The Siege of Fort Saint-Jean

Fort Saint-Jean in southern Quebec was the place at which the British hoped to turn back the American invasion of Canada. The Americans were not strong enough to take the fort by assault, and so intended to capture the fort by siege. However, the Americans’ initial attempts to approach the fort were easily turned back.

Some events described in previous posts:

• September 4: The invasion begins
• September 6: First attempt to approach Fort Saint-Jean
• September 10: Second attempt to approach Fort Saint-Jean
• ~September 11: Canadian volunteers prevent supplies from reaching Fort Saint-Jean by water.
• September 17: Major John Brown cuts the land route to Fort Saint-Jean. The fort is now in a state of siege.
• September 18: Colonel Timothy Bedel turns back a British sortie northwest of the fort.

Over the next week, the Americans expanded their main camp, and constructed a road leading towards Fort Saint-Jean. At the edge of the woods south of the fort, the Americans constructed two gun emplacements. These guns opened fire at 3pm on September 25th, 1775 (the same day that Ethan Allen met with defeat near Montreal).

On November 1st, the British garrison, worn down by the bombardment, low on rations, and without hope of relief, decided to enter into surrender negotiations. The garrison formally surrendered on November 3rd.

I don’t plan on providing an exhaustive review of the month-and-a-half long siege. Instead, this post is intended to provide a broad overview of the siege. An upcoming post will describe, in detail, the dramatic, final bombardment of the fort on November 1st.

The Americans had four camps in the vicinity of Fort Saint-Jean during the siege. Their approximate location is identified by the following letters on the map below:

A. Main camp, commanded by Brigadier-General Richard Montgomery. In use from September 17 to October 28, 1775. On the 28th, Montgomery relocated all of the forces in the main camp to the lower camp.

B. Lower camp, commanded by Colonel Timothy Bedel (superseded by Brigadier-General David Wooster on October 27, and Montgomery on October 28). In use from September 18 to November 3, 1775.

C. Camp near Hazen’s house, commanded by James Livingston. First occupied by September 22 and probably in use for the remainder of the siege. In mid-October, Livingston and most of his men departed to attack Fort Chambly.

D. East camp, commanded by Colonel James Clinton. In use from around October 11 to November 3, 1775.

The Americans also established four gun emplacements during the siege. For the most part, these pieces were manned by Lamb’s artillery company with support from various infantry detachments. The location of the emplacements is identified by the following numbers on the map below:

1. 2-gun battery of 12-pounders. Intended to fire on the British shipyard and the British vessels. Operational September 25-October 27.

2. Mortar battery, including a 13-in. mortar nicknamed the “old sow”. Intended to shell the fort. Operational September 25-October 27.

3. East battery, consisting of 2 4-pounders (the Canadian artillery) and 2 12-pounders. Intended to fire on the British vessels and the fort. Operational October 11-November 1 (the 4-pounders first opened fire on the 11th, the 12-pounders on the 14th).

4. Northwest battery, consisting of four 12-pounders and 6 mortars. Intended to fire on the fort. Operational November 1.

The Siege of Fort Saint-Jean (click to enlarge). For details on construction, see here. The site of the gun emplacements indicated on the map is fairly exact; however, the map should not be used for guidance as to the shape and size of the emplacements. A number of the roads shown on this map were constructed after the siege began. While the existence of these roads is clearly indicated in primary sources, their exact course is not, and the manner in which I’ve represented these roads is based on interpretation. The British fort consisted of two redoubts connected by a trench and picket fence. The trench and fence were constructed after the siege began and do not appear on earlier maps I've made of the area. Bedel constructed at least one breastwork to defend his camp at Grosse Pointe. His men also felled trees (not shown) at several places across the road leading north from the fort, and they controlled the shore opposite Hazen's estate.

Comments on Research

I do not document here the various sources used to support each of the above statements. However, interested readers are welcome to contact me with specific questions regarding sources and interpretations.

