Section c

6 Pakistan’s role in world affairs (1947-99)

Pakistan’s relationship with India
Timeline:
1947–48: Partition Problems and the First Kashmir War
The division of assets following the Partition of India in 1947 was a major
point of contention between the newly created nations of Pakistan and India.
Pakistan faced significant delays in receiving its share of financial and
military assets, which were crucial for establishing its economic and defence
infrastructure. Additionally, India’s decision to close two canal headworks in
Punjab caused a severe water shortage in Pakistan, further deepening tensions.
These early actions contributed to a sense of betrayal and injustice within
Pakistan, and laid the foundation for the hostility that would characterize Indo-
Pakistani relations for decades. The division of assets created an early lack of
trust between the two nations, making cooperation difficult in the years that
followed.
The communal violence that erupted during and after the Partition of India in
1947 had a profound impact on relations between Pakistan and India. The mass
migrations and widespread violence led to the loss of lives and property on both
sides, especially for Muslims in India and Hindus and Sikhs in Pakistan. This
violence further entrenched divisions, creating long-lasting bitterness between
the communities and their respective governments. Pakistan blamed India for
discriminating against Muslims, while India viewed Pakistan’s treatment of its
Hindu minority as problematic. This communal divide fueled distrust and
suspicion, making it harder for both nations to engage in meaningful dialogue in
the following years, particularly over issues like the Kashmir dispute.
The influx of refugees into Pakistan following Partition significantly impacted
the country's social and political landscape. As millions of Muslims fled
violence and persecution in India, they sought refuge in Pakistan, overwhelming
the country’s resources and infrastructure. This massive migration created not
only a humanitarian crisis but also increased the economic strain on Pakistan,
hindering its development. The arrival of refugees added to the sense of
insecurity within Pakistan and heightened the animosity toward India. The
refugees brought with them not only trauma but also a collective memory of
Partition, which reinforced the sense of loss and resentment towards India. This
affected the broader relationship between the two countries, as refugees and
their experiences became a symbol of Pakistan’s vulnerability and India's
perceived betrayal.
The situation worsened when fighting broke out in Kashmir, a Muslim-majority
princely state whose future was undecided. Pakistani tribesmen entered the
region in support of the Kashmiri Muslims, while India flew in troops after the
Maharaja acceded to India. This marked the beginning of the First Kashmir
War. A ceasefire was arranged through the United Nations in 1949, dividing
Kashmir between Indian and Pakistani control and establishing the Line of
Control (LOC). This conflict firmly established Kashmir as the core issue and
launched decades of mistrust between the two nations.

1950: Liaqat-Nehru Pact (Minorities Agreement)

In response to the communal violence and mass migrations that followed
Partition, Indian Prime Minister Nehru and Pakistani Prime Minister Liaqat Ali
Khan signed the Liaqat-Nehru Pact in 1950. This agreement aimed to protect
minorities in both countries and prevent further displacement. It also tried to
create a sense of security among Muslims in India and Hindus in Pakistan.
Though it showed a willingness to cooperate, the agreement had only short-
term success. Communal tensions continued, and the root political issues,
especially Kashmir, remained unresolved. Therefore, while the pact was a
humanitarian effort, it did little to improve the strategic relationship between
the two nations.

1950s: Nehru’s Plebiscite Promise

During the early 1950s, Indian Prime Minister Nehru repeatedly assured that a
plebiscite would be held in Kashmir, allowing its people to choose between
India and Pakistan. Pakistan saw this as a peaceful and democratic resolution to
the dispute. However, as time passed, India backed away from this promise,
citing changing conditions and the need for internal stability. For Pakistan, this
was viewed as a serious betrayal. The failure to fulfill the plebiscite promise
reinforced Pakistan's belief that India was acting in bad faith, worsening
relations and pushing both sides closer to future confrontations.

1960: Indus Waters Treaty

In 1960, with the mediation of the World Bank, India and Pakistan signed the
Indus Waters Treaty, resolving a potentially explosive issue regarding water
distribution. The treaty gave control of the eastern rivers (Ravi, Beas, Sutlej) to
India and the western rivers (Indus, Jhelum, Chenab) to Pakistan. Despite the
tense political atmosphere, both nations agreed to cooperate over water, which
was essential for agriculture and survival. This treaty is often cited as a rare
success story in Indo-Pak relations. It remained functional even during wars,
showing that pragmatic diplomacy was possible when both countries had
something critical at stake.

1965: Second Indo-Pak War and the Tashkent Agreement

The Second Indo-Pak War began in 1965 after Pakistan launched Operation
Gibraltar to incite a rebellion in Indian-held Kashmir. The plan backfired, and
India launched a counterattack, reaching the outskirts of Lahore. The war ended
in a stalemate, and a ceasefire was brokered by the Soviet Union through the
Tashkent Agreement. Although it ended the fighting, no progress was made on
Kashmir, and the outcome disappointed Pakistan. The war also marked a shift in
military confidence for India, while Pakistan began questioning its strategy. The
agreement reduced immediate tensions but failed to offer a long-term
resolution, reinforcing the cycle of unresolved conflict.

1971: Third Indo-Pak War and Creation of Bangladesh

In 1971, internal unrest in East Pakistan led to a brutal military crackdown,
followed by mass refugee movements into India. India responded by supporting
the Mukti Bahini, a Bengali separatist force, and launched a military offensive
against Pakistan. The war ended in the fall of Dhaka and the creation of
Bangladesh, with over 90,000 Pakistani troops taken as prisoners of war.
For Pakistan, this was a humiliating defeat and a significant loss of territory.
The event marked the lowest point in bilateral relations, with Pakistan
accusing India of breaking up its country. It also solidified India’s dominance in
South Asia, and resentment in Pakistan grew deeper than ever before.

1972: Simla Agreement

After the war, Pakistani President Zulfikar Ali Bhutto and Indian Prime Minister
Indira Gandhi signed the Simla Agreement in July 1972. The agreement stated
that all future disputes, including Kashmir, would be resolved bilaterally
without third-party mediation. In return, India agreed to release the 90,000
Pakistani POWs and return captured territory. While this was seen as a
diplomatic success, especially for Bhutto, the bilateral clause later became a
problem. India used it to block international involvement in Kashmir, while
Pakistan saw it as a strategy to delay any serious negotiations. Thus, the Simla
Agreement offered short-term peace but created long-term diplomatic friction.

