventricosum
(Welw.)
(Cheesman)
Iti Acacia mellifera charcoal anemia anemia 3
(Benth.)
Iwurugho leaves for flu 2
Jarambiri pesticide fever fever 1
Kei- apple Aberia caffra fencing 1
 (Hook.f. & Harv.)
Warb.
Kiangachi Phoenix reclinata beautyfier basket making 2
(Jacq.)
Kidenya Acacia seyal firewood used for witchcraft rituals 1
(Delile)
Kidongadi Cussonia spicata fever fever (cows, cats) 3
(Thunb.)
Kighoi fruits 1
Kijulu Osyris lanceolata soil erosion roots for stomach ache 1
(Hochst. & Steud.) controll on steep
areas and rocks
Kilulu Ficus lutea water retention, flu fever(cow) 2
(Vahl) erosion controll
Kimbungu Rhus vulgaris firewood ,fruits stomach ache 2
(Meikle)
Kipapa Aloe secundiflora fever,antibiotic,wounds,stoma fever, antibiotic 16
(Engl.) ch ache (poultry)

214
Kirumba Carissa edulis fruits 2
(Vahl)
Kirumbutu Melia volkensii timber 2
(Gürke)
Kishagha punishment of
wizards 1
Kishatu boundary fever, analgesia fever 1
marking
Kishoe Ficus ingens rain attraction analgesia, fever foot and mouth 12
(Miq.) and prediction disease (cow)
Kisuchi stomach ache 1
Kitukumu
1
Kongodi- grass soil erosion fever
prevention on 1
riverbanks
Lemon Citrus limon fever
(L.) Osbeck
 Liquat/Chokoti Eriobotrya fruits 3
japonica
(Thunb.) Lindl.
Lukundukundu medicine for cattle 1
Lumbi Euphorbia fever (poultry, 5
heterochroma cow)
(Pax)
Lumbi+vegetable medicine for 2
pep poultry
Luno muscle cramps 1
Macadamia Macadamia nuts 10
tetraphylla (L.A.S.
Johnson)
Madu gha kwaru "Rabbit ear tree" shade 1
Mafundo cough 1
Mango Mangifera indica soil fertilizer timber, fruits 17
(L.) Blume

215
Manyodo roots for stomach ache 1
Mbaramchoka Heteromorpha malaria 1
trifoliata
(Eckl. & Zeyh.)
Mbaro medicinal 1
Mbinu Senna laxative 2
didymobotrya
(Fresen.)
H.S.Irwin &
Barneby
Mbirimbiri Gnidia latifolia Calcium booster cattle fever 3
(Hort. ex Meisn.) for soil,
pesticide
Mboghobogho Vangueria sp. leaves for stomach ache, 2
/Ndunu (Comm. ex Juss.) power drink

Mboi pesticide fever,digestion 4

 problems
(cows,goats)
Mbuchi Acacia sp. (Mill.) fencing energy drink 1
Mbuku Euclea racemosa diarrhea, toothbrush 2
(Murr.)
Mbunduki Pinus patula timber, resin for sale, 2
(Schiede & Deppe boundary marking
ex Schltdl.)
Mchicha vegetable HIV-AIDS 1
Mchovu dewormer for dogs 1
Mdana Ehretia bakeri timber Hypertension, analgesia, 2
(Baker) stomach ache
Mdi ghwa vua “rain Mdi ghwa vua 1
making tree” ”rain making tree”
Mdongu Mdongu cough 1
Mgono cough 1
Mgorusa Ekebergia firewood 1
capensis

216
(Sparrm.)
Mkange timber fever (cows) 1
Mkeresu firewood 1
Mkongo/ Ocotea suites firewood for sale 10
Mukongo usambarensis riverbeds,water
(Engl.) retention,rains
from leaves
Mkungu/i Syzygium fever 1
sclerophyllum
(Brenan) Thwaites
Mkungu/e Eucalyptus saligna timber, firewood 28
Mkongo (Sm.)
Mkuyu Ficus sycomorus water retention, timber, construction, 42
(L.) leaves fertilize seedlings sold
soil
Mkwachu (LL) Tamarindus indica fruits 1
(L.)
 Mlemachovu "Elephants hate it" medicine for sale stomach cleansing 1
Ormocarpum for cows
kirkii
(S.Moore)
Mlezenyi shade like Mwarubaini 1
Mlungu Erythrina water retention, mumbs, anemia milk fever 16
abyssinica sacred tree prevention for
(Lam.) calves
Mndimu/Limau Citrus spp. (L.) fever 5
Mngala / Kibaridi Rapanea timber bark for joint pains, 2
melanophloeos ringworms
(Mez)
Mngamu Acacia mearnsii soil friendly firewood, charcoal, bark for fever 25
(De Wild) construction, leather
tanning
Mngima Prunus africana leaves fertilize timber when well 27
(Hook.f.) Kalkman managed, window
frames, firewood