One subject that I've wrestled with in composing this post concerns the location of the Canadians' guns.

Foucher, a Canadian officer serving with the British garrison, recorded in his journal "On the fourth [of October] several Bostonians [actually, they were primarily Livingston's men] were noticed on the south side of the river near Moses Hazen's house. Several cannon shots were fired at them, to which the enemy replied in the same way."

From this statement, I concluded that the Canadians' had built, or were building, a gun emplacement for their 4 pounders by Hazen's house, and I indicated as much in an earlier post.

This view seemed confirmed by an October 6 letter from General Montgomery to Major-General Philip Schuyler, in which Montgomery noted, "Mr. Livingston, some days ago, took post at Mr. Hazen' s house, with near two hundred of the Canadians; they are erecting a battery there, which seems to make the garrison very uneasy." [Emphasis in original]

However, only Foucher's account suggests the Canadians fired their cannon on this occasion; other accounts indicate only that the Canadians responded to British fire with their muskets.

A British officer's journal (thought to have been written by Lieutenant John André), noted in the entry for October 5th that "Some imagin'd they saw men at work opposite the north redoubt on the east side of the River." His account makes it clear that this is a new enemy position: on October 7th, a British row galley is sent out both "towards Hazens House and along the side of the River opposite the N. Redoubt." No account mentions the Canadians' guns in action on this occasion, strongly suggesting that such a battery had not yet been erected. The British officer's journal indicates that a battery across from the north redoubt was completed on October 11th and opened fire on the fort the same day.

On considering these and other sources again, I've concluded that Foucher was probably mistaken in his characterization of the October 4th incident, and that Montgomery's description probably applies to the battery that began to be constructed on October 5th and that the garrison discovered on the 11th.

All of this is a very minor point, of course, but it is illustrative of the difficulty that arises when one attempts to reconcile participant accounts.

Allen and Arnold 3

30 Days to Glory: April 23-26
Previous: April 19 - April 22
Next: April 27 - April 30

Sunday, April 23:

News of the battle of Lexington and Concord reaches New York City. A resident recorded that “this whole city was in a state of alarm; every face appeared animated with resentment. Soon after the news arrived by express, many citizens went to two transports loaded with bread, flour, etc., for the troops [i.e., provisions for the British army in Boston], and they were speedily unloaded… Many persons of influence, who have been thought inimical to the cause [i.e., Tories], now come out boldly and declare their sentiments worthy of themselves.” The city’s Sons of Liberty soon seize the city arsenal.

Meanwhile, the Massachusetts Provincial Congress is busy placing the colony on a war footing. A resolution is passed approving of an army of 30,000 men to defend Massachusetts, with 13,600 to be raised by the province and the remainder to come from neighboring colonies.

Monday, April 24:

Samuel Adams and John Hancock arrive in the town of Worcester. They are making their way to join the second Continental Congress (scheduled to begin May 10, in Philadelphia). They have been out of contact with the Massachusetts authorities since April 19, when they were nearly captured at Lexington and Concord. They complain to the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, we “find no intelligence from you and no guard… How are we to proceed? Where are our brethren? Surely we ought to be supported…” The men are especially anxious to obtain a reliable account of the battle and of what has happened since to the American militia.

Tuesday, April 25:

Samuel Adams and John Hancock have lunch with one James Jeffrey, a Massachusetts-born resident of Quebec. Adams and Hancock have a special interest in Canada. The two men formed part of a special committee “to correspond with the inhabitants of Canada.” They sent one of their number, an attorney named John Brown, to stir up support for the American cause. At the end of March, Brown wrote from Canada to say: “One thing I must mention as a profound secret. The fort at Ticonderoga must be seized as soon as possible, should hostilities be committed by the king’s troops. The people on New-Hampshire Grants [i.e., the Green Mountain Boys] have engaged to do this business, and, in my opinion, are the most proper persons for the job. This will effectually curb this province [Canada], and all the troops which may be sent here.” Jeffrey met Brown the day after this letter was written and he accompanied the bearer of the letter part of the way back to the American colonies. Jeffrey was at Ticonderoga from April 6-10, and he can provide a detailed description of the fort and its garrison.