1974: India’s Nuclear Test

In 1974, India conducted its first nuclear test in Pokhran, declaring itself a
nuclear-capable state. This act alarmed Pakistan, which saw it as a threat to
regional security and a move toward military dominance. Prime Minister Z.A.
Bhutto famously responded by saying Pakistanis would "eat grass" if necessary
but still build a nuclear bomb. The test escalated the arms race and introduced
nuclear competition into an already hostile relationship. It shifted the balance
of power and made future wars far riskier due to the threat of mutual
destruction.

1984: Zia’s Visit After Indira Gandhi’s Assassination

In 1984, after Indian Prime Minister Indira Gandhi was assassinated by her Sikh
bodyguard, General Zia-ul-Haq of Pakistan visited India to attend her funeral.
The visit was a symbolic gesture meant to show respect and build goodwill.
However, it came at a time when India was accusing Pakistan of supporting
Sikh militants in the Khalistan movement. Zia was received coldly by Indian
officials, especially by Rajiv Gandhi. Although intended as an act of diplomacy,
the visit did little to ease tensions and instead highlighted the deep mistrust that
had built up during the 1980s.

1980s: Siachen and the Khalistan Movement

In 1984, India occupied the Siachen Glacier, a strategic but frozen area claimed
by both countries. Pakistan saw this as aggression and responded with limited
military action, leading to repeated skirmishes. At the same time, India accused
Pakistan of funding and training Sikh separatists who were demanding an
independent Khalistan. These dual conflicts — one at the border and one
internal — further strained relations. India became more suspicious of
Pakistan’s intentions, and Pakistan saw India’s actions as unjustified aggression.
The 1980s thus witnessed heightened military tension and mutual
interference in internal affairs.
1987: Zia’s Cricket Diplomacy
During a period of high tension in 1987, with troops deployed along the border,
General Zia made a surprise visit to India under the pretext of watching a
cricket match. He used this opportunity to meet Indian officials and defuse the
situation through what became known as “Cricket Diplomacy.” The move was
seen as clever and peaceful, avoiding a potential fourth war. While the visit
temporarily cooled tensions, it lacked any formal agreement or follow-up
action. Still, it showed that soft diplomacy could play a role in preventing
escalation.

1989–1990s: Kashmir Uprising

In 1989, a large-scale uprising erupted in Indian-occupied Kashmir. India
accused Pakistan of providing arms and training to militants. Pakistan, on the
other hand, saw the uprising as a popular resistance against Indian occupation.
The conflict soon became bloody and protracted, with thousands of deaths
over the next decade. India’s military presence increased, and international
attention focused on human rights abuses. This period saw a complete
breakdown in dialogue between the two nations, with trust at an all-time low.

1998: Lahore Declaration

In February 1998, in a surprising move after both countries had become
declared nuclear powers, Indian Prime Minister Vajpayee visited Lahore to meet
Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif. They signed the Lahore Declaration, a peace
initiative aimed at reducing the nuclear threat, promoting trade, and starting
dialogue. A direct bus service between Delhi and Lahore was also launched.
This was one of the most hopeful moments in Indo-Pak relations and showed
that even nuclear adversaries could pursue diplomacy. However, the euphoria
was short-lived.