217
Mngungunyi soil fertilizer 1
Mnuka+mbiribiri 1

Mnuka masi Ekebergia pesticide for medicinal 2

capensis (Sparrm.) aphids
Mnyadi Croton pesticide, shed, fencing fever, malaria 5
megalocarpus soil friendly
(Hutch.)
Mnyama firewood, charcoal cough 2
Modi / Mododi strong pesticide 1
Mombo Myrica salicifolia soil friendly firewood cough 7
(Boj. ex Baker)
Mora/Mgaraso Nuxia congesta water retention, firewood, timber, cough, fever fever 29
(R. Br.) suites riverbeds seeds
Mosi Traema orientalis construction cough 2
(L.) Blume
Mpapai Carica papaya fruits seeds for deworming, fruit for deworming 5
(L.) diarrhea
 Mpera Psidium guajava soil friendly, fruits fruits,leaves, roots for 15
(L.) shade hypertension, typhoid,
toothache
Mrahani Eucalyptus spp. timber, construction leaves for chicken 9
(L´Hér.)
Mrima 1
Mrimbo Tabernaemontana soil friendly, fever (cows) 2
stapfiana shade
(Britten)
Mrindawasi / Bidens pilosa (L.) herbiside first aid iodine for wounds, 4
Rugharamba stomach ache,flu
Mrimva soil friendly timber 2
Mrumbawasi Hoslundia timber, firewood analgesia, flu, toothache, analgesia, flu, cats 3
opposita (Vahl) heart burn
Msabibu Morus alba shade berries 3
(L.) Bureau
Msambarau Syzygium cuminii shade fruits 1
(Linn.) Skeels

218
Msarambinzi 1
Msembelele leaves for cow 2
fever
Msemrere diarrhea (cows) 1
Mshari fever, stomach ache 1
Mshigha Lannea iron booster for anemia, analgesia, fever 2
stuhlmannii porridge with grain amaranth (cow)
(Engl.) Eyles for HIV patients
Mshomoro/ Lantana sp. (L.) beautyfier 1
Mvudi
Mshungumulu 2
Msidu Dodonaea viscosa shade, soil rooths for stomach ache 4
(L.) Jacq. friendly
Msigha diarrhea, cough, toothbrush diarrhea, cough
Msimamongo firewood 1
Msimbiri ritual tree 1
Msimu Commiphora shade, soil boundary marking fever stomach cleansing 2
 eminii (Engl.) erosion for cows
prevention
Msisina Aspilia external wounds 1
mossambicensis
(Oliv.) Wild
Msoko Cassia abbreviata timber, firewood fever, diarrhea 1
(Oliv.) / siamea
(Lam.)
Msumbali with Mpera for 1
hypertension,typhoid
Msumbesu Cupressus timber, firewood, 27
lusitanica (Mill.) fencing
Lindl. ex Parl
Msunduru fever, cough, asthma 1
Msurubali typhoid 1
Msuruwache Albizia gummifera soil fertilizer firewood various diseases 20
(J. F. Gmel.) C.A.
Sm.

219
Mtunguru Thylachium cough 2
africanum (DC.)

Muababa medicine for 1

poultry
Mudikoshi seeds for chicken pox 1
Muerezi 1
Mughalala roots for analgesia 1
Mugharaso roots for stomach ache 1
Mughule/ Datura ornamental ritual, truth telling plant 1
Mwalola stramonium
(L.) Thunb.)
Mukhorogho Lannea rivae soil friendly 2
(Chiov.) Sacleux
Mukulumba Acacia polycanta firewood, charcoal 1
(Willd.)
Mungala Rapanea spp. suites riverbeds timber roots for analgesia 1
(Aubl.)
 Munya 1
Musangano Strombosia timber 1
scheffleri (Engl.)
Musekiavai Podocarpus timber 1
usambarensis
(Pilg.)
Musizi Maesopsis eminii suites riverbeds firewood, 4
(Engl.) timber,fruits
Musu Syzygium rain attraction timber bark medicinal 3
guineense
(DC.)
Guill. & Perr.
Muuku Terminalia soil friendly
brownii
(Fresen.)
Mwachanyama cough 1
Mwakuwawa herbiside 1
Mwakuzema diarrhea 1