John Brown’s Canadian trip was not a success. He travelled to Montreal where he met with various American sympathizers and distributed pamphlets, but he was unable to convince the Canadians to send delegates to the Continental Congress.

Brown has since returned to his western Massachusetts home of Pittsfield, where he has joined the local committee of correspondence. Brown and the other members (James Easton and Thomas Allen) are concerned that the Tories in nearby Kinderhook, New York will strike against his community. The committee writes to the Albany Committee of Correspondence for support. The following day, Albany demurs, noting that “we look upon [the threat] as entirely groundless.”

In Rhode Island, the danger that the Rose might bombard Newport does not prohibit the province's Assembly from convening and acting in support of Massachusetts. A resolution is passed that states “At this very dangerous crisis of American affairs; at a time when we are surrounded with fleets and armies, that threaten our immediate destruction; at a time when the fears and anxieties of the people throw them into the utmost distress, and totally prevent them from attending to the common occupations of life… it is thought absolutely necessary that a number of men be raised and embodied, properly armed and disciplined, to continue in this colony, as an Army of Observation; to repel any insults or violence that may be offered to the inhabitants; and also, if it be necessary for the safety and preservation of any of the colonies, that they be ordered to march out of this colony, and join and co-operate with the forces of our neighboring colonies.” It is widely assumed the 1,500-man army called for by the resolution will be sent to Boston.

Wednesday, April 26:

The frigate Rose seizes an American vessel as soon it as leaves Newport. The vessel, commanded by one John Brown (not the Pittsfield attorney), is carrying hundreds of barrels of flour to Providence to be used by Rhode Island’s “Army of Observation.” Brown is soon sent to Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage in Boston.

In Connecticut, the Assembly meets and requests that the governor open communications with British Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage. The mood, however, is warlike, and following the lead of Massachusetts and Rhode Island, the Assembly also authorizes an army.

Benedict Arnold, who is marching with his company of Governor’s Guards towards Boston, is appointed captain of the fifth company of the newly authorized 1st Connecticut Provincial Regiment. His colonel is David Wooster, with whom he clashed before setting out. At the moment, this organization exists only on paper as it will take some time to recruit and supply the men.

The Massachusetts authorities are unable to adequately supply the thousands of men from their own colony that have taken up arms outside Boston, much less those from neighboring colonies. One Connecticut officer notes that his troop “were not wanted at present” and that “[I] now find that most of the Connecticut troops are on the return.”

Arnold’s company remains on the march. On the road he meets Samuel Parsons, newly appointed colonel of the 6th Connecticut. Parsons complains of the lack of heavy cannon to drive the British from Boston. Arnold describes to him the weak state of Fort Ticonderoga and the large number of brass cannon that can be obtained there. Parsons will soon share this tidbit with others.

Allen and Arnold 2

30 Days to Glory: April 19-22
Previous: Introduction
Next: April 23 - April 26

Wednesday, April 19, 1775:

At dawn, fighting breaks out between British regulars and Massachusetts militiamen at Lexington and Concord. Before the day is out, word rapidly spreads throughout the countryside, and into neighboring colonies, that war has begun. That night an ad hoc army of militia begins assembling around the British base in Boston.

Thursday, April 20:

Initial reports disseminating throughout New England are lurid and frightening. Rhode Islander Ezra Stiles learns that the regulars “are now actually engaged in butchering and destroying our brethren there in the most inhuman manner.” He records in his diary that “upon receipt of this news the town [Newport] was thrown into alarm and all went into preparation.” The British frigate Rose is in the harbor, and a rumor circulates that “if any march from hence” the captain “will fire upon the town and lay it in ashes.”