1999: Kargil Conflict

Just months after the Lahore Declaration, Pakistani forces and Kashmiri
militants crossed the LOC and captured key positions in Kargil, Indian-
administered Kashmir. India launched a massive military campaign to retake the
area, and Pakistan came under international pressure, especially from the
United States, to withdraw. The conflict destroyed the trust created by the
Lahore visit. India viewed it as a betrayal, and diplomatic ties again broke
down. Kargil reaffirmed that despite diplomatic gestures, deep-rooted strategic
tensions continued to fuel conflict.
In conclusion, Pakistan-India relations from 1947 to 1999 were largely defined
by conflict and mistrust, with occasional efforts at peace such as the Indus
Waters Treaty, Simla Agreement, and Lahore Declaration. Despite these
attempts, the unresolved Kashmir issue and repeated wars overshadowed
diplomatic progress. While moments like cricket diplomacy and regional
cooperation offered hope, the lack of trust and political will hindered long-term
peace, making the rivalry a complex and enduring challenge in South Asia.
Pakistan’s relationship with USA
1947–1950: Initial Cold Attitude of the USA Toward Pakistan
 In the early years following independence, the United States maintained a
lukewarm attitude toward Pakistan. The USA was preoccupied with the
emerging Cold War and focused on containing Soviet influence globally.
Pakistan, a newly formed nation, initially struggled to gain significant
attention from American policymakers. However, in a bold move that
highlighted Pakistan’s desire to forge ties with the West, Prime Minister
Liaqat Ali Khan cancelled a proposed visit to Moscow and instead visited
Washington in 1950. This visit laid the foundation for formal diplomatic
relations between the two countries, signalling Pakistan's willingness to
align with Western powers in the emerging bipolar world.
1950s: Alliance Building and Military Cooperation
 During the 1950s, Pakistan became a key ally of the United States in
South Asia. The growing threat of communism led the US to seek
regional partners to counter Soviet influence. Pakistan, strategically
located and ideologically anti-communist, became an ideal choice. It
joined two US-backed military alliances — the Southeast Asia Treaty
Organization (SEATO) in 1954 and the Central Treaty Organization
(CENTO) in 1955. Under the Mutual Defence Assistance Agreement
(1954), Pakistan began receiving significant military and economic aid.
The US also built military facilities, including air bases in Pakistan,
which were later used for intelligence gathering on the Soviet Union. This
period marked a high point in Pak-US relations, with both countries
benefiting strategically and militarily from the partnership.
1960s: Strains Due to Indo-US Ties and Regional Conflicts
  Despite the strong alliance in the 1950s, Pak-US relations became
strained in the 1960s. During the 1962 India-China war, the United States
provided military aid to India, which alarmed Pakistan and created a
sense of betrayal. Pakistan’s President Ayub Khan responded by
strengthening ties with China and the Soviet Union, which displeased
Washington. Moreover, during the 1965 war between India and Pakistan,
the US suspended aid to both countries, but the move disproportionately
affected Pakistan, which was more dependent on American support. This
marked the beginning of a gradual cooling in the relationship, as Pakistan
began to doubt the reliability of American support in times of regional
conflict.
1970s: Breakdown and Shift in Foreign Policy
 The 1970s saw a further decline in relations. During the 1971 Indo-Pak
war, which led to the creation of Bangladesh, the United States once
again stopped its aid to Pakistan. The US failure to intervene decisively
during the crisis was viewed as abandonment by Islamabad. Under Prime
Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, Pakistan began to pursue a more
independent foreign policy with closer ties to China and the Soviet
Union. Bhutto's threats to develop nuclear weapons after India's 1974
nuclear test drew sharp criticism from Washington. His visit to the US in
1972 did little to improve relations. Moreover, the limitations of SEATO
and CENTO became apparent, as neither organization offered support
during Pakistan’s wars with India, further reducing their strategic value in
Pakistani eyes.
1980s: Revival During the Soviet-Afghan War
 A dramatic shift in Pak-US relations occurred in 1979, when the Soviet
Union invaded Afghanistan. Pakistan suddenly gained immense strategic
importance for the United States, which sought to counter Soviet
expansion. Under General Zia-ul-Haq, Pakistan became the frontline state
in the US-led effort to support Afghan Mujahideen. The US provided
massive military and economic aid, including a $1.6 billion package in
1981 and an additional $4.2 billion in 1986. Pakistan allowed the CIA to
operate from its soil, hosted millions of Afghan refugees, and played a
central role in the proxy war. This cooperation marked the most intense
phase of US support, making Pakistan one of the top recipients of
American aid after Israel and Egypt.
Late 1980s–1990s: Post-Afghan War Disengagement and Nuclear Sanctions
  Following the Soviet withdrawal from Afghanistan in 1988, Pakistan’s
strategic value to the US declined rapidly. Under the Geneva Accords, the
US began to pull back its involvement in the region. The emergence of
concerns over Pakistan’s nuclear program led to the imposition of
sanctions under the Pressler Amendment in 1990, which cut off aid unless
Pakistan could prove it did not possess nuclear weapons. This marked a
downturn in relations. US officials also began voicing concerns about
religious extremism and missile development, especially regarding
China’s reported supply of M-11 missiles to Pakistan. Efforts to revive
ties continued, such as Benazir Bhutto’s 1989 and 1996 visits to
Washington and the lifting of some sanctions under the Brown
Amendment, which allowed a $388 million aid package. First Lady
Hillary Clinton’s visit to Pakistan in 1996 also aimed to improve
relations, but tensions remained due to diverging interests.
1998: Nuclear Tests and Collapse of Aid
 In May 1998, Pakistan conducted its own nuclear tests in response to
India’s earlier tests. The move shocked the United States and led to the
complete suspension of American aid to Pakistan under existing non-
proliferation laws. The nuclearization of South Asia deeply concerned the
US, which now faced the reality of two hostile neighbours possessing
atomic weapons. Despite some diplomatic engagement and assurances
from Pakistan that its nuclear program was for self-defence, the bilateral
relationship remained rocky. The emergence of the Taliban regime in
Afghanistan and rising extremism further complicated ties during this
period.
Pak-US relations from 1947 to 1999 experienced dramatic shifts, alternating
between close alliance and periods of estrangement. The partnership was often
transactional — flourishing when American strategic interests aligned with
Pakistan’s role, such as during the Cold War and Soviet-Afghan War, and
deteriorating when priorities diverged, such as during regional wars and over
nuclear proliferation. Pakistan’s strategic location made it an important player in
American foreign policy, but the relationship was marred by mistrust, unmet
expectations, and differing national goals. Despite highs and lows, the
relationship remained a central pillar in Pakistan’s foreign policy, driven by the
need for military and economic assistance and a desire to counterbalance India’s
growing influence in the region.
Pak-USSR Relations (1947–1999)
Early Diplomatic Engagements and Missed Opportunities (1948–1950)
 Pakistan sought to establish good relations with the Soviet Union soon
after gaining independence. Diplomatic relations were formally
established in May 1948. The Soviets invited Prime Minister Liaqat Ali
Khan to visit Moscow, which could have served as a foundational
moment in bilateral relations. However, at the last moment, Liaqat
received a simultaneous invitation from Washington. He chose to visit the
United States instead in 1950, a decision that disappointed the USSR. In
retaliation, the Soviet Union aligned more closely with India, especially
on the Kashmir issue, and began to distance itself from Pakistan
diplomatically during the 1950s.

Worsening Relations During the 1950s

 Throughout the 1950s, Pakistan further strained its relations with the
USSR by joining US-sponsored military alliances — SEATO (1954) and
CENTO (1955) — which were viewed by Moscow as tools of Western
containment. In 1956, Pakistan also rejected a Soviet offer of oil
exploration, further alienating Moscow. The U-2 incident in 1960 added
to the tensions. A US spy plane launched from Peshawar airbase was shot
down over Soviet airspace, and the USSR issued a stern warning to
Pakistan for facilitating American espionage.

Thaw and Improvement in the 1960s

 Despite earlier tensions, signs of improvement began to appear in the
1960s. After the 1962 Sino-India war, the USA supported India without
informing Pakistan, prompting President Ayub Khan to rethink Pakistan’s
alignment. Seeking balance, Ayub turned to the USSR. In 1963, the
Soviets provided a loan of £11 million, and adopted a more neutral stance
on Kashmir, marking a shift from their pro-India position. Ayub Khan’s
official visit to Moscow in 1965 led to several trade and oil agreements.
After the 1965 Indo-Pak war, the USSR played a pivotal mediating role,
leading to the Tashkent Agreement in January 1966. This gesture was
appreciated by Pakistan and demonstrated the Soviet desire to act as a
regional stabilizer.

Strategic Gains and Bhutto’s Diplomacy in the 1970s

 The 1970s brought new opportunities for cooperation. When the US
closed its Peshawar airbase in 1968, the USSR began to supply arms to
Pakistan, making Pakistan a unique recipient of aid from the US, USSR,
and China. With the rise of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, a leader with socialist
inclinations, relations improved further. In 1972, Bhutto visited Moscow
and secured Soviet assistance to establish the Pakistan Steel Mills (PSM)
 near Karachi — one of the largest industrial projects in Pakistan’s history.
Relations remained relatively stable until Bhutto’s overthrow in 1977.

Breakdown During the Soviet-Afghan War (1979–1988)

 Relations deteriorated sharply after the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in
December 1979. Pakistan, under General Zia-ul-Haq, became the
frontline state in the US-led resistance against Soviet expansion.
Pakistan’s ISI, in collaboration with the CIA, trained and armed the
Afghan Mujahideen — a direct affront to Soviet interests. As a result,
Pakistan boycotted the 1980 Moscow Olympics, and Zia’s 1984 visit to
attend Soviet President Andropov’s funeral was met with a cold
reception. The ideological clash between Pakistan’s anti-communist
stance and the USSR’s atheistic Marxist ideology widened further during
this period.

Transition Period and the Post-Cold War Era (1988–1999)

 After the signing of the Geneva Accords in 1988, the Soviet Union began
withdrawing its troops from Afghanistan. However, relations remained
lukewarm. Following the collapse of the USSR in 1991, the newly
formed Russian Federation sought to reset ties with Pakistan. Vice
President Alexander Rutskoy visited Islamabad, emphasizing Russia’s
interest in Pakistan’s help to stabilize Afghanistan. Later, in 1993,
Foreign Minister Andrei Kozyrev visited Pakistan to strengthen ties
further. In April 1999, Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif visited Moscow,
reciprocated by a Russian delegation's visit to Islamabad. In June 1999,
President Boris Yeltsin urged both India and Pakistan to end hostilities
during the Kargil Conflict, signaling Russia’s desire to play a more
neutral role.

Lingering Disagreements and Strategic Divergence

 Despite occasional progress, deep-rooted issues remained. Russia was
displeased with Pakistan’s support for certain Mujahideen factions in the
1990s and opposed Pakistan’s nuclear tests in May 1998, which
heightened regional tensions. Meanwhile, Russia continued to arm India,
supplying it with advanced weaponry such as the Mirage 2000 aircraft
used during Kargil. Moscow also remained critical of Pakistan’s nuclear
doctrine and alignment with Islamic groups during the Afghan war and
post-Soviet chaos.

Pak-USSR (later Pak-Russia) relations from 1947 to 1999 were characterized by

fluctuating dynamics, shaped largely by global Cold War politics. While there
were moments of cooperation — such as in trade, steel development, and
Kashmir mediation — Pakistan’s Western alliances, anti-communist ideology,
and role in the Afghan war created lasting tensions. The ideological gap, along
with the USSR’s consistent support for India, prevented a deeper partnership.
Still, efforts in the late 1990s to rebuild diplomatic and economic ties hinted at
the potential for better relations in the post-Cold War era.
Pakistan–Britain Relations (1947–1999)
Foundation of Ties After Independence (1947–1950)
 Pakistan inherited strong institutional ties with Britain at the time of
independence in 1947. The British government played a key role in
helping Pakistan stabilize its civil and military infrastructure. Senior
British officers, including General Douglas Gracey, were retained in
Pakistan’s armed forces to help train the newly formed army along
modern lines. Britain also provided financial and technical assistance to
ease the challenges faced by the new state.

 Pakistan chose to remain a member of the British Commonwealth,

affirming its ties by recognizing the British monarch as the symbolic head
of state. In 1950, during the Commonwealth meeting held in Colombo,
the Colombo Plan was established to channel development aid to
Pakistan. Under this plan, Britain provided £1 million for the Sui Gas
Project, while Canada contributed $40 million for the development of
Pakistan Railways.
Strategic Alliances and Economic Cooperation (1950s–1960s)
 During the 1950s, Pakistan and Britain strengthened their cooperation by
aligning through SEATO and CENTO, US-led military alliances aimed at
containing communism. Britain supported Pakistan’s inclusion in these
pacts and maintained a close military relationship.
 Although Britain did not directly intervene in the 1965 war, it played an
important diplomatic role in facilitating peace between Pakistan and
India, using its influence to ease tensions.

Afghanistan War and Thatcher’s Support (1980s)

 The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in 1979 significantly boosted UK-
Pakistan relations. British Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher was the first
Western leader to visit Pakistan during the Afghan war, arriving in 1981.
She recognized Pakistan’s critical role in hosting millions of Afghan
refugees and extended £30 million in aid to support their settlement. An
additional £16 million was granted specifically for the regions of
 Baluchistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, where refugee inflows were
greatest.
 By 1986, Britain had become one of Pakistan’s largest trading partners,
with bilateral trade estimated at £376 million. The 1980s marked a high
point in economic engagement between the two countries.

Return to Commonwealth and Strengthening Ties (1989–1999)

 After the end of military rule in 1988, Benazir Bhutto restored Pakistan’s
membership in the Commonwealth in 1989. Both Benazir and Nawaz
Sharif, during their alternating governments in the 1990s, made repeated
visits to the UK, seeking investment, support, and deeper diplomatic ties.
 A symbolic highlight of this era was the visit of Queen Elizabeth II to
Pakistan on 14th August 1997, where she attended the Golden Jubilee
celebrations of Pakistan’s independence. The Queen was welcomed with
great enthusiasm, reinforcing the strength of the historic and cultural
bond.
 The Pakistani diaspora in Britain, particularly in cities like London,
Birmingham, and Bradford, also contributed positively to bilateral
relations. Many Pakistani-Britons achieved political positions in the UK
Parliament, enhancing Pakistan’s soft power and diplomatic reach.

Setbacks and Diplomatic Disagreements

 Despite these successes, several events created tensions and setbacks in
Pakistan-Britain relations. In 1951, some Pakistani army officers,
unhappy with the influence of British officers in the military, attempted a
failed coup. Pakistan also harboured deep resentment towards the
Radcliffe Award, which led to the controversial partitioning of Punjab,
leaving Muslim-majority areas under Indian control.

 Britain’s failure to mediate effectively in the Kashmir dispute further

strained ties. Pakistan also criticized the British-led attack on the Suez
Canal in 1956, which it viewed as colonial aggression.

 In the 1965 and 1971 wars, Pakistan received no military aid from
SEATO or CENTO, and Britain offered little direct support. Relations
deteriorated further when Britain recognized Bangladesh soon after the
1971 war, prompting Pakistan to exit both SEATO and the
Commonwealth temporarily.

 Z.A. Bhutto’s leftist leanings and growing ties with the Soviet Union and
China were viewed unfavourably by Britain. When Bhutto was sentenced
to death, he had expected intervention from James Callaghan, the British
 Foreign Secretary and his close friend, but no official pressure was
exerted on General Zia for clemency.

 In the 1990s, Britain — like the USA — consistently voiced concerns

over Pakistan’s nuclear program. After the nuclear tests of May 1998,
Britain and the Commonwealth suspended aid to Pakistan, viewing the
tests as destabilizing for the region.

In retrospect, Pakistan–Britain relations have experienced both productive

cooperation and diplomatic tensions. Despite ideological differences and policy
disagreements, especially on issues like Kashmir, Bangladesh, and nuclear
weapons, the relationship remained anchored by trade, development aid,
military training, and diaspora engagement. The shared colonial legacy and
Pakistan’s strategic location ensured that the UK remained an important player
in Pakistan’s foreign relations throughout the Cold War and into the post-Cold
War era.

Pakistan-China Relations (1947-99)

January 1950: Recognition of the People's Republic of China
 Pakistan was one of the first non-communist countries to recognize the
People's Republic of China (PRC) after the Chinese Revolution. At this
time, Pakistan saw this as a strategic move to strengthen ties with a large
neighbouring country that had a shared interest in opposing Indian
dominance in South Asia. Recognition was a significant step toward
future cooperation despite the early limited interactions between the two.

1952: Support for China's UN Membership

 Pakistan strongly supported China’s membership in the United Nations in
1952, asserting that the Communist government of China should
represent the whole of China, not just Taiwan. This diplomatic support
was vital for China's global status and was an early sign of alignment
between the two countries, especially in the face of Western opposition.

1950s: Limited Interaction and Delayed Border Talks

 Though the recognition of the PRC was a significant diplomatic
milestone, the 1950s saw little progress in terms of economic or military
cooperation. Pakistan was focused on building relations with the West
and dealing with its own internal challenges, including tensions with
India. Moreover, there was a delay in initiating talks on the border dispute
with China, a situation that led to concerns in Pakistan over the
unresolved issue.

1959: Diplomatic Tensions over Tibet

  In 1959, Pakistan voted against China's UN membership and condemned
China's military action in Tibet, which put a temporary strain on relations.
However, despite this, China did not retaliate harshly, and the tensions
were eased over time as both countries understood the importance of their
shared strategic interests.

1962: Sino-India War and its Impact on Pakistan

 The 1962 Sino-India War proved to be a pivotal moment for Pakistan.
China’s victory against India in the war led to a change in regional
geopolitics. China began offering more support to Pakistan, both
diplomatically and militarily. In 1963, the border dispute between
Pakistan and China in Gilgit-Baltistan was resolved with China making
territorial concessions, marking the beginning of closer bilateral relations.

1963: Border Agreement and Economic Aid

 The 1963 border agreement resolved the long-standing territorial dispute
between Pakistan and China, particularly along the Gilgit-Baltistan area,
with China giving up some of its claims in exchange for Pakistan's
support on various issues. Following this, China provided economic aid
to Pakistan, including a $60 million interest-free loan and trade
agreements. This marked the beginning of China’s role as a key economic
partner for Pakistan, especially as Pakistan was looking for alternatives to
its reliance on Western countries.

1964: Support on Kashmir and UN Security Council

 In 1964, China expressed support for Pakistan’s position on the Kashmir
issue, further cementing the growing alliance between the two countries.
In return, Pakistan supported China’s entry into the UN Security Council,
a move that was opposed by the United States, which had recognized
Taiwan as the legitimate Chinese government. This diplomatic alignment
indicated a deepening of mutual interests and helped solidify Pakistan-
China relations.

1965: Indo-Pak War and Chinese Support

 During the 1965 Indo-Pak War, China extended diplomatic and military
support to Pakistan, applying pressure on India diplomatically and
providing equipment like T-59 tanks. Although China did not directly
intervene militarily, its moral and material support was crucial in shaping
the outcome of the war, especially as Pakistan faced international
isolation.
1971: No Help During the Bangladesh Crisis
 In 1971, during the Bangladesh Liberation War, China could not offer
military support to Pakistan due to its obligations under the Soviet-India
Peace Treaty. Despite this, China remained diplomatically aligned with
Pakistan. The lack of support during this war created some
disappointment, but both countries maintained diplomatic ties.

1972: Bhutto’s Visit to China

 After the 1971 war, Pakistan’s foreign policy shifted, and in February
1972, Zulfikar Ali Bhutto visited China, seeking military and economic
aid. This visit led to the establishment of new cooperation, and China
provided assistance for projects such as the Heavy Mechanical Complex
(HMC) in Taxila. This period marked a strengthening of the Pakistan-
China defense and economic partnership.

1978: Karakoram Highway Project

 In 1978, the construction of the Karakoram Highway (KKH), also known
as the “Eighth Wonder of the World”, was launched as a result of
Chinese-Pakistani cooperation. The highway was a symbol of the
strengthening of ties between the two countries and was a significant
project that improved trade, transportation, and military connectivity. It
also symbolized China’s long-term interest in strengthening ties with
Pakistan.

1986: Nuclear Cooperation Agreement

 During General Zia-ul-Haq's regime, nuclear cooperation between
Pakistan and China was formalized in 1986, with the two countries
signing a nuclear cooperation treaty. This was a significant development
as it allowed Pakistan to advance its nuclear program with China’s
assistance, helping Pakistan’s technological capabilities in the nuclear
sphere.

1989: Tiananmen Square and Support for China

 In 1989, when China faced international condemnation for the violent
suppression of pro-democracy protests in Tiananmen Square, Pakistan
stood by China and offered diplomatic support. This support further
solidified the alliance between the two nations, showing that Pakistan
viewed China as a key strategic partner, regardless of global criticisms.

1991: Nawaz Sharif’s Visit to China

 In February 1991, Nawaz Sharif, Pakistan’s Prime Minister, visited
China, followed by a reciprocal visit from Chinese President Yang
 Shangkun in October 1991. These visits focused on improving economic,
defense, and technological cooperation. During this period, China also
extended support for the development of Gwadar Port and other strategic
infrastructure projects in Pakistan.

1990s: Support in Nuclear Development

 In the 1990s, China continued its support for Pakistan’s nuclear
ambitions, providing technical and material assistance for the completion
of the Chashma Nuclear Power Complex (300 MW). Additionally,
China’s assistance in nuclear-related technologies helped Pakistan
maintain its nuclear program in the face of Western sanctions and
pressure.

Challenges and Setbacks

 Despite growing ties, there were several periods of tension, particularly in
the 1950s, when relations were cold due to Pakistan's focus on relations
with the West and issues like border talks being delayed. In 1971, the
lack of Chinese military support was a disappointment for Pakistan,
though both countries remained diplomatic allies. In the 1990s, while
China sought to improve relations with India, Pakistan and China’s
partnership remained strong due to their mutual interests.

Over the decades, Pakistan-China relations evolved into one of the most
strategically important partnerships in the region. With a focus on economic
cooperation, military assistance, and shared strategic interests, the relationship
has flourished despite occasional setbacks. China's commitment to
infrastructure development, such as in Gwadar and nuclear cooperation, along
with the strategic importance of the Karakoram Highway, continue to solidify
Pakistan's reliance on its all-weather friend, China.

Pakistan-Afghanistan relations

1947–48: Initial Diplomatic Outreach and Pakhtoonistan Issue

 From its inception, Pakistan attempted to establish cordial ties with

Afghanistan. Muhammad Ali Jinnah ordered the withdrawal of Pakistani
troops from former British military outposts along the Pak-Afghan
border, signalling a gesture of goodwill. In 1947, Jinnah hosted Afghan
officials in Karachi to address the contentious Pakhtoonistan issue.
Pakistan proposed that if Afghanistan abandoned its claim over Pashtun-
majority areas in Pakistan, it would consider granting Afghanistan access
to the Arabian Sea. However, Afghanistan rejected the offer, insisting
that Khyber Pakhtunkhwa (then NWFP) rightfully belonged to a greater
 Pakhtoonistan. This early deadlock sowed the seeds of distrust, and in a
symbolic act of opposition, Afghanistan was the only country to vote
against Pakistan's admission to the United Nations in 1947.

1950s–60s: Deterioration and Attempts at Normalization

 Tensions escalated in the 1950s when Afghan mobs attacked Pakistan’s

embassy in Kabul in 1955, prompting Pakistan to close the border and
sever diplomatic ties temporarily. Despite this, Pakistan pursued
reconciliation. In 1956, President Iskandar Mirza visited Kabul after
another embassy incident to restore relations. Afghanistan, however,
continued to resist efforts at cooperation, opting out of joining the
Regional Cooperation for Development (RCD) in 1964. The signing of a
transit trade agreement between Afghanistan and the USSR further
alienated Pakistan. However, Afghanistan maintained neutrality during
the 1965 Indo-Pak war, refusing Soviet pressure to support India, which
Pakistan viewed as a small diplomatic success.

1970s: Bhutto’s Diplomacy and Trade Agreements

 Zulfikar Ali Bhutto revitalized engagement with Afghanistan. After

becoming Prime Minister, he visited Kabul and extended invitations to
Afghan leaders to attend the second OIC summit in Lahore. Bhutto and
Afghan leader Sardar Daud held mutual visits and signed the Afghan
Transit Trade Agreement (ATTA), allowing Afghan goods access to
Indian markets through Pakistan. Pakistan also provided humanitarian aid
after a major earthquake in Afghanistan in 1976. These initiatives, with
support from Iran’s Shah, created a temporary thaw in relations.
However, the harmony was short-lived as Afghanistan remained firm on
the Pakhtoonistan stance and refused to formally recognize the Durand
Line as the international border.

1979–1988: Soviet Invasion and Pakistan’s Strategic Role

 The Soviet invasion of Afghanistan in December 1979 dramatically

shifted the regional balance. Pakistan, under General Zia-ul-Haq, became
a frontline ally of the West in supporting the Afghan Mujahideen.
Pakistan facilitated covert military aid, financial assistance, and hosted
over three million Afghan refugees, despite economic and security
challenges. Zia’s government played a central role in forming the
resistance movement, and his efforts culminated in the 1988 Geneva
 Accords. Under this agreement, the USSR committed to a phased
withdrawal. However, Pakistan was diplomatically sidelined after the
deal, as the U.S. shifted its focus. Despite its sacrifices, Pakistan’s role
was increasingly criticized by various Afghan factions who blamed it for
prolonging the war.

1989–1996: Civil War and Islamabad Accord

 Post-Soviet Afghanistan descended into civil war, with Mujahideen

factions competing for control. Pakistan, under Nawaz Sharif, attempted
to mediate peace. In 1992, he hosted talks that resulted in the Islamabad
Accord, signed by six Afghan factions, aiming to end hostilities.
Afghanistan also joined the Economic Cooperation Organization (ECO)
and signed key agreements with Pakistan. However, these initiatives
failed to produce lasting peace. Continued infighting and Pakistan’s
support for certain factions led to growing resentment among other
Afghan groups, weakening the credibility of Islamabad’s peace efforts.

1996–1999: Rise of the Taliban and Strategic Missteps

 The emergence of the Taliban in 1996 marked a new chapter. Initially,

Pakistan, particularly under Benazir Bhutto’s second term, supported the
Taliban militarily and financially, hoping they would bring stability. Her
government even dispatched a small military unit to assist them—a move
she later admitted was a critical mistake. Nawaz Sharif formally
recognized the Taliban regime in May 1997, hoping to secure strategic
depth in Afghanistan. However, the Taliban’s rigid policies and
international isolation drew criticism, and Pakistan’s support was
increasingly seen as interference in Afghan affairs. Moreover, the
Rabbani government’s withdrawal from the Islamabad and Peshawar
Accords deepened distrust. Incidents such as the hijacking of a Pakistani
bus by Afghan militants highlighted the fragile and often hostile nature of
the bilateral relationship.

Persistent Issues: Durand Line and Regional Politics

 A core obstacle in Pak-Afghan relations has been Afghanistan’s

longstanding refusal to recognize the Durand Line as the official border.
 Its claim over Pashtun areas in Pakistan under the Pakhtoonistan banner
continued to strain ties. The geopolitical influence of external powers,
particularly the USSR during the Cold War and Iran at various stages,
complicated bilateral efforts. Afghanistan’s refusal to join regional
organizations and agreements proposed by Pakistan reflected deeper
strategic divergence. Despite several phases of reconciliation, including
diplomatic visits and humanitarian assistance, mistrust persisted, largely
fuelled by ideological divides, historical grievances, and external
manipulation.

Pakistan-Bangladesh relations
1971–1974: Recognition and Early Diplomatic Steps

 Following the secession of East Pakistan and the creation of Bangladesh

in December 1971, Pakistan initially refused to recognize the new state,
viewing it as a result of Indian intervention and betrayal. This diplomatic
freeze persisted for over two years. However, with shifting international
dynamics and internal pressures, Prime Minister Zulfikar Ali Bhutto
invited Sheikh Mujibur Rahman to the Second OIC Summit in Lahore in
February 1974. Mujib’s participation was warmly welcomed, and
Pakistan officially recognized Bangladesh the same day, marking a
crucial step toward normalization.

1974–1976: Negotiations over Assets and Citizenship Issues

 In June 1974, Bhutto visited Bangladesh and paid respects at the Savar
War Memorial, a symbolic gesture of reconciliation. However, major
disputes lingered. Talks over the division of pre-1971 assets stalled when
Mujibur Rahman demanded over half of Pakistan’s foreign reserves—a
demand Bhutto rejected. Another contentious issue was the fate of the
stranded Bihari Muslims—non-Bengali migrants who had remained loyal
to Pakistan during the war. Bangladesh wanted Pakistan to repatriate
them, but Bhutto refused, calling it impractical. Despite these hurdles,
both nations appointed ambassadors by 1976 and signed agreements on
cooperation in trade, tourism, and media.
---

1980s: Improving Ties through Regional Cooperation

 Bilateral relations steadily improved during the 1980s under the

leadership of General Zia-ul-Haq in Pakistan and Generals Ziaur Rahman
and Hussain Muhammad Ershad in Bangladesh. Zia-ul-Haq made official
visits to Dhaka, signing several agreements to enhance trade and cultural
exchange. A major breakthrough came in 1985 when Pakistan and
Bangladesh, alongside other South Asian nations, founded the South
Asian Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC). Zia-ul-Haq’s visit
to the Bangladesh War Memorial, where he proclaimed, "Your heroes are
our heroes," was a powerful symbolic move toward healing past wounds.
By 1986, bilateral trade had reached $40 million. Pakistan was also
among the first nations to send aid to Bangladesh during the devastating
floods of 1985 and 1988, strengthening humanitarian ties.
---

1990s: Continued Diplomatic Engagement and Cultural Exchanges

 During the 1990s, successive Pakistani governments under Benazir

Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif used platforms like SAARC to deepen
cooperation. Numerous cultural exchange programs and South Asian
Federation (SAF) Games were organized to foster people-to-people ties.
In 1998, Bangladeshi Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina Wajid made a
goodwill visit to Pakistan, signaling a new phase of warmer relations.
Efforts were also made at the provincial level, with Chief Minister of
Punjab, Ghulam Haider Wyne, facilitating the resettlement of some
stranded Bihari families in Pakistan, although the issue remained largely
unresolved.

Persistent Challenges and Diplomatic Strains

Despite improvements, certain historical grievances continued to cast a shadow

over relations:

Recognition Delays: Pakistan’s initial reluctance to recognize Bangladesh and

its withdrawal from the Commonwealth and SEATO after Britain’s recognition
of Bangladesh highlighted lingering bitterness.

Bihari Refugee Crisis: Pakistan’s refusal to repatriate stranded non-Bengalis

(mostly Biharis) left tens of thousands of loyalists in squalid refugee camps in
Bangladesh, fueling resentment.
War Crimes Apology: Bangladesh consistently demanded an official apology
from Pakistan for alleged atrocities committed by the Pakistan Army during the
1971 conflict. Pakistani governments, however, have resisted issuing a formal
apology, often citing political sensitivities.
---

Despite a rocky beginning, Pakistan-Bangladesh relations have generally

trended toward normalization and cooperation. Over time, the emotional
wounds of the 1971 war have gradually started healing. Platforms like the
Commonwealth, SAARC, and bilateral cultural programs have played a vital
role in bridging the gap. Although issues such as the repatriation of Biharis and
demands for formal apologies remain unresolved, the two nations continue to
engage constructively on trade, cultural exchanges, and regional cooperation.

Pakistan-Iran relations

 Both countries have enjoyed good relations. After the creation of Pakistan
in 1947, Iran was the first country of the world to recognize Pakistan.
This laid the foundation of friendly relations. Both countries joined the
Baghdad Pact together with the UK. They retained their membership of
the Pact after Iraq left it in 1959 and it became known as CENTO.

 In July 1964, largely as a result of the efforts of Ayub Khan, the RCD
(Regional Cooperation for Development) was founded that comprised
Pakistan, Iran and Turkey as its members. The RCD provided a platform
to its members develop closer trade links and help each other in industrial
projects and strengthening the cultural relations. The RCD Highway and
the RCD Railway track were developed to facilitate journey between the
three states. Iran and Turkey tried to persuade other countries to help
Pakistan in the 1965 war, but had little success.

 Iran sent help to the Bhutto’s government in 1973 to put down an

uprising by the tribal chiefs in Baluchistan. In the 1980’s, General Zia
tried to minimize the mistrust between Pakistan and Iran. Pakistan made
sincere efforts to end the Iran-Iraq war through the platform of the OIC.

 Similarly, Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif also tried to improve

relations with Iran. Pakistan’s relations with Turkey traditionally
remained friendly. In 1999, a free trade agreement was signed between
the two countries. Pakistan has been a major importer of oil from Iran.
  The Islamic Revolution of Iran in 1979, brought Ayat Ullah Khomeini as
the Iranian head of state and the Shah of Iran had to go into exile. The
Sunni views of General Zia ul Haq were in a visible clash with the
staunch Shia views of Khomeini. As a result, the relations were adversely
affected and the RCD gradually became insignificant. It was revived as
the ECO (Economic Cooperation Organization) but the rapidly changing
regional and global scenario kept it quite ineffective. Then, the sectarian
violence in Pakistan, mainly in the form of the Shia-Sunni clashes in the
1980’s caused further deteriorations of relations.

 The anti-American Khomeini strongly objected to Pakistan receiving

heavy US aid during the Afghan war. In the 1990’s, both countries had
sharp differences over the issue of the post-war Afghanistan. Iran did not
like Pakistan’s support for the extremist Taliban government of
Afghanistan. It objected to Pakistan’s continuous involvement in the
Afghan affairs. The sectarian violence in Pakistan also contributed to a
state of disturbed relations between Pakistan and Iran.

It may be concluded that the relations between Pakistan and Iran have been
successful because of a common cultural and historic background as well as a
common geographical border. Urdu language has very close association with
the Persian and several Persian speaking dynasties have ruled the Indo-Pak
subcontinent for centuries.

How successful has Pakistan been as a member of world organizations between

1947 and 1999?

1947: Joining the United Nations

 Pakistan joined the UN shortly after independence in September 1947.

Early on, Pakistan used the platform to highlight the Kashmir dispute,
seeking international mediation. Although the UN arranged a ceasefire in
1949, Pakistan remained frustrated by the lack of a permanent solution.
Nevertheless, joining the UN gave Pakistan global legitimacy and a vital
diplomatic stage.
1950s–60s: Active Advocacy for Asian and Muslim Causes

 During the 1950s, Pakistan played an active role in championing the

causes of Asian and Muslim nations struggling for independence,
including Indonesia and Palestine. It positioned itself as a voice for the
developing world and Islamic solidarity. Pakistan’s reputation as a
principled, pro-liberation advocate grew, even as its own issues with
India remained unresolved.
---

1960: Indus Waters Treaty via World Bank

 The World Bank’s mediation led to the Indus Waters Treaty between
Pakistan and India. Although this was a bilateral agreement, international
involvement, especially by a UN-affiliated body like the World Bank,
showcased how global institutions could assist Pakistan in resolving
critical national issues pragmatically.
---

1966: Tashkent Agreement Mediated by UN Influence

 After the 1965 war with India, the Tashkent Agreement, influenced
heavily by Soviet and UN pressure, forced Pakistan to agree to a ceasefire
without significant gains. While the UN helped prevent further escalation,
Pakistani public opinion felt that international institutions were biased
and ineffective in addressing Pakistan’s deeper grievances with India.
---

1971: UN’s Limited Role During Bangladesh Crisis

 During the 1971 civil war in East Pakistan, Pakistan turned again to the
UN for intervention. However, the UN proved largely ineffective, and
Zulfikar Ali Bhutto famously tore up a UN resolution that Pakistan saw
as unjust. The swift international recognition of Bangladesh, including by
the UK and the UN, left Pakistan feeling isolated and betrayed by the
world body.
---

1972–1989: Commonwealth Membership and Withdrawal

 Pakistan initially remained a member of the Commonwealth after

independence. However, angered by Britain's recognition of Bangladesh,
Pakistan withdrew in 1972. Military rule under Zia-ul-Haq further
delayed its return. Only in 1989, after Benazir Bhutto's election, did
Pakistan rejoin, showing that civil democratic governance was key to its
acceptance in certain international bodies.

---
1964–1985: RCD and ECO Formation
  Pakistan, Iran, and Turkey formed the RCD (Regional Cooperation for
Development) to boost economic ties. After the Iranian Revolution, the
RCD faltered but was later revived as the ECO (Economic Cooperation
Organization) by adding Central Asian countries. However, Pakistan
struggled to make ECO effective due to internal instability and regional
tensions, especially with Afghanistan.

---

1969–1980s: Active Role in OIC (Organization of Islamic Cooperation)

 Pakistan was a founding member of the OIC, established after the attack
on Jerusalem's Al-Aqsa Mosque. It hosted the 1974 OIC summit in
Lahore, strengthening its role as a leader of the Muslim world. However,
deep divisions among Muslim states, particularly the Iran-Iraq war and
Gulf rivalries, limited OIC’s effectiveness, despite Pakistan’s efforts to
promote Muslim unity.
---

1985: Formation of SAARC

 Alongside Bangladesh, Pakistan helped create the South Asian

Association for Regional Cooperation (SAARC) to promote regional
peace and development. Although the idea was promising, continuous
Indo-Pak tensions and mistrust severely limited SAARC’s success, with
political rivalries overshadowing economic cooperation.
---

Summary:
From 1947 to 1999, Pakistan was a dynamic and proactive member of many
world organizations. However, global political realities, internal crises, and
regional rivalries often limited the effectiveness of Pakistan’s efforts. While
Pakistan succeeded in maintaining its global profile, it faced repeated
frustrations, especially regarding Kashmir.