220
Mwakiwawira diarrhea 2
Mwama Combretum molle firewood, charcoal, cough 4
(R. Br. ex G.Don) manure
Mwarubaini Azadirachta indica medicine (leaves, variety (40) of diseases 28
Neem tree (A. Juss.) bark) for sale
Mwarufu Eucalyptus sp. timber, firewood 5
(L´Hér.)
Mwasole sacred tree, heart beat of a 1
shrine
Mwavwa Millettia oblata rain attraction timber, firewood several diseases medicine for cows 4
(Dunn)
Mwavwa+ Medicinal soap for skin 1
Mwarubaini diseases on local market
Mwemberi Lantana sp. (L.) soil friendly stomach ache 2
Mwimbo medicinal 1
Mwindi nguku diarrhea (cows, 2
sheep)
 Mwojhowujho firewood,construction 1
Mvudi Lantana camara berries cough 2
(L.)
Mvumu Ficus thonningii water retention, bark for fiber and 31
(Blume) intercropping, basket-making,
shade seedlings sold
Mziri timber 1
Mzunga fruits leaves for fever 1
Ndido Maesa lanceolata soil friendly firewood 4
(Forssk.)
Ndowo Dombeya 1
rotundifolia
(Planch.)
Nginga soil erosion fensing chicken pox, fever fever 4
control
Nzarambinsi cattle fever 1
Orange fruits 7
Passion fruit Passiflora edulis fruits leaves for boils 8

221
(Sims)
Podo/Mmaiza Podocarpus timber, firewood 1
latifolius
(R.Br.) Hort. ex
Carrière
Vegetable pepper Calcium booster fever fever fever 2
for soil, leaves
fertilize,
pesticide
 
 Appendix 7. Land use values data sheet.

Date_____________
Land use category (Scientific)_____________________________________________________

How useful is this site for the respective use categories?

Andu aha koko na umuhimu ki kimatumizi katika chia iri…
VALUE CATEGORY
Chia ra umuhimu USE VALUE
Very useful Useful Less useful Useless
Muhimu sana muhimu Muhimu kidogo Ndokune faida

Staple food for home consumption

Vindo va kawaida mzinyi
Food for domestic animals

222
Vindo kwa mifugho
Timber production
Kubara mbao
Construction material
Vifaa veagha
Tool material
vifaa
Firewood
mbande
Basketry
Kulukia vikapu
Marketable food products
Vindo viko na soko
Hunting place
Andu kodiwa
 Recreation
Andu kostarehe
Future economical security assets
Hazina kwa maisha gha baadae
Ecotourism
wutalii
Bee-keeping
Kufugha choki
Medicine
Maghanga
Butterfly farming
Kufugha vifurute
Resin tapping
Kudegha gamu
Other special use:
Matuzizighamu zaidi

223
1.
2.
3.
 INDIRECT USE VALUE
faida ra kihisia kusedima kuriwada kama pesa

Very useful Useful Less useful Useless

Muhimu sana muhimu Muhimu kidogo Ndokune faida
Habitat of rare animals and plants
Makao gha nyamandu risepatikaa kirahisi
Soil erosion prevention
Kuzuia momonyoko
Rain attraction
Kuwanga vua
Atmosphere controller
Kuhimidi hali ya hewa
Place for traditional religious practices

224
Andu kobonyera ibada ra kitamaduni
Place for ceremonial rites
Andu kwa sherehe ra kitamaduni
Water catchment
Andu kowada machi
Beautifying element in the landscape
Andu koghokesha isanga
Other special indirect uses:
Faida imu zaidi:
1.
2.
3.
 Description of the site:
Wufafanuzi ghwa aho andu:

1) Local name / common name for the land use:

irina ja kawaida / irina ja matumizi ghape
2) Age of the vegetation:
umri ghwa isaka
3) What are the problems of this kind of land use?
Ni shida riao riko katika matumizi gha aha andu?
4) Can one find many sites like this in your Location?
Mundu wadima kupata andu kumu zaidi sa aha?
What kind of traditional land management practices are applied on this area?
Ni chia riao ra kienyeji rekuza mbuwa rawetumika andu aha?
Are there any traditional rules, believes or taboos applying on an area like this?
What kind of ?

225
Reko sheria, imani angu wutamaduni ghungi ghwa kienyeji ghwawetumika katika andu sa aha?
Are there any species of plants or animals which are important in protecting and maintaining the functions and benefits of this site?
Reko aina ingi ya midi angu nyamandu riko muhimu katika wulindiri na wukuzaji ghwa matumizi na faida ra andu aha?

 
 Appendix 8. Self-completion questionnaire on benefits and constraints of participation in forest management.

1. Have you noticed any changes in forest management in your area? Please, explain.

2. What kind of initiatives have been created concerning forest management?

3. Which kind of community forest management are you involved in? (Structured)

4. How did you get involved in forest management? (Structured)

5. How many group members are you?

6. How long have you participated in forest management? (Structured)

7. What activities do you undertake when you participate in forest management? (Structured)

226
8. What motivates you to participate in community forest management? (Structured)

9. What kind of tangible benefits do you obtain from participating in community forest management? (Structured)

10. Indicate the type of employment that has arisen during your participation in forest management. (Structured)

11. Please, rank in order of preference (1–10) the benefits you obtain from the forest for domestic use. (Structured)

12. How many hours per week do you approximately use for participatory forest management?

13. Please, estimate your personal average monthly income, generated from participatory activities, in respect to the following seasons?

14. What are your expectations regarding forest management?

15. What is your position in participatory forest management system? (Structured)

 16. What traditional practices of forest management are applied in this forest?

17. What is good about the way the forest management is organized?

18. What negative factors can you find about the way the management is organized?

19. How would you like to see the management system reorganized?

20. What knowledge and skills have you gained along with the new responsibilities on forest management?

21. How have your sources of livelihood changed since you started participating in community management?

(Structured)

22. Please, specify the possible factors that have improved your livelihood.

23. What are your other views regarding your participation in forest management that has not been covered in this interview?

227
 
 Appendix 9. Questionnaire for household interviews on traditional ecological knowledge.

Date ____________________
Village / Sub-location / Location:__________________ / __________________ / ____________
Homestead Coordinates / Altitude:________________________________________________

Male Female
Age__________________
How long have you lived in this location? Origin?_____________________
Farm size__________________

Private forest No Yes tot. area____________

Sub-location /distance from homestead _________________________________________

1. Historical transect- form (separate)

2. What kind of factors do you consider important when managing trees on your field?

228
3. Who have taught you the management skills and when?
Grand father
Grand mother
Father
Mother
Friends
Neighbours
Chief
Forest officer
NGO
CBO
Elementary school
Farming school
Others,who?
 4. How are the work tasks divided in your household when it comes to tree management? (men/women/children/others)

Technical planning _____________________ Acquiring the seedlings______________

Choosing the species_____________________ Planting __________________________

Managing while growing__________________ Decision on felling__________________

Other tasks ______________________________

5. From whom have you learned to know about indigenous species during your life?

If private forest owner, please answer the following:

6. What species are growing in your forest? (Order of volume) Use

229
7. Do you participate in community forest management? No Yes How?
8. What kind of factors do you consider most important in forest management?
9. Do you know what biodiversity conservation means? No Yes
10. What would you change on your land in order to enhance biodiversity conservation, if you could?

11. What happened to the rule “never cut a living tree” (an old Taita visdom)?

12. Are there any traditional restrictions, sanctions, beliefs or norms used, concerning utilization of plants, animals and other forest products? Please explain

13. Are there any places close by traditionally protected from disturbance (sacred places/ forest)?
If yes, please name them. No Yes

14. Do you know where the borders of trust land forests exactly are? No Only approximately Yes
Where does this knowledge derive from?
 15. Do you think you have inherited traditional knowledge and skills, (learned from ancestors, not recent knowledge) ,which you can pass for the next
generation? No /Yes
16. Is there traditional knowledge among the community which you think could be used more in forest and agroforestry management?
No /Yes

17. Can you list advices, rules and practices, that you consider as indigenous/traditional knowledge concerning following topics:

I) Water management
II) Soil management
III) Pest management / wildlife combat
IV) Ethno-veterinary
V) Ethno-medicine

18. Is it possible to grow the useful, indigenous plant and tree species, gathered from forest, on the shamba?
Which ones?

230
19. How much do you rely on traditional medicine compared with pharmacy products?
_All medicine from nature
_Over 50% from nature
_Half and half
_Under 50% from nature
_All medicine from pharmacy
_Other________________________

20. I use traditional medicines for

_only myself
_all my family members
_gaining income
_religious purposes _other______________________________
 21. How do you find the importance of sacred forests and sites in the area? Please rank on the scale from not important to very important.

Not Important I--------------------------------------------------------------I Very Important

They are important because of religious reasons.
They are important places for ceremonial rites.
They host animal / plant species high in biodiversity.
They are important water sources.
They have aesthetic value in the landscape.
They are not significant in any ways.
Other important meaning_____________________________________

22. Are there some traditional institutions of management still working?

231
23. Can you mention indigenous species that used to / can have big market value?
24. How would you estimate the level of your traditional ecological knowledge inherited, on a scale
from 0 to 10 ?

0 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10
25. If I want to know something more about the traditional systems, who should I turn to?

 
Appendix 10. Matrices for forest condition characteristics and classes used in mapping the traditionally
protected forests and sites (Adapted from KFS & KFWG 2007).

A.

Forest condition characteristics 1- soil cover

Soil cover Soil cover class

More than 50% of the soils are covered High
25% to 50% Moderate
Less than 25% of the soils are covered Low

Forest condition characteristics 2- crown cover

Crown cover (for forest and shrubland Dominant crown cover class
only)
More than 70% Dense
40% to 70% Moderate
20% to 40% Sparse
Less than 20% Very sparse

Forest characteristics 3- regeneration density

Density of regeneration Regeneration class

More than 5000 trees or shrubs per ha Dense
1500 to 5000 trees or shrubs per ha Moderate
500 to 1499 trees or shrubs per ha Sparse
Less than 500 trees or shrubs per ha Very sparse

Write the names of the three most dominant species in the regeneration.

1.______ 2.______ 3._________

Forest condition characteristics 4- density of seed trees (used for shrubland only)

Density of seed trees Seed tree class

More than 50 seed trees per ha High
10 to 50 seed trees per ha Moderate
Less than 10 seed trees per ha Low

B.
232 
 
Forest condition class16

Soil cover class Dominant crown Regeneration class Seed tree class17 Condition class

cover class

low or moderate very sparse or very sparse or low

sparse sparse moderate or very degraded

moderate or dense low

degraded

moderate or

high

very sparse or low

moderate or sparse moderate or high medium

dense

moderate or dense low

moderate or high

high very sparse or very sparse or low very degraded

sparse sparse moderate or high degraded

moderate or dense low

moderate or high medium

moderate or very sparse or low degraded

dense sparse moderate or high good

moderate or dense low medium

moderate or high good

                                                      
16
 Adapted form “A Field Manual on Participatory Techniques for Community Forestry” by Jackson
W. J. and Ingles A. W. 1998.
17
 Not used for classifying forest. Used only for shrubland classification. 
233 
 
 2011
This thesis provides an outlook on the traditionally

Department of Geosciences and Geography  A14

protected forests and sites in Taita Hills, Kenya.
It examines their ecological characteristics and
how they relate to social dynamics, explores their
ideological aspects, and analyzes them as sites for
conservation of cultural and biological diversity.
These areas are important components of a
larger complex socio-ecological system, which
has symbolical status and sacred and mystical
elements within it. In turn, this contributes to
the connectivity of indigenous remnant forests
in the agroforestry dominated landscape.
Sacredness, however, enhances but, it does not
equal conservation. Various social, political and
economic arrangements further affect the integrity
of the forests, control of witchcraft being one
of them. The Taita people have a rich traditional
ecological knowledge base which they apply to
natural resource management, health care and
social welfare.

Department of Geosciences and Geography  A14

Department of Geosciences and Geography A 14

Nina Himberg
ISSN-L 1798-7911
ISSN 1798-7911 (print)
ISBN 978-952-10-7282-6 (paperback) Traditionally Protected
Forests´Role within Transforming
ISBN 978-952-10-7283-3 (PDF)
http://ethesis.helsinki.fi

Helsinki University Print

Helsinki 2011
Natural Resource Management
Regimes in Taita Hills, Kenya

Nina Himberg