In Massachusetts, the call goes out to reconvene the Provincial Congress. Meanwhile, Joseph Warren, writing on behalf of the Massachusetts Committee of Safety, writes Governor Jonathan Trumbull of Connecticut for assistance. In it, he lays out Massachusetts' account of the battle, in which (crucially from a public relations standpoint), British regulars started the battle:

“On Wednesday, the 19th instant, early in the morning, a detachment of General Gage' s army marched into the country to Lexington, about thirteen miles from Boston, where they met with a small party of minute-men exercising, who had no intention of doing any injury to the regulars. But they fired upon our men without any provocation, killed eight of them the first onset, then marched forward to Concord, where they destroyed the magazines and stores for a considerable time. Our people, however, mustered as soon as possible, and repulsed the troops, pursuing them quite down to Charlestown until they reached a place called Bunker's Hill, although they received a very large reinforcement at Lexington, from General Gage. As the troops have now commenced hostilities, we think it our duty to exert our utmost strength to save our country from absolute slavery. We pray your Honours would afford us all the assistance in your power, and shall be glad that our brethren who come to our aid may be supplied with military stores and provisions, as we have none of either more than is absolutely necessary for ourselves. We pray God to direct you to such measures as shall tend to the salvation of our common liberties.”

Artemas Ward takes command of the ad hoc army and calls the first council of war. Among the pressing concerns are the need to guard the roads to Boston, throw up earthworks, obtain gunpowder, and arrange for food and other supplies to reach the thousands of militia now on hand. According to one estimate, 7,000 men are in the Cambridge area, 4,000 are at Roxbury, and 4,000 are near Charlestown.

Boston Area: April-May, 1775 (Click to enlarge).

Friday, April 21:

The Massachusetts Committee of Safety takes up the need for artillery to support its forces. The committee sends for Colonel Richard Gridley, who will be appointed chief engineer for the province, and later, head of its regiment of artillery. They also send orders for "one field-piece with every implement necessary for action," and to have others brought into a "thorough state of preparation."

Connecticut is formulating a response to the outbreak a fighting. A problem is that some of the news that is circulating is unreliable and it's unclear where the Massachusetts authorities can be found. The governor's son is sent in search of John Hancock. He bears a message from the Connecticut Committee of Correspondence stating, “We have many reports of what is doing with you, the particulars we cannot yet get with precision. The ardour of our people is such that they can' t be kept back. The colonels are to forward part of the best men and most ready, as fast as possible, the remainder to be ready at a moment's warning.”

Saturday, April 22:

In Boston, Lieutenant-General Thomas Gage completes his official report on the action at Lexington and Concord. He and his staff are ill-equipped to win the public relations battle now underway with the various American legislatures and committees of safety or correspondence.

The Massachusetts Provincial Congress reconvenes and promptly establishes a committee to take depositions “from which a full account of the transactions of the troops, under general Gage, in their route to and from Concord, etc., on Wednesday last, may be collected, to be sent to England, by the first ship from Salem.” Although it will take some time to gather this information, Massachusetts will succeed in getting its account of the battle of Lexington and Concord published first in England. As for the other colonies, Massachusetts' version of events will likewise reach the public more quickly and circulate more broadly.

In Connecticut, Benedict Arnold, who is captain of the 2nd company of the Governor's Foot Guard, begins marching his men to Boston. According to Reverend William Gordon, an early historian of the war, “No sooner did the Lexington news reach him, that he called his company together, and asked them whether they would march off with him the next morning for the neighbourhood of Boston, distant 150 miles.—They agreed; and at the proper time paraded before the tavern where a committee was sitting. He applied to the gentlemen for powder and ball; they demurred supplying him, as he was not duly authorized. The captain, in haste to fly to the help of his suffering brethren, proposed procuring the supply by force if needful, to which the volunteers consented. He then sent for the committee, and informed them what he was determined on. Colonel [David] Wooster came out, and would have persuaded him to wait till he had received proper orders; to which captain Arnold answered, "None but God Almighty shall prevent my marching." The committee perceiving his fixed resolution, supplied him; and he marched off instantly